first misfortune and the first disgrace that had yet befallen us in all this Expedition It seemed to all the world that the Prince of Navarre brought us all misadventure and mishap would to God he had staid in Gascony neither had it been the worse for him who came only to end his days a great way from home without doing any thing but taking a view of Naples He dyed three weeks or there abouts after his arrival and was the occasion of the death of this brave young Lord which I shall ever lament who also had the honor to be his Kinsman Yet was not this all for so soon as it was known that such a Prince was arrived every one presently concluded that he had brought some considerable succours and relief at least money for the pay of the Army but there was nothing of all this for neither he nor the Gallies brought us one man of recruit nor any other thing but his own retinue and some few Gentlemen Voluntiers which was a great discouragement to our distressed Army and the Enemy who were very well informed of all took new heart at it knowing very well by that that the Waters of France were very low when a Prince of his condition came to such a Siege as this in an equipage as if he had only come abroad to see the world but the fault ought not to lie at his door they were too blame that sent him 'T is a great fault in Kings and Princes who put men upon great attempts to take so little care of those whom they know to be engaged in an enterprize of so great importance as was this of the Sieur de Lautreâ— for the taking of Naples had very much assured the State of France which by that means would have had its arms at liberty for many years and we should have disputed it long had it once been ours for we should have been made wise by our precedent losses The King committed yet another oversight in not sending some handsom Troop of Gentlemen and some considerable Body of Foot with this young Prince the neglect of which as I have already said made our people believe either that he did not much regard us or that his hands were full and that he had elsewhere enough to do Wherein Monsieur de Lautrec was by no means to be blam'd who never ceased to send dispatch after dispatch and post after post to give his Majestie an account of all but I return to my self for as I have always declar'd I will by no means play the Historian if I should I should have enough to do and scarce know at which end to begin This was the last engagement where I had any thing to do wherein though I did not command in chief yet had I notwithstanding the command of a very good Company of Foot and had my full share of the fight that was very handsom but not for all which I have set down to acquit my self of my promise to wit that I would give a particular account of all those passages wherein I had the honor to command passing the rest lightly over as I do the remainder of this unfortunate Siege which we were at last constrained to raise Monsieur de Lautrec being dead to the great misfortune of all France which never had a Captain endowed with better qualities than he was but he was unhappy and ill assisted by the King after His Majesty had engaged him as he did first at Millan and now lastly before Naples For my part with that little that was saved which was almost nothing I return'd the greatest part of my Journey on foot with my arm in a scarf having above thirty Ells of Taffeta about me forasmuch as they had bound my arm and my body together with a cushion between wishing a thousand times rather to die than to live for I had lost all my Masters and Friends who knew and lov'd me being all dead excepting Monsieur de Montpezat the Father of this now living and poor Don Pedro our Colonel taken and carried prisoner into the Rock of Naples where they put him to death the Emperor having commanded that for the reward of his revolt they should cut off his head He was a man of great understanding in whom Monsieur de Lautrec who conâ—ided in few persons had a very great confidence I do also believe and am not single in that opinion that he counselled him ill in this War but what we only judg by Events In this handsom equipage I came home to my Fathers house where poor Gentleman I found him engag'd in too many necessities of his own to be in any capacity of much assisting me forasmuch as his Father had sold three parts of four of the Estate of the Family and had left the remainder charg'd with five children by a second venture besides us of my Fathers who were no less than ten By which any onâ— may judg in what necessities we who are come out of the Family of Montluc have been constrained to follow the fortunes of the world And yet our house was not so contemptible but that it had near upon five thousand Livers yearly revenue belonging to it before it was sold. To fit my self in all points I was constrained to stay three years at home without being able to get any cure for my arm and after I was cur'd I was to begin the world again as I did the first day I came out from a Page and as a person unknown seek my fortune in all sorts of necessiities and with extream peril of my life I praise God for all who in all the traverses of my life has ever been as â—isting to me Upon the first motions of War King Francis instituted his Legionaires which was a very fine invention had it been well pursued for a start all our Laws and Ordinances are observed and kept but after a while neglected and let down for it is the true and only way to have always a good Army on Foot as the Romans did and to train up the people to War though I know not whether that be good or evil It has been much controverted though I for my part had rather trust to my own people than to strangers Of these the King gave one thousand to the Seneschal of Thoulouse Seigneur de Faudovas who made me his Lieutenant Colonel and although it was the Languedoc Legion and that he was Colonel I nevertheless raised him all his Regiment in Guienne and appointed him all his Captains Lieutenants Ensigns Serjeants and Corporals A great rumor was at that time spread over all France that the Emperor through the great intelligences he had within was for the conquest of such and so great a Kingdom coming up with vast and invincible Forces thinking at unawares to surprize the King and in effect he did advance as far as Provence The King to oppose so mighty and so powerful
Nobility his Arms and Mareschalsy and to condemn him to the loss of his head Nevertheless as they were proceeding to execution King Henry calling to mind that he had made him Knight of the Order sent him his pardon so that five or six moneths after what of old age and what of grief he died a natural death and who would have liv'd after such an injury and disgrace The Judicature of France is not without Cortels for there are enow who should the King put into their hands the honestest man of his Kingdom would find out enough against him as Cortel boasted who said that deliver up to him the most upright Liâ—utenant in the Kingdom of France provided he had been but a year or two in that employment and he doubted not but to find matter enough to put him to death This poor Lord had perform'd a Soldier-like action if ever man did at the Fort of Montrean when the English â—allied out of Bullen to give him Battel he had with him the Count Rhinâ—graves Regiment and as I think the Count himself was there that of the French commanded by Monsieur de Tais and seven Ensigns of Italians So soon as the Enemy charg'd our Horse they were immediately put to rout and fled when the said Sieur seeing the disorder of the Cavalry he ran to the Battaillon of Foot and said Oh my friends it was not with the Horse that I expected to win the Battel but it is with you and thereupon alighted where taking a Pike from one of the Soldiers to whom he deliver'd his Horse and causing his Spurs to be pull'd off he began his retreat towards Andelot The Enemy after they had a great way puâ—sued the Cavalry return'd upon him who was four hours or more upon his retreat having the Enemies horse sometimes in his Front and sometimes in his Flancks and their Foot continually in his Rear without their ever daring to break into him and I was told by the Captains who were present in the Action that he never advanc'd fifty paces without facing about upon the Enemy by which thâ—s may be call'd one of the bravest reâ—reats that has been made these hundred years I should be glad any one could name me such another having upon him the whole power both of Foot and Horse and his own Cavalry all run off the Field Behold what this poor Lord did for a parting blow at above threescore and ten years of age and yet he was used after this manner Let any one ask the Cardinal of Lorrain who it was that did him this courtesie for at the Assembly of the Knights of the Order before King Francis the second he reproach'd him with this busines and they grew into very high words upon it for my part I am too little a Companion to name it though I was present there and also there were some Ladies who had a hand in the business A year after I saw another pranck plaid Monsieur de Tais wherein he was accused to have spoken unhandsomely of a Court Lady 't is a misfortune France has ever had that they meddle too much in all affairs and have too great credit and interest for upon this the command of the Arâ—illery was taken from him and he never after return'd into favour The King of Navarre entreated the King not to take it ill if he made use of him in the taking of Hâ—din which his Majesty gave him leave to do and he was kill'd in the Trenches of the said Hedin doing service for him to whom his service was not acceptable which is a gâ—eat heart-breaking and the greatest of all vexations to die for a Prince that has no regard for a mans service wherein our condition is of all others most miserable notwithstanding I believe the King would in the end have made use of him again for in truth he was a man of service and I moreover believe that his Majesty was sorry he had banisht him the Court but very often those of both Sexes who govern Princes make them do things against their own natures and inclinations and afterwards they are sorry for it but it is too late to repent when their Traverses have brought upon a Prince such an inconvenience as is irreparable and those who would afterwards seem to excuse them endeavour to make the matter worse by contriving new accusations and laying other aspersions upon them I shall not mention the Constables business which drave him also from Court and all as it was said about women nor that of the late Monsieur de Guise we have seen them sometimes out and sometimes in The King would do well to stop the mouths of such Ladies as tattle in his Court for thence proceed all the reports and slanders a prating Gossip was cause of the death of Monsieur de la Chastaigneray who would he have taken my advice and that of five or six more of his friends he had done his business with Monsieur dr Iarnac after another manner for he fought against his conscience and lost both his honor and his life The King ought therefore to command them to meddle with their own affairs I except those that are to be excepted for their tittle tattle has done a great deal of mischief and after as I said it is too late These are the good offices that in my time I have seen done several great persons and also such poor Gentlemen as my self all which proceed from the jealousie and envy they bear to one another who are near unto the persons of Princes In the time that I have been at Court I have seen great dissimulations and several carry it very fair to one another in shew who would have eaten one another if they could and yet outwardly who so great as they embracing and caressing one another as if they had been the greatest friends in the world I was never skill'd in that Trade for every one might read my heart in my face By this one may judg that the misfortune into which this Kingdom is fallen is not come upon it through any default of courage or wisdom in our Kings nor for want of valiant Captains and Soldiers for never Kings of France had so many both of Horse and Foot as Francis Henry and Charles who had they been employed in forreign Conquests would have carried the War far enough from our own doors and it was a great misfortune both to them and the whole Kingdome that they were not so employed and yet can we not lay the blame thereof either to the Church or the third Estate for all that have by the Kings been demanded of them have been freely granted Every Child then may judg where the fault lay and from whence sprung the Civil Wars I mean from the great ones for they are not wont to make themselves parties for the word of God If the Queen aâ—d the Admiral were together in a Cabine and the
practice of Arms. A man must seek not only all occasions of presenting himself at all rencounters and Batâ—els but must moreover be curious to hear and careful to retâ—in the opinions and arguments of experiencâ—d men concerning the faults and oversights committed by Commanders and the loss or advantages to the one side and the other ensuing thereupon for it is good to learn to be wise and to become a good Master at another mans expence The Kingdom of France has long bewailed this unfortunate day with the losses we have sustain'd besides the captivity of this brave Prince who thought to have found fortune as favourable to him here as she was at his Battel with the Swisse but she play'd the baggage and turn'd her tail making him to know how inconvenient and of how dangerous consâ—quence it is to have the person of a King expos'd to the uncertain event of Battel considering that his loss brings along with it the ruine of his Kingdom Almighty God nevertheless was pleas'd to look upon this with an â—ye of pity and to preserve it for the Conquerors dazled with the rayes of victory lost their understanding and knew not how to follow their blow otherwise had Monsieur de Bourbon turn'd his Forces towards France he would have put us all to our Trumps The Munday following Monsieur de Bourbon gave order that such as were taken prisoners and had not wherewithal to pay their ransom should avoid the Camp and return home to their own houses Of which number I was one for I had no great treasure he gave us indeed a Troop of horses and a Company of Foot for our safe conduct but the Devil a penny of money or a bit of bread insomuch that not one of us had any thing but Turnips and Cabbage-stalks which we broyl'd upon the coals to â—at 'till we came to Ambrun Before our departure Monsieur le Mareschal commanded me to commend him to Captain Carbon and the rest of his friends whom he entreated not to be dejected at this misfortune but to rouse up their spirits and â—ndâ—avour to do better than ever and that they should go and joyn themselves to Monsieur de Lautrec his Brother After which he made me a very notable remonstrance which was not ended without many tears and yet deliver'd with a strong accent and an assured coâ—tenance though he was very sore wounded and so much that the Friday following he died I travell'd on foot as far as Redorte in Languedoc where his Company then lay whereof Monsieur d Lautrec after his death gave one Tertia to Captain Carbon a command that he did not long enjoy for soon after a Villain native of Montpellier who had favour'd the Camp of Monsieur de Bourbon kill'd him behind as he was riding post upon the Road near unto Lumel As great a loss as has been of any Captain who has died these hundred years and one that I do believe had he lived to the Wars that we have since seen would have performed wonders and many would have been made good Captains under his command For something was every day to be learn'd by following him he being one of the most vigilant and diligent Commanders that I ever knew a great undertaker and very râ—solute in the execution of what he undertook Another Tertia was given to Captain â— ignac of Auvergne who also did not keep it keep it long for he shortly after fâ—ll blind and died The third Tertia he gave to