EMulation betwixt the middle and the meaner sort of people 50 The Citizens Oration to the Senate 51 New reformation 53 Gregory the 11th holds his residence at Avignon ib. New Commission for the management of the War ib. A conspiracy of the Guelfs 54 The conspiracy defeated ib. The Speech of Salvestro de Medici 55 The Balia ib. Reformation again 56 Luigi Guicciardini 's Oration ib. New troubles 57 The Speech of a Plebeian 58 The people rise again 59 The demands of the people 60 Michaele di Lando a Carder of wooll ib. Michael overcomes the multitude 62 The popular faction distinguished from the Plebeian ib. Another reformation 64 The Commons expelled from the Government 65 Michael Lando imprisoned ib. Benedetto's Speech to his friends upon his going into banishment ib. He dies at Rhodes 66 Veri de Medici 's Speech to the Senate 67 Donato Acciaivoli confin'd 68 A new conspiracy defeated ib. The Duke of Milan practises against the City of Florence 69 Several Families banished ib. The King of Naples dies ib. Book IV. PEace betwixt Florence and Milan 72 Imola taken by the Duke Philip 73 The Florentines overthrown ib. Rinaldo Albizi's exhortation to be quiet 74 Giovanni de Medici 's reply to Rinaldo 75 The factions of Urano and the Medici 76 The great courage of Biagio del Milano ib. The cowardize of Zenobi del Pino ib. Piccinino revolts 77 Carmignuola General of the League ib. Peace betwixt the League and the Duke 78 Giovanni de Medici's Speech to his Sons at his death ib Cosimo heir to his Father 79 Volterra revolts ib. Recovered again by the Florentines ib. Rinoldo persuades to war with Lucca 80 Urano opposes it ib. The cruelty of Astorre 81 Rinaldo accus'd 82 His Speech to the ten 83 Pagolo Lord of Lucca deposed 84 The Florentines defeated ib. Peace between the Florentines and the Lucchesi ib. Florence in confusion 85 Cosimo Medici deposed and imprisoned 87 Federigo's Speech to Cosimo his Prisoner ib. Cosimo banished 88 Rinaldo's Speech to his friends ib. Eugenius the Pope labours a Peace 90 Cosimo recalled ib. Rinaldo's answer to the Pope ib. Book V. THe Souldiers in Italy distinguished into two parties 93 The Duke of Milan promises his Daughter to Count Francis Sforza ib. The Pope invaded makes Peace with Sforza ib. Wars in Romagna ib. Sforza General of the Pope's League 94 Peace betwixt the League and the Duke ib. New Ordinances in Florence ib. Alphonso King of Arragon defeated by the Genoeses and brought Prisoner to Duke Philip 95 The Duke and his authority in Genoa ib. Genoa delivered to the Duke of Milan 96 How it recovered its liberty again ib. Rinaldo's Oration to the Duke of Milan ib. The speech of a Citizen of Lucca to the People 98 Controversies between the Greek and Roman Churches 102 Determined at Florence by the submission of the Greek ib. The Pope deluded and his Country invaded by Nich. Piccinino 103 The Speech of Neri a Citizen of Florence to the Venetian Senate 104 Nicolo Piccinino defeated by Count Sforza 106 He scapes to Fenna and from thence very strangely to his Army ib. Verona surprized by Nicolo 107 Recovered again by the Count ib. The Duke of Milan encouraged in his Expedition into Tuscany by Nicolo and the Florentine Exiles 108 The Patriarch of Alexandria General for the Pope ib. The Pope discovers intelligence between the Patriarch and Nicolo and resolves to secure him ib. Is secured by Antonio Governor of the Castle at Rome and dies 109 Commissioners from the Venetians to the Count ib. Nicolo makes a diversion into the Territories of Florence The Count desirous to follow him but is hindred by the Venetians ib. Of Nicolo's proceeding after he left Lombardy 110 111 Nicolo's practices to surprize Crotona 112 Brescia relieved by the Venetians ib. The Duke of Milan's Fleet defeated by the Venetians ib. Nicolo engages the Florentines at Anghiari and is defeated by them ib. The Speech of Count Poppi to the Florentine Commissaries 114 Neri's answer ib. Book VI. THe Duke of Milan proposeth a Peace to Count Sforza and offereth his Daughter in Marriage to the Count 116 The ingratitude of the Venetians ib. Micheletto General for the League ib. Nicolo's insolence to the Duke of Milan 117 Peace between the Duke of Milan and Count Sforza ib. Naples taken by the King of Arragon 118 Florence reformed 119 Nicolo Piccinino dies of grief a couragious but unfortunate General ib. A new War in Lombardy 121 Count Sforza courted by all parties ib. The Duke of Milan dies ib. The Count made General for the Milanesi 122 The Venetians ambitious of the Dutchy of Milan ib. Alphonso invades the Florentines ib. Retreats out of Tuscany 123 The Venetians fall upon Count Sforza in his Trenches at the Siege of Caravaggio and are totally routed by the Count 124 Peace between the Venetians and the Count by which the Venetians were obliged to assist the Count in his obtaining the Dutchy of Milan 125 An Oration made by one of the Milan Embassadors to the Count ib. The Count's answer 126 Cosimo de Medici a friend to the Count 127 The Venetians assist the Milanesi against the Count 128 The Milanesi reduced to great straits by Sforza ib. Milan delivered to Sforza and he made Duke thereof enters into a League with the Florentines 129 The King of Arragon and the Venetians enter into a League ib. Their Embassy to the Florentines ib. The Florentines answer ib. The Florentines prepare War 130 Federigo the Emperor comes into Italy to be Crown'd and enter Florence ib. The King of Arragon invades Tuscany ib. The strange conceit and undertaking of a Citizen of Rome 131 Peace between the Duke of Milan and the Venetians ib. The King of Arragon enters into the League 134 The Pope solicits a War against the Turk ib. A prodigious Tempest ib. The Genoesi invaded by the King of Arragon 135 Genoa delivered to the French ib The King of Arragon dies ib. Calisto the third dies and Pius the second chosen Pope 136 The Genoesi revolt from the French ib. Naples invaded by Giovanni d' Angio ib. The King of Naples defeated ib. He recruits his Army fights and defeats Giovanni ib. Giovanni being defeated and deserted of his Souldiers flies into France ib. Book VII COsimo de Medici and Neri Capponi the two great Citizens in Florence 138 Cosimo dies 139 His children riches honours and actions described 139 140 141 Giacopo Piccinino murdered 142 Francesco Sforza Duke of Milan dies 144. The Florentines invaded by the Venetians 148 Peace between the Florentines and Venetians 149 Piero de Medici's Speech to the Florentines ib. His death 150 Thomaso Soderini in great favour with the Florentines ib. Lorenzo and Guiliano de Medici made Princes of the City of Florence ib. A conspiracy of the Nardi 151 Bernardo defeated and taken 152 The Duke of Milan in Florence ib. Tumults in Volterra ib. Volterra surrendred and sacked 183 Italy in two factions 154
They admonished besides the whole Family of the Alberti Ricci and Medici for ten years except only some few Among those of the Alberti which were not admonished Antonio was one being esteemed a quiet and a peaceable man their jealousie of this plot being not yet out oâ—t their heads a Monk happened to be apprehended who had been observed whilst the conspiracy was on foot to have passed many times betwixt Bologna and Florence and he confessed he had frequently brought Letters to Antonio Antonio being taken into custody denied it obstinately at first but being confronted by the Monk and the charge justified against him he was fined in a sum of mony and banished three hundred miles distance from the City and that they might not always be in danger of the Alberti they decreed that none of that Family above 15 years of age should be suffered to continue in the Town These things happened in the year 1400 two years after Giovan Galezo Duke of Milan died whose death as we have said before put an end to a War that had been prosecuted for twelve years After which the Government having extended its authority and all things at quiet both abroad and at home they undertook the enterprize of Pisa which succeeded so well they took the Town very honourably and enjoyed that and the rest very peaceably till the year 1433. Only in the year 1412 the Alberti having transgress'd against the terms of their banishment a new Balia was erected new provisions made for the security of the State and new impositions inflicted upon that Family About this time the Florentines had War likewise against Ladislaus King of Naples which ended in the year 1416 upon the death of that King During the time of the War finding himself too weak he had given the City of Cortona to the Florentines of which he was Lord but afterwards recovering more strength he renewed his War with them and managed it so that it was much more dangerous than the former and had not his death determined it as the other was by the death of the Duke of Milan doubtless he had brought Florence into as great exigence as the Duke of Milan would have done and endangered if not ruined its liberty Nor did their War with this King conclude with less good fortune than the other for when he had taken Rome Sienna la Marka and Romagna and nothing remained but Florence to hinder his passage with his whole force into Lombardy he died so that death was always a true friend to the Florentines and did more to preserve them than all their own conduct or courage could do From the death of this King this City remained at peace both abroad and at home eight years at the end of that term their Wars with Philip Duke of Milan reviv'd their factions which could never be suppressed but with the subversion of the State which had governed from the year 1371 to 1434 with much honour and maintained many Wars with much advantage having added to their Dominion Arezzo Pisa Cortona Livorno and Monte Pulciano and doubtless would have extended it farther had the City been unanimous and the old humours not been rubb'd up and reviv'd as in the next book shall be more particularly related THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE Book IV. ALL Cities especially such as are not well constituted under the Titles of Common Wealths do sometime or other alter their Government yet not as many think by means of Liberty and Subjection but by occasion of servitude and licentiousness for only the name of Liberty is pretended by popular Persons such as are the instrument of licentiousness and servitude is sought for by those that are Noble neither of them both desiring to be restrain'd either by Laws or any thing else Nevertheless when it does happen as it happens but seldom that a City has the good fortune to produce and advance some Wise Honest and Potent Citizen by whom the Laws may be so order'd that the humors and emulations betwixt the Nobility and the People if not perfectly compos'd may be yet so well circumscrib'd and corrected that they may be check'd from breaking forth to its prejudice Then it is That City may be call'd free and that State pronounce it self durable for being founded upon good Laws and Orders at first it has not that necessity of good Men to maintain it Of such Laws and Principles many Common Wealths were antiently constituted and continued a long time Others have wanted and do still want them which has frequently occasion'd the variation of the Government from Tyranny to licentiousness and from licentiousness to Tyranny for by reason of the powerful animosities in all of them it is not nor can be possible they should be of any duâ—ation one disgusting the Good and the other the Wise. One doing mischief with ease and the other good with difficulty in this the insolent have too much Authority in another the sots and therefore it is convenient that both one and the other be supported and maintained by the fortune and Valour of some Eminent Man though he may be taken from them by Death or made unserviceable by misfortune I say therefore that Government which flourished in Florence from the death of Giorgio Scali which fell out in the year 1381 was supported first by the conduct of Muso di gli Albizi and afterwards by Nicolo Uzano This City from the year 1414 till the end of the 22 remain'd quiet King Ladisâ—ans being dead and Lombardy divided into several Cantons so that neither abroad nor at home had they the least cause of apprehension The next Citizens in Authority to Nicolo Uzano were Bartolmeo Valori Nerone de Nigi Rinaldo de gli Albizi Neri di Gino and Lapo Nicolini The factions which sprung from the animosity betwixt the Albizi and the Ricci which were with so much mischief reviv'd afterward by Salvestro de Medici could never be extinguish'd and although that which was most generally succour'd prevailed but three years and was afterwards depress'd yet the greatest part of the City had imbib'd so much of their humor as could never be wrought out True it is the frequent exprobrations and constant persecutions of the heads of that party from the year 1381 to 1400 had almost brought them to nothing The first Families which were persecuted as the chief of that faction were the Alberti Ricci and Medici who were rob'd of their Men as well as their Money and if any of them continued in the City their imployments and dignities were most certainly taken from them which usage had indeed debas'd that party and almost consum'd it However the memory of the injuries receiv'd and a secret desire of being reveng'd lay close in the Hearts of many of them and having no opportunity to show it they kept it private to themselves Those of the Popular Nobility who govern'd the City so quietly committed two errours which were the ruine of their Government
refuge the Florentines had in their necessities was to the State of Milan determined to give the Dutchess so much imployment of her own that she should not be at leasure to send them any relief and by means of Prospero Adorno the Signore Roberto and the Sforzi which were banished he wrought so that Genoa rebelled nevertheless the little Castle remained firm to the young Duke and the Dutchess sent forces to them to recover the Town but they were overthrown whereupon considering with her self the danger which might accrew both to her Son and her self if the War should be continued all Tuscany being imbroiled and the Florentines in distress she resolved seeing she could not retain Genoa as a Subject that she would have it as a Friend and agreed with Battistino Fregosi a great Enemy to Prospero Adorno to deliver him the Castle and make him Prince of Genoa upon condition he would drive out Prospero and give the Sforzi no assistance nor protection After all was concluded betwixt them the Castle was surrendered and by the help of that and his party Battistino reducing Genoa and according to their custom made himself Dogue the Sforzi and Signore Roberto being forced out of the Town they passed with their followers into Lunigiana The Pope and the King seeing the troubles in Lombardy composed took occasion to infest Tuscany on that side towards Pisa with those Persons which were driven out of Genoa supposing by dividing and diverting their forces to weaken the Florentines whereupon the Summer approaching they prevailed with the Signore Roberto to march with his Squadron from Lunigiana into the Country of Pisa Roberto put the whole Country into confusion took several Castles from the Pisans and plundered them and made his excursions to the very walls of Pisa it self About this time Embassadors arrived at Florence from the Emperour the King of France and the King of Hungary who from their several Princes being sent to the Pope persuaded the Florentines to send Embassadors also and promised their utmost endeavour with him to conclude all their differences with an honorable peace The Florentines consented as well to excuse themselves to the World as that they were really desirous of it Having sent therefore their Embassadors they returned as they went without any accommodation and the Florentines finding themselves abused or abandoned by the Italians resolved to try if they could gain themselves any reputation by an alliance with France to which purpose they sent as their Embassador Donato Acciaivoli a person well skill'd both in the Greek and Latine tongues whose Ancestors had always born great office in that State but being arrived at Milan in his journey he died and Florence in honor to his memory and remuneration to his Children buried him magnificently at the publick charge gave his Sons considerable exemptions and his Daughters such portions as would marry them like themselves and sent Giud ' Antonio Vespucci a Man well versed in the imperial and Pontifical Laws to the King of France in his place The inroad Signore Roberto had made into the Country of Pisa as all sudden and unexpected things do gave the Florentines no little distraction For the War lying heavy upon them in the Country of Siena they could not see how they should be able to defend themselves on the other side however they sent officers and all other provisions to reinforce the City of Pisa and that they might keep the Lucchesi from assisting the Enemy with mony or any thing else they sent Gino Capponi as their Embassador to them but he was received so ill out of an ancient Enmity to the People of Florence upon former injuries received and a constant apprehension to them that he was many times in danger of being killed by the multitude So that his journey produced new quarrels rather than new quiet and thereupon the Florentines called back the Marquess of Ferrara entertained the Marquess of Mantoua into their pay and with great importunity desired of the Venetians Count Carlo the Son of Braccio and Deifebo the Son of Count Giacopo who after several scruples and demurs were sent to them for having made peace with the Turk aud no pretence left to excuse themselves they were ashamed to braek faith with the League Carlo therefore and Deifebo being come with a considerable number of Horse and joyned to what forces they could conveniently draw out of the Marquess of Ferrara's Army which attended the Duke of Calabria they marched towards Pisa in quest of Signore Roberto who was posted with his ARmy near the river Serchio and thought at first he made a show of expecting our Army yet upon second thoughts he removed and retired into the Country of Lunigiana to the same quarters where he lay before his expedition to Pisa. Upon his departure Count Carlo repossess'd himself of all the Enemy had taken in that Country and the Florentines being clear on that side drew all their forces into one body betwixt Colle and Santo Giminiano but upon Carlo's conjunction there being several of the Sforzeschi and the Bracceschi in the Army the old feud began to revive and it was believed had they stayed longer together they had fallen together by the ears to prevent these inconveniences it was resolved to divide the Army that Count Carlo should march with his forces into the Country of Perugia and the rest fortifie and intrench themselves at Poggibonzi to obstruct the Enemy from entring into the Country of Florence By this division they supposed likewise the Enemy would be forced to divide for they thought that either Count Carlo would take Perugia where he had a great party as they believed or that the Pope would be constrained to send a good body of Men to defend it and to drive his Holiness into greater necessity they ordered Nicolo Vitelli who had left Castello where Lorenzo his Enemy was predominant with what force he could make to approach the Town to drive out his adversary if he could and keep it against the Pope At first fortune seemed to encline to the Florentines Count Carlo advanced strangely in the Country of Perugia Nicolo Vitelli though he could not get into the Town of Castello yet he was Master of the field and plundered round about it without any contradiction and those forces which were encamped at Poggibonzi made their excursions to the very walls of Sienna But at last all their hopes came to nothing for first Count Carlo died in the very height of their expectations whose death had nevertheless much bettered the condition of the Florentines had they known how to have improved the victory which it produced for no sooner was the death of Count Carlo known but the Popes Army being all together in Perugia conceiving great hopes of overpowering the Florentines took the field and encamped upon the Lake within three miles of the Enemy on the other side Giacopo Guicciardini at that time Commissary of the Army by the advice