Monsieur de Negrepelisse the Father to him now living of which a Cosen German of mine called Captain Serillac carried the Ensign In the mean time Madame the Queen Regent Mother to the King and with her all the confederate Princes of the Crown had set several Treaties on foot and laboured on all hands the Kings deliverance with great integrity and vigour and to so good effâ—ct that in the end this mighty Emperor who in his imagination had swallow'd up the whole Kingdom of France gain'd not so much as one inch of earth by his victory and the King had the good fortune in his affliction to derive assistance even from those who at other times were his Enemies yet to whom the Emperors greatness stood highly suspected His Majesty being at last returned home and mindful of the injuries and indignities had been offer'd to him during his captivity having in vain tryed all other ways to recover his two Sons out of the Emperors hands was in the end constrain'd to have recourse to Arms and to recommence the War And then it was that the expedition of Naples was set on foot under the command of Monsieur de Lautrec who as I have already said dispatch'd a Courrier to me into Gascony to raise a Company of Foot which I also in a few days perform'd and brought him betwixt seven and eight hundred men of which four or five hundred were Harquebusiers though at that time there was but very few of them in France Of these Monsieur de Ausun entreated of me the one half for the compleating of his Company which I granted to him and we made our division near to Alexandria which at this time was surrendred to the said Monsieur de Lautrec who from thence sent Messieurs de Gramont and de Montpezat to besiege the Castle de Vigâ—â—e before which place as we were making our approaches and casting up trenches to plant the Artillery I was hurt with a Harquebuze shot in my right leg of which shot I remain'd lame a long time after insomuch that I could not be at the storming of Pavie which was carried by assault and half burnt down to the ground Nevertheless I caused my self to be carried in a Litter after the Camp and before Monsieur de Lautrec departed from Plaisance to march away to Boulongne I again began to walk Now near unto Ascoly there is a little town called Capistrano seated upon the top of a Mountain of so difficult access that the ascent is very sleep on all sides saving on those of the two Gates into which a great number of the Soldiers of the Country had withdrawn and fortified themselves The Count Pedro de Navarre who was our Collonel commanded our Gascon Companies to attaque this Post which we accordingly did and assaulted the place We caus'd some Manteletts to be made wherewith to approach the Wall in which we made two holes of capacity sufficient for a man easily to enter in about fifty or threescore paces distant the one from the other whereof I having made the one I would my self needs be the first to enter at that place The Enemy on the other side had in the mean time pull'd up the planks and removed the boards and tables from the roof of a Parlour into which this hole was made and where they had plac'd a great tub full of stones One of the Companies of Monsieur de Luppé our Lieutenant Colonel and mine prepar'd to
have suspected myself to have been the occasion of his death and had he lived without an arm I should never have looked upon him but with exceeding great trouble to see him in such a condition let God therefore work his will Immediately after the two forenamed Chirurgions came to examine mine whether or no he was sufficient to undertake the cure for otherwise it was order'd that one of them should remain with me but they found him capable enough to which they also added some instructions what was to be done upon such accidents as might happen The next day which was the fourth after my hurt Monsieur de Lâ—urtreâ— caused me to be carried after him to Termes de Bresse where he left me in his own quarters to the care of the man of the house who was a Gentleman and for the further assurance of my person carryed Hostages with him two of the most considerable men of the Town whereof one was brother to the Gentleman of the house assuring them that if any the least foul play was offer'd to me those two men should infallibly be hang'd In this place I remainâ— d two months and a half lying continually upon my reins insomuch that my very back bone pierced thorough my skin which is doubtless the greatest torment that any one in the world can possibly endure and although I have written in this narrative of my life that I have been one of the most fortunate men that have born arms these many years in that I have ever been victorious wherever I commanded yet have I not been exempt from great wounds and dangerous sicknesses of which I have had as many and as great as any man ever had who outliv'd them God being still pleased to curb my pride that I might know my self and acknowledg all good and evil to depend upon his pleasure but all this notwithstanding a scurvy four morose and cholerick nature of my own which favours a little and too much of my native Soil has evermore made me play one trick or another of a Gascon which also I have no great reason to repent So soon as my arm was come to a perfect suppuration they began to raise me out of Bed having a little cushion under my arm and both that and my arm swath'd up close to my body In this posture I continued a few days longer until mounting a little Mâ—le that I had I caused my self to be carried before Naples where our Camp was already sate down having first sent away a Gentleman of mine on foot to our Lady of Lorettâ— to accomplish my vow I my self being in no condition to perform it The pain I had suffer'd was neither so insupportable nor so great as the affliction I had not to have been present at the taking of Malphe and other places nor at the defeating of the Prince of Orange who after the death of Monsiâ—ur de Bourbon slain at the Sack of Rome commanded the Imperial Army Had not this valiant Prince of deplorable memory for the foulness of his revolt from his Lord and Master dyed in the very height of his Victories I do believe he had sent us back the Popes into Avignon once again At my arrival at the Camp Monsieur de Lautrec and all the other great persons of the Army received me with great demonstrations of kindness and esteem and particularly Count Pedro de Navarre who caused a confiscation to be settled upon me of the value of twelve hundred Duckets yearly revenue call'd la Tour de la Nunciâ—de one of the fairest Castles in all the Tertitory of Labour and the first Barony of Naples belonging to a rich Spaniard callâ— d Don Ferdino I then thought my self the greatest Lord in all the Army but I found my self the poorest Rouge in the end as you shall see by the continuation of this discourse I could here dilate at full how the Kingdom of Naples was lost after it was almost wholly conquer'd a story that has been writ by many but it is great pity they would not or durst not relate the truth being that Kings and Princes might have been taught to be so wary by this Exemple as not to suffer themselves to be imposed upon and abused as they very often are but no body would have the great ones learn to be too wise for then they could not play their own Games with them so well as they commonly do I shall therefore let it alone both for that I do not pretend to record the faults of other men as also because I had no hand in these transactions and shall only write my own Fortunes to serve for instruction to such as shall follow after that the little Montlucs my sons have left me may look with some kind of Glory into the life of their Grandfather and aim at honorable things by his Exemple There were no great matters peâ—form'd after my coming to the Camp neither did they busie themselves about any thing but the City of Napleâ— which also they intended to overcome by Famine and it must suddainly have fallen into our hands had it not been for the revolt of Andrea d' Auria who sent to Count Philippin his Nephew to bring back his Gallies to Genoa with which he kept the City of Naples so close block'd up by Sea that a Cat could not have got in which he immediately did and thereupon an infinite of provision was put into the Town by Sea whilst our Galliâ—s delay'd to come God forgive him who was the cause thereof without which accident the Town had been our own and consequently the whole Kingdom This Philippin Lieutenant or Vice-Admiral to Andrea d' Auria near unto Capo-dorso obtained a famous Naval Victory over Hugo de Moncada and the Marquess de Guâ—st who came to the relief of Naples but from this Victory proceeded our ruine for Philippin having sent his prisoners to his Uncle to Genoa and the King being importunate to have them deliver'd over to him Andrea d' Auria would by no means part with them complaining that he had already delivered up the Prince of Orange to the King without any recompence upon which occasion the Marquess de Guast a man of as great dexterity and cunning as any of his time and a great Warriour knew so well how to manage Andrea d' Auria's discontent that in the end he turn'd his coat and with twelve Galliâ—s went over to the Emperor's side The King our Master was well enough informed of all his practices and might easily enough have prevented the mischief but his heart was so great and he was so higly offended with Auria that he would never seek to him whereof he repented at leisure for he has since been the cause of many losses that have befall'n the King and particularly of the Kingdom of Naples Genoa and other misfortunes It seem'd as if the Sea stood in aw of this man wherefore without a very great and more than ordinary
occasion he was not fit to have been provoked or disgusted but perhaps the King might have some other reason In the end our Gallies arriv'd and brought with them the Prince of Navarre Brother to King Henry with some few Gentlemen only of his train who lived but three weeks after for he came in the beginning of our sickness At his landing Monsiâ—ur de Laâ—trec sent Michael Aâ—tonio Marquess of Saluzzo for his Convoy for he landed a little below la Magdaleine within half a mile of Naples and with him a great part of the Geâ—s d' Armes with the black Italian Regiments which were commanded by Count Hugues de Gennes since the death of Signior Horatio Bailâ—one and had been the Companies of Signior Giovanni de Medicis Father to the Duke of Florence that now is who had been wounded in his leg with a Harquâ—buze shot before Pavie being then in the Kings Service and was thence carried to Plaisance where he had his leg cut off and thereof soon after dyed and after his death the said Signior Horatio took upon him the command of his Companies It seem'd that God would at that time some evil to the King when he lay before Pavie For in the first place some one advis'd him to send away the Grisons secondly to send Monsieur d' Albain to Rome with another part of the Army and for the sum of all misfortunes God sent this mischance to Signior Giovanni who to speak the truth understood more of the affairs of War than all the rest who were about the King having three thousand Foot under his command the best that ever were in Italy with three Cornets of horse and I do verily believe and there are several others of the same opinion that had he been well at the Battel matters had not gone so ill as they did Signior Horatio afterwards encreas'd the number a thousand men which made up four thousand foot who carried black Ensigns for the death of the said Signior Giovanni and were moreover all put into mourning from whence they deriv'd the name of the Black Regiments and afterwards associated themselves to the Marquess of Saluzzo who temporiz'd for about two years in Italy and about Florence and afterwards join'd with our Army at Troyes or else at Nocera I am not certain which for that I lay at the same time wounded at Termes on Bresse But to return to the landing of the Prince of Navarre because there was something of Action there performed wherein I had a share I shall give an account of that business Captain Artiguelaube who was Colonel of five Gascon Ensigns which were wont to be under Monsieur de Luppée and of five others commanded by the Baron de Bearn was commanded as also was Captaâ— de Buch eldest son of the Family of Candale to draw down to that place and I also poor wretch as I was was one of the number So soon as we were got down to the shore the Marquess left all our Pikes behind a great Rampire which the Count Pedro de Navarre had caused to be cast up and that extended on the right hand and on the left for about half a mile in length Close adjoyning to this was a great Portal of Stone through which ten or twelvemen might march a breast and that I do believe had been a Gate in former times for the Arch and other marks thereof were still remaining to the checks of which Portal our Rampire was brought up both on the one side and the other Our Battaillon was drawn up about an hundred paces distant from this Portal the Black Regiments some three hundred paces behind ours and the greatest part of the Horse yet further behind them Monsieur le Marquis Monsieur le Captau the Count Hugues Captain Artiguelaube and almost all the Captains as well Italians as Gascons along with them went down as well to facilitate as to be present at the Princes Landing which said Seigneur Captâ—â— had six Ensigns three of Piedmontoise and three of Gascons They were so long about their landing that they there staid three long hours for they made the Prince to stay and dine abroad before he came out of the Galley a little delay sometimes occasions a great mischief and it had been better that both he and all the company with him had made a good sober fast but the vanity of the world is such that they think themselves undervalued if they do not move in all the formalities of State and in so doing commit very often very great errors It were more convenient to move in the Equipage of a simple Gentleman only and not to Prince it at that rate but to do well than to stand upon such frivolous punctillios and be the cause of any misadventure or disorder Captain Artiguelaubâ— in the mean time had plac'd me with threâ—score or fourscore Harqucbusiers upon the cross of a high way very near to the Magdaleine which is a great Church some hundred or two hundred paces distant from the Gates of Naples and upon another cross of the high way on the left hand of me where there stood a little Oratory two or three hundred Harquâ—busiers of the black Regiments with an Ensign of Pikes In the same place also and a little on the one side was plac'd the Company of Seignâ—ur de Candale consistâ—ng of two or three hundred Harquebusiers about two hundred paces distant from and just over against the place where I stood Being thus upon my Guard I saw both horse and foot issuing out of Naples and coming full drive to gain the Magdaleine whereupon mounting a little Mule that I had I gallop'd straight down to the water side All the Lords and Gentlemen were as yet on board caressing and complementing one another to whom by certain Skippers that were plying too and again betwixt the Gallies and the Shoar I caus'd it to be cryâ—d out that the Enemy was sallying out of the Town by whole Troops to intercept them and to recover the blind of the Magdaleine and that they should think of fighting if they so pleased an intelligence at which some were basely down in the mouth for every one that sets a good face on the matter has no great stomach to fight I presently return'd back to my men and went up straight to the Magdaleine from whence I discover'd the Enemies Horse sallying out dismounted with the bridles in the one hand and their Launces in the other stooping as much as they could to avoid being seen as also did the Foot who crept on all four behind the walls that enclosed the backside of the Church I then presently gave my Mule to a Soldier bidding him ride in all hast to acquaint Monsieur de Candale and Captain Artiguelaube therewith whom he found already got on shore and who upon my first advertisement had caus'd a Galley to put out to Sea from whence they discover'd all that I had told them which being in the
in his hearing said to the Priest â—o get him from thence Pray Father go down and tell Corporal Janin that my Lord is at the Gate where he stays to speak with him and at the same time himself also departed from the window pretending to go down whereupon Captain Favas and his Soldiers ran to open the Gate which was only bolted and all on a suddain leap'd upon the Bridge Seeing this the Count who was one of the most active men of all Italy and who held his horse by the bridle the best one of them that ever that Country bred and which I afterwards gave to Monsieur de Tais vaulted over a little wall which was near to the Bridge drawing his horse after him with intent to have leap'd into the Saddle for there was no horse so tall provided he could lay his hand upon the Pummel but he could aâ—m'd at all pieces vault into the Seat but he was prevented by the Bastard of Bazordan call'd Ianot yet living and then of my Company who by misfortune being he either could not or would not get over the wall to lay hands upon him let fly at him an Harquebuze which taking the default of his Arms went into his belly piercing thorough his bowels almost to the other side of which shot he sunk down to the ground Captain Favas took his Nephew and another the Trumpet but the other Gentleman escap'd down the Hill crying out that the Count was either kill'd or taken whereupon the Lieutenant and all his Company skutled to horse in so great a fright that they never look'd behind them till they came to Fossan Had it so fallen out that Ianin at the second entry had not been slain they had not only snap'd the Count and by degrees all his whole Troop for they might have compell'd him to have spoke to them with a dagger at his reins ready to stab him should he make a sign but moreover might perhaps from hence have spun out some contrivance against Fossan it self for one Enterprize draws on another These things being done they in the evening dispatch'd away Captain Milhas a Gentleman of my Company to bring me the news and to relate to me from point to point how all things had passed together with a Letter from the said Count wherein he entreated me seeing he was my prisoner and that greater advantage was to be made of his life than of his death to do him the courtesie as to send him with all speed a Physician a Chirurgeon and an Apothecany Captain Milhas arriv'd just at the time that they open'd the Gates of the City so that he found me putting on my cloaths and there related to me the whole business thereby delivering me from the great anxiety and trouble wherein from Sunday till Wednesday I had continually remain'd for though I was really concerned for the place yet was I much more afflicted for the loss of my Lieutenant and my Soldiers who were most of them Gentlemen and all very brave men Immediately upon the news I ran to Monsieur de Termes his Lodgings whom I found sick a bed but I dare say that neither he nor I were ever so overjoy'd for we both very well knew that had it fallen out otherwise there were Rods in piss So soon as I departed from him I presently sent away a Phisician a Chirurgeon and an Apothecary whom I mounted upon three horses of my own for the more speed neither did they either stop or stay until they came thither but it was impossible to save him for he died about midnight and was brought to Savillan whom every one had a desire to see even Monsieur de Termes himself as sick as he was and he was very much lamented by all The next day I sent the Body to Fossan but detein'd the Nephew and Trumpet with the rest that were taken prisoners at Barges until they should send me back the Wife and Son of the said Granuchin which the next day they did and I also deliver'd up all the Prisoners I beseech you Captains you who shall see and hear this Relation to consider whether or no this was a stratagâ—m for a Merchant believe me the oldest Captain would have been puzled and have had enough to carry it on with so much dexterity and resolution as he did wherein although Captain Favas was the performer of it when it came to execution nevertheless the Merchant was not only the original contriver but also a principal Actor throughout the whole business having the heart in order to his revenge to expose his Wife and Son to the extreamest danger In reading of which fellows in Arms you may learn diligence with temper and take notice what sleights and polices were used and continued for the space of four days together such as no man either of theirs or which is more of our own could possibly discover both parties being held equally suspended The Count for a prudent Cavalier behav'd himself herein with very great levity especially upon the second Letter but he repair'd his fault when he refused to enter the Castle without first seeing his man though that caution signified nothing as it fell out Whenever therefore you design an enterprize weigh every thing and never go hand over head and without precipitating your selves or being too easie of beliefe upon light foundations judge and consider whether there be any appearance or likelyhood in the thing for I have seen more deceived than otherwise and whatever assurance is given you or whatever promises may be made be sure to raise your Counter-battery and never rely so wholly upon him who is to carry on the work but that you have still a reserve to secure your venture should his faith or conduct faâ—l It s not I confess well done to condemn him who has the management of an affair if it do not succeed for men should always be attempting how ever they speed and hit or miss 't is all one provided there be neither treason nor absurdity in the case Men must try and fail for being we are to conâ—ide in men no one can see into their hearts but however go warily to work I have ever been of opinion and do think that every good Captain ought to have the same that it is better to assault a place upon a surprize where no one is privy to the design than to have perhaps some Traytor for your Guide for as much as you are certain there can be no counter-treason against you and though you fail you retire with the less danger for your enemy can have laid no ambuscados to entrap you Caesar de Naples being this day at Carmagnolle had there news brought to him of the Count's disaster and death at which he was extremely afflicted and to secure Fâ—ssan would send thither three Companies of Italians which had formerly been in Garrison there to wit that of Blaise de Somme a Neapolitan that of Baptista a
io ho manegiato non suono quindeci die uno delle nâ—â—stri facendo d'il poltrone Io non dimando sino un puoco di prudenza con prestezza And indeed he kept his promise with me and carried himself very discreetly in the action The Captains gave him whatever he desired being glad themselves to be rid of the employment I also entreated Pied-de-fou and the rest before named that since they were resolv'd to put themselves into the Town they were to do it so as to be assisting to the conservation of the place and not to lose themselves together with all those who were within it forasmuch as the preservation of the said Town consisted only in supplying it with ammunition and that therefore it would be necessary that they should divide themselves some into the Flancks and others into the rear to the end that whilst Captaâ—â— Charry should be fighting they might encourage Pedro Antonlo 's men to go on which they accordingly did All of them therefore having received their instructions from me what every one was to do as well Italians and Peasants as my own Soldiers they all in the order prescrib'd marcht out of the Town when going out at the Gate I told Captain Charry in the hearing of all my Soldiers that I would never see him more it they did not enter or die upon the place as many as were of my Company to which he made answer that he only desir'd me to go to my rest and that I should presently hear news of him In truth he was a Soldier without fear In his Company there was a Corporal of mine called le Turk a Picard by birth who said to me What do you make a question of our entring into the Town Par la mort bien we should have spent our time and our blood very well having above an hundred times fought with you and ever remain'd victorious if we should now stand suspected to you at which I leapt about his neck and said to him these words My Turk I do assure thee upon my faith I think so worthily of you all that I am confident if any men upon earth can enter you will do it and so they departed and I went to place my self again upon the Platform where I had stood the night before and the Captain of the Watch kept me company About two hours after I heard a great alarm on that side by which our people were to enter and several volleys of Harquebuzshot but they continued but a very little while which put me into some fear that our men might be repulsed or at least that that the Peasants were run away who so soon as they were come to the enainence where the Italian Captains had told them that a Cat could not get in they made a halt There the Guides shewed them the Courts of Guard from which by reason of the excessive cold and the snow the Centinels were not twenty paces distant Capatin Charry then called Messieurs de Pied de-fou Bourg St. Romain and Pedro Antonio to whom he deliver'd two Guides reserving one for himself and said to them this is the last Court of Guard of foot for the rest are all horse which can do no great matters by reason of the snow so soon therefore as you shall see me attaque this Court of Guard run on as fast as you can and stop not for any thing you shall meet in your way but make directly to the Gate of the City who thereupon all of one accord see themselves in a posture to charge through Captain Charry then drew near to the Court of Guard which he put to rout and overturn'd upon another Court of Guard and both of them betook themselves to flight which being done he past on forward straight to the Gate of the Town where he found Pedro Antonio already arrived and where they immediately delivered their Ammunition without making any longer stay than whilst Messieurs de Chavigny and Briquemant â—mbrac't Captain Charry entreating him to tell me that since I was at la Cisterne they thought themselves certain to be reliev'd with all things they should stand in need of and that it would be very necessary to send them in some more Ammunition but whilst the Enemy busied themselves about taking th 〈…〉 hers of the Guards that were run away of which a Captain was the next day hang'd Captain Charry and Pedro Antonio with their Peasants taking them in this disorder charg'd them thorough and thorough and came clear away I there lost not so much as one Soldier either French or Italian neither was there any one hurt not so much as Peasant but all arrived safe at la Cisterne it being fair broad day where they found me still upon the Platform I hereupon immediately sent away a dispatch to the Mareschal to entreat him to send me some more powder for bullet and match they had enough already which he also speedily did from Quiers to which place he was remov'd that he might be nearer to me Behold the age a Captain ought to be of to whom you should entrust the execution of a hazardous and sudden enterprize and I can affirm with truth that these hundred years there has not died a braver nor a more prudent Captain for his years than Captain Charry was and am assur'd that Monsieur de Briquemaut will say the same though he be of the Religion of those by whom he was since assassinated at Paris The manner of his death I have nothing to do to meddle withall for the King the Queen and all the Princes of the Court knew it well enough and besides it was so foul an act that I will not blot my Paper with the relation and I am sure very unworthy a Frenchman When I lost him together with Captain Montluc my Son who was slain at the Island of Madera belonging to the King of Portugal it seemed to me that my two arms were lopt offf from my body the one being my right and the other my left He had ever bred up Captain Montluc from the age of twelve or thirteen years and vvherever he vvent had this young boy evermore hung at his Girdle Neither could I have put him to a better Tutor to teach him the trade of War and in truth he had retein'd a great deal of his precept insomuch that I may vvithout shame say although he vvas my Son that had he liv'd he vvould have made a great Soldier daring and discreet but God vvas pleased to dispose otherwise of him I shall therefore leave this discourse vvhich extracts tears from mine eyes to pursue my former subject Monsieur de Briquemant sent me word by Captain Charry that they had no Engineers within nor any one that understood where a Gabion was fifty to be placed with which he desired me to acquaint the Mareschal entreating me moreover to send back to him Captain Charry and my fifty Soldiers whom he
that the greatest shame can befal them is to have a Coward to their husband and thus Monsieur le Gouvernor you who have lost your place you will be in a marvellous happy condition when you shall be curss'd in your own bed But what shall we say of your Children people will not only reproach them that they are the sons of a Cowardly father but they will moreoever themselves see his name in Print and the mischiefs of which his Cowardize has been the cause For a Town is never lost let it be never so considerable that it does not draw a great deal of inconvenience along with it It brings so mighty an inconvenience upon your children that to extinguish your ill repute and to raise their own to some tollerable degree of esteem they must hazard their lives upon all occasions without either fear or wit and few escape being kill'd who by this means to wipe off the stain from their family would signalize themselves How many have I seen in my time who by endeavouring to repair some notorious fault have lost themselves and expos'd themselves to death upon the first occasion has presented it self being asham'd to live And though your children should escape these dangers yet will the King be afraid what great reputation soever they may have acquir'd to trust a Town to their custody left the Son should take after the Father as it ordinarily comes to pass Thus shall you not only ruine your selves but your whole Family To avoid and to break the neck of your ill fortune and of all these mishaps there is a good remedy which I have learn'd my self and am willing to â—each it you if you know it not already First you ought to consider all this that I have told you and set on the one side the shame and on the other the honor you will obtain if you bravely defend your place remaining victorious or at the least having done all that a man of Honour could do to come off Triumphant and like a Conqueror though you be overcome as you see I did in this Siege Imagine still that you see your Prince and Master before you and what countenance you ought to hope for if by your Cowardize you lose his place And seeing nothing ever had a beginning but that it had likewise an end consider from the beginning what the end is like to be and remember that your Master has not entrusted this place in your hands to deliver it up but to defend it that he has put you into it not to live there only but to dye there also bravely fighting if occasion be If you ask him at your going away to your Command Sir must I dye before I surrender the place you have given me in trust he will tell you that you are to fight to the last moment of your life for being you are his Subject your life is his The Seigneur de Iarnac one day told the King that it was the greatest craft and Policy that ever Kings found out to make their Subjects believe that their lives were theirs and that it was the greatest honor they could have to dye for their service but that it was a great simplicity