a power might grow odious to the people he erected a Court of judicature in the middle of the Province in which every City had its advocate and an excellent person was appointed to preside And because he discover'd that his pass'd â—verity had created him many Enemies to remove that ill opinion and recover the affections of the people he had a mind to show that if any cruelty had been exercised it proceeded not from him but from the arrogance of his Minister and for their further confirmation he caused the said Governor to be apprehended and his Head chopt off one morning in the Market place at Cesena with a wooden dagger on one side of him and a bloody knife on the other the ferocity of which spectacle not only appeas'd but amaz'd the people for a while But reassuming our discourse I say the Duke finding himself powerfull enough and secure against present danger being himself as strong as he desired and his neighbours in a manner reduced to an incapacity of hurting him being willing to go on with his conquests there remaining nothing but a jealousie of France and not without cause for he knew that King had found his errour at last and would be sure to obstruct him Hereupon he began to look abroad for new allies and to haesitate and stagger towards France as appeared when the French Army advanced into the Kingdom of Naples against the Spaniards who had besieg'd Cajeta his great design was to secure himself against the French and he had doubtless done it if Alexander had lived These were his provisions against the dangers that were imminent but those that were remote were more doubtful and uncertain The first thing he feared was lest the next Pope should be his enemy reassume all that Alexander had given him to prevent which he proposed four several ways The first was by destroying the whole line of those Lord's whom he had dispossess'd that his Holiness might have no occasion to restore them The second was to cajole the Nobility in Rome and draw them over to his party that thereby he might put an aw and restraint upon the Pope The third was if possible to make the Colledge his friends The fourth was to make himself so strong before the Death of his Father as to be able to stand upon his own legs and repel the first violence that should be practised against him Three of these four expedients he had try'dâ—before Alexander died and was in a fair way for the fourth all the disseiz'd Lord's which came into his Clutches he put to death and left few of them remaining he had insinuated with the Nobility of Rome and got a great party in the Colledge of Cardinals and as to his own corroboration he had design'd to make himself Master of Tuscany had got possession of Perugia and Piombino already and taken Pisa into his protection and having now farther regard of the French who where beaten out of the Kingdom of Naples by the Spaniard and both of them reduc'd to necessity of seeking his amity he leapt bluntly into Pisa after which Lucca and Sienna submitted without much trouble partly in hatred to the Florentines and partly for fear and the Florentines were grown desperate without any hopes of relief so that had these things happened before as they did the same year in which Alexander died doubtless he had gain'd so much strength and reputation that he would have stood firm by himself upon the basis of his own power and conduct without depending upon fortune or any foreignâ—supplies But his Father died five years after his Son had taken up Arms and left him nothing solid and in certainty but Romagna only and the rest were in nubious infested with two formidable Armies and himself mortally sick This Duke was a Man of that magnanimity and prudence understood so well which way Men were to be wheedled or destroy'd and such were the foundations that he had laid in a short time that had he not had those two great Armies upon his back and a fierce distemper upon his body he had overcome all difficulties and brought his designs to perfection That the foundations which he had laid were plausible appear'd by the patience of his Subjects in Romagna who held out for him a compleat month though they knew he was at deaths door and unlikely ever to come out of Rome to which place though the Baglioni the Vitelli and Ursini return'd seeing there was no likelyhood of his recovery yet they could not gain any of his party nor debauch them to their side 't is possible he was not able to put who he pleas'd into the Pontifical chair yet he had power enough to keep any man out who he thought was his Enemy But had it been his fortune to have been well when his Father Alexander died all things had succeeded to his mind He told me himself about the time that Iulius XI was created that he had considered well the accidents that might befal him upon the death of his Father and provided against them all only he did no imagine that at his death he should be so near it himself Upon serious Examination therefore of the whole Conduct of Duke Valentine I see nothing to be reprehended it seems rather proper to me to propose him as I have done as an Example for the imitation of all such as by the favour of fortune or the supplies of other Princes have got into the saddle for his mind being so large and his intentions so high he could not do otherwise and nothing could have opposed the greatness and wisdom of his designs but his own infirmity and the death of his Father He therefore who thinks it necessary in the minority of his Dominion to secure himself against his Enemies to gain himself Friends to overcome whether by force or by fraud to make himself belov'd or fear'd by his people to be followed and reverenced by his Soldiers to destory and exterminate such as would do him injury to repeal and suppress old Laws and introduce new to be severe grateful magnanimous liberal cashier and disband such of his Army as were unfaithful and put new in their places manage himself so in his alliances with Kings and Princes that all of them should be either obliged to requite him or affear'd to offend him He I say cannot find a fresher or better Model than the actions of this Prince If in any thing he be to be condemned it is in suffering the Election of Iulius XI which was much to his prejudice for though as is said before he might be unable to make the Pope as he pleased yet it was in his power to have put any one by and he ought never to have consented to the Election of any of the Cardinals whom he had formerly offended or who after their promotion were like to be jealous of him for men are as mischievous for fear as for hatred Those Cardinals
Troubles in Tuscany ib. A conspiracy against the Duke of Milan takes effect and the Duke slain 155 156 Book VIII A Nimosity between the Parri and the Medici in Florence 〈…〉 A conspiracy to destroy Lorenzo and 〈◊〉 de Medici ib. Rinati del Pazzi disswades from the enterprize but in vain 159 The conspiracy miscarries 161 The Pope and King of Naples make war upon the Florentines 162 Lorenza de Medici's Speech to the Florentines ib. The Pope and King invades their Territories 164 Genoa rebels against the State of Milan ib. The gratitude of the Florentines 165 The Pope's Army defeated 166 Lodovico Sforza Governor of Milan 167 Lorenzo de Medici arrives at Naples 168 The Isle of Rhodes assaulted by the Turks 169 The Duke of Calabria defeated 171 A new League ib. Castello besieged by the Army of the Pope 172 The Coloni provoke the Pope and are 〈◊〉 in Rome 〈◊〉 The company of S. Giorgio 〈◊〉 Aquila rebels against the King of â—â—â—ples 〈◊〉 Is protected by the Pope 〈…〉 The Genoeâ—es 〈…〉 The Venetians defeated 〈◊〉 Count Girolamo 〈…〉 His death revenged by his 〈…〉 Galeotto Lord of Faenza 〈…〉 Wife 〈◊〉 The character of Lorenzo de 〈…〉 His death 〈◊〉 A TABLE Of the several Chapters in the PRINCE CHap. I. The several sorts of Governments and how they are obtained 199 Chap. II. Of Hereditary Principalities ib. Chap. III. Of mix'd Principalities 200 Chap. IV. Why the Kingdom of Darius usurp'd by Alexander did not rebel against his successors after Alexander was dead 203 Chap. V. How such Cities and Principalities are to be govern'd who before they were subdued lived under their own Laws and Constitutions 204 Chap. VI. Of Principalities acquir'd by ones own proper conduct and arms 205 Chap. VII Of new Principalities acquir'd by accident and supplies from other people 206 Chap. VIII Of such as have arrived at their dominion by wicked and unjustifiable means 209 Chap. IX Of Civil Principalities 211 Chap. X. How the strength of all Principalities is to be computed 212 Chap. XI Of Ecclesiastical Principalities 213 Chap. XII The several forms of Military discipline and of those Souldiers which are called mercinary 214 Chap. XIII Of Auxiliaries mix'd Souldiers and Natives 217 Chap. XIV The duty of a Prince in relation to his Militia 218 Chap. XV. Of such things as render men especially Princes worthy of blame or approbation 219 Chap. XVI Of Liberality and Parsimony 220 Chap. XVII Of cruelty and clemency and whether it is better for a Prince to be loved or feared 221 Chap. XVIII How far a Prince is obliged by his promise 222 Chap. XIX Princes are to be cautious of making themselves either odious or contemptible 223 Chap. XX. Whether the building of Citadels and other things that Princes many times do be profitable or dangerous 227 Chap. XXI How a Prince is to demean himself to gain reputation 229 Chap. XXII Of the Princes Secretaries 230 Chap. XXIII How flatterers are to be avoided 231 Chap. XXIV How it came to pass that most of the Princes of Italy have lost their dominions 232 Chap. XXV How far in human affairs fortune may avail and in what manner she may be resisted 233 Chap. XXVI An exhortation for the delivery of Italy from the Barbarians 234 The original of the words Guelf and Ghibilin 236 The life of Castruccio 239 The Relation of the murder committed upon Vitellozzo Vitelli Oliveretto da Fermo Pogolo and the Duke de Gravina all of the house of the Ursini by the machination and management of Duke Valentine 253 The State of France in an Abridgment 256 The State of Germany in an Abridgment 265 A TABLE OF THE DISCOURSES Book I. CHap. I. What have been generally the Principles of all Cities and particularly of Rome 268 Chap. II. The several kinds of Common-wealths and under which kind the Roman is comprehended 270 Chap. III. Upon what accidents and tumults in Rome the Tribune of the people was created by which that Commonwealth became more perfect 272 Chap. IV. The dissentions betwixt the Senate and the People of Rome were the occasion that Commonwealth became so powerful and free 273 Chap. V. Where the Guardianship of liberty may be most securely deposited whether among the People or Nobility and which has greater occasion to tumultuate he that would acquire more or he that would defend and keep what he has 274 Chap. VI. Whether in Rome such a form of Government could be established as should take away the animosities betwixt the Senate and the People 275 Chap. VII How necessary it is for the conservation of a State that any Citizen be securely accused 277 Chap. VIII Unjust calumnies are no less pernitious to a Commonwealth than legal accusations are profitable and good 278 Chap. IX How much a single person is necessary for the establishment of a new Common-wealth or the reformation of an old 279 Chap. X. As they are to be praised who lay the foundations of any Republick or Kingdom so they are to be condemned who set up a Tyranny 281 Chap. XI Of the Religion and Ceremonies of the Romans 282 Chap. XII How necessary for the preservation of a State it is that Religion be in esteem and how much Italy has suffered for want of it by means of the Church of Rome 284 Chap. XIII How the Romans pretended Religion many times to regulate their City to prosecute their Wars and to pacify their tumults 285 Chap. 14. The Romans were wont to interpret their Auspices with accommodation to their own pleasures and designs and when at any time they were forced to transgress they managed it wisely and pretended to be very precise and if any body rashly despised them he was sure to be punished 286 Chap. 15. How the Samnites in the extremity of their affairs as their last refuge had recourse to Religion 287 Chap. 16. A people accustomed to the dominion of a Prince though by accident they may acquire their liberty yet it is with great difficulty if they maintain it 288 Chap. 17. A people wholly corrupted in their manners may possibly recover their liberty but they will find insuperable difficulty to maintain it 289 Chap. 18. A corrupt City having made it self free how its liberty may be maintained and not having made it self free how its liberty may be procured 290 Chap. 19. Though a weak Prince succeeds an excellent the Government may stand but if one weak Prince succeeds another 't is impossible 292 Chap. 20. Two good Princes immediately succeeding may do great things and well-grounded Commonwealths having always a virtuous succession their Conquests and Acquisitions must of necessity be according 293 Chap. 21. How much that Prince or Common-wealth is to be condemned which neglects to train up Souldiers of its own ib. Chap. 22. What is to be observed from the Combat betwixt the three Roman Horatii and the three Alban Curiaâ—ii 294 Chap. 23. That our whole fortune is not to be ventured upon part of
who having possest themselves of that part of Spain call'd Betica being press'd hard by the Visigoti and distressed beyond all remedy they were call'd over by Boniface who at that time Govern'd Africk for the Emperours to come and plant there for those Provinces being then in rebellion he was afraid his ill Administration might be discovered This invitation and their own Exigence concurring the Vandals embrac'd that Enterprize and performed many memorable and brave things in Africk under Gensericus their King In the mean time Theodosius the Son of Arcadius succeeded to the Empire who regarding but litle the Affairs of the West gave those Nations the first thoughts of fixing in their New Conquests Accordingly the Vandali in Africk the Alani and Visigoti in Spain began to set up for themselves and Lord it over the Natives The Franchi and the Burgundi not only over-run and possess'd themselves of France but according to the parts they possest they gave it their Names one of them being call'd Francia and the other Burgundia The success of their Camrades inviting new multitudes to the subversion of the Empire the Hunni fell upon Pannonia which is a Province upon the banks of the Danube and giving it their Name have denominated it Hungaria to this very day Then as an addition to the disorders the Emperour finding himself attacked in so many places to contract the number of his Enemies he began first to treat and capitulate with the Vandals then with the Franks which Treaty increas'd the Authority of the Barbarians and diminish'd his own Nor was the Island of great Britain call'd England at this day exempt from its troubles For the Britains grown apprehensive of the people which had Conquered France and not discerning which way the Emperour would be able to defend them call'd in the Angli a Nation in Germany to their assistance The Angli under the Conduct of Vortiger their King undertook their defence and at first behav'd themselves faithfully afterwards their Opportunity increasing with their Power they drove the Natives out of the Island possess'd themselves of it and gave it their Name in commutation for its liberty Being robb'd of their Countrey and made Valiant by Necessity though they were not able to recover their own the Britains began to think of invading some other and planting themselves there In this Resolution they cross'd the Seas with their whole Families and possess'd themselves of those parts which lie upon the Coasts of France and are call'd Britain to this day The Hunns who as was said before had over-run Pannonia being streightned and disturb'd in their Quarters by other Nations viz. the Zepidi Eruli Turingi and Ostrogoti or Eastern Goths they rose again and put themselves once more in motion for New Habitations Not being able to force their way into France which was at that time defended by the Barbarians they fell into Italy under Attila their King who not long before to rid himself of a Partner in the Government had slain Bleda his own Brother and by that means made himself absolute Andaricus King of the Zepidi and Velamir King of the Ostrogoti remained as his Subjects Attila having in this manner made his inroad into Italy he besieg'd Aquilegia lay without interruption two years before it wasted the Countrey round about it and dispersed the Inhabitants which as we shall afterwards declare was the occasion of building the City of Venice After he had taken sack'd and demolish'd Aquilegia and several other Towns he advanc'd towards Rome but forbore the destruction of it upon the intercession of the Pope for whom Attila had so great a Reverence and Veneration that upon his single persuasion he withdrew out of Italy into Austria where he died After Attila's death Velamir King of the Ostrogoti with the Commanders of other Nations took up Arms against Tenricus and Eurius Attila's Sons One of them they kill'd and forc'd the other with the Hunni back again over the Danube into their own Countrey Upon which the Ostrogoti and Zepidi plac'd themselves in Pannonia and the Eruli and Turingi remain'd upon the Bank of the Danube Attila being departed out of Italy Valentinianus at that time Emperour of the West had a design to repair that Empire and for his Capacity of defending it with more Ease and Convenience against the irruptions of the Barbarians he quitted Rome and setled his Residence at Ravenna The Calamities wherewith the Western Empire had been oppressed were the occasion that the Emperour residing at Constantinople had many times transfer'd the possession of it to other people as a thing of great danger and expence many times without the Emperour's permission the Romans seeing themselves deserted had created new Emperours in order to their defence and sometimes other persons taking advantage of their own Interest and Authority Usurp'd as it happen'd when Maximus a Citizen of Rome got possession of it after the death of Valentinianus and forc'd his Widow Eudoxa to take him for her Husband who desirous of revenge and disdaining being of Imperial extraction the Embraces of so inferiour a person she invited privately Gensericus King of the Vandals into Italy remonstrating the Easiness and Utility of the Conquest who allured by the Prize was without much difficulty perswaded He entred Italy with his Army march'd up to Rome found it abandon'd sack'd it and continued in it fourteen days after which he took and plundr'd several other Towns and having laden both himself and his Army with the Spoyl he return'd into Africk The Romans returning upon his departure Maximus being dead they made Avicus a Roman Emperour After many occurrences both within Italy and without and the death of several Emperours the Empire of Constantinople fell into the hands of Zeno and the Empire of Româ— by Stratagem and Artifice to Orestes and Augustulus his Son who preparing to defend it by force were invaded by the Eruli and Turingi plac'd as we said before upon the Banks of the Danube Confederate for that Expedition under the Command of Odoacres their General Of such places as they had thought good to baulk and leave empty the Lombards possessed themselves a Northen Nation like the rest and Commanded by Godoglio their King which were the last People that plagued Italy as shall be shown in its place Odoacres having made his way into Italy he encountred vanquish'd and slew Orestes near Pavia but Augustulus got off After this Victory that the Title might change with the Government Odoacres caus'd himself to be call'd King of Rome and was the first Chieftain of those Nations which at that time over-ran the whole World that thought of fixing in Italy for either suspecting their abilities to keep it by reason of the easiness and facility wherewith it might be reliev'd by the Emperour of the East or for some other secret cause the rest had ravag'd and plunder'd it but they always