in us to believe it and to keep such a clutter with this fine bed of honor It is nevertheless true that our lives and estates are the Kings our souls belong to God and our honour is our own for over my honor the King has no power at all To return to what I was saying before if in accepting the charge committed to you you have not this resolution within your selves you would do a great deal better to make an excuse There are ways enow to put it off and there will be enow who will be glad to accept of what you refuse If you accept it with a resolution to bring it to a handsome issue do one thing never think of dying ` T is for a Coxcomb to fear death till he see it within three inches of him and yet cannot he forbear representing it to his imagination though it be a hundred Leagues off On the contrary meditate how to kill your Enemy for if you once enter into an apprehension and fear of death you may assuredly give your place for lost for that is to take away your understanding and your judgement which is the best piece in your harness T is to much purpose to be valiant if this fail you at need which if you intend to preserve you must by no means enter into this fear of dying for fear is of it self and by the fraâ—lty of our own nature â—oo apt to intrude upon us without our needing to assist it with our own imagination If then it present it self before you you must reject it and have sudden recourse to the intention of the King and to what end he plac'd you there Think of the shame and dishonor you are running into Read often or cause to be read to you Books that speak of the honor of great Captains principally those of our own times as for example Langey and another who has writ in Italian I cannot think of his name who has writ to well since King Charles the eight I have often read him and he is a very good Author Would to God that all of us who bear arms would take up a custom to write the things we see and do for I am of opinion it would be better done by our own hands I mean as to feats of war than by those letter'd men for they too much disguise the truth and this relishes of the Clerk Read then these Books and meditate with your selves if I do like Antonio de Leva at Pavie the Sieur de Lude at Fontarabie the Signeur de Bouillon at Peronne the Signior de Sansac at Miranda and Montluc at Sienna what will they say of me what honor shall I carry back to my own house and on the contrary if I surrender what shame and infamy for me and mine Then apply your selves to Almighty God and beg of him that he will defend you from falling into these misfortunes resigning up all things into his hands After this assist your selves with all that he has put into the power of men as you see I did in this Siege and above all things be always diligent and vigilant evermore mindful of your charge if you do this forgetting withal death and danger you will find means to defend your place though it were but a Dove-Coat and though it should be lost you having perform'd your duty you must conclude it to be by the hand of God We must however always trie for I have seen a place lost that was never suspected to be in danger and such a one sav'd as has been given over for gone If you there die in your defence you will neither dishonor your selves nor your posterity but shall be laid in your grave with an immortal renown which is
altogether intollerable but old age being once wholly come Goodnight Godson Within two or three nights after we brought up our Trench to the foot of the great Tower whereupon Monsieur de Guise brought his Miners to try if the Tower was to be min'd and therefore fell to piercing the Wall within two or three foot of the ground when so soon as the Enemy heard what we were about they began to make Casemats within the Tower so that their Casemats answer'd to our Hole We were three nights about piercing the Wall and at the same time that our Miners were picking without the Enemy were picking within at their loop-holes Every night Monsieur de Guise sent us four Gentlemen to help us to watch and I remember that one night Monsieur de Montpezat and Monsieur de Randan came to lie there So soon as the hole was almost thorough Monsieur de Guise caused a Canon to be brought me to help to pierce the Wall for he knew very well that the picking we heard was about Casâ—maâ—s and that so soon as ever the wall should be pierc'd through they would shoot at us from them The day before the Canon was brought the Maâ—eschal de Strozzy was gone to his Tents on the other side the water to refâ—eâ—h himself and to shift both his shirt and his clothes for we were all dirt Monsieur de Guise from the time that the Miners began to work at the Wall caus'd a great many Pioneers to come and to begin a Traverse of Earth and Bavins close adjoyning to the Tower making them to leave a little path at which they wrought so hard that as the hole was pierced the Traveâ—se was also brought to perfection The Enemy had laid a great number of planks upon the Tower in manner of a Trench and the night before we gave the assault going up by the little path of the Traverse and with the help of some Ladder we took away the planks of their Trench from the top of the Tower which did us more harm than good for when the planks were taken away the great Platform â—hich was close by the Tower there being only five or six paces betwixt them so soon as any of us popt up a head discover'd us Now as I have already said the Mareschal was only gone to shift himself but Monsieur de Guise made him stay supper with him and with great importunity kept him all that night to his great misfortune for Monsieur de Guise detain'd him the next mornâ—ng to see wheâ—e they should plant four Culverines on that side where they were to play â—nto the Enemies defences when we should the next day give the assault The Mareschal several times begg'd of him â—o give him leave to return telling him that should any business befal â—e that night he should be extreamly troubled if he should not be there At last the said Mareschal to his great grief was constrained to stay and so much contrary to his mind that so soon as he was retir'd into his Tent he ask'd the Sieur Adrian Bailon and Count Theophile if they had the word to pass thorough the Germans for as for our people he did not care and could pass well enough without They told him they had none whereupon he said to them these words It runs in my head that Monsieur de Montluc will this night have sâ—mething to do and that the Enâ—my will come to attaque him ovâ—r the Counterscâ—rp of the Ditch of the Town which should iâ— so fall out it would trouble me the longest day I have to live that I was not there To which they made answer that he ought not to Fancy any such thing for that I had plac'd a Court of Guard of four hundred men within twenty paces of the Gate of the City which they must of necessity fight withal before they could come to me To which he reply'd I know not what it is but I am strangely possess'd with an opinion that some misfortune will happen this night They endeavouâ—'d all they could to put this conceit out of his head for the Sieur Adrian had no mind to repass the River and go to 〈◊〉 all night at the Tower he having been lately very sick and not yet perfectly recover'd for had they told him as they afterwards told me that he might have past thorough the German Guards well enough without the word being as well known to all the German Officers as to those of our own Nation he would have gone what promise soever he had made to the Duke of Guise to the contrary but when the hour is come I think God will have it so that death shall follow and 't is to no purpose for a man to fly or to hide himself He moreover said to them these words Monsieur de Montluc is not yet well known to the King and Queen although the King loves him vâ—ry well but if I escape from this siege I will mâ—ke both the King and the Queen understand his worth and the next day when he was dead the Sieur Adrian and Count â—heophile told me that I had lost the best Friend I had in the world which I easily believ'd and do still believe it and might well say that having lost the Duke of Ferrara and him I had lost the two best friends I had in Italy and in France He was kill'd the next day as he was looking and consulting with Monsieur de Guise where to place the four Culverines Before dinner he had been looking long but Monsieur de Guise would needs return again in the afternoon to consider of it better having Monsieur de Salcâ—de with them He was slain by a Musquet shot from a little Bulwark that was at a Corner of the Town pointing along by the River towardâ— Metz. Thus when a mans hour is once come he cannot avoid it This poor Lord had past thorough above six thousand Canon and above fifty thousand Harquebuz shot which could not all kill him and yet this accursed Musquet shot could do it at the distance of above five hundred paces Monsieur de Guise being close by him The King there lost a good servant and as valiant a man dyed as any was in France Two hours after Monsieur de Guise came to the Tower but gave express charge that no one should speak a word of his death when seeing the Sieur Adrian and Count Theophile I ask'd them where he was to which they made answer that the last night he had not been very well but that to night he would come to me but perceiving Monsieur de Guise to be sad and all those who were with him very grave my heart misgave me that something was amiss when Monsieur de Guise being return'd and having left Monsieur de Bourdillon with me in the Mareschal's stead I earnestly entreated him to tell me what was become of Mâ—nsiâ—ur de Strozzy who made answer Why I will tell
to the utmost of what you are able to perform and enter into the place with safety than walking at your case to be kill'd and not to enter into it wherein your selves will be the cause of your own death and the loss of the place and where you might by your dâ—ligence gain a brave reputation you will by loytering at your ease finish your life and your 〈◊〉 together and never excuse your selves upon the Souldiers nor make the Enterprize seem difficult unto them but always easie and above all things be sure to carry provision along with you especially bread and wine wherewith to refresh them by the way for as I have said before humane bodies are not made of iron always speaking chearfully to them by the way and encouraging them to go on representing to them the great honor they will acquire to themselves and the signal service they shall perform for the King and doubt not but proceeding after that manner men will go as far and farther than horses I advise you to nothing that I have not often done my self and caus'd to be done as you will find in the reading my Book for after horses are once tir'd you shall not make them budge a step with all the spurs you have but men are supported by their courage and require not so much time for refreshing they eat as they go and chear one another upon their march It will therefore Fellow Captains stick only at you do then as I have often done forsake your horses and fairly on foot at the head of your men shew them that you will undergo the same labour they do by which means you will make them do any thing you will and your example will enflame the courages and redouble the Forces of the most tir'd and overspent of all the Company Two or three days after the King mov'd with all his Army directly towards Amiens and in his first or second days march arriv'd the Gentleman from the Governor of Corbie who found his Majesty marching his Army in the field where he brought him news that Captain Brueil was entred safe into Corbie which was a great satisfaction both to his said Majesty and the whole Army to know that this place was secured whereupon his Majesty merrily said to Monsieur de Guise Who shall be the first to tell Montluc this news for I for my part will not be he Nor I neither said Monsieur de Guise for so soon as he shall hear it he will so crow there will be no dealing with him which they said because they had all of them been of opinion that it was impossible for foot to perform so long a a journey The next day his Majesty was advertised that the King of Spain had made a halt a little League from Corbie and made no shew of having any intention to besiege that place which made the King think that by reason of the succours it had receiv'd he would make no attempt against it and thereupon it presently came into his head that he would march directly to Amiens which having no more than one or two foot Companies in Garrison he immediately sent away the Marquis de Villars who is yet living with three hundred men at arms to go in extreme diligence and put himself into it commanding me to send away other seven Ensigns to follow after him with all the haste they possibly could make which I accordingly did and gave the charge of conducting them to Captain Forces who is yet living and being the Captains and Souldiers had all heard what commendations both the King and all the Army had given Captain Brueil for the haste he had made in going to relieve Corbie they would do the same and arriv'd as soon as the said Marquis at Amiens for nothing so much excites men of our Trade as glory and the desire to do as well or better than another Two or three days before this his Majesty had sent three Companies also into Dourlans and so with all great ease provided for the safety of these three important places So soon as the King was come to Amiens the King of Spain's Army also arriv'd and encamp'd within a League the River betwixt them and there the Treaty of peace was set on foot of which the Constable and the Mareschal de S. Andre had made the first overtures during the time of their imprisonment in Spain in order to which I think there was a truce from the beginning because nothing of action past on either side at least that I remember for I fell very sick of a double Tertian Ague which I got not by excess of revelling and dancing but by passing the nights without sleep sometimes in the cold sometimes in the heat always in action and never at rest It was well for me that God gave me an able body and a strong constitution for I have put this carcass of mine as much to the proof as any Souldier whatsoever of my time After all the going to and again that lasted for above two months the peace was in the end concluded to the great misfortune principally of the King and generally of the whole Kingdom This peace being cause of the surrender of all the Countreys conquer'd and the Conquests made both by King Francis and Henry which were not so inconsiderable but that they were computed to be as much as a third part of the Kingdom of France and I have read in a Book writ in Spanish that upon this accomodation the King deliver'd up an hundred fourscore and eighteen Fortresses wherein he kept Garison by which I leave any one to judge how many more were in dependance and under the obedience of these All we who bear Arms may affirm with truth that God had given us the best King for Souldiers that ever Reign'd in this Kingdom and as for his people they were so affectionate to him that not one of them ever repin'd to lay out his substance to assist him in the carrying on of so many Wars as he had continually upon his hands I shall not condemn those who were the Authors of this peace for every one must needs believe they did â—t to good intent and that had they foreseen the mischiefs that ensu'd upon it they would never have put a hand to the work for they were so good servants of the Kings and lov'd him so well as they had good and just reason to do that they would rather have dy'd in Captivity than have done it which I say because the Constable and the Mareschal de S. Andre were the first movers and promoters of it who themselves have seen the death of the King and themselves shar'd in the mishaps that have since befallen this miserable Kingdom wherein they both dyed with their swords in their hands who otherwise might yet perhaps have been alive by which any one may conclude that they did not make this peace foreseeing the
de Caumont dâ—s Mirandes had married his Sister into this Family and was there soliciting for the said de Viole his Brother-in-law with his Children and Nephews of the said de Viole and Madam de Bugua Sister to the said de Viole Monsieur d' Aussun was come thither also as being Kinsman to his Wife and the whole City was full of Gentry to solicit in the behalf of the said Sieur de Viole Our reverend Commissioners had order'd their business so well that they had call'd in to their assistance nine Judges six whereof were Hugonots and the other three they had so terrified with their power and authority that they pretended to have it in their Commission that none of them was to dare to contradict what the others said and especially Judge Mage being a timerous person durst not pronounce a syllable but what the rest would have him say They there condemn'd fourteen or fifteen men of which not above three had any hand in the Massacre but in revenge of the execution we had done at Fumel they would put to death as many as they could justly or unjustly and caus'd them to be executed in the Market-place of the City at which both the Magistrates and the Clergy entred into so violent an apprehension that they gave themselves all for lost seeing them to put Monsieur de Viole and several others upon their Tryal who were none of them present at the Massacre All the Ladies were continually following after me seeing they could obtain no satisfactory answer from Monsieur de Burie and Monsieur de Caumont that now is came to speak to Monsieur de Burie I think rather to take an occasion to quarrel me than for any thing else because I had said that he suffer'd a Minister in the open Pulpit to speak against the person of the King and his Royal authority at Clairac of which he was Abbot and he question'd me about it in the open Hall before Monsieur de Burie whereupon I told him that I had said so and that he stood so much obliged to the King for the benefits he had receiv'd that he ought not to have endured it to which he replied that the said Minister had not preach'd before him and that although he had it was not to me to whom he was to give an accâ—unt at which I had thought to have â—lown upon him with my dagger in my hand and he clapt hand to his sword whâ—n in an instant fifteen or twenty Gentlemen of mine leapt upon him and there was enough to do to save him from being kill'd Monsieur de Burie took my part in a very high manner and rattled him to some purpose insomuch that some friends of his thrust him out of the Hall to save him for every one had his sword drawn and he had not a paâ—ty sufficient to make it an equal match against the friends I had present there and this was the occasion of the hatred they say he bears me for before we were very good friends but 't is the least of my care But to return to our Justice the Countess of Arein who was at Assier sent me a Letter by one of her Gentlemen call'd la Brun wherein she entreated me to see Justice duly perâ—orm'd to which I writ her answer back that I would by no means obstruct it where I saw there was reasonable and just cause and that Monsieur de Burie and I were there for no other end The next day he return'd to me again and in private entreated me that I would further the execution of the Commissioners Sentence and that in return of so good an office I should not fail of Ten thousand Francs He made me this offer in the presence of a Merchant that sold pistolers which he himself chose out for me telling me that he was privy to the affair and would immediately disburse the sum I told him He did me a very great pleasure but that I would leave them in his hands being to go to Monsieur de Burie to supper whose lodging was hard by By the way as I went I began to consider with my self from whence these Ten thousand Francs should come but could not possibly imagine though I was satisfied there must be malice and knavery in the case After supper when it grew late I retir'd to my Lodging at the Archdeacon Redouls house where by the way I met Madam de Longua and Madam de Viole hard by the house who passionately weeping said to me these words O Sir Monsieur de Viole is going to be put to death if you do not stand his friend for sentence is past upon him and this night there is order given to strangle him in prison and in the morning to present him dead upon the Scaffold All the forementioned Lords and Gentlemen had sent away post to the King about this business but the Messenger had return'd too late if I had not been I dismist them with the best comfort I could telling them that I would take care to prevent execution to which end I appointed certain Gens-d ' armes of my own Company to ride the Patrouille before the prison and before the Commissioners Lodgings and never put off my cloths my self of all that night It was very late before the Archdeacon Redoul came home vvhen so soon as I heard he vvas come into his chamber I sent for him to talk vvith him about the business He had been privately enquiring after the affairs of Monsieur de Viole and the other Prisoners who vvere all people of good quality and brought this account that they vvere all condemn'd to dye and that for fear of scandal and that no commotion might arise they were to be dispatch'd secretly in prison by torch-light and that by their Process and Judgement they had divided the City into three distinct Corporations to wit the Church into one the Magistracy into another and the third Estate into the last all which three distinct bodies were senâ—enc'd to a fine of Sixscore thousand Francks whereupon it presently came into my head that the Ten thousand Francs of which la Brun had made me a tender was certainly to come from hence and the said Archdeacon wept saying that the City of Cahors was ruin'd for ever and that though all the goods of the City moveable and immoveable should be sold they could not make up that sum Whereupon I advised him not to afflict himself but leave it to me for that out of the love I bore to Monsieur de Viole and the rest I would keep so good watch that I would trap them before they could do their execution and as to the fines you speak of said I it is not the Kings intention that your City should be destroy'd for it is his and assure your self he will râ—mit them Alas Sir said he if the fines went into the Kings purse we should have some hope that his Majesty would not see us
more perfect account Whereupon Monsieur d' Alvare said you are quarter'd within four Harquebuz shot of one another excepting the Infantry which lies at Ver from whence 't is a league and a half to St. Andras where Monsieur de Duras is quarter'd and whose Quarters take up all the space betwixt St. Andras and this place Well said Monsieur de Burie I see we are engag'd to a Battel and seeing it is so we must fight it as well as we can Whereupon I saw joy sparkle in his eyes which I was exceeding glad of and taking him in my arms said to him these words Sir if we must die we cannot honor our deaths more than by dying in a Battel for the service of our Prince to which he made answer and said that is the least of my concern 't is no matter what becomes of me but I fear to loose the Country I then entreated him that by break of day every one might be on horseback and that we must say with the Italian Qui assalta vince and thereupon bad him good night and retir'd to my own Quarters leaving him very well resolv'd to fight All night we remain'd in arms and our horses sadled their Centinels and ours being so near that they could hear one another talk and by break of day we were on horseback when I sent to see if Monsieur de Burie was ready and to tell him that it was his way to pass by my Quarters He sent me word that as soon as ever the Army could be got ready to march he would immediately come away and in the mean time I marcht directly to St. Andras where I found that Monsieur de Duras was already dislodg'd and gone to Vâ—r. I then sent Monsieur de Fontenilles with five and twenty horse upon the Foâ—lorn giving him order to halt at the entrance into a little Wood there is under Ver and telling him that I would halt at a little Village four or five Harquebuz shots on this side till Monsieur de Buire should come up to me Monsieur de Duras this while made no haste at all believing that our Camp was yet upon the Vezere and that those who over-night had taken Salignac were only some Avant-Coureurs of the Army Monsieur de Fontenillâ—s sent me word that he had sent out two Light-horse to discover the Enemy who had brought word back that their Camp was drawn up in Battalia in the Meadow of Ver. Whereupon I sent to Monsieur de Burie to make haste and to hasten away four Field-pieces he brought along with him which he did when so soon as I was advertised that he was within half a mâ—le of me I marcht up to Monsieur de Fontenilles and the three Companies of Gens d'arms namely that of Monsieur de Burie and those of Messieurs de Randan and de la Vauguyon advanced to come up and joyn with me But they mist their way and went by the Chesnut Trees directly into the view of Ver thinking that I was already at Vâ—r and never perceiv'd their error till they were just upon the Enemy having with them also a Company of Light-horse which Captain Pechié of Perigort commanded So soon as I came to the Wood I commanded Monsieur de Fontenilles to advance which he did and it was well for us he did so for he came just in the nick of a charge that Captain Bordet made upon the Companies with a hundred or sixscore Horse Launceers all which so soon as Captain Pechie's Light-horse saw coming upon them they fac'd about and fled aâ—most into the three Companies The Charge was so rude that all our three Companies were once disordeâ—'d and there Monsieur d' Argence bravely signaliz'd himself but for whom as I was told they had all run away Monsieur de Fontenilles then with only five and twenty Launces that he had with him charg'd desperately in amongst the Enemy and so fortunaâ—ely that he made them retire three hundred paces where they made a halt as ours did also Upon this I came in seeing which the Enemy clos'd up with the other Troops of horse There were above twenty Launces broken in this charge and all the Enemies Camp made a halt I then took Monsieur de Montferran only and went to discover the Enemy at my ease where I saw that they began to march wiâ—h Drums beating that they had left in a corner of the field on the left hand Harquebuzeers both on foot and on horseback and in a little Wood on the right hand Harquebuzeers on foot In the mean time Monsieur de Burie arriv'd where I acquainted him with all I had seen entreating him to cause his Field-pieces to advance to the brink of a Ditch and to shoot at those people in the Corner which approving of my advice he did I then spoke to Monsieur du Masses to place himself on the right hand by the side of a little hill there was there and placed the King of Navarre's Company and my own on the left hand towards that Corner as I also did the three Companies of Messieurs de Burie de Randan and de Vauguyon in the Meadow betwixt them Monsieur de Burie then began to make his Artilleâ—y play and so soon as we had put our selves into this posture all our foot came up together the Gascons before and the Spaniards after within fourscore or a hundred paces of one another I then rid up to the Spaniards where addressing my self to Don Lewis de Carbajac and the rest I spoke to them in Spanish after the best manner I could for during the time of the War I had learn't something of their language and you Gentlemen who have Estates to allow your Children a liberal education take it from me that it is a very good thing to make them if possible acquainted with forreign Languages which will be of great use to them both upon the account of Travel Escapes and Negotiations and also to gain the hearts of Strangers I spoke to them then after this manner which I had been hammering in my head the night before and God has given me a gift though I am no great Clerk that I can express my self well enough upon occasion Remember Fellows in arms for so I may now call you since we fight together under the same Ensigns remember the great and noble reputation wherewith your Nation have at all times signaliz'd themselves throughout the whole world where they have obtein'd so many famous Victories as well over the Turks Moors and Barbarâ—ans as against those of our own Faith You have often made us feel the valour of the Spanish Infantry which throughout the Universe are allow'd to have the precedence of all others and since it has pleased God that we who not above three dayes ago were Enemies are now assembled to â—ight under one and the same Standard make it appear that the opinion we have ever had of your
having fifty Gens-d ' armes des Ordonnances and being General of twelve hundred Light-horse the most of which were Albanois perform'd great services for the Crown In recompence whereof the King also married him to the Inheritrix of Chattillon by whom he had seven or eight thousand Livers yearly revenue but that the House from which his Father descended which was that of Fonterailles was as mean a Family as mine At which he broke out into a sudden passion saying would to God would to God I might die at this instant provided the Prince of Navarre was at age to command Why said I what reason have you to wish your own death for the Prince of Navarre seeing that neither you nor any of your Race have ever receiv'd any benefit or honor from the House of Navarre nor other than from the King to which he replied that it was true but that he did so love the Prince of Navarre that he would be content to die upon that condition I then began to suspect there was some knavery in the wind and so he bad me farewel Monsieur de la Cassaigne who was present at all this discourse waited upon him to his Horse where as he was going to put foot in the stirrup he cried out like a man in dispair O unfortunate man that I am I shall never again have the conâ—idence to shew my face amongst men of honor Whereupon Monsieur de la Cassaigne took occasion to tell him that he was too blame to complain of me who had treated him with all the civility hâ— could himself expect or desire and that perhaps another would not have used him with so great respect as I had done to which he replied in these words but you do not know all this day the Kingdom is set to sail farewell France and so mounting to horse he went directly to la Garde the House of Monsieur de Firmacon his Uncle Before the Sieur de la Cassaigne could return back to me there came fifteen or sixteen Peasants loaden with Harquebuzes Halberts and Cross-bows leading a boy prisoner along with them whom they brought into my Chamber in the presence of all the Gentlemen that were there telling me they were of la Masquere within a quarter of a league of Lectoure which is a little Hamlet consisting of seven or eight Tenements and that at midnight there came a great company of armed men both horse and foot and drew themselves into a great Meadow close by the houses where they laid them down upon the ground The poor people saw them and durst not stir out of their houses but they saw them send six horse-men as far as the Suburbs of Lectoure where they met intelligence that I with a great number of Gentlemen was entred into the Town and had also sent to discover those whom I had planted without to hinder the relief by which seeing their enterprise was defeated and concluding that the Seneschal was taken prisoner they return'd full speed to their Troops telling them that I was entred into the Town and had taken the Senescal prisoner wherefore they must retire before it was day that they might not be known And as the night has no shame they took so great a fright at the news that they began to throw away their arms in flying and by break of day passed by Plieux where the common people began to pursue them and they running away to abandon their arms which the Inhabitants