in Romania and performing very valiantly in all those Wars Of Tancred one of the Princes of those Normans were born several Sons among which William call'd Ferabar and Roberto call'd Guiscardo were two William arriv'd to be Prince and the Tumults in Italy were in some measure compos'd But the Saracens having Sicily intire and daily invasions made upon Italy William entred into Confederacy with the Princes of Capua and Salerno and with Milorcus a Grecian who by the Emperour of Greece was deputed Governour of Puglia and Calabria to invade Sicily and in case of Victory it was agreed among them that both Prey and Countrey should be equaly divided The Enterprize was prosperous they beat the Saracens drove them out of the Countrey and possess'd it when they had done But Milorcus causing more Forces to be transported privately out of Greece seiz'd the Island for the Emperour and divided only the Spoil William was not a little disgusted but reserving his indignation for a more Convenient time he departed out of Sicily with the Princes of Capua and Salerno who having taken their leaves of him to return to their Homes in stead of marching to Romania as he pretended to them he fac'd about with his Army towards Puglia surpriz'd Melfi and behav'd himself so well against the Forces of the Emperour that he made himself Master of most part of Puglia and Calabria which Provinces at the time of Nicolas II. were Govern'd by his Brother Roberto and because he had afterward great Contention with his Nephews about the inheritance of those States he made use of the Pope's mediation who readily comply'd being desirous to oblige Roberto that he might defend him against the German Emperour and the people of Rome and it afterwards happen'd as we have said before that at the instance of Gregory VII he forc'd Enrico from Rome and suppress'd the Sedition of the Inhabitants Robert was succeeded by two of his Sons Roger and William to their Inheritance they annexed the City of Naples and all the Countrey betwixt it and Rome besides that they subdu'd Sicily of which Roger was made Lord. But William going afterwards to Constantinople to marry that Emperour's Daughter Roger took advantage of his absence seiz'd upon his Contrey and elated by so great an acquest caus'd himself first to be call'd King of Italy but afterwards contenting himself with the Title of King of Puglia and Sicily he was the first that gave Name and Laws to that Kingdom which to this day it retains though many times since not only the Royal Bloud but the Nation has been changed for upon failure of the Norman Race that Kingdom devolv'd to the Germans from them to the French from the French to the Spaniards and from the Spaniards to the Flemens with whom it remains at this present Urban II. though very odious in Rome was gotten to be Pope but by reason of the dissentions there not thinking himself secure in Italy he remov'd with his whole Clergy into France Having assembled many people together at Anvers he undertook a Generous Enterprize and by a learned Oration against the Infidels kindled such a fire in their minds they resolv'd upon an Expedition into Asia against the Saracens which Expedition as all other of the same nature was call'd afterwards Crociate because all that went along in it carry'd a red Cross upon their Arms and their Cloths The Chief Commanders in this Enterprize were Gottofredi Eustachio Alduino di Buglione Earl of Bologna and Peter the Hermit a man of singular veneration both for his prudence and piety Many Princes and Nations assisted with their Purses and many private men serv'd as Voluntiers at their own Charges So great an influence had Religion in those days upon the Spirits of Men incourag'd by the Example of their several Commanders At first the Enterprize was very successfull all Asia minor Syria and part of Egypt fell under the power of the Christians during which War the Order of the Knights of Ierusalem was instituted and continued a long time in Rhodes as a Bulwark against the Turks Not long after the Order of the Knights Templers was founded but it lasted not long by reason of the dissoluteness of their Manners At sundry times after these things upon sundry occasions many accidents fell out in which several Nations and particular men signaliz'd themselves There were ingag'd in this Expedition the Kings of England and France the States of Pisa Venice and Genoa all behaving themselves with great bravery and sighting with variety of Fortune till the time of Saladine the Saracen but his Courage and Virtue improv'd by intestine differences among the Christians robb'd them of the glory they had gain'd at the first and chased them out of a Countrey where for Ninety years they had been so honourably and so happily plac'd After the death of Pope Urban Pascal II. was chosen to succeed him and Enrico IV. made Emperour who coming to Rome and pretending great friendship to the Pope took his advantage clapt both him and his Clergy in Prison and never discharg'd them till they had impowr'd him to dispose of the Churches in Germany as he pleas'd himself About this time Matilda the Countess died and gave her Patrimony to the Church After the deaths of Pascal and Enric many Popes and many Emperours succeeded till the Papacy fell to Alexander III. and the Empire to Frederick Barbarossa a Swede The Popes of those days had many Controversies with the people of Rome and the Emperours which till the time of Barbarossa rather increas'd than otherwise Frederick was an excellent Soldier but so haughty and high he could not brook to give place to the Pope Notwithstanding he came to Rome to be Crown'd and return'd peaceably into Germany But that humour lasted but little for he return'd shortly into Italy to reduce some Towns in Lombardy which denied him obedience In this juncture Cardinal di S. Clemente a Roman born dividing from Pope Alexander was made Pope himself by a Faction in the Conclave Frederick the Emperour being then incamp'd before Crema Alexander complain'd to him of the Anti-Pope Frederick reply'd That they should both of them appear personally before him and that then hearing faithfully what each of them could say he should be better able to determine which was in the right Alexander was not at all satisfied with the Answer but perceiving the Emperour inclining to the Adversary he Excommunicated him and ran away to King Philip of France For all that Frederick prosecuted his Wars in Lombardy took and dismantled Milan Which put the Cities of Verona Padua and Venice upon a Confederacy for their Common defence In the mean time the Anti-Pope died and Frederick presum'd to Create Guidâ— of Cremona in his place The Romans taking advantage of the Pope's absence and the Emperour's diversion in Lombardy had re-assum'd something of their former Authority and began to require Obedience in the
sometimes more of their Senators with the same power The League continued all the while into which the Cities of Lombardy had entred against Frederick Barbarossa and the Cities were these Milan Brescia Mantua with the greater part of the Cities in Romagna besides Verona Vicenza Padua and Trevigi The Cities on the Emperours side were Cremona Bergamo Parma Reggio Modena and Trenta The rest of the Cities of Lombardy Romagna and the Marquisate of Trevizan took part according to their interest sometimes with this sometimes with the other party In the time of Otto III one Ezelino came into Italy of whose Loyns there remaining a Son call'd also Ezelino being powerful and rich he joyn'd himself with Frederick II who as was said before was become an Enemy to the Pope By the incouragement and assistance of this Ezelino Frederick came into Italy took Verona and Mantua demolish'd Vicenza seiz'd upon Padoua defeated the united Forces of those parts and when he had done advanc'd towards Toscany whilst in the mean time Ezelino made himself Master of the Marquisate of Trevizan Ferrara they could not take being defended by Azone da Esti and some Regiments of the Popes in Lombardy Whereupon when the Siege was drawn off his Holiness gave that City in Fee to Azone da Esti from whom those who are Lords of it at this day are descended Frederick stop'd and fix'd himself at Pisa being desirous to make himself Master of Tuscany and by the distinctions he made betwixt his Friends and his Foes in that Province rais'd such ammosites as proved afterwards the destruction of all Italy For both Guelfs and Gibilins increas'd every day the first siding with the Church the other with the Emperour and were call'd first by those Names in the City of Pistoia Frederick being at length remov'd from Pisa made great devastations and several inroads into the Territories of the Church in so much that the Pope having no other remedy proclaim'd the Croifada against him as his Predecessors had done against the Saracens Frederick left he should be left in the lurch by his own people as Frederick Barbarossa and others of his Ancestors had been before entertain'd into his Pay great numbers of the Saracens and to oblige them to him and strengthen his opposition to the Pope by a party that should not be afraid of his Cursâ—s he gave them Nocera in that Kingdom to the end that having a Râ—treat in their own hands they might serve him with more confidence and security At this time Innocent IV. was Pope who being apprehensive of Frederick remov'd to Genoa and thence into France where he call'd a Counsel at Lyons and Frederick design'd to have been there had he not been retain'd by the Rebellion of Parma Having had ill Fortune in the suppressing of that he march'd away into Tuscany and from thence into Sicily where he died not long after leaving his Son Currado in Sâ—evia and in Puglia his natural Son Manfredi whom he had made Duke of Benevento Currado went to take possession of the Kingdom died at Naples and left only one lâ—â—tle Son behind him in Germany who was call'd Currado by his own Name By which means Manfred first as Tutor to Currado got into the Government and afterwards giving out that his Pupil was dead he made himself King and forc'd the Pope and Neapolitans who oppos'd it to consent Whilst Affairs in that Kingdom were in that posture many Commotions happen'd in Lombardy betwixt the Guelfs and the Gibilins The Guelfs were headed by a Legate from the Pope the Gibilins by Ezelino who at that time had in his possession all that part of Lombardy on this side the Poe. And because while he was entertain'd in this War the City of Padoua rebell'd he caus'd 12000 of them to be slain and not long after before the War was ended died himself in the thirtieth year of his age Upon his death all those Countreys which had been in his hands became free Manfredi King of Naples continued his malevolence to the Church as his Ancestors had done before him holding Pope Urban IV. in perpetual anxiety so that at length he was constrain'd to convoke the Crociata against him and to retire into Perugiâ— till he could get his Forces together but finding them come in slowly and thin conceiving that to the overcoming of Manfred greater supplies would be necessary he address'd himself to the King of France making his Brother Charles Duke of Angio King of Sicily and Naples and excited him to come into Italy and take possession of those Kingdoms Before Charles could get to Rome the Pope died and Clement V. succeeded in his place In the said Clements time Charles with 30 Galleys arriv'd at Ostia having Ordered the rest of his Forces to meet him by Land During his residence at Rome as a Complement to him the Romans made him a Senator and the Pope invested him in that Kingdom with condition that he should pay 50 thousand Florins yearly to the Church and published a Decree that for the future neither Charles nor any that should succeed him in that Kingdom should be capable of being Emperours After which Charles advancing against Manfred fought with him beat him and kill'd him near Benâ—vento thereby making himself King of Sicily and that Kingdom Corradino to whom that State devolv'd by his Fathers Testament gathering what Forces together he could in Germany march'd into Italy against Charles and ingaging him at Tagliacozza was presently defeated and being afterwards discover'd in his flight taken and slain Italy continued quiet till the Papacy of Adrian V. who not enduring that Charles should continue in Rome and govern all 〈◊〉 he did by vertue of his Senatorship he remov'd to Vitâ—rbo and solicited Ridolfus the Emperour to come into Italy against him In this manner the Popes sometimes for defence of Religion sometimes out of their own private ambition call'd in new Men and by consequence new Wars into Italy And no sooner had they advanc'd any of them but they repented of what they had done and sought immediately to remove him nor would they suffer any Province which by reason of their weakness they were unable themselves to subdue to be injoy'd quietly by any body else The Princes were all afraid of them for whether by fighting or flying they commonly overcame unless circumvented by some Stratagem as Boniface VIII and some others were by the Emperours under pretence of Friendship and Amity Ridolfus being retain'd by his War with the King of Bohemia was not at leisure to visit Italy before Adrian was dead He which succeeded him was Nicolas the III. of the House of Ursin a daring ambitious man who resolving to take down the Authority of Charles contriv'd that Ridolfus the Emperour should complain of Charles his Governour in Tuscany of his siding with the Guelfs who after the death of Manfred had been receiv'd and protected in that Province To comply with the
time Iohn XXII was created Pope in whose Papacy the Emperour ceased not to persecute the Guelfs and the Church but King Robert and the Florentines interposing in their defence great Wars ensued in Lombardy under the Conduct of the Visconti against the Guelfs and against the Florâ—ntines in Tuscany by Castruccio di Lucca And because the Family of the Visconti were the Original of the Dukedom of Milan one of the five Principalities that govern'd all Italy afterwards I think it not amiss to deduce it a little higher After the League amaong the Cities in Lombardy which I have mentioned before for their mutual defence against Frederick Barbarossa Milan being rescued from the ruine that impended to revenge it self of the injuries it had receiv'd enter'd into that Confederacy which put a stop to the Emperours career and preserv'd the Churches interest in Lombardy for a while In the process of those Wars the Family of the Torri grew very powerful increasing daily more and more while the Emperour's Authority was small in those parts But Frederick II. arriving in Italy and the Ghibilin Faction by the assistance of Ezelino prevailing it began to dilate and spread it self in all the Cities and particularly in Milan the Family of the Visconti â—iding with that party drove the Family of the Torri out of that Town But long they were not banish'd for by an accord made betwixt the Emperour and Pope they were restor'd Afterwards when the Pope remov'd with his Court into France and Arrigo of Luxemburg came to Rome to be Crown'd he was receiv'd into Milan by Maffeo Visconti the Head of that House and Guido della Torre the Chief of the other Yet how kindly soever they carry'd it outwardly Masseo had a secret design by the Emperour 's being there to drive out the Torri believing the Enterprize the more practicable because Guido was of the Enemies Faction He took the advantage of the peoples complaints against the behaviour of the Germans incouraging them slily to take Arms and rescue themselves from their barbarous servitude Having dispos'd things as he desired he caused a tumult to be raised by one of his Confidents upon which the whole Town was to be in Arms and pretendedly against the Germans The Tumult was no sooner begun but Maffeo his Sons Servants and Partizans were immediately in Arms and ran to Arrigo assuring him that Tumult was raised by the Torri who not content with their private Condition took that occasion to ruine him as an Enemy to the Guelfs and make themselves Princes of that City But he desired him to be secure for they and their party would not fail to defend him when ever he requir'd it Arrigo believed all to be true that Maffeo had told him joyned his Forces with the Visconti fell upon the Torri who were dispersed up and down the City to suppress the Tumult killed those of them which they met banished the rest and seized their Estates So that Maffeo Visconti made himself Prince After him there succeeded Galeazo and Aza and after them Luchino and Iohn who was afterwards Arch-Bishop of that City Luchino died before him and left two Sons Barnardo and Galeazo Galeazo dying not long after left one Son called Giovan Galeazo Conti di Vertu who after the death of the Arch-Bishop killed his Unkle Barnardo made himself Prince and was the first that took upon him the Title of Duke of Milan He left two Sons only Philip and Giovan Maria Angelo who being slain by the people of Milan the Government remain'd wholly to Philip. He dying without issue Male the Dukedom was translated from the House of the Visconti to the Sforza's but of the manner and occasions of that hereafter To return therefore where I left Lewis the Emperour to give reputation to his party and to be formally Crown'd came into Italy and being at Milan to drain the City of its Money he pretended to set them at Liberty and clap'd the Visconti in Prison Afterwards by the Mediation of Castruccio da Luca he releas'd them march'd to Rome and that he might more easily disturb the tranquillity of Italy he made Piero della Carvaro Anti-Pope by whose reputation and the interest of the Visconti he presum'd he should be able to keep under both the Tuscans and Lombards But Castruccio died in the nick and his death was the Emperours ruine for Pisa and Lucca rebelled out of hand The Pisans took the Anti-pope and sent him Prisoner to the Pope into France so that the Emperour despairing of his Affairs in Italy he left them all as they were and retired into Germany He was scarce gone before Iohn King of Bohemia came into Italy with an Army being invited by the Ghibilins in Brescia and possest himself both of that City and Bergamo The Pope however he dissembled it was not averse to his coming and therefore his Legat at Bologna favoured him privately looking upon him as a good Antidote against the Emperours return These under-hand practices chang'd the Condition of Italy for the Florentines and King Robert perceiving the Legat a favourer of the Ghibilin Faction turn'd Enemies to all people that profess'd themselves their Friends In so much as without respect to either Ghibilins or Guelfs many Princes associated with them among the rest were the Families of the Visconti Scala Philippo di Gonsaga of the House of Mantua the Families of Carara and Este whereupon the Pope Excommunicated them all The King apprehensive of their League return'd home to reinforce himself and coming back with more Force into Italy found his Enterprize very difficult notwithstanding so that growing weary of the business though much to the dissatisfaction of the Legat he return'd into Bohemia leaving Garrisons only in Modena and Reggio recommending Parma to the Care of Marsilio and Piero de Rossi who were eminent men in that City As soon as he was departed Bologna enter'd into the Confederacy and the Colleagues divided the four Towns that were remaining to the Church among themselves Parma to the Scali Reggio to the Gonzagi Modena to the Esti and Luca to the Florentines But many differences follow'd upon that division which for the greatest part were compos'd afterwards by the Venetians And now I speak of the Venetians it may appear indecorous to some people that among all the occurrences and revolutions in Italy I have deferr'd speaking of them notwithstanding their Government and Power places them above any other Republick or Principality in that Countrey That that Exception may be remov'd and the occasion appear it will be necessary to look back for some time to make their Original conspicuous and the reasons for which they reserv'd themselves so long from interposing in the Affairs of Italy Attila King of the Hunni having besieg'd Aquilegia the Inhabitants after a generous defence being reduc'd to distress and despairing of Relief conveighing their Goods as well as they could to certain Rocks in that point of
he escap'd Among the rest who had seiz'd the Cities which belong'd formerly to Iohn Galeazzo William della Scala was one who having been banish'd and retiring to Francesco de Carrara Lord of Padua by his means he recover'd the State of Verona but he enjoy'd it a short time for Francesco caus'd him to be poison'd and assum'd the Government himself The Vicentini hereupon having till then liv'd quietly under the protection of the Visconti growing jealous of the greatness of the Lord of Padua submitted themselves to the Venetians who at their instigation made War upon him and beat him first out of Verona and at length out of Padua By this time Pope Boniface died and Innocent VII was elected in his place The people of Rome made a solemn Address to him for the Restitution of their Liberty and Forts and being deny'd they call'd in Ladislans King of Naples to their Assistance but their differences being afterwards compos'd the Pope return'd to Rome from whence for fear of the people he fled to Viterbo where he had made his Nephew Lodovic Conte della Marca after which he died and Gregory XII succeeded upon Condition he should resign when ever the Anti-Pope should be persuaded to do the same At the intercession of the Cardinals to try whether it was possible to accommodate their differences and reunite the Church Benedict the Anti-Pope came to Porto Veneri and Gregory to Lucca where many Expedients were propos'd but nothing concluded whereupon the Cardinals forsook them both of one side and the other Benedict retired into Spain and Gregory to Rimini The Cardinals by the favour of Baldassare Cossa Cardinal and Legat of Bologna call'd a Counsel at Pisa in which they created Alexander V. who immediately excommunicated King Ladislaus invested Luigid ' Augio with his Kingdom and by the assistance of the Florentines Genoueses Venetians and Baldassare Cossa the Legat they assaulted Ladislaus and drove him out of Rome But in the heat of the War Alexander died and Baldassare Cossa was created Pope with the name of Iohn XXIII Iohn was created at Bologna but remov'd to Rome where he found Luigi d' Angio with the Forces of Provence having joyn'd himself with him they march'd out against King Ladislaus fought with him and routed his Army but for want of good Conduct not persuing their Victory King Ladislaus rally'd recover'd Rome and forc'd the Pope away to Bologna and Luigi to Provence The Pope casting about with himself which way he might restrain and lessen the power of King Ladislaus caus'd Sigismund King of Hungary to be chosen Emperour invited him into Italy to which purpose they had a Conference at Mantua where it was concluded a General Council should be call'd for uniting the Church upon the accomplishment of which it was presum'd they should be better able to defend themselves against the incroachments of their Enemies At this time there were three Popes in being at once Gregory Benedict and Iohn which kept the Church very low both in force and reputation The place appointed for their Convention was Constance a City in Germany contrary to the intention of Pope Iohn and though by the death of King Ladislaus the great Reason was taken away that mov'd the Pope to that proposition nevertheless things being gone so far and he under an obligation he could not handsomly come off but was forc'd to go to it Being arriv'd at Constance it was not many months before he found his Error and endeavoured to have escap'd but being discovered and taken he was put in Prison and compell'd to renounce Gregory one of the Anti-Popes renounced by Proxy but Benedict the other Anti-Pope refus'd and was condemned for a Heretick at last finding himself abandon'd by all the Cardinals he renounc'd likewise and the Counsel created a new Pope Viz. Oddo of the House of Coloâ—ma who took the name of Martin V. upon which the Schisms were compos'd and the Church united after it had been divided fourty years and several Popes living at one and the same time As we said before Philip Visconti was at this time in the Castle of Pavâ—a But upon the death of Fantino Care who in the troubles of Lombardy had made himself Lord of Vercelli Alexandria Novara and Tortona and contracted great wealth having no Sons he bequeath'd his Dominions to his Wife Beatrix injoyning his Friends to use their utmost endeavour to Marry her to Philip by which Marriage Philip being much strengthen'd he recover'd Milan and all the whole Province of Lombardy after which to recompense her great Benefits according to the example of other Princes he accus'd his Wife Beatrix of Adultery and put her to death Being arriv'd at that height both of Power and Grandeur he began to contrive against Toscany and pursue the designs of his Father Iohn Galeazzo Ladislaus King of Naples at his death had left to his Sister Giovanna besides his Kingdom a formidable Army Commanded by the chief Captains in Italy and among the rest by Sforza da Contignuolo a person of particular repute for his Valour in those Wars The Queen to clear her self of an aspersion of too much intimacy with one Panâ—olfello which she advanc'd took to her Husband Giacopa della Marcia a Frenchman of Royal Extraction but upon condition he should content himself to be call'd Prince of Taranâ—o and leave the Title and Government of the Kingdom to her But the Soldiers as soon as he was arrived in Naples called him King which occasioned great differences betwixt him and the Queen sometimes one prevailing and sometimes the other But at length the Government rested in the Queen and she became a severe Enemy to the Pope Whereupon Sforza to drive her into a necessity and force her to his own terms laid down his Commission and refused to serve her against him by which means being as it were disarmed in a moment having no other remedy she applyed her self to Alphonso King of Arragon and Sicily adopted him her Son and to Command her Army she entertained Braccio da Montone as Eminent a Soldier as Sforza and an Adversary of the Popes upon accompt of certain Towns as Perugia and others which he had usurped from the Church After this a Peace was concluded betwixt her and the Pope but Alphonso suspecting least she should serve him as she had done her Husband began privately to contrive how he might possess himself of the Forts But the Queen was cunning and prevented him by fortifying her self in the Castle of Naples Jealousies increasing in this manner and no-body interposing they came to an Ingagement and the Queen by the help of Sforza who was returned to her Service overcame Alphonso drove him out of Naples abdicated him and adopted Lodovic d' Angio in his place Hereupon new Wars ensued betwixt Braccio who was of Alphonso's party and Sforza who was for the Queen In the process of the War Sforza passing the River Pescara was by
in Puglia with Ladislao and Giovanna two of his children as shall be shewn more fully Carlo possessed himself of Hungary but died shortly after hower his Conquest of that Country was so grateful an exploit to the Florentines that never greater expressions of joy were made for any victory of their own as appeared as well by publick as private magnificence many Families keeping open houses and feasting exceedingly but none with that pomp and extravagance as the Family of the Alberti the provision and ostentation of whose entertainments were fitter for the condition of a Prince than for a private person Which extravagance gained him much envy and that being seconded by a jealousie in the Government that Benedetto had designs against it was the occasion of its destruction for they could not be safe whilst they thought it might fall out every day that he reconciling himself with the people might turn them out of the City as he pleased Things being at this uncertainty it happened that he being Gonfaloniere delle Compagnie his Son in Law Philippo Magalotti was made Gonfaloniere di Giustitia which accident redoubled the apprehension of the Governors as thinking Benedetto grew upon them so fast their authority must of necessity decline but desirous to remedy it what they could and if possible without a tumult they encouraged Bese Magalotte his enemy and competitor to acquaint the Senate that Philippo not being of age for the execution of that Office he could not nor ought not enjoy it and the cause being heard in the Senate Philippo was adjudged incapable of that Dignity and Bardo Mancini succeeded in his place a person fiercely against the faction of the people and a perfect enemy to Benedetto Having entred upon his Office he called a Balia for reformation of the State which Balia inprisoned Benedetto Alberti and banished all the rest of his Family only Antonio was excepted Before he was carried away Benedetto called all his friends together to take his leave of them and finding them sad and the tears in their eyes he spake to them as follows You see Gentlemen in what manner fortune has ruin'd me and threatned you I do not wonder at it nor indeed ought it to be strange to you seeing it so happens always to them who among ill men are studious of being good or sollicitous of sustaining that which all people are desirous to pull down The love to my Country associated me first with Salvestro de Medici and the same love divided me afterwards from Giorgio Scali it is nothing but that and the injustice of their proceedings which have made me hate those who are now at the Stern who as they have had no-body that could punish them so they are desirous to leave no-body to reprehend them I am content with my banishment to free them of the fear they have conceived not only of me but of all that are sensible of their Tyranny and injustice For my self I am not so much concern'd the honours conferred upon me when my Country was free I can quietly relinquish whilst it is in servitude and bondage and the memory of my past condition will give me more pleasure than the infelicity of my present can give me regret My greatest affliction will be to consider my Country is become a prey to particular men and exposed to their insolence and rapine it troubles me likewise for you lest those evils which this day are consummated in me and but commencing in you should prove greater detriment to you than they have done to me however comfort your selves bear up against any misfortune and carry your selves so that if things happen adversly as doubtless they will it may appear to all people that you were innocent and that they succeeded without the least fault or contribution of yours Afterwards to give as great testimony of his virtue abroad as he had done at home he went to the Sepulchre of our Saviour and in his return back died at Rhodes His bones were brought back to Florence and buried with great solemnity by those very people who pursued him whilst he was living with all the calumny and injustice imaginable nor were the Alberti the only sufferers in these distractions many Families beside that were admonished and imprisoned Among the rest there were Piero Benini Matteo Alderotti Giovanni e Francesco del Bene Giovanni Benchi Andrea Adimari and with them several of the lesser Artificers Among them which were admonished were the Covoni the Benini the Rinucoi the Formiconi the Corbizi the Manelli and the Alderotti The Balia was by custom created for a precise time and being now in the execution of these Citizens who were fairly elected having done what they could for the satisfaction of the State they desired to lay down though their time was not critically expir'd which the people understanding many of them ran with their Arms to the Palace crying out there were several more to be admonished and several more to be imprisoned before they renounced The Senate was much displeased but entertained them with fair promises till they had fortified themselves so as they were able to make them lay by those Arms for fear which in their rage they had taken up nevertheless to comply in some proportion with the fierceness of the humour and lessen the Authority of the Plebeian Artificers it was ordered that whereas the third part of the Offices of the City were in their hands before they should now be reduced to a fourth part only and that there might always be two of the most trusty and faithful persons to the State in the Senate authority was given to the Gonfaloniere di Giustitia and four other Citizens to put a certain number of select mens names into a purse out of which at every meeting of the Senate two were to be drawn Affairs thus setled in the year 1381 the City continued quiet within till 1393 in which year Giovan Galeazzo Visconti called the Comte di Vertu took his Uncle Barnabo prisoner and made himself by that Master of all Lombardy This Comte di Vertu had an opinion he could make himself King of Italy by force as easily as he had made himself Duke of Milan by fraud so that in the year 1390 he began a War upon the Florentines which though prosecuted with variety of fortune on both sides yet the Duke was many times in danger to have ruined Florence and doubtless had ruined it had not it been prevented by his death However their defence was couragious as might be expected from a Republick and the end of the War less unhappy than the course of it had been dreadful for when the Duke had taken Bologna Pisa Perugia and Siena and prepared a Crown to be crowned King of Italy in Florence he died in the nick and his death permitted him not to taste the pleasures of his past Victories nor the Florentines to feel the calamities which would have followed
concluded abroad the War was transplanted and broke out at home The Grandees of the City could not digest the Catasto and not seeing any way of suppressing it they contriv'd ways of incensing the people against it that they might have more Companions to oppose it They remonstrated therefore to the Officers for collection that they were to search and Catastat the goods of the Neighbouring Towns lest any of the Florentine goods should be conveyed thither Whereupon all that were Subjects to that City were requir'd to bring In Inventories of their goods within a certain time But the Volterrani complaining to the Senate incensed the Officers so highly they put eighteen of them in Prison This action provok'd the Volterrani exceedingly but the regard they had for their Prisoners kept them at present from any commotion About this time Giovanni de Medici fell Sick and finding his Sickness to be mortal he call'd his Sons Cosimo and Lorenzo to him and said I suppose the time that God and Nature allotted me at my Birth is now expir'd I die contented leaving you rich and healthful and honourable if you follow my footsteps and instruction and indeed nothing makes my Death so easie and quiet to me as the thought that I have been so far from injuring or disobliging any Person that I have done them all the good offices I was able and the same course I recommend to you For matter of Office and Government if you would live happy and secure my advice is you accept what the Laws and the people confer upon you that will create you neither envy nor danger for 't is not what is given that makes men Odious but what is usurp'd and you shall always find greater number of those who encroaching upon other peoples interest ruine their own at last and in the mean time live in perpetual disquiet With these arts among so many factions and enemies I have not only preserv'd but augemented my reputation in this City if you follow my example you may maintain and increase yours But if neither my example nor persuasion can keep you from other ways your ends will be no happier than several others who in my memory have destroy'd both themselves and their Families Not long after he died and was infinitly lamented by the greatest part of the City as indeed his good qualities deserv'd for he was charitable to the height not only relieving such as he ask'd but preventing the modesty of such as he thought poor and supplying them without it He loved all People the good the Commended the bad he Commiserated He sought no Office and went through them all He never went to the Palace but invited He was a lover of Peace and an Enemy to War He reliev'd those who were in adversity and those who were in prosperity he assisted He was no friend to publick extortion and yet a great argumenter of Common Stock Courteous in all his imployments not very eloquent but solid and judicious His complexion appear'd melancholy but in company he was pleasant and facetious He died rich especially in Love and Reputation and the inheritance of all descended upon his Son Cosimo The Volterrani were weary of their Imprisonment and to recover their liberties promis'd to condescend to what was requir'd Being discharg'd and return'd to Volterra the time for the new Priori's entrance into the Magistracy arriv'd and one Giusto a Plebeian but a Man of good interest among them was chosen in the place Having been one of those who were imprison'd at Florence he had conceiv'd a mortal hatred against the Florentines and it was much increas'd by the instigation of one Giovanni a Person of Noble extraction who being in Authority with him at the same time persuaded him that by the authority of the Priori and his own interest he would stir up the People to rescue themselves from their dependance upon Florence and afterwards make himself Prince upon this incouragement Giusto took Arms possess'd himself of the Town imprison'd the Florentine Governor and by consent of the people made himself Lord. The news of these revolutions in Volterra was not at all pleasing to the Florentines But their peace being made with the Duke and their Articles sign'd they thought they had leisure enough to recover that Town and to lose no time they made Rinaldo de gli Albizi and Palla Strozzi Commissioners and sent them thither out of hand Guisto suspecting the Florentines would assault him sent to Sienna and Lucca for relief The Siennesi refus'd him alledging they were in League with the Florentine and Pagolo Guinigi who was then Lord of Lucca to reingratiate with the people of Florence whose favour he had lost in their Wars with the Duke not only deny'd his assistance to Giusto but sent his Embassador Prisoner to Florence The Commissioners to surprize the Volterrani before they were aware assembled what strength they had of their own rais'd what foot they could in the lower Val d' Arno and the territory of Pisa and march'd towards Volterra Giusto discourag'd neither by the desertion of his Neighbours nor the approach of the Enemy rely'd upon the situation and strength of the Town and prepar'd for his defence There was at that time in Volterra one Arcolano a Brother of that Giovanni who had persuaded Giusto to take the Government upon him a Person of good credit among the Nobility This Arcolano having got several of his Confidents together he remonstrated to them how God Almighty by this accident had reliev'd the necessities of their City for if they would take Arms with him remove Giusto from the Government and deliver all up to the Florentines they should not only have their old priviledges confirm'd but be themselves made the chief Officers of the Town Having consented to the design they repair'd immediatly to the Palace where Giusto resided and leaving the rest below Arcolano with three more went up into the dining-room where they found him with other Citizens they pretended to speak with him about business of importance and having in the variety of their discourse drill'd him to another Chamber Arcolano and his accomplices fell upon him with their Swords but they were not so nimble but Giusto had the opportunity to draw his and wound two of them before he fell himself yet his destiny being unavoidable he was kill'd and thrown out into the Palace yard Wherupon those who were Confederate with Arcolano taking Arms they deliver'd up the Town to the Florentine Commissioners who were not far off with their Army The Commissioners march'd directly into the Town without any Capitulation so that then the condition of the Volterrani was worse than before for among other things a great part of their Country was dismembred and the Town it self reduc'd to a Vicariata Volterra being in this manner lost and recover'd at the same time there had been no danger of new War had not the ambition of some
by the meditation of the Florentines by which the Pope was to have in la Marca Osimo Fabriano and Ricanato restored and all the rest were to remain to the Count. After this accommodation in la Marca all Italy had been quiet had not the Bolognesi disturbed it there were two super-eminent families in Bologna the Canneschi and the Bentivogli Hannibal was the head of the latter and Battista of the first To beget the greater confidence betwixt them many matches had been made but among Men that aspire to the same degree of greatness an Allyance is sooner made than a friendship Bologna was in League with the Venetians and Florentines which League was made by Hannibal Bentivogli's means after Francesco Piccinino was expelled Battista understanding how earnestly the Duke desired the friendship of that City contrived how he might kill Hannibal and deliver that City to the Duke and having concluded the circumstances on the 24th of Iune 1445 Battista and his accomplices set upon Hannibal and slew him and when they had done declared themselves for the Duke The Venetians and Florentine commissaries were at the same time in the Town and at the first report of the tumult returned privatly to their houses but finding the people thronging in great numbers in the Market place complaining and exclaiming against the Murderers of Hannibal they took courage joyned themselves with them and putting them into a posture they fell upon the Canneschi and in half an hours time routed them killed part of them and and drove the rest out of the City Battista not having opportunity to get away nor his Enemies to kill him betook himself to his house where hiding himself in a chest or Bing to keep Corn in they searched for him a whole day and could not discover him being assured he was not gone out of Town they came back again and threatened his Servants so that one of his Lacqueys betrayed him and carried them to him then drawing him out of his hole in armour as he was they killed him and dragged him about the Sreets and burned him so that the Victory of the Duke was sufficient to encourage that enterprize but his expedition in relieving it was not great enough to make it good By the death of Battista and the expulsion of the Canneschi their tumults were composed but the Bolognesi remained in no little confusion there being none of the family of the Bentivoglio's left to govern them for Hannibal had only one Son of about six years old called Giovanni and it was feared lest some difference and division might arise betwixt the friends of Bentivoglio in whose power it was to restore the Canneschi to the destruction of their party and Country Whilst they were in this suspence the Conte di Poppi being by accident in Bologna sent word to the principal of the City that if they would be governed by one of Hannibals blood he could direct them where they might have one for about twenty years since Hercules a Cousin-German of Hannibals being at Poppi had the enjoyment of a young Maid in that Town who was brought to bed afterwards of a Son called Santi which Hercules affirmed to him many times was his nor was it to be denied for who ever knew them both must needs ownea more than ordinary resemblance The Citizens giving credit to what he said dispatched some of their Citizens to Florence immediately to see the Youth and to desire Neri and Cosimo that he might be delivered to them the reputed father of Santi was dead and the Son lived with an Uncle called Antonioda Cascese a rich Man without Children of his own and a great friend of Neri's Neri out of respect to his Uncle thinking the business not to be despised nor on the other side rashly accepted proposed that Santi might be sent for and that in the presence af Cosimo and the Bolognian Embassadors they might hear what he could say for himself he was sent for accordingly and behaved himself so well the Bolognesi were ready to worship him so strangely prevalent sometimes is the love of a faction yet there was nothing concluded at this meeting only Cosimo took Santi aside and told him No Body can counsel you better in this case than your self because you may follow your own inclination If you be the Son of Hercules Bentivogli you will apply your self to such things as are worthy and sutable to the honor of that house But if you be the Son of Agnolo da Cascese you will continue in Florence and spend the rest of your days basely in the ordering of Wool This Speech netled the young Man and whereas before he seemed to be irresolute he now declared he would refer himself wholly to Cosimo and Neri and do as they directed him and it being agreed with the Embassadors Clothes and Horses were bought and equipage provided and a while after being honourably conducted to Bolonia he was made Governor both of Hannibals Son and the City which office he executed so well that whereas all his predecessors were killed by their Enemies he lived quietly all his time and died lamented at last After the death of Nicolo and the peace concluded in La Marca Philip wanting a new General to command his Army made private overtures to Ciarpellone one of the most experienced officers in the Counts Army and at last coming to an agreement Ciarpellone desired leave of the Count to go to Milan and take possession of certain Castles which Philip had given him in the late Wars The Count suspecting the business to disappoint the Duke and prevent his serving against him he caused him first to be stopped and afterwards to be killed pretending to have found him engaged in Conspiracy against him at which manner of proceeding the Duke was highly incensed but the Venetians and the Florentines were pleased well enough as apprehending the least amity betwixt the Count and the Duke however this indignity set all La Marca in an uproar and was the occasion of new War there Gismondo Malatesti was Lord of Rimino and being Son-in-Law to the Count he expected to have had the Government of Pesaro but the Count having reduced it gave the Command of it to his Brother which Gismondo took very ill and to make it the worse his mortal Enemy Federico di Monte Feltro by the Counts means had usurped the Dominion of Urbino upon these provocations Gismondo joyned himself with the Duke and solicited the Pope and the King of Naples to make War upon the Count who to give his Son-in-Law a relish of the War to which he had such a mind he resolved to begin and to fall first upon him whereupon the Countries of Romagna and La Marca were in a tumult immediately for Philip the King of Naples and the Pope sent all of them assistance to Gismondo and the Venetians and Florentines though they sent him no Men supplied the Count with what monies he wanted Philip