of Plieux had almost all excepting some few that fell into the hands of those of la Maquere The horse ran straight to their other Troop that had made a halt at St. Rose till they should be commanded to march who also took a terrible fright in retiring running every man as fast as his horse would carry him to his own house The chief Leaders of these two Parties of Horse and Foot were the Sieur de Montamat brother to the Seneschal the Sieurs de Castelnau d' Audax de Popas and de Peyrecave I knew nothing as yet of the Troop at St. Rose for neither the Boy nor the Boors of la Masquere had heard of any other than that they had seen All the Gentlemen hereupon advis'd me to go take the Seneschal and clap him up prisoner which nevertheless I would not do out of respect to the House of Firmacon to which he was a Nephew remonstrating to them that should I take him prisoner the Court of Parliament of Tholouze would immediately send to demand him of me whom I could not justly deny and if they once got him he would not be two hours alive and I would by no means be the occasion of his ruine Whilst we were in these disputes Monsieur de la Cassaigne came and told me the words he had said to him at his going away no body being by whereupon I entreated him to go into the Town to seek out some Hugonot who was a friend to the Seneschal and to give him all asâ—urance that he should receive no manner of injury nor displeasure provided he would reveal the Enterprize He went then to speak with one who was a very intimate friend of his telling him what words the Seneschal had cast out at his departure and that it was as much as his life was worth if he did not discover all he knew who after he had given him all the assurance he desir'd made him this reply What did the Sâ—neschal mean to enter into so many disputes with Monsieur de Montluc I was behind him when he contested so highly with the said Sieur and do wonder that he did not seize him prisâ—ner which had he done all we of the Religion had been dead men I pray be faithful and take care that we may have no harm done us for there is not a person of the Religion who knows any thing of the Enterprize of France and of this Town but those who are gone out with him my self excepted who durst not go This day or to-morrow the King or the Queen shall be taken or dead and all the whole Kingdom of France revolted I pray consider a little how closely these people could carry on such an Enterprize as this I was told that in their Consistory they made them swear to renounce Paradice if they ever reveal'd any thing Monsieur de la Cassaigne returned presently to me and taking me aside told me all that the other had said to him and then I remembred my self of the Advertisements in the Ticket and of my unfortunate Dream and began with tears in my eyes to declare all I had heard to Messieurs the Seneschal of Bazadois de Sainctorens and to all the Gentlemen who were present who all began to cry out that we ought to mount presently to horse and gallop after the Seneschal which nevertheless I would not do for the aforementioned reasons remonstrating to them that though he should be taken the evil would not be prevented by the
hapned after The departure of the said Mareschal puâ— our affairs into very great disorder and very much encourag'd our Enemies As for my own part in five Companies that I had there was not left two hundred men by reason they were stoln away with what booty they had got every man to his own house This is the inconvenience of making war with the people of the Country They must go see Wife they must go carry home their Baggage and besides every one has a Cousin a Brother or a Friend with the Enemy to whom he has a regard and of whom he has care And as to the Cavaâ—ry we had they could not subsist in lâ—ss than five or six leagues of the Town by reason the Enemy had devour'd one parâ— of the provisions of the Country and our own people the other and the Country of it self was barren However I stayed four or five dayes after the Mareschals departure causing three or four hundred Waggon loads of grain to be remov'd from thence which I carried to Euse and other adjacent places that the Enemy might not therewith victual their Towns in Bearn but I must have carried away fifteen hundred load or more to have remov'd it all and had my five Ensigns been compleat as at my coming thither I would have engag'd my self in it though I was certain not to be reliev'd for I have committed as great follies in my life as that and hitherto blessed be God never met with any misadventure nor did his Majesties affairs ever suffer by those hazards I then retâ—â—â—'d towards Agenois leaving the Sâ—eur de Montespâ—n Son to the Baron de Gondrin with his Father's Company of Gens-d'arms in Euse together with another new Company of Foot that was then raising in those parts not to endure a Siege for the Town was naught but only a liâ—tle to favour the Country and that we might not seem totally to abandon it though we knew very well that his staying there would signifie little or nothing I sent Monsieur de Fontenilles also into the Country of Bigorre to see if he could do any thing on that side to amuze the Enemy but all this was no remedy for so great a discase I shall not here take upon me to give a particular account of the defeat of Captain Arne and the Baron de l' Arbous for as much as I did not place them there where they were defeated but so it was that I sent however to Captain Arne to tell him That he was a Soldier and must needs know that in the place where he was he could expect nothing but disaster and that therefore I conceiv'd he would do well to retire to Auch which was an enclosed Town but he sent me word that he was placed there and was therefore resolved rather to dye than to stir a foot from thence It was not above four dayes after I had given him this advice that news was brought me of his defeat and two dayes after that of his death which was a great damage to the Kings service and a great loss to his Country for he was a fine Gentleman and a valiant man and one of whom we had as great an esteem as of any Captain whatever of Guienne Now soon after the Mareschal being about Mazers and I in Agenois the Count de Montgommery did like the Wolves whom hunger forces out of the Woods and came into Armagnac by little and little moving towards Condommois He had caused three pieces of Canon to be brought and two Culverines to batter Euse knowing very well that there was no body in it but Monsieur de Montespan with his Father's Company of Gens-d ' arms and the new-rais'd Company of Foot that I had sent him So soon therefore as the Artillery was come to Noguarol that he had sent to discover the Enemy and that the Hugonot Kindred and Friends he had had given him notice of the preparation against him he sent me word of it I had no body to send to reinforce him and less power of my self to relieve him neither was there any relief to be expected for the Mareschal was either lying before Mazeres or else retir'd to Tholouze I therefore sent him word That I would not he should follow the exemple of Captain Arne and that it was enough we had lost one brave and valiant Captain and one Company of Gens-d'arms without losing two that therefore he should retire and take along with him all the Priests and Religious people of the Town together with all the rich Catholick Merchants and escape to Lectoure which he accordingly did for although I had sent to surrender my Goverment I did not for all that forbear to do all that lay in my power for the service of my King and Country but raised five or six Companies about Ville-neufue and Florence leaving one old and two new Companies at the said Florence and four with that of the Governnor Monsieur de Panjas at Lectoure which were enow by reason that all the Gentry of Armagnac with their Families were retir'd into that place which made the Town so full that no more could lodg there and these things being done I came to Agen where I heartned the Inhabitants the best I could and stayed there for some dayes The Count de Montgommery then came to Euse where so soon as he was arriv'd the Hugonots of Candom who had liv'd at home under protection of the Kings Edict having evermore hypocritically profest not to take arms relying upon his Majesties Royal word and had been used with greater humanity than the Catholicks themselves betook themselves to arms and went to seek out the Count de Montgâ—mmery at Euse who durst advance no further nor had not done had I had but four Companies onely to put into Condom But they all assur'd him that I had no men nor means to raise any to make head against him and that therefore he might securely come and so they allur'd him to Condom These were the fine fruits of the fine Edict they perswaded the King to make that provided the Hugonots stirr'd not from their Houses no one should demand any thing of them I have spoken of this sufficiently elsewhere though if I would I have a great deal more to say and of greater importance but it would do no good for the King would take no order in it since those about him will have it as it is A few dayes after we heard news of the Victory God had given the King thorough the valour and conduct of the Monsieur Brother to the King and the Captains he had about him and that the Princes and the Admiral with the remains of the Battail of Moncontour were moving towards Limosiâ— every one that came telling us that they marcht directly to la Charité which was the reason that I sent for Monsieur de Leberon at Libourne to come with four Companies he had there and at St.
all over blood for it gusht out at my mouth nose and eyes whereupon Monsieur de Gohas would have caught me in his arms thinking I would fall but I said Let me alone I shall not fall follow your point Upon this shot of mine almost all the Soldiers and the Gentlemen began to lose courage and to retire which made me cry out to them though I could scarce speak by reason of the torrent of blood that pasht out at my mouth and nose Whither will you go Gentlemen whither will ye go will ye be terrified for me do not flinch nor forsake the sight for I have no hurt and let every one return to his place in the mean time hiding the blood in the best manner I could and to Monsieur de Gohas I said Monsieur de Gohas take care I beseech you that the Soldiers be not discouraged and renew the Assault I could no longer stay there for I began to faint and therefore said to the Gentlemen I will go get my self drest but if you love me let no one follow but revenge me Which having said I took a Gentleman by the hand I cannot tell his name for I could scarce see him and return'd by the same way I caine where by the way I found a little Horse of a Soldiers upon which by the Gentlemans assistance I mounted as well as I could and after that manner was conducted to my Lodging where I found a Chirurgeon of Monsieur de Gohas called Maistre Simon who drest me and with his fingers so wide were the Orifices of the wound pull'd out the bones from my two Cheeks and cut away a great deal of flesh from my face which was all bruis'd and torn Monsieur de Gramond was upon a little Eminence hard by looking on at his ease who being of this new Religion though he had never born arms against the King had no mind to meddle amongst us He was aware how upon my hurt all the Soldiers were dishearten'd and said to those who were with him There is some eminent person slain see how the Soldiers are discourag'd I am afraid it is Monsieur de Montluc and therefore said to one of his Gentlemen call'd Monsieur de Sart Go run and see who it is and if it be he and that he is not dead tell him that I entreat him to give me leave to come and see him The said Sieur de Sart is a Catholick who accordingly came and at his entring into the Town he heard that it was I that was hurt and coming to my Lodging found my people weeping for me and me tumbled upon a Pallet upon the ground where he told me that Monsieur de Gramont begg'd leave that he might come to see me To which I made answer That there was no unkindness betwixt Monsieur de Gramont and me and that if he pleased to come he would find that he had as many friends in our Camp and peradventure more than in that of their Religion He was no sooner gone from me but Monsieur de Madaillan my Lieutenant who had marcht on the one hand of me when I went on to the Assault as Monsieur de Gohas did on the other came to see if I was dead and said to me Sir Cheer up your spirits and rejoyce we have entred the Castle and the Soldiers are laying about them who put all to the sword and assure your self we will revenge your wound I then said to him Praised be God that I see the Victory ours before I dye I now care not for death I beseâ—ch you return back and as you have ever been my friend so now do me that act of friendship not to suffer so much as one man to escape with life Whereupon he immediately return'd and all my servants went along with him so that I had no body left with me but two Pages Monsieur de Las and the Chirurgeon They would fain have sav'd the Minister and the Governor whose name was Captain Ladon to have hang'd them before my Lodging but the Soldiers took them from those who had them in their custody whom they had also like to have kill'd for offring to save them and cut them in a thousand pieces They made also fifty or threescore to leap from the high Tower into the Moat which were there all drown'd There were two only saved who were hid and such there were who offer'd four thousand Crowns to save their lives but not a man of ours would hearken to any Ransom and most of the women were kill'd who also did us a great deal of mischief with throwing stones There was found within a Spanish Merchant whom the Enemy had kept prisoner there and another Catholick Merchant also who were both saved and these were all that were left alive of the men that we found in the place namely the two that some one help't away and the two Catholick Merchants Do not think you who shall read this Book that I caused this slaughter to be made so much out of revenge for the wound I had receiv'd as to strike terror into the Country that they might not dare to make head against our Army And in my opinion all Souldiers in the beginning of a Conquest ought to proceed after that manner with such as are so impudent as to abide Canon he must bar his ears to all Capitulation and Composition if he do not see great difficulties in his Enterprize and that his Enemy have put him to great trouble in making a Breach And as severity call it cruelty if you please is requisite in case of a resolute opposition so on the other side mercy is very commendable and fit if you see that they in good time surrender to your discretion Monsieur de Gramond then came to visit me and found me in a very ill condition for I had much ado to speak to him by reason of the great quantity of blood that issued from my mouth Monsieur de Gohas also immediately after him came back from the fight to see me saying Take comfort Monsieur and cheer up upon my word we have sufficiently reveng'd you for there is not one man left alive He thereupon knew Monsieur de Gramond and saluted him who after they had embraced entreated him to carry him to the Castle which he did where Monsieur de Gramond found the taking of it exceeding strange saying he could never have believ'd this place had been near so strong and that had I attaqu'd Navarreins it would have been more easily taken He would then needs see all the removes I had made of the Canon which having seen he said it had not been requisite that we should have omitted any thing of the Battery About an hour after he return'd where he offer'd me a House of his hard by and all other things in his power and has since told me that at that time and in the condition he then saw me he never thought I could