was at that time Duke of Genoa This Piero finding himself unable to bear up against so powerful a King upon consideration of his own weakness resolv'd at lest to surrender that State to one that should be able to defend it and perhaps sometime or other give him a reasonable reward he sent Embassadors therefore to Charles 7 of France to desire his protection and tender him the Government Charles accepted the offer and to take possession of the City he sent Giovanni d' Angio King Rinato's Son who not long before was returned from Florence into France for Charles was persuaded that Giovanni being acquainted with the humors and customs of the Italians was properer for that Government than any Man he could send besides from thence he believ'd he might prosecute his designs against Naples with more ease and covenience his Father Rinato having been expel'd that Kingdom by Alfonso of Aragon Hereupon Giovanni departed for Genoa was receiv'd honorably by the Town and invested with the whole power both of the City and State This accident was not at all pleasing to Alfonso he found now he had pull'd an old house over his head however he carried it bravely went on with his enterprize and was advanc'd with his Fleet under Villa Marina at Porto Fino when surpriz'd with a sudden distemper he died The death of Alfonso put an end to the Wars against Giovanni and the Genoeses and Ferrando succeeded his Father Alfonso in the Kingdom was in no little trouble having an Enemy upon his hands of such reputation in Italy and a jealousie of several of his Barons who being inclin'd to new changes he was afraid might side with the French besides he was acquainted with the ambition of the Pope and being scarce setled in his Kingdom was fearful lest he should attempt something to supplant him his only hopes were in the Duke of Milan who was no less solicitous for the affairs of that Kingdom than himself apprehending that if ever the French came to be Masters of Naples their next enterprize of course would be against him for he knew they might pretend to Milan as an appendix to that Crown For these reasons as soon as Alfonso was dead Francesco sent letters and Men to Ferrando the first to keep up his heart the other his reputation Upon the death of Alfonso the Pope designed to give his Nephew Piero Lodovico Borgia the Government of that Kingdom and to gloss over the business and make it more plausible to the Princes of Italy he gave out that that Kingdom belonging formerly to the Church his intention was only to reduce it to that condition and therefore he desired the Duke of Milan would not give any assistance to Ferrando and offer'd him such Towns as he had possess'd formerly in that Kingdom But in the midst of his contrivances Calisto died and Pius 2. succeeded him who was a Siâ—nnesi of the Family of the Piccol Huomini and his Name Aeneas This Pope imploying his thoughts wholly for the benefit of Christendom and the Honour of the Church and laying aside all private passion and advantage at the intreaty of the Duke of Milan crown'd Ferrando King of Naples judging it a readier and safer way to compose the differences of Italy by confirming him that was already in possession than by assisting the pretences of the French or setting up as Calisto did for himself However Ferrando took it for a favour and to requite it he made Antonio the Popes Nephew Prince of Malfi married him to his natural Daughter and besides this restor'd Benevento and Ferracina to the Church And now all the Arms in Italy were visibly laid down and Pius as Calisto had begun before was moving all Christendom against the Turk when a new quarrel sprung up betwixt the Fregosi and Giovanni the Lord of Genoa which produc'd a greater and more important War than the last Petrino Fregosi was retir'd to a Castle of his in Riveria much discontented that Giovanni d' Angio having been prefer'd to his dignity in Genoa by him and his Family had not gratified them as they deserved so that by degrees it was come to a feud Ferrando was very well pleas'd with the difference as being the only way to secure him in his Kingdom and therefore he sent Pietrino supplies both of men and mony hoping thereby Giovanni might be expuls'd out of the State of Genoa Giovanni having notice of their intelligence sent for relief into France which having received he march'd out against Pietrino but Pietrino by the access of more supplies from sundry places being grown too strong Giovanni retreated and applyed himself to securing the City which he did not do so carefully but Pietrino in one night surprized several Posts in it but was beaten the next morning himself and most of his Men slain this victory elevated Giovanni so far that he resolv'd to attempt upon Ferrando departing from Genoa in October 1459 with a great Fleet he sail'd to Baia and from thence to Sessa where he was honorably received by that Duke There had joyn'd themselves with Giovanni the Prince of Taranto and the Citizens of Aquila besides several other Princes and Cities so that already that Kingdom was more than half lost Upon which Ferrando desir'd aid of the Pope and the Duke of Milan and to lessen the number of his Enemies made peace with Gismondo Malatesti which peace disgusted Giacopo Piccinino so highly Gismondo being his natural Enemy that he deserted Ferrando and took up Arms under Giovanni Ferrando sent mony likewise to Federigo Lord of Urbin and as soon as could be expected got together a considerable Army according to those times with which he march'd against the Enemy and finding them upon the River Sarni he engaged them but was defeated and his most considerable officers taken after this victory most of the Towns and Castles surrendred to Giovanni only Naples some few neighbouring Towns and Princes adher'd still to Ferrando Giacopo Piccinino advis'd to march directly for Naples and make himself Master of the chief City but Giovanni replyed he would first ruine the Country and then the City would come with more ease but his rejecting the Counsel of Piccinino was the loss of that design for he did not know that the members follow the head more naturally than the head the members Ferrando was fled into Naples and there resorted to him diverse of his Subjects who were driven from their homes whom he receiv'd and having with all possible gentleness gained some monies of the Citizens he got a small body of an Army together he sent new Embassies to the Pope and Duke for supplies and was reliev'd with more plenty and speed than before for they were both of them afraid that the loss of that Kingdom would turn to their prejudice Much strengthened by their supplies Ferrando march'd out of Naples and having recover'd his reputation in part he recover'd some
Cosimo said the Pope was an old Man but he had begun an enterprize as if he had been a Boy To the Venetian Embassadors who came to Florence with the Embassadors of Alfonso to complain of that Commonwealth putting his hat off to them he demanded the colour of his hair they told him it was gray he replyed in time your Senators will be of the same colour Not many hours before his death his Wife seing him shut his eyes enquired why he did so and he told her to use them Some Citizens after his return complaining to him that the City would be depopulated and God Almighty offended if he banished so many wealthy and Religious Men he told them the City had better be depopulated than destroyed That two yards of Cloth were enough to keep a Man from the cold and that States were not to be preserved by the beads a Man carried in his hand These last expressions gave his Enemies occasion to calumniate him as a person that was a greater lover of himself than his Country and one that took more care of this World than the next Many other of his wise sayings might be inserted but being unnecessary they are omitted Cosimo was likewise a great lover and advancer of learned Men upon which score he entertained in Florence Argiropolo a Grecian as learned as any in his time that by him the youth of Florence might be instructed in the Greek tongue and in several of his Tenets He entertained likewise in his House Marcileo Ficino a great Patron of the Platonick Philosophy whom he loved so entirely and that he might follow his studies with more convenience he gave him a house near his own Palace at Caraggi So that his prudence his beneficence his success and his way of living made him be belov'd and feared among the Citizens and much esteemed by all Princes of Europe Whereby he left such a foundation to his posterity that by their virtue they might equal him by their fortune transcend him and obtain as much honor as he had in Florence in all the Cities and Countries of Christendom Nevertheless towards the latter end of his days he had several afflictions he had but two Sons Piero and Giovanni of which Giovanni the most hopeful dyed and Piero who survived was infirm and by the weakness of his body unfit either for publick or private business so that after the death of his Son causing himself to be carried about his house he sighed and said this house is too big for so small a Family It troubled him also that he had not in his judgment enlarged the dominion of the Florentine state nor added to it empire any considerable acquest and it s troubled him the more for that he found himself cheated by Francesco who when he was but Count had promis'd him as soon as he had made himself Master of Milan to employ his Arms against Lucca in the behalf of the Florentines but his mind chang'd with his fortune and having got to be the Duke of Milan had a desire to enjoy in peace what he had obtained by War so that after his elevation he never medled in foreign concerns nor made any more Wars than were necessary for his own defence which was a great disturbance to Cosimo who now discerned he had been at great pains and expence to advance a Man who was both false and ingrateful He perceived likewise that in respect of his age and the infirmities of his body he was not able to apply himself to publick or private business as he was wont and he saw both the one and the other decline the City going to wrack by the dissentions of the Citizens and his fortune by his Ministers and Sons These considerations gave him no little disquiet towards his end yet he died full of Glory and renown all the Cities and Princes of Christendom sent their compliments of condolency to his Son Piero the whole City attended his Corps with great solemnity to the Grave and by publick decree it was inscrib'd upon his Tomb Padre della Patria If in my description and character of Cosimo I have rather followed the example of those who have written the lives of Princes than of an Historian it is not to be admir'd He was a person extraordinary in our City and I thought my self obliged to give him a more than ordinary commendation during the time that Italy and Florence were in the condition aforesaid Lewis King of France was infested with a furious War which his Barons at the instigation of Francis Duke of Britan and Charles Duke of Burgundy had rais'd This War lay so heavy upon him he could not assist Giovanni in his designs upon Genoa and Naples but believing he had need enough of all the supplies he could get he call'd back his forces and Savona being at that time in the hands of the French he ordered it to be delivered to the Count and left him if he pleas'd to pursue the enterprize against Genoa the Count was easily persuaded to a thing so much to his advantage so that by the reputation of his amity with the French King and the assistance given him by the Adorni he possess'd himself of Genoa and in gratitude to the French King sent him a supply of 1500 Horse into France under the Command of his eldest Son Galeazzo by this means Ferrando of Aragon and Francesco Sforza remain'd at quiet the one Duke of Lombardy and Lord of Genoa the other King of the whole Kingdom of Naples and having contracted alliances together and married their Children the one to the other they began to consider how they might secure their states to themselves whilst they lived and to their heirs when they were dead In order to this it was thought necessary the King should make sure of such of his Barons as had sided against him in his Wars with Giovanni d' Angio and the Duke should endeavour to extirpate all that had been favourers of the Bracci who were mortal Enemies to the said Duke and at that time in great reputation under the conduct of Giacopo Piccinino For Giacopo being the greatest Captain in Italy and having no Soveraignty of his own it concerned all who had any to have an eye over him and more especially the Duke who thought he could not enjoy his Dominion safely himself nor leave it to his Sons whilst Giacopo was living Hereupon the King with all industry endeavoured an accord with his Barons used all possible art to reconcile himself to them and he succeeded with much difficulty for they found that whilst they were in Wars with the King they must certainly be ruined but by accommodation of their differences and trusting themselves to him there was only a hazard and because Men do always avoid those evils with more readiness which are most certain Princes do easily deceive such as are not able to contend The Barons seeing nothing before them but destruction if they continued the
War accepted his conditions and threw themselves into his Arms but not long after sundry pretences were taken against them and they were all of them extinguished Which news was so terrible to Giacopo Piccinino who was then with his forces at Solmona that by the mediation of his friends he immediatly practised his reconciliation with the Duke and the Duke having offered him honorable terms Giacopo resolv'd to accept them and come in and accordingly he went to Milan to present himself to him attended by 100 Horse Giacopo had served under his Father and with his Brother a long time first for Duke Philip and then for the People of Milan so that by long conversation in those parts he had got a good interest and was generally belov'd and the present condition of affairs had much increas'd it for the prosperity and Grandeur of the Sforzeschi had created them envy and Giacopo's adversity and long absence had gain'd him compassion among the People and a great desire to see him advanced all which kindness discovered it self at his arrival there being scarce any of the Nobility but went out to meet him the streets were full of People to behold him and no talk in the whole City but of him and his family But their extravagant acclamations were his ruine for as they increas'd the Dukes jealousie so they confirm'd his resolution to remove him and that it might be done the more plausibly and with less danger of detection he ordered that his marriage with Drusiano his natural daughter to whom he had been contracted long before should be consummate After which he practis'd with Ferrando to entertain him as General of his Army and to give him 100000 Florens by way of advance upon conclusion of these Articles Giacopo and his wife accompanied an Ambassador from the Duke to Naples where they were all very well received and for several days entertained with all imaginable affluence and diversion but desiring leave to pass to his Army at Solmona he was invited by the King into the Castle and after supper both he and his Son Francesco were apprehended and clapped up into Prison where not long after they were murdered Thus were the Princes of Italy jealous of that virtue which they had not in themselves and not enduring it in other People they exposed that Country to calamities which not long after afflicted and destroyed it Pope Pius having in the mean time accommodated the differences in Romagna and finding an universal peace all over Europe thought it a convenient time to solicite the Christians against the Turks and reassumed the whole methods which his predecessors had taken by which all the Princes of Christendom were prevailed withal to assist either with mony or Men Matheo King of Hungary and Charles Duke of Burgundy engaged to go in Person were made Generals of that enterprize by the Pope who was so well pleas'd with what he had done that he went from Rome to Ancona to be at the Rendezvous of the Army which was to meet there and by Ships which the Venetians had promis'd to furnish be transported into Sclavonia After the arrival of his Holiness there was so great a throng and confluence of People that in a few days all their provision was devoured and the neighbouring Towns not being able to supply every Body was ready to starve for hunger besides which they neither had mony to pay the Souldier nor weapons to Arm them there was neither Duke of Burgundy nor King of Hungary there the Venetians indeed had sent a few Gallies under one of their Captains but it was rather to show their Pomp than to perform their promise so far were they unfit for the transportation of an Army So that in the midst of these disasters by reason of his great age and infirmities the Pope died the whole Aâ—â—â— disbanded and returned to their own homes Pope Pius dying in the year 1465 〈◊〉 by birth a Venetian was elected in his place And as most of the Principalities in Italy had changed their Governors about that time so Francesco Sforza Duke of Milan died after he had enjoyed that Dukedom sixteen years and Galeazzo his Son was declared his successor The Death of this Prince was the occasion that the divisions in Florence encreased broke out much sooner than otherwise they would have done Cosimo being dead Piero his Son succeeded both to his authority and Estate and having call'd to him Diotisalvi Neroni as honorable and great a Man as most in the City by whom Cosimo upon his death bed had commanded his Son Piero to be governed in all his affairs he let him know the great confidence his Father had repos'd in him and that being desirous to obey him after his Death as he had done whilst he was living he did intreat his advice not only in his private and domestick affairs but in his publick administration of the Government that he might begin first with his own particular business he would show him the accounts and Books of his Estate that he might understand how things stood and direct him afterwards as he pleas'd Diotisalvi promised to be ready and faithful but the accounts being produced and examined were found very disorderly and imperfect Diotisalvi as a Person which respected his own interest more than his professions to Piero or his obligations to his Father supposing it easie to rob him of his reputation and divest him of the Authority which Cosimo had left him as hereditary came to him therefore with Counsel very fair and reasonable in appearance but inwardly destructive and pernitious He represented to him the disorder of his accounts and what sums of mony would be necessary to have by him if he meant to keep up his credit or preserve his preferment in the State he told him that those disorders were not any way so readily to be redress'd nor his Coffers so naturally supplied as by calling in such sums as were owing to his Father both abroad and at home For Cosimo to gain himself an interest had been very ready to accommodate any body that wanted and the monies he had lent amounted to an incredible sum Piero was well satisfied with his advice and thinking it but just he called in his mony But no sooner had he done it but the Citizens cryed out upon him declaimed against him as ingrateful and covetous and used him as opprobriously as if he had robbed them and not demanded his own Diotisalvi finding his design succeed and that Piero was fallen into disgrace with the People he consulted with Luca Pitti Agnolo Acciaivoli and Nicolo Soderini how they might depose him they were all of them ready to embrace the design but upon several grounds and provocations Luca desired to succeed Piero in his command for he was grown so great he disdained to obey him Diotisalvi knew Luca was not fit to be chief in the Government and therefore he thought if Piero was removed in
your Father resenting the injury done to him above any danger of my own I lost my Country and escaped narrowly with my life In Cosimo's days I refused no opportunity of honoring your family and since he died I have entertained none to offend it True it is the weakness of your complexion aud the minority of your Sons gave some kind of disquiet and I was willing our Country might be put in such a posture as to subsist after your Death what ever I have done was only to that end not against you so much as for the benefit of my Country if that was an errour I am sorry for it and do hope the innocence of my intention and the service of my former actions may attone it nor can I fear but I shall find mercy in a Family which has had so long experience of my fidelity or that one single fault will be able to extinguish so many obligations Piero having received this Letter by the same hand returned him this answer Your smiling at that distance is the reason I weep not where I am were you so merry in Florence I should be more melancholy at Naples I grant you have been a well wisher to my Father and you confess he gratified you for it so that if there be obligation on any side 't is on yours because deeds are more valuable than words and if you have been already rewarded for your good actions it 's but reasonable you should be punished for your evil your pretence of love to your Country cannot excuse you for no body but will believe the Medici as great lovers and propagators of their Country as the Acciaivoli Live therefore where you are in dishonor since you had not the discretion to live honorably here Agnolo upon the receipt of this letter desparing of Pardon removed his quarters to Rome wher associating with the Archbishop and the rest of the exiles they consulted what was the best way of lessening the reputation of the Medici which at that time was tottering in Rome and gave Piero no small trouble to sustain it but by the assistance of his friends they failed of their design Diotisalvi and Nicolo Soderini on the other side used all possible diligence to provoke the Venetian Senate against their Country supposing its Government being new and ungrateful to many People the first invasion would shake it and that it would not be able to stand There was at that time in Ferrara Giovan Francesco the Son Palla Strozzi who in the revolutions in 34 was banished with his Father out of Florence this Giovanni was a Man of great credit and reputed as rich a Merchant as any in the City These new Rebels insinuating with him persuaded him how easie it would be to recover their Country when ever the Venetians would undertake it and they doubted not but they would undertake it if part of the charge could be defrayed otherwise it was not to be expected Giovanni was willing to revenge the injuries he had received believed what they said and promised to assist with all the Mony he could make upon which Diotisalvi and Soderini addressed themselves to the Doge Complained to him of their Banishment which they pretended was for no other cause but that they were desirous their Country might be governed by the Laws and the Magistrats not a few of their Grandees have the poweâ— to put them in execution Upon this account it was that Piero de Medici and his followers having been used to a tyrannical way had taken arms by an artifice disarmed them by a cheat and banished them by a fallacy and as if this were not enough God Almighty must be brought in and made an accessary to their cruelty whilst in a solemn Procession and the sacred exercise of their devotion many Citizens who upon faith given that they should be safe had remained behind were seized secured tortured and executed a thing of most execrable and nefarious example To revenge the inhumanity of those actions and avert the judgments which they would otherwise pull down upon their Country they knew not where to apply themselves with more hopes then to that illustrious Senate which having done so much for the preservation of their own liberty must need have some compassion for such as lost have theirs They beseeched them therefore as free-men to assist them against their Tyrants as merciful against the merciless and remember them how the Family of the Medici had defeated them of Lombardy when Cosimo contrary to the inclinations of all the rest of the City assisted Francesco against them so that if the equity of their cause did not move them the justice of their own indignation might provoke them These last words prevailed so far upon the Senate that thy resolved Bartolomeo Coligni their General should fall upon the Dominion of the Florentines and to that purpose their Army being drawn together with all possible speed and Hercules da Esti being sent by Borso Duke of Ferrara joyned himself with them Their first enterprize was upon the Town of Doadola which the Florentines being in no order they burned and did some mischeif in the Country about it But the Florentines as soon as Piero had banished the adverse party had entred into a new League with Galezzo Duke of Milan and Ferrando King of Naples and entertained Federigo Count of Urbin for their General so that being fortified by such friends they did not much value their Enemies for Ferrando sent his Son Alfonso and Galeazzo came in person both of them with considerable forces to their relief and all of them together made a head at Castracaro a Castle belonging to the Florentines at the bottom of the Alps which descend out of Tuscany into Romagna In the mean time the Enemy was retired towards Imola so that betwixt the one and the other according to the custom of those times there happened several light skirmishes but no besieging nor storming of Towns nor no provocation to a battle on either side both parties keeping their tents and staring one upon another with extraordinary cowardize This manner of proceeding was not at all pleasing to the Florentines who found themselves engaged in a War which was like to be expensive and no profit to be expected insomuch that the Magistrats complained of it to those Citizens which they had deputed as commissaries for that expedition who replyed That Galeazzo was wholly in the fault and that having more Authority than experience he knew not how to make any advantagious resolution nor would he believe them which were able to instruct him and that therefore it was impossible whilst he was in the Army that any great action should be atchieved Hereupon the Florentines addressed themselves to the Duke and let him know That he had done a great honor and it had been much for their advantage in coming personally to their assistance for his very name and reputation had made their Enemies retire
Princes but Republicks the latter prferring them as virtuous the other destroying them as dangerous The Gentlemen with whom he had entred into more particular familiarity were Giovanandrea Lampognano Carlo Visconti and Girolamo Olgiatto and to these he had may times inculcated the excellence of the one Government and the periciousness of the other and by degrees he became so confident both of their courage and inclination that he persuaded them to a solemn oath that as soon as their age would give them leave they should employ all their faculties to redeem their Country from the Tyranny of their Prince The young Gentlemen full of his documents and a desire of observing their oaths detesting the courses of the Duke and resenting some particular injuries of their own were impatient to put his directions in execution Galeazzo was in his carriage both cruel and lascivious each of which good qualities were sufficient to make him odious it was not enough for him to debauch and vitiate the noblest Ladies of the City but he took delight to publish it no man in his judgment was handsomly punished who was not executed with some unusual circumstance of cruelty He was suspected likewise to have murdered his Mother for not fancying himself Prince enough whilst she was in the way he behaved himself so towards her that she desired to retire to Cremona which was the place of her dower in which journey she was surprized with a sudden sit of sickness and died and her death by many People imputed to her Son By tampering with or reflecting upon some Ladies of their relations Galeazzo had highly disobliged both Carlo and Girolamo and to Giovanandrea he had refused to give the possession of the Abbey of Miramando which was granted to his predecessors by the Pope these private injuries egg'd on the young Gentlemen to revenge themselves and deliver their Country presuming if they could kill him not only the Nobility but the whole body of the People would follow them resolved therefore upon the fact they met many times to consult of the way and their old familiarity rendered them unsuspected Whilst they were contriving their business to make themselves more dexterous and couragious when they came to it their way was to strike and stab one another with the sheaths of those daggers which they had prepared to do the work sometimes upon the arms and sometimes upon the breasts of one another At length they came to consider of the time and the place in the Castle it was thought unsafe a hunting dangerous and uncertain a walking difficult and unpracticable in the conventions impossible at length it was concluded he should be assassinated at some show or publick festivity to which he would certainly come at which time upon sundry pretences they might have opportunity to assemble their friends They concluded likewise that if any of them upon any occasion whatever should be absent or apprehended the rest should proceed and kill him upon the place In the year 1476 Christmas coming on and the Duke accustom'd on S. Stephens day with great solemnity to visit the Church of that Martyr they pitched upon that for the time and the place The morning arriving they caused some of their principal friends and servants to arm pretending they were to assist Giovanandrea who contrary to the inclinations of some of his Enemies was to bring certain pipes of Water into his grounds for his greater convenience being armed according to directions they conducted them to the Church alledging that they would get leave of the Prince to justifie what might happen they caused several others likewise of their friends and allies to meet there upon several pretences presuming when the stroke was struck and the business done to their hand they would hall in then without any difficulty or scruple Their resolution was â—as soon as the Duke was killed to get all those armed Men at their heels and to march into that part of the Town where they thought they could raise the People with most ease and persuade them to arm against the Dutchess and the Ministers of the State not doubting but the People would readily follow them being much distressed for want of provisions and promised as they intended the houses of Cecco Simonetta Giovanni Botti Francesco Lucani and all the rest of the Governors to plunder Having laid their design thus and encouraged one another toxecute it bravely Giovanandrea with his accomplices went to Church betimes and heard Mass together after which Giavanadrea turning towards the image of San. Ambrogio he said Most venerable Patron of our City thou knowest our intention and for what end we expose our selves to so many dangers be I beseech you kind and propitious to our enterprize and by favouring of justice let the World see how much injustice displeases you To the Duke on the other side before side before he came to Church many things happened which seemed to presage his Death When he dressed himself that morning he put on a Coat of mail which he usually wore but on a sudden thinking it unhandsome or troublesom he caused it to be pulled off and laid by He had a mind to hear Mass in his own Chappel but his Chaplain was gone to Saint Stephens Church and carried all the implements along with him having news of that he ordered the Bishop of Como should officiate for him but he excused himself upon very reasonable impediments so that he was necessitated as it were to go to Church before he went he caused Giovan Galeazzo and Hermes his Sons to be brought to him and when they came he kissed and embraced them as if he was never to see them again at length and very loath being parted from them he resolved to go to Church and marching out of the Castle betwixt the Embassadors of Ferrara and Mantoua he went towards S. Stephens The conspirators in the mean time to give the less suspicion and avoid the cold which at that time was very great were go up into a Chamber belonging to the Arch-priest who was of their acquaintance but hearing the Duke was coming they went down and placed themselves in the Porch Giovanandrea and Girolamo on the right hand and Charles on the left Those who marched before the Duke were already entred then came the Duke himself encompassed with a great multitude of People As is usual in such pompous solemnities The first which addressed themselves to their work was Giovanandrea and Girolamo who pretending to make room pressed up to the Duke and with short daggers which they had ready drawn in their sleeves they stab'd him Giovanandrea gave him two wounds one in the belly the other in the throat Girolamo struck him in the throat likewise and in the belly Carlo Visconti being placed nearer the door the Duke was past him before he was assaulted and therefore he could not strike him before he was dead however he must do his share and with a schine
it a reputation the first thing they did was to ratifie the peace which Lorenzo had made with the King and they appointed Antonio Ridolfi and Piero Nasi Embassadors to the Pope Notwithstanding this Peace the Duke of Calabria departed from the Country of Siena with his Army pretending he was retained by the dissentions of that City which were so great that being quartered not far off he was invited into the Town and their defferences referred to his arbitration The Duke accepted the overture fin'd several of the Citizens imprisoned several banished some and some he put to death so that he became suspicious not only to the Sienesi but to the Florentines also that his design was to make himself Prince of that City nor could they devise any remedy seeing they had entred into a League with the King and thereby made both Pope and Venetians their Enemies And this suspicion was not only got into the brains of the multitude in Florence a subtile interpreter of affairs but into the minds also of the Governors so that it was generally concluded the liberty of that City was never in more danger but God who has always had a particular care of it in all its extremities averted that evil and by an unexpected accident gave the King the Pope and the Venetians a diversion which imported them more than their advantages in Tuscany Mahomet the great Turk was with a great Army encamped before Rhodes and had lien before it several months though his forces were numerous and his diligence great yet the valour of the besieged was not to be mastered for they defended themselves so bravely he was forced to draw off and quit the siege with a great deal of dishonor Having left Rhodes he sent part of his Fleet under the command of Giacometto Bascia towards Velona and either upon consideration of the easiness of the enterprize or express command from the Grand Signore to that purpose coasting about Italy on a sudden he landed 6000 Men assaulted the City of Otranto took it plundered it killed all the Inhabitants and when he had done fortified both the Town and the harbour as much as possibly he could and with a good party of Horse scowred the whole Country about it The King being much alarmed at this invasion as knowing how great a Monarch he had to deal with sent his Embassadors about to every Body to let them know his condition and to beg their assistance against the common Enemy besides which he pressed the Duke of Calabria with all imaginable importunity to leave his designs at Siena and come back with all his forces this invasion though it was very dreadful to the Duke and all the rest of Italy yet it was welcome to Florence and Siena the one thinking its liberty most miraculously preserved and the other themselves as strangely delivered from those dangers which would of necessity have destroyed them Which opinion was much encreased by the unwillingness wherewith the Duke departed from Siena complaining and cursing his fortune which by so unreasonable and an unexpected accident had defeated him of the Dominion of Tuscany The same thing changed the Counsels of the Pope and whereas before he would never admit any Embassador from Florence he was grown now so meek he would hear any body speak of a general Peace and word was sent to the Florentines that when ever they found themselves enclined ask pardon of the Pope they would be sure to have it The Florentines thought not fit to slip so fair an occasion and therefore sent 12 Embassadors to the Pope who entertained them with diverse practices after they were arrived at Rome before he admitted them to audience yet at length it was adjusted how all Parties should comport for the future and what every one should contribute in time of Peace as well as in War after which the Embassadors were admitted to the feet of the Pope who was placed in great Pomp with his Cardinals about him The Embassadors to extenuate what had passed laid the fault sometimes upon their own necessities sometimes upon the malignity of other People sometimes upon the popular fury sometimes upon their own just indignation as being so unhappy to be forced either to fight or to die and because death is the most terrible of all things and all things will be tried before that will be embraced they had endured the War the excommunications and all the ill consequences which followed rather than suffer their liberty which is the life of a Commonwealth to be taken from them and extinguished nevertheless if their necessity had run them upon the rocks and forced them to do any thing which was displeasing to him they were ready to make him satisfaction and did hope according to the example of their gracious Redeemer he would be as ready to receive them into his most merciful Arms. To which excuses his Holiness replyed with great heat and indignation reproaching them by all the mischiefs which they had done to the Church nevertheless to preserve the Commandments of God he was contented to grant them their pardon as they desired but intimated withal that they were to be more obedient for the future and if again they transgressed that liberty which now they were only like to have lost should be then taken wholly and that justly away because they who deserved to be free were such as practised good things and not bad and liberty abused was destructive both to themselves and other People for to neglect their duty either to God or his Church was not the office of good Men but of such as were dissolute and lewd the correction of which belongeth not only to Princes but to all that are Christians so that for what was to be passed they were to lay the fault upon themselves who by their ill deeds had given occasion of the War and continued it by their worse but now that was at an end yet it was attributed more to the goodness of other People than any merit in them after which he gave them his benediction and the form of the agreement to which he had added besides what had been debated and concluded on in Counsel that if the Florentines expected any fruit from his blessing they should furnish out fifteen Gallies and keep them in their pay till the Turk was beaten out of Italy The Embassadors complained grievously to have an article of that weight superadded to what was concluded in the Treaty but by all the friends they could make and all the arts they could use they could not prevail to have it expunged whereupon returning to Florence that Senate to perfect the Peace sent Guid Antonio Vespucci who not long before was returned from France their Embassador to his Holiness and by his prudence he brought the terms to be tolerable and as a greater sign of his reconciliation received several other marks of his Holiness favour The Florentines having put an end to all