having receiv'd my Letter sent me in answer a great many good words for they cost them nothing the end will shew whether the Province will be better govern'd and his Majestie better serv'd and whether they who have succeeded me though they are great persons and great Captains have done or shall do hereafter better than I. But to return to the place where I left off my Wife came to fetch me from Marsac from whence she carried me in her Litter to Cassaigne near unto Condom where to refresh me I was for three weeks together so crucified with the Cholick that it had like to have cuâ—'d me of all other discases In this condition I had the comfort of Monsieur de Valence my Brother who never left me till he saw me out of danger of death and several Lords also both Catholick and Hugonot came to see me Before Captain Montaut arriv'd at Court the Queen dispatcht away Monsieur de Beaumont Steward of the Prince of Navarre's Houshold by whâ—m she sent me word that in case I was in the Territories of the Queen of Navarre I should forthwith retire and put my men into Garrison See what a sudden change was here I askt him if there was a Peace concluded to which he made answer no but that it was hoped there suddenly would Why then should the King said I put his Army into Garrison Is not the Country already sufficiently ruin'd and destroy'd If I do this when the Peace shall come and that we are to disband our Horse and Foot not one of them but will plunder his Host for a farewel seeing themselves dismissed without money Seeing then it is so that they are order'd to be put into Garrisons I will even disband them for all together and send them every man to his own house To this end then I desir'd Monsieur de Valence to write and sign a Letter I being in no condition to do it to Monsieur de Gondrin forthwith to dismiss the Army both Horse and Foot and that every one in four dayes should be retir'd to his own home which was accordingly perform'd Monsieur de Beaumont himself carried the Letter to Monsieur de Gondrin and five weeks after the Queen sent to me to disband the Army which I had done before and by so doing had sav'd the people above 500000 Livers as the Country it self will witness I had sav'd the pitiful 4000 Francks that I had from the King untoucht saving a hundred Crowns that I took out to give Captain Montaut to defray his Journey to Court And thus it was that I robb'd the Exchequer and poll'd the People Such about his Majestie as favour the Hugonots do not care how deeply they charge me with Calumnies but I would have the world to know and do here declare that in so many years that I have commanded and in all the great Employments wherein I have been I could never enrich my self 20000 Francks and yet they stick not to affirm that I have pill'd and poll'd 300000 Crowns I could wish it was true provided it had been from the Hugonots our Enemies God be praised for all These slanderers shall never have that advantage over me as to make me hang down my head but I will walk with my face erect like a man of honor The Treasureâ—s and Receivers are yet living let his Majesty enform himself of them let him examine their accounts where if he find any one single Lyard converted to my profit his Majesty does not do well if he do not bring me to my Trial. It is no wonder his Majesty is so ill serv'd as 't is reported he is considering he makes no exemple he is then to blame himself and not those that do it And as to Impositions and Taxes upon the People to enrich my self and to fill my own Coffers his Majesty in this case ought yet to be more severe against me than in the other by how much the people are more to be pittied than the King who if he want money knows how to make his people find it 'T is a priviledge our Kings have so soon as they come out of their Page-ship as one said of Lewis the Eleventh which makes me conclude that the King ought to inflict a more severe punishment upon those who â—lea his people than if they purloin'd from his own Exchequer The Commissioners have given an account of all sorts of men who have rais'd money let them look if they can find me in their Papers and if any be come into my purse I confess I have dispos'd of some Hugonots Estates who pretended to sit still at home but were worse than the others whâ— were in arms neither was it reasonable that they should be better used than the poor Catholicks who were gnawn to the very bones and had I not done it the Gentry would have taken it ill and the common Soldier would have revolted for where there is nothing to be got but blows men will hardly go volunteer to the Wars Moreover they would have said I had held intelligence with the Enemy by which means I should not have had a man to follow me and I had rather have died than to have had such a repute Had the King's Officers seized of these mens Estates they would have extracted no less than a million of Francks but there was juggling amongst them and they held intelligence with one another I have had my share but it has ever been fair prize and onely taken from such as carried Provisions and Merchandize to the Enemy and yet I do believe all I made bold with being put all together would not amount to above 3000 Crowns Would to God that all the Chiefs of France had gone as roundly to work for the service of the King and Kingdom as I and that by war they had desir'd to establish peace which if they had not a man in the Kingdom would have dar'd to have professed himself a Hugonot But I shall leave this unpleasing discourse A little while after the Peace was published the articles of which were very much to the Enemies advantage We had beaten and beaten them over and over again but notwithstanding they had evermore such an interest in the King's Council that all the Edicts continually ran very high in their favour We got the better by arms but they alwayes over-reached us in those confounded writings Ah poor Prince how wofully are you serv'd how ruinously are you adviz'd If your majesty take not heed your Kingdom from the most flourishing will be made the most miserable that ever was which though it was in the Reigns of your Grandfather and Royal Father assaulted with many and potent Enemies and continually engag'd in war wherein I have ever faithfully serv'd yet matters still went on in excellent good order and Commands were not prophan'd as in these dayes I pass by the injury your Majesty does your self in giving your Enemies so great advantages
de Strozzy The Sieur de Montluc sick almost unto death The Sieur de Lansac taken prisoner The Constable defeated at St. Quentin The Marquis de Marignan before Sienna The hopes of the Marquis of Marignan The Sieur de Strozzy goes to relieve Sienna Monsieur de Strozzy in very great danger The flight and fright of both Armies Serillac and Monsieur de Strozzy meet Monsieur de Strozzy goes to visit the Sieur de Montluc in Sienna Monsieur de Strozzy goes out of Sienna The Sieur de Montluc's Harangue to the Captains of Sieâ—â—a The Germans answer The resolution of the Captains and Soldiers The Sieur de Montluc's Speech to the Siennois Sienna Order propos'd by the Sieur de Mountluc to the Siennois Monsieur de L'Escusâ—an sent to the King to acquaint him with the estate of Sienna The Marquis of Marignam gives a Scalado by night to the Citadel and the Fort of Camogâ—ia The Sieur de Moâ—tluc presages some disaâ—ter through the default of St. Auban a German Captain Description of the Fort Camoglia The Scalado The Citadel seaz'd The Fort Camoglia seaz'd by the Enemy A device to break Intelligences The Fort recover'd by the French The courage of Captain Charry The Marquis de Marignan comes to relieve his men at the Fort Camoglia Error of the Marquis Loyalty of the Sieâ—â—ois The Emperor complains of the Marquis his slow Proceeding against Sienna The Siennois frighted with the coming of the Artillery A Governor ought to conform himself to the humour of the people over whom he is placed Great scarcity of all things in Sienna The Sieur de Montluc's practice A pleasant Sally of the Siâ—ur de Montluâ— Of what the Sâ—nare of Sienna consists Harangue of the Sieur de Montlue to the Siennois Commendation of Antonio de Leva The Oath of the Soldiers Foreigners * That is a casting of Lots by little Balls in use in most Cities of Itlay The resolution of the Sienois All things depend upon the Chiâ—f The design of the Author The order at Sienna for the Fortification Order for the Fight * A Trench within the wall of a City to retire into in case of an Assault Centinels perdues * A phrase signifying that a man is non-plust and knows not what to do which is propeâ—ly to lie at the house of Guillot the Dreamer A new Enterprize upon Sienna The noble resolution of the Siennois The praise of the Ladies of Sienna Of a young Maiâ— of Sieâ—na The order and design of the Fight The Battery of the Imperialists The Marquis draws of his Canon The Marquis his resolution The Marquis his danger and fright The Germans can no longer endure the want of bread and wine A device of the the Sieur de Montluc to be rid of the Germans The Germans go out of Siâ—â—na The Fight betwixt the French and the Imperialists Speech of Monsieur de Moâ—tluc to the Siennois The Germans by no means proper for a siege The Sieur de Mâ—ntluc choseo Dictator at Sienna for a month The useless mouths thrust out of Sienna The Germans defeate The Marquis his design The Marquis his sufferings The Marquis his practices in Sienna The Sieur de Montluc's wisdom The Sieur de Montluc's Harangue to the Senate of Sienna A General Procession The prudence of the Sieur de Moâ—tluc The Traytor surpriz'd Misser Pedro confesses his treason The Prisoners go to the Senate The Sieur de Moâ—tluc bâ—gâ— the Trayâ—â—â—â— life Worthy considerations of a Governor This memorable sally of the Siennois was in the year 1526. The people of Sienna begin to capitulate The extremity of the Marquis The Sieur de Montluc's provisions Pope Iulic The wisdom of the Duke of Florence A Proposition of the Marquis de Marigâ—ano to the Sieur de Montluc The Sieur de Montluc's Answer The Sieur de Montluc's Speech to the Senate upon the Capitulation Soldiers pass every where The Siennois resolve to fight The Capitulation again concluded The manner of the Surrender of Sienna The Surrender of Sienna was upon the second of April 1555. The courtesie of the Marquiâ— of Marignanâ— The French march out of Sienna Discourse betwixt the Marquis of Marignano and the Siâ—ur de Montluc â—outtesie betwix the Souldâ—ers Great famine in Sienna Signior Cabry his Characteâ— The good fortune of the Siâ—ur de Montluc The Declaration of the Siennois in honor of the Sieur de Mentluc The desire of eternizing a mans name Women hate Cowards Children defam'd by the Father A Saying of the Sieur de Iarnac to the King A Captain must never fear death Captains that have well defended places A man that fears dying must never go to wars * Or Hall or Court of Justice or Law A Governor ought frequently to shew himself to the people Error of the Sicur de Montluc Artifices of a Governorâ— The Sieur de Montluc at Rome The death of Pope Marcellinus Monsâ—â—ur de 〈◊〉 before 〈◊〉 Two and fifty Galleys of Prince Auria The King dissatisfied with the Sieur de Montluc The Siâ—ur de Montluc arrives at Courâ— The Gaâ—conâ— proud The Siâ—ur de Montluc makes a Narrative to the King of the Siege of Sienna A question of the King 's to the Sieur de Montluc His pleasant Answer Another question of the King 's to the Sieur de Montluc The Sieur de Montluc justifies Monsieur de Strozzy to the King Madam de Valentinois The resolution of the Sieur de Montluc The Sieur de Montluc made Knight of the Order Recompences given by the King to the Siâ—ur de Montluc The good nature of King Henry the second The King's command to the Sieur de Montluc Monsieur d' Aumale commands the Army * A Tenaille is a kind of Fortification of the shape of a pair of Pincers The Siege in Sep. 1555. Monsieur d' Aumale goes himself to discover The danger of Monsieur d' Aumale and the Siâ—ur de Montluc Chipi Camp-Master Three Princes at this Siege The Sieur de â— Monâ—luc's advice â—mâ—sinterpreted 〈◊〉 discovered Moncalvo surrendred The Goveâ—nor hang'd The importance of Moncalvo The Sieur de Montluc traduc'd to the King A caution for such as have the privilege to talk with their Princes The Duke of Guise his Motto The Siennois send again to the King for Monsieur de Montluc to command them Monsieur de Soubizade The Duke de Alva against the Pope The pâ—ople of Rome nothing 〈◊〉 The Sieur de Montluc's Harangue to the Romans Praise of the Siâ—nnois The Duke of Alva retires Marc Antony eldest Son to Sieur de Montluc The Sieur de Monâ—luc fâ—tchâ—s off Signior Francisco 〈◊〉 from Tivoly The Sieur de Montluc's diligence The Retreaâ— The Sieur de Montluc's design Ascanio de la Corne. Signior Pescaro Marc Anthony and Captain Châ—rry at Civita Vechia Marc Antoniâ— de Colonna A pleasant hope of the Sieur de Montluc Aurâ—lio Frâ—gosa Captain Alexis is a Grecian The Sieur de â—ontluc discovers the Enemy The Sieur de Montluc's Avant
enter at this place and now God had granted me the thing that I had ever desir'd which was to be present at an assault there to enter the first man or to lose my life I therefore threw my self headlong into the Parlour having on a Coat of Mail such as the Germans used in those days a Sword in my hand a Targuette upon my arm and a Morrion upon my head but as those who were at my heels were pressing to get in after me the Enemy pour'd the great tub of stones upon their heads and trapt them in the hole by reason whereof the could not possibly follow I therefore remainâ—d all alone within fighting at a door that went out into the street but from the roof of the Parlour which was unplank'd and laid open for that purpose they pepperâ—d me in the mean time with an infinite number of Harquebuze shot one of which pierc'd my Targuette and shot my arm quite through within four fingers of my hand and another so batter'd the bone at the knitting of my arm and shoulder that I lost all manner of feeling so that letting my Targuette fall I was constrain'd to retire towards my hole against which I was born over by those who fought at the door of the Parlour but so fortunately nevertheless for me that my Soldiers had by that means opportunity to draw me out by the legs but so leisurely withal that they very courtâ—ously made me tumble heels over head from the very top to the bottom of the Graffe wherein rowling over the ruines of the Stones I again broke my already wounded arm in two places So soon as my men had gathered me up I told them that I thought I had left my arm behind me in the Town when one of my Soldiers lifting it up from whence it hung as in a Scarf dangling upon my buttocks and laying it over the other put me into a little heart after which seeing the Soldiers of my own Company gather'd round about me Oh my Camrades said I have I always us'd you so kindly and ever loved you so well to forsake me in such a time as this which I said not knowing how they had been hindred from following me in Upon this my Liâ—utenant who had almost been stiâ—led to death in the hole call'd la Bastide Father to the Savillans now living and one of the bravest Gentlemen in our Army propos'd to two Basque Captains call'd Martin and Ramonâ—t who always quarter'd near unto my Company that if they would with Ladders storm by a Canton of the wall hard by he would undertake at the same time to enter by the hole it self and either force his entry that way or lose his life in the attempt To which I also encouraged them as much as my weakness would permit The Ladders being therefore presently brought and tyed together because they proved too short la Bastide made towards the hole having sent to the other Captains to do as much to the other but they did no great feats In the interim that la Bastide was fighting within having already gained the hole Martin and Ramonâ—t gave a brave Scalado to the Canton and with so good success that they beat the Enemy from the wall and entred the Town Of this being presently advertis'd I sent to la Bastide to conjure him to save me as many women and maids as he possibly could that they might not be violated having that in devotion