miles of him The Duke finding the Enemy upon his back quite contrary to his expectation perceived there was no remedy but he must fight or run away so that forced and constrained lest otherwise he should do a thing unworthy of a King's Son he resolved to fight turned upon the Enemy and each of them having put their Army into order according to the discipline of those times they fell to it and the battle continued from morning to noon and was fought with more courage than any in Italy for fifty years before there dying on the one side and the other above a thousand Men the end of which fight was very honorable for the Church for their infantry being numerous so galled the Dukes Horse that they were forced to turn tail and the Duke had been taken had he not been rescued by some Turks which upon the delivery of Otronto took pay under him Roberto having gained so absolute a Victory returned triumphantly to Rome but he enjoyed the pleasure of it but little for in the heat of the battle having drunk a great quantity of cold water he put himself into a flux and died not many days after his body being interred by his Holiness with all imaginable ceremony The Pope having gained this Victory he sent the Count towards Castello to try if he could recover it for Lorenzo and what he could do upon Rimina for after the death of Robert there being only one Child left in the tuition of his Lady he thought it might be no hard matter to get into that Town and doubtless he had succeeded had not that Lady been assisted by the Florentines who opposed him so happily that he could do nothing against Rimino nor Castello Whilst these things were in agitation in Romagna and Rome the Venetians had taken Figarolo and passed the Po with their Army the Duke of Milan's and the Marquess his Army being in no small disorder upon the death of the Count d' Urbino who falling ill was removed to Bologna and died there so that the Marquesses affairs began to decline and the Venetians had great hopes of becoming Masters of Ferrara On the other side the Florentines and King of Naples used all possible art to bring the Pope over to their party but not being able to do it by force they threatned him with a Counsel which the Emperour had pronounced already should be held at Basil. Whereupon by persuasion of his Embassadors at Rome and the chief of the Cardinals who were very desirous of peace the Pope was constrained and began to hearken to the peace and tranquillity of Italy and for fear the Grandeur of the Venetians should be the ruine of that Country he became inclinable to the League and sent his Nuncii to Naples where a peace was concluded for five years betwixt the Pope King of Naples and Florentines reserving a certain time for the Venetians if they pleased to come in Which being done the Pope sent to the Venetians to desist in their War against Ferrara but the Venetians were so far from complying they reinforced their Army and pursued it with more cagerness than before for having defeated the Dukes forces and the Marquesses at Argenta they had advanced in such manner against the City that their Army was encamped in the Marquesses Park So that the League thinking it no dallying any longer resolved to assault them with all the forces they could make and accordingly the Duke of Calabria had orders to march thither with their Army The Florentines likewise sent what Men they could spare and for the better administration of the War a Diet was appointed to be held at Cremona where there met the Popes Legat Count Girolamo the Duke of Calabria the Signore Lodovico and Lorenzo de Medici with many other Princes of Italy in which Council the Method of the future War was debated and having concluded that Ferrara could not any way be relieved more effectually than by a brisk diversion they desired Lodovico's permission to attack the Venetians thorow the Country of Milan but Lodovico would not be persuaded as fearing to pull a War upon his back which he could not be rid off when he pleased whereupon it was determined that they should march with their whole strength for Ferrara and having mustered 4000 Horse and 8000 Foot they advanced against the Venetians who were 2200 Horse and 6000 Foot But the first thing the League thought fit to attempt was a Fleet which the Venetians had upon the Po and they assaulted it so smartly that they broke it at Rondino destroyed 200 of their Vessels and took Antonio Iustiniano the Proveditor of their Navy Prisoner The Venetians seeing all Italy combined against them to give themselves greater reputation they entertained the Duke of Reno into their pay with 200 good Horse and upon news of the defeat of their Fleet they sent him with part of the Army to face the enemy whilst Roberto da San Severino passed the Adda with the rest and approaching to Milan proclaimed the Duke and Madam Bona his Mother hoping that Lodovico and his Government had been so odious in that City that the very name of the other would have begot some commotion This inroad at first produced some kind of terror but the conclusion was quite contrary to what the Venetians had designed for this compelled Lodovico to do what he could not be brought to before and therefore leaving the Marquess of Ferrara to the defence of his own Country with 4000 Horse and 2000 Foot the Duke of Calabria with 12000 Horse and 5000 Foot marched into the Countries of Bergona Brescia and Verona plundering and spoiling all about them before the Venetians could send them any relief for Roberto and his Army had much ado to secure that City on the other side the Marquess of Ferrara had recovered a great part of his losses for the Duke of Reno who was sent to confront him having but 2000 Horse and 1000 Foot was not able to oppose him so that all that year 1483 things went on prosperously for the League The next Spring the Winter having passed without any considerable action both Armies took the field The League for greater expedition in their designs against the Venetians had drawn their whole Army together and had the War been managed as wisely as the year before had easily carried what ever the Venetians were possess'd of in Lombardy for they were reduced to 6000 Horse and 5000 Foot whilst the Enemy consisted of 13000 Horse and 6000 Foot for the Duke of Reno being entertained only for a year when his time was out was retired But as it many times happens where many are in equal authority diffention among the Grandees gives the Victory to the Enemy for Federigo Gonzagua Marquess of Mantona being dead who whilst he was living kept the Duke of Calabria and Signore Lodovico in good correspondence there grew exceptions betwixt them and jealousies by degrees for Giovan
Galeazzo being of age become capable of the Government and married to the Daughter of the Duke of Calabria he had a mind his Son-in-Law and not Lodovico should exercise the Government Lodovico smelling his design resolved if possible to prevent him This inclination of Lodovico's being known to the Venetians they thought it a fair opportunity to gain as they had done before by peace what by Wur they had lost and making private overtures to him in August 1484 they came to an agreement which was no sooner divulged but the other Confederuts were highly displeased especially seeing all they had taken from the Venetians would be restored the Venetians lefvin the possession of Rovigo and Polisine which they had taken from the Marquess of Ferrara and invested with all the Prerogatives and preheminences which they had exercised over that City before for every Man judged they had made a chargeable War gained some honor indeed in the prosecution of it but in the conclusion they had come off with disgrace for the Towns which they had taken were restored but the Towns they had lost were kept by the Enemy yet the confederats were glad to accept the Peace being weary of the war and unwilling to attempt their fortune any further with the defects and ambition of other People Whilst in Lombardy things were managed at this rate the Pope by the mediation of Lorenzo pressed hard upon the City of Castello to turn out Nicolo Vitelli who to bring over the Pope to their party was deserted by the League Whilst they were intrenched before the Town those of the Garison who were friends to Vitelli sallyed out upon the Enemy and beat them from the siege hereupon the Pope recalled Girolamo from Lombardy caused him to come to Rome to recruit his Army and then sent him to pursue his designs against Castello but judging it better upon second thoughts to reduce Nicolo by fair means than foul he made peace with him and reconciled him as much as in him lay to his adversary Lorenzo and to this he was constrained more out of apprehension of new troubles than any desire to peace for he saw ill humours remaining betwixt the Colonnesi and the Ursini In the War betwixt the Pope and the King of Naples the King of Naples had taken from the Ursini the Country of Pagliacozzo and given it to the Colonnesi who followed his party When Peace was afterwards made betwixt the Pope and the King the Ursini demanded restitution by virtue of that treaty The Pope many times required the Colonnesi to deliver it but neither the prayers of the one nor the threats of the other being able to prevail they fell upon the Ursini with their old way of depredation and plunder The Pope not enduring that insolence drew all his forces together and joyning them with the Ursini they sacked the Houses of all the Colonni in Rome killed those who resisted and destroyed most of the Castles which they had in those parts so that those tumults were ended not by peace but by the destruction of one of the parties In the mean time the affairs in Genoa and Tuscany were in no better condition for the Florentines kept Antonio da Marciano with his forces upon the frontiers of Serezana and with excursions and skirmishes kept the Serezani in perpetual alarm In Genoa Battistino Fregoso Doge of that City reposing too much confidence in Paulo Fregoso the Arch-Bishop was himself his Wife and Children seized by him and the Archbishop made himself Prince The Venetian fleet had at that time assaulted the King of Naples possess'd themselves of Galipoli and alarmed all the Towns about it but upon the peace in Lombardy all the differences were composed except those in Tuscany and Rome for the Pope died five days after the Peace was proclaimed either his time being then come or else his indignation at the Peace against which he was most obstinately averse having killed him However he left all Italy quiet when he died though whilst he lived he kept it constantly imbroiled Upon his death Rome was immediatly in Arms Count Girolamo with his forces retired to the Castle the Ursini were fearful the Colonni would revenge the injuries they had so lately received the Colonni demanded their Houses and Castles to be made good so that in a few days Murders Roberies and burning of Houses was to be seen in several parts of the City but the Cardinals having persuaded Girolamo to deliver up the Castle into the hands of their Colledge to retire to his own Government and free the City from his forces hoping thereby to make the next Pope his friend he readily obeyed delivered up the Castle to the Colledge and drew off his forces to Imola So that the Cardinals being rid of that fear and the Barons of the assistance they expected from Girolamo they proceeded to the Election of a new Pope and after some little disputes they made choice of Giovan Battista Cibo Cardinal di Malfetta a Genoese with the name of Innocent the 8 who by the easiness of his Nature being a Man of peace prevailed with them to lay down their Arms and once more made all quiet at Rome Notwithstanding this Peace the Florentines could not be prevailed with to be quiet it appearing to them dishonorable and insufferable that a private Gentleman should have taken and keep from them the Castle of Serazana and because it was an article in the Peace that not only all that had been lost might be demanded again but that War might be waged against any that obstructed it they prepared Men and mony to go on with that enterprize whereupon Agostino Fregoso who had surprized Serazana finding himself unable with his private force to sustain such a War he resigned it to S. George And seeing we shall many times have occasion to mention S. George and the Genoesi it will not be inconvenient to describe the orders and methods of that City which is one of the principal in Italy When the Genoesi had made peace with the Venetians after the greatest War in which they had ever been engaged not being able to satisfie certain Citizens who had advanced great sums of money for the service of the publick they made over to them the profits of the Dogana appointing that every Man should share of them according to the proportion of his principal sum till his whole debt should be wrought out and for their convenience of meeting and better disposing of their affairs they consigned the Palace to them which was over the Custom-house These Creditors erected a kind of Government among themselves created a Counsel of 100 to deliberate and order all publick matters and another of eight Citizens to put them in execution their debts were divided into several parts which they called Luoghi and their whole body was called San. Giorgia Having established their Government in this manner new exigences arising every day to the Commonwealth they
advanced against the Castle and having planted their Guns they battered it exceedingly This attack was new and unexpected to the Florentines insomuch that they drew what force they were able together under the command of Urginio Ursino at Pisa and made their complaints to the Pope that whilst he was in treaty with them for peace the Genoeses had invaded them after which they sent Piero Corsini to Lucca to preserve that City in its allegiance they sent likewise Pagocantonio Soderini their Embassador to Venice to try the minds of that Commonwealth They desired aid likewise of the King of Naples and Signor Lodovico but neither of them supplied them the King pretending apprehension of the Turkish fleet and Lodovico with other shifts delaied to relieve them so that the Florentines as they usually are were left alone in their necessity finding no body so well disposed to assist them as they were to assist other People Nevertheless being not strange to them they were not at all discouraged but raising a great Army under the Command of Giacopo Guicciardini and Pietro Vettori they sent them against the Enemy who had lodged himself upon the River Magra In the mean time Serazanello was closely besiged and what with mines and batteries brought to great danger of being taken Whereupon a Counsel being called it was resolved to leave it and the Enemy not at all declining they came to an engagement in which the Genoesi were defeated Lodovico dal Fiesco and several of their principal officers taken Prisoners yet this Victory could not encline the Serezanesi to surrender they rather prepared more obstinately for their defence and the Florentine Commissaries being as diligent on their side it was couragiously both assaulted and defended This Leaguer proving longer than was expected Lorenzs de Medici thought it expedient to go himself to the Camp where his arrival animated his own Souldiers and discouraged the adversary for upon observation of the vigour of the Florentines and the coldness of their supplies from Genoa freely without any capitulation they threw themselves into the arms of Lorenzo and except some few who were more eminently active in the Rebellion they were all courteously treated by the Florentines During this siege Signor Lodovico had sent his Horse to Pontremoli in appearance in our favour but holding a correspondence in Genoa a party mutinied against the Government and by the help of those forces secured the Town for the Duke of Milan About this time the Germans made War upon the Venetians and Boccelino d' Osimo Nella Marca had caused Osimo to revolt from the Pope and made himself Lord of it This Boccelino after many accidents was contented upon the persuasion of Lorenzo di Medici to deliver up that Town again to the Pope which he did and coming to Florance he lived there under Lorenzo's protection very honorable a considerable time but afterwards removing to Milan and not finding the same faith as he had done at Florance he ws put to death by Lodovico's command The Venetians being set upon by the Germans near the City of Trento were utterly defeated and Signor Roberto da San Severino their General was slain After the loss of this Victory according to their usual fortune the Venetians made a peace with the Germans but upon terms as exceedingly honorable as if they had been the Conquerors About the same time great troubles arose likewise in Romagna Francesco d' Orso of Furli was a Man of great authority in that City and falling under the suspicion of the Count Girolamo he was many times threatned by him so that Francesco living in perpetual fear he was advised by his friends and relations to be before hand with the Count and seeing his intention was manifestly to take away his life he should strike the first blow and make sure of the Count and so by the death of another Person secure himself This Counsel begin given and as resolutely undertaken they appointed the time to be at the Fair at Furli for several of their friends in the Country coming to the Town on course that day they thought they should have enough of them present without the danger of inviting them It was in the month of May in which the greatest part of the Italians have a custom of supping by day light The Conspirators thought their best time to kill him would be after he had supped when the servants were gone down to their own and left him as it were alone in his Chamber Having agreed upon the time Francesco went to the Counts Palace and having left his accomplices below and told one of his Servants that he desired to speak with the Count he was admitted and finding him alone after some previous and pretended discourse he took his opportunity and killed him then calling up his Companions the Servant was slain likewise and then the Captain of the Castle coming in by accident with some few in his company to speak with the Count they fell upon him and murdered him with the rest Having finished their work and raised a great hubub in the House the Count's body was thrown out of the window a great cry made of liberty and the Church and the people exhorted to Arm who abominating the cruelty and the avarice of the Count fell upon his Houses plundered them and made the Countess Catherina his Lady and her Family Prisoners and this was done with so little opposition that there was nothing but the Castle which hindered the accomplishment of their designs but that Captain being obstinate and not to be wrought upon by them to surrender they desired the Countess to try if she could persuade him which she promised to endeavour if they would let her go to him into the Castle and as Hostage for her fidelity she would leave them her Children The Conspirators believed her and gave her leave to go to him but she was no sooner in the Castle but she began to swagger and threaten them with death in revenge of her husband's and when they told her they would kill all her Children she bid them do their worst for she knew how to have more The Conspirators were not a little dismaid at this accident they saw the Pope sent them no succours and hearing that Lodovico the Countesses Unckle was sending forces to her relief they pack'd up what they could and away they went to Castello so that the Countess being restored she revenged the death of her husband with all possible cruelty The Florentines had news of what happened to the Count and immediatly took occasion to attempt the Castle of Piancaldoli which had been formerly taken from them by the said Count and accordingly sending their forces thither they retook it but with the death of Ciecco a most excellent Architect About the same time that this tumult happened in the City another of no less importance fell out in the Country of Romagna Galeotto Lord of Faenza was married to
couragious nor can any think be objected sufficient to eclipse these virtues though he was indeed addicted to Women took too much pleasure in the company of witty and satyrical Men and would play at boys play sometimes beneath the dignity of his office for he would play many times with his Children at all the most idle and Childish recreations they would put him to So that if the gravity of his life be considered with its levity he will seem to be composed of two several persons united by an almost impossible conjunction The last part of his days was full of sorrow and disquiet occasioned by the distempers of his body for he was sorely afflicted with intolerable pains at his Stomack which brought him so low that in April 1492 he died in the 43 year of his age Never was there any man not only in Florence but Italy who departed with more reputation for his wisdom nor more lamentation to his Country and because upon his death many desolations were like to ensue the Heavens themselves did seem to presage it The spire of the Church of S. Riparata was struck with thunder with such fury that a great part of the steeple was destroyed by it to the great consternation of the City All the Inhabitants of Florence and the Princes of Italy bewailed him which was particulary manifested by their several compliments of condolency and whether they had reson or not for what they did the effects which succeeded a while after did clearly demonstrate for being deprived of his Counsels Italy could not find one remaining able to satiate or restrain the ambition of Lodovico Duke of Milan for want of which after his death such seeds of dissention brake forth as have perplexed and embroiled all Italy ever since THE PRINCE Together with the ORIGINAL OF THE GVELF and GHIBILIN Life of CASTRVCCIO CASTRACANI Murther of VITELLI c. by Duke VALENTINO State of FRANCE State of GERMANY By NICOLAS MACHIAVEL Faithfully Englished LONDON Printed for Iohn Starkey Charles Harper and Iohn Amery in Fleetstreet 1680. NICOLO MACHIAVELLI TO THE Most Illustrious LORENZO Son of PIERO de MEDICI THose who desire the favour of a Prince do commonly introduce themselves by presenting him with such things as he either values much or does more than ordinarily delight in for which reason he is frequently presented with Horses Arms Cloath of Gold Iewels and such Ornaments as are sutable to his Quality and Grandeur Being ambitious to present my self to your Highness with some testimony of my devotions towards you in all my Wardrobe I could not find any thing more precious at least to my self than the knowledge of the Conduct and Atchievements of Great Men which I learn'd by long conversation in modern affairs and a continual investigation of old after long and diligent examination having reduced all into a small Volume I do presume to present to your Highness and though I cannot think it a work fit to appear in your presence yet my confidence in your bounty is such I hope it may be accepted considering I was not capable of more than presenting you with a faculty of understanding in a short time what for several years with inâ—inite labour and hazard I had been gathering together Nor have I beautified or adorned it with Rhetorical Ornations or such outward imbellishments as are usual in such descriptions I had rather it should pass without any approbation than owe it to any thing but the truth and gravity of the matter I would not have it imputed to me as presumption if an inferior