for a vow I had made to our Lady of Lorâ—tta hoping that God for this good act would please to be assisting to me which he did bringing fifteen or twenty which were also all that were saved the Soldiers being so animated to revenge the wounds I had receiv'd and to express their affection to me that they killed all before them so much as to the very children and moreover set the Town on fire And although the Bishop of Ascoly this being a member of his Diocess was very importunate with Monsieur de Laâ—trec in behalf of the Town the Soldiers could notwithstanding never be made to leave it till they saw it reduced to Ashes The next day I was carryed to Ascoly where Monsieur de Lautrec sent Messiâ—urs de Gramont and de Montpezat to see how I did with whom he moreover sent two Chirurgâ—ons the King had given him at his departure the one called Master Alesme and the other Master Gâ—orge who after they had seen how miserably my arm was mangled and shatter'd positively pronounced that there was no other way to save my life but to cut it off the execution whereof was deferr'd till the next morning Monsiâ—ur de Lautrec thereupon commanded the said Sieurs de Montpezat and de Gramont to be present at the work which they promised they would but not without some difficulty out of the friendship they both had for me especially the Siâ—ur de Gramont Now you must understand that my Soldiers had a few days before taken prisoner a young man a Chirurgion who had formerly belong'd to Monsieur de Bourbon This young fellow having understood the determination to cut off my arm for I had entertain'd him into my service never ceased to importune me by no means to endure it representing to me that I was not as yet arrived to the one half of my age and that I would wish my self dead an hundred times a day when I should come to be sensible of the want of an arm The morning being come the forementioned Lords and the two Chirurgions and Physicians came into my chamber with all their instruments and plaisters without more ceremony or giving me so much as leisure to repent to cut off my arm having in command from Monsiâ—ur de Lautreâ— to tell me that I should not consider the loss of an Arm to save my life nor despair of my fortune for although his Majesty should not regard my service nor take it into consideration to settle a subsistence for me yet that nevertheless his wife and himself had forty thousand Livers a year revenue wherewith to recompence my valour and to provide that I should never want only he wished me to have patience and to manifest my courage upon this occasion Every thing being now ready and my arm going to be opened to be cut off the young Chirurgeon standing behind my bed's head never desisted preaching to me by no means to suffer it insomuch that as God would have it though I was prepared and resolved to let them do what they would with me he made me to alter my determination whereupon without doing any thing more both the Lords and the Chirurgeons return'd back to Monsieur de Lautreâ— to give him an account of the business who as they have all of them several times since assured me said these words I am glad to hear he is so resolved and should also my self have repented the causing of it to be done for had he dyed I should ever
Admiral at first having the design that I afterwards saw they had For had all the Hugonots the next day resolv'd with the great ones of their Faction it had been easie for them to have retir'd from Paris and to have put themselves into some place of safety But they were blinded and God depriv'd them of their understandings I shall not here take upon me to determine whether this proceeding was good or evil for there is a great deal to be said on both sides and besides it were now to no purpose for it would do no good Those that follow after us may speak to better effect and without fear For the Writers of this Age dare not speak out but mince the matter for my part I had rather hold my peace and say nothing Though I had at this time no other Command than that of my own House and Family yet was the Queen pleased to do me the honor to write to me and to send me word that there was a dangerous Conspiracy discover'd against the King and his Crown which had been the occasion of that which had hapned I know very well what I thought 't is a dangerous thing to offend ones Master The King never forgot the time when the Admiral made him go faster than an amble betwixt Meaux and Paris We lose our understanding when we come to the pinch of affairs and never consider that Kings have greaâ—er stomacks than we to resent an injury and that they are apter to forget services than offences But let us talk of something else this will be sufficiently canvased by others who will be better able to undertake it than I. All the King and Queens care was how to take Rochelle the only refuge of the Hugonots God knows whether I did not send the Queen my advice touching this affair At the Voyage of Bayonne and afterwards at her coming into Xaintonge I had proposed it to her to make her self Mistress of it without noise or breeding the least disturbance and by what I gather'd from Monsieur de Iarnac to whom I discover'd my self a little and not too much I think there would have been very little difficulty in the business She was evermore afraid of renewing the War but for so delicate a morsel one would not have been nice of breaking the â—ast It might have been done and afterwards it had been to much purpose for them to have complain'd There would have been wayes enow found out to have appeas'd the people for what could any one have said if the King would have built a Ciâ—adel in his own City But it is now too late to repent that oversight This City has furnisht the Hugonots with means to renew the Wars and will still do it if the King does not take it from them to which end nothing should be omitted For thorough the conveniencie of this City they manage the intelligences they have in England and Germany and take great prizes upon the Sea with which they maintain the War They moreover keep the Isles from whence they extract a Mass of money by reason of the Salt The Queen shall pardon me if she please she then committed a very great error and moreover another since not to supply us with means to execute her Command then when she sent us to besiege it For Rochelle at that time was not the same that it is now and I think I should have frighted them And now behold all the world before Rochelle and I also was invited to the Feast amongst the rest So God help me when I took the resolution to go thither I made full account there to end my dayes and to lay my bones before the Town Being come thither I was astonisht to see so many men so many minds for they were strangely divided in their inclinations and a great many there were who would have been sorry the Town should have been taken The Siege was great and long and many handsome actions were there perform'd but well assaulted better defended I shall not take upon me to give the Narrative of the particularities of this Siege for I was no more than a private person and I will speak ill of no one The Monsieur that commanded in chief at this Siege and has since been King knows very well that having done me the honor to talk with me and to ask my advice I told him frankly what I thought By this Leaguer all men who were present at it and those who come after us may judg that places of such importance are either to be taken by famine blocking them up or foot by foot with time and patience There was here a great fault committed in hazarding so many men in Assaults and another greater in keeping so ill watch that supplies of powder came in by Sea as they continually did but to tell you my opinion which was also that of a great many others they had been our own in spite of the best they could have done for their defence and must have come out to us with Ropes about their necks for the Succours the Count de Montgommery brought them were retir'd and we were upon the point to grapple with them for they were reduced to the last necessity of all things But at the same time Monsieur de Valence my Brother was in Poland to labour the Monsieurs election to that Kingdom as he did And I think the glory of that business is due to him but it was also the cause that every one thought of entring into Capitulation with the Rochellors as at last they did The Deputies of Poland there came to salute the Monsieur for their King and every one retir'd to prepare himself to see the Solemnity of this new Crown so that after having lost a vast number of men at this Siege we left the Rochellors still in possession of their City It seem'd by some words the Monsieur cast out at his departure that he was not very well satisfied with this new Kingdom for my part I think it was a great honor both to him and to us all that so remote a Kingdom should come to seek a King in ours Monsieur de Valence my Brother got a great deal of honor in this Negotiation and his Orations are very fine I make no doubt but he will insert them in his History During these unhappy Wars and this Siege where I lost several of my Kindred and Friends the Admiral de Villars who was the Kings Lieutenant in Guienne did in my opinion the best he could and in truth there was not much to do for the Hugonots were squandred here and there like a Covey of flown Partridges But having taken a little heart by the length of this Siege they made some attempts which made me for my last misfortune to lose my Son Fabian Signieur de Montesquien who in forcing a Barricado at Noguarol receiv'd a Harquebuze shot whereof he died Although he was my
Son I must needs give him this testimony that he was loyal and brave and I verily believ'd that the sorrow for his death would have ended my dayes but God gave me courage to bear my loss not with that patience I should have done but as well as I could In the mean time all France was full of Triumphs to honor the departure of the new King of Poland whilst I remain'd at my own house without other company than my own sorrows saving that sometimes I was visited by my friends and the Gentlemen of the Country The King about this time made a new removal which was very prejudicial to the Province of Guienne Those who follow after us will learn to be wise by the oversights of others and the error that his Majesty here committed was that he divided the Government of Gvienne into two parts wherein he gave all on this side the Garonne towards Gascony to Monsieur de la Valette and that on the other side to Monsieur de Losse This was a very great mistake in the Kings Council and more especially in the Queen who would again divide it into three parts to give one to Monsieur de Gramont 'T was pitty that so many wise head-pieces had not taken notice what inconveniences had already accru'd by giving so much power to Monsieur d' Anville before by reason of the little intelligence there had been betwixt him and me of which I have elsewhere given an account and seeing all the forces of the whole Province under one head had enough to do to cause the King to be obey'd what was to be expected from them when separated and under several mens Commands This sows jealousie and dissention amongst them which in the end grows to absolute breach and all at the expence of the King and his people The effects soon discover'd themselves for Monsieur de Losse undertook the Siege of Clerac a palâ—ry Town that had never dar'd to shut her Gates against me where Monsieur de la Valette was also present but it was only in the quality of a looker on where in the end he did nothing worth speaking of neither indeed am I at all concern'd in that affair so that what I say is only to enform the King that to be well serv'd he ought never to divide a Government but commit it entire to one Lieutenant only His Kingdom is wide enough to satisfie the ambition of those who are greedy of Employments and with his Majesties pardon they ought to stay their time there will be enough for all Some time after we heard so many strange things that me-thought I saw the Enterprizes of Amboise again on foot for they talkt of prodigious things and such as I should never have believ'd if all was true that was said which whether it was or no I leave to others to examine A little while after news came of the Kings being sick and of several great persons at Court being committed to prison which made me think my self happy that I was so far off for a man is often trapt when he least expects it and when he knows no reason why In the end of all news came of the death of the King which was in truth a very great blow to the Kingdom for I dare be bold to say that had he liv'd he would have done great things and to his Neighbour's cost would have remov'd the Scene of War out of his own Kingdom Wherein if the King of Poland would have joyn'd with him and have set on foot the great Forces he had been able to have rais'd in his Kingdom all would have bowed before them and the Empire would again have been restor'd to the House of France His death did very much astonish us by reason of the great designs he had as it was said in the Kingdom and I do believe the Queen never found her self in so great a perplexity since the death of the King her Husband my good Master Her Majesty did me the honor to write to me and to entreat me to assist her in her great affliction and to preserve the State till the coming of the King her Son Wherefore to gratifie her Majesties desire though I was overburdn'd with years and infirmity as also to divert my own grief for the death of my Son and especially to manifest to her the desire I had to keep the promise I had made to her at Orleans I went to Paris to receive her Majesties Commands and from thence attended her to Lyons where I had the opportunity of discoursing with her at large concerning several things which I have since seen discover themselves nearer at hand and which it will be a great work in her to redress The King being return'd they made him commit a very great error at his first footing in the Kingdom for instead of composing all differences and disorders in the State and establishing peace and tranquility amongst us which at that time had been a very easie matter to do they perswaded him to resolve upon a War And they yet perswaded him to a greater inconvenience for they made him believe that entring into Dauphiné all places would immediately surrender to him whereas notwithstanding he found that every paltry Garrison made head against him but I have nothing to do to give an account of those transactions At his coming he was pleased to be exceedingly gracious and kind to me and yet he was not so to all and indeed I observ'd him to be much alter'd in his humor from what he was wont to be There were there some publick Councils held but there were also others that were private and very closely carried Now his Majesty calling to mind the services I had done for the Kings his Grandfather Father and Brother some of which he had heard of and others had himself also seen he was resolv'd to honor me with the Estate of Mareschal of France and to make me rich in honor since he could not do it in matter of wealth and estate Having therefore caus'd me to be call'd for and being come to kneel down before him after I had taken the Oath he put the Mareschal's Staffe into my hand Which having done in returning my most humble thanks I told him That I had no other grief in this world but that I had not ten good years in my belly wherein to manifest how much I desir'd to be serviceable to his Majesty and Crown in that honorable Command Having receiv'd his Commands and those of the Queen I return'd into Gascony to make preparation for war for all things tended that way but I very well perceiv'd by the tediousness of my Journey that I was rather to think of dying my self than of killing others for I was no more able to endure long Journies nor to undergo any great labour And moreover I very well foresaw that the same would happen betwixt the Kings Lieutenants and me that had