person as I am pretend not only to treat of but to prescribe and regulate the proceedings of Princes for as they who take the Landskip of a Country to consider the Mountains and the nature of the higher places do descend ordinarily into the Plains and dispose themselves upon the Hills to take the prospect of the Valleys in like manner to understand the nature of the people it is necessary to be a Prince and to know the nature of Princes 't is as requisit to be of the people May your Highness then accept this Book with as much kindness as it is presented and if you please diligently and deliberately to reslect upon it you will find in it my extreme desire that your Highness may arrive at that Grandeur which Fortune and your Accomplishments do seem to presage from which pinacle of Honour if your Highness vouchsafes at any time to look down upon things below you will see how unjustly and how continually I have been exposed to the malignity of fortune Machiavel's Prince CHAP. I. The several sorts of Governments and after what manner they are obtained THere never was nor is at this day any Government in the World by which one Man has rule and dominion over another but it is either a Commonwealth or a Monarchy Monarchies are either hereditary where the ancestors of the Soveraign have been a long time in possession or where they are but new The new are either so wholly and entirely as Milan was to Francis Sforza or annex'd to the hereditary Dominions of the Conquerour as the Kingdom of Naples to the Kingdom of Spain These territories thus acquired are accustomed either to be subject to some Prince or to live at liberty and free and are subdued either by his auxiliaries or own forces by his good fortune or conduct CHAP. II. Of Hereditary Principalities I Shall omit speaking of Commonwealths as having discoursed of them largely elsewhere and write in this place only of Principalities and how according to the foregoing division the said Principalities may be governed and maintained I do affirm then that hereditary States and such as have been accustomed to the Family of their Prince are preserved with less difficulty than the new and because it is sufficient not to transgress the examples of their predecessors and next to comply and frame themselves to the accidents that occur So that if the Prince be a person of competent industry he will be sure to keep himself in the throne unless he be supplanted by some great and more than ordinary force and even then when so supplanted fortune can never turn tail or be adverse to the usurper but he will stand fair to be restored Of this Italy affords us an example in the Duke of Ferrara who supported bravely against the invasion of the Venetians in 1484 and afterwards against Pope Iulius 10 upon no other foundation but his antiquity in that Government for a natural Prince has not so much occasion or necessity to oppress his Subjects whereby it follows he must be better beloved and retain more of the affections of his People unless some extraordinary vices concur to make him odious so that the succession and coherence of his Government takes away the causes and memory of innovations for one new change leaves always as in buildings a toothing and aptitude of another CHAP. III. Of mixt Principalities BUt the
the minds of the Commons is above all things to endeavour to ingratiate with the People which will be as the other if he undertakes their protection And Men receiving good Offices where they expected ill are indear'd by the surprize and become better affected to their Benefactor than perhaps they would have been had he been made Prince by their immediate favour There are many ways of insinuating with the People of which no certain rule can be given because they vary according to the diversity of the subject and therefore I shall pass them at this time concluding with this assertion that it is necessary above all things that a Prince preserves the affections of his people otherwise in any Exigence he has no refuge nor remedy Nabides Prince of the Spartans sustained all Greece and a Victorious Army of the Romans and defended the Government and Country against them all and to do that great action it was sufficient for him to secure himself against the Machinations of a few whereas if the People had been his Enemy that would not have done it Let no man impugn my opinion with that old saying he that builds upon the People builds upon the sand That is true indeed when a Citizen of private Condition relies upon the people and persuades himself that when the Magistrate or his Adversary goes about to oppress him they will bring him off in which case many presidents may be produced and particularly the Gracchi in Rome and Georgio Scali in Florence But if the Prince that builds upon them knows how to command and be a man of Courage not dejected in adversity nor deficient in his other preparations but keeps up the spirits of his people by his own Valour and Conduct he shall never be deserted by them nor find his foundations laid in a wrong place These kind of Governments are most tottering and uncertain when the Prince strains of a sudden and passes as at one leap from a Civil to an absolute power and the reason is because they either command and act by themselves or by the Ministry and Mediation of the Magistrate In this last case their authority is weaker and more ticklish because it depends much upon the pleasure and concurrence of the Chief Officers who in time of adversity especially can remove them easily either by neglecting or resisting their Commands nor is there any way for such a Prince in the perplexity of his affairs to establish a Tyranny because those Citizens and Subjects who used to exercise the Magistracy retain still such power and influence upon the people that they will not infringe the Laws to obey his and in time of danger he shall always want such as he can trust So that a Prince is not to take his measures according to what he sees in times of peace when of the Subjects having nothing to do but to be governed every one runs every one promises and every one dyes for him when death is at a distance but when times are tempestuous and the ship of the State has need of the help and assistance of the Subject there are but few will expose themselves And this experiment is the more dangerous because it can be practised but once So then a Prince who is provident and wise ought to carry himself so that in all place times and occasions the People may have need of his administration and Regiment an ever after they shall be faithful and true CHAP. X. How the strength of all principalities is to be computed TO any man that examines the nature of principalities it is worthy his consideration whether a Prince has power and territory enough to subsist by himself or whether he needs the assistance and protection of other People To clear the point a little better I think those Princes capable of ruling who are able either by the numbers of their men or the greatness of their wealth to raise a compleat Army and bid Battel to any that shall invade them and those I think depend upon others who of themselves dare not meet their Enemy in the field but are forced to keep within their bounds and defend them as well as they can Of the first we have spoken already and shall say more as occasion is presented Of the second no more can be said but to advise such Princes to strengthen and fortifie the Capital Town in their Dominions and not to trouble himself with the whole Country and whoever shall do that and in other things manage himself with the Subjects as I have described and perhaps shall do hereafter shall with great caution be invaded for men are generally wary and tender of enterprizing any thing that is difficult and no great easiness is to be found in attacking a Town well fortified and provided where the Prince is not hated by the People The Towns in Germany are many of them free though their Country and district be but small yet they obey the Emperor but when they please and are in no awe either of him or any other Prince of the Empire because they are all so well fortified every one looks upon the taking of any one of them as a work of great difficulty and time their Wals being so strong their Ditches so deep their works so regular and well provided with Cannon and their stores and Magazines always furnish'd for a Twelvemonth Besides which for the aliment and sustenance of the People and that they may be no burthen to the publick they have work-houses where for a year together the poor may be employed in such things as are the Nerves and life of that City and sustain themselves by their labour Military Discipline and Exercises are likewise much request there and many Laws and good Customs they have to maintain them A Prince then who has a City well fortified and the affections of his people is not easily to be molested and he that does molest him is like to repent it for the affairs of this world are so various it is almost impossible for any Army to lie quietly a whole year before a Town without interruption If any objects that the people having houses and possessions out of the Town will not have patience to see them plundered and burned and that Charity to themselves will make them forget their Prince I answer that a wise and dexterous Prince will easily evade those difficulties by encouraging his Subjects and persuading them sometimes their troubles will not be long sometimes inculcating and possessing them with the cruelty of the Enemy and sometimes by correcting and securing himself nimbly of such as appear too turbulent and audacious Moreover the usual practice is for the Enemy to plunder and set the Country on fire at their first coming whil'st every man's spirits is high and fixed upon defence so that the Prince needs not concern himself nor be fearful of that for those mischiefs are pass'd and inconveniencies received and when the People in three or
his design to Eight of his principal intimates amongst whom Don Michael and Monsignor d' Euna were two and appointed that when Vitellozzo Pagolo Ursini the Duke de Gravina and Oliverotto should come to meet him two of his Favourites should be sure to order it so as to get one of the Ursini betwixt them assigning every couple his man and entertain them till they came to Sinigaglia with express injunction not to part with them upon any terms till they were brought to the Dukes Lodgings and taken into Custody After this he ordered his whole Army Horse and Foot which consisted of 2000 of the first and 10000 of the latter to be ready drawn up upon the banks of the Metauro about five miles distant from Fano and to expect his arrival Being come up to them upon the Metauro he commanded out two hundred Horse as a Forlorn and then causing the Foot to march he brought up the Reer himself with the remainder Fano and Sinigaglia are two Cities in la Marca seated upon the bank of the Adriatick Sea distant one from the other about 15 miles so that travelling up towards Sinigaglia the bottom of the Mountains on the right hand are so near the Sea they are almost wash'd by the water at the greatest distance they are not above two miles The City of Sinigaglia from these Mountains is not above a flight shot and the Tide comes up within less than a Mile By the side of this Town there is a little River which runs close by the wall next Fano and is in sight of the Road So that he who comes to Sinigaglia passes a long way under the Mountains and being come to the River which runs by Sinigaglia turns on the left hand upon the bank which within a bow shot brings him to a Bridge over the said River almost right against the Gate before the Gate there is a little Bourg with a Market-place one side of which is shouldred up by the bank of the River The Vitelli and Ursini having concluded to attend the Duke themselves and to pay their personal respects to make room for his Men had drawn off their own and disposed them into certain Castles at the distance of six miles only they had left in Sinigaglia Oliveretto with a party of about 1000 Foot and 150 Horse which were quartered in the said Bourg Things being in this order Duke Valentine approached but when his Horse in the Van came up to the Bridge they did not pass but opening to the right and left and wheeling away they made room for the Foot who marched immediately into the Town Vitellozzo Pagolo and the Duke de Gravina advanced upon their Mules to wait upon Duke Valentine Vitellozzo was unarm'd in a Cap lin'd with green very sad and melancholy as if he had had some foresight of his destiny which considering his former courage and exploits was admired by every body And it is said that when he came from his house in order to meeting Duke Valentine at Sinigaglia he took his last leave very solemnly of every body He recommended his Family and its fortunes to the chief of his Officers and admonished his Grand-children not so much to commemorate the fortune as the magnanimity of their Ancestors These three Princes being arrived in the presence of Duke Valentine saluted him with great civility and were as civilly received and each of them as soon as they were well observed by the persons appointed to secure them were singled and disposed betwixt two of them But the Duke perceiving that Oliveretto was wanting who was left behind with his Regiment and had drawn it up in the Market-place for the greater formality he wink'd upon Don Michael to whom the care of Oliveretto was assign'd that he should be sure to provide he might not escape Upon this intimation Don Michael clap'd spurs to his Horse and rid before and being come up to Oliveretto he told him it was inconvenient to keep his Men to their Arms for unless they were sent presently to their quarters they would be taken up for the Dukes wherefore he persuaded him to dismiss them and go with him to the Duke Oliveretto following his Counsel went along with him to the Duke who no sooner saw him but he call'd him to him and Oliveretto having paid his Ceremony fell in with the rest Being come into the Town and come up to the Duke's Quarters they all dismounted and attended him up where being carried by him into a private Chamber they were instantly Arrested and made Prisoners The Duke immediately mounted and commanded their Soldiers should be all of them disarmed Oliveretto's Regiment being so near at hand were plundered into the bargain The Brigades which belong'd to Vitelli and Ursini being at greater distance and having notice of what had hapned to their Generals had time to unite and remembring the Discipline and Courage of their Masters they kept close together and marched away in spight both of the Country people and their Enemies But Duke Valentine's Soldiers not content with the pillage of Oliveretto's Soldiers fell foul upon the Town and had not the Duke by the death of several of them repressed their insolence Sinigaglia had been ruined The night coming on and the tumults appeased the Duke began to think of his Prisoners resolved Vitellozzo and Oliveretto should die and having caused them to be guarded into a convenient place he commanded they should be strangled but they said nothing at their deaths that was answerable to their lives for Vitellozzo begged only that the Pope might be supplicated in his behalf for a plenary indulgence Oliveretto impeached Vitellozzo and lay'd all upon his back Pagolo and the Duke de Gravina were continued alive till the Duke had information that his Holiness at Rome had seized upon the Cardinal Orsino the Arch-bishop of Florence and Messer Iacopo da Santa Croce upon which News on the 18th of Ianuary they also were both strangled in the Castle of Piene after the same manner THE STATE OF FRANCE IN An Abridgment written by Nicolo Machiavelli Secretary of FLORENCE THE Kings and Kingdom of France are at this time more rich and more powerful than ever and for these following Reasons First The Crown passing by succession of Blood is become rich because in case where the King has no Sons to succeed him in his paternal Estate it falls all to the Crown and this having many times hapned has been a great corroboration as particularly in the Dutchy of Anjou and at present the same is like to fall out to this King who having no Sons the Dutchy of Orleans and State of Milan his hereditary Countries are like to devolve upon the Crown So that at this day most of the good Towns in France are in the Crown and few remaining to particular persons A second great Reason of the strength of that King is That whereas heretofore France was not entire but subject to
1700000 men Their Lodgings are appointed by the Harbingers according to every mans office and usually the richest men quarter the greatest Courtiers and that neither the Lodger nor Landlord may have reason to complain the Court has appointed a rate or rule to be observed generally for all people and that is a sous or penny a day for their Chamber in which there is to be bed and chairs and stools and all things that are necessary There is an allowance likewise of two pence a day to every man for linen as towels and napkins and for vinegar and verjuice their linen is to be changed at least twice every week but there being great plenty in that Country they change oftner as Lodgers desire it besides which they are obliged to keep their beds made and their chambers swept and clean There is allowance likewise of two pence a day for the standing of every man's horse they are not bound to provide any thing for them only to keep their stalls clean and carry out the dung Some there are who pay less as their Landlords are good natured or they can make any shift but this is the ordinary rule of the Court. The English Title to the Crown of France upon my best inquiry I find to be thus Charles the sixth of France married his lawful Daughter Katharine to Henry the fifth Son and Heir to Henry the fourth King of England In the articles of Marriage no notice being taken of Charles the seventh who was afterwards King of France besides the Dower that was given with Katharine Charles the sixth Father to the said Katharine instituted Henry the fifth of England his Son in Law and to be married to the said Katharine Heir to that Kingdom of France and in case the said Henry should die before the said Charles and the said Henry leave Sons that were legitimate behind him that then the Sons of the said King Henry should succeed to the said Kingdom of France upon the death of the said Charles the sixth which was contrary to Law because Charles the seventh was prejudiced thereby and was afterwards of no validity or effect against which the English pretend that Charles the seventh was illegitimate The Arch-Bishopricks in England are two The Bishopwricks two and twenty and The Parishes 52000. THE STATE OF GERMANY IN An Abridgment written by Nicolo Machiavelli Secretary of FLORENCE OF the power of Germany no body can doubt because it a bounds so exceedingly in Men and Money and Arms. As to its wealth there is not a Free Town in the whole Country but has a publick stock aforehand of its own and some say Argentina Strasburg alone has a Million of Florens constantly in bank The reason of their opulence is because they have nothing to exhaust them but their Fortifications and furnishing their Magazines for reparations and recruits cost them but little In the latter they have a very good way for they have always in their publick Stores Meat and Drink and Firing for a Twelve-month Besides to entertain the industry of their people they have wherewithal to set the poor on work in case of any Siege a compleat year together so as they may subsist upon their own labour without being burthensom to the Town Their Souldiers are but little expence to them for they are always well arm'd and well exercised and on their Festival days instead of the Common recreations one takes his Musket another his Pike one one sort of Arms another another and practising among themselves they grow very ready and dexterous and after they are arrived at some degree of perfection they have certain Honours and Salaries conferred upon them which is the greatest part of their charge So that in every free Town the publick Treasury is rich The reason likewise why the private persons are rich is this because they live with great parsimony and indeed little better than if they were poor for they are at no expence in their Clothes their Buildings nor the furnishing of their Houses If they have bread and flesh and any thing to keep them from the cold they are well enough and he that wants them is contented and makes some shift or other without them Two Florens will serve them in Clothes ten years and according to his degree every man lives at this rate they do not trouble themselves for every thing they want but only for those things that are absolutely necessary and by that means their necessities are much fewer than ours The result of which Custom is this their Mony goes not out of their County they contenting themselves with their own Native productions whil'st in the mean time every man is permitted to bring in what Treasure he pleases into Germany to purchase their Commodities and Manufactures which in a manner supplies all Italy and their gain is so much the more by how much a small part of the profit of their labours recruits them with Materials for new Thus do they live at liberty and enjoy their own humors for which reason they will not be got to the Wars but upon extraordinary pay and that will not do it neither unless they be commanded by their own Magistrates Wherefore an Emperor has need of more Mony than another Prince because if men be in a good condition already they are not easily allured to the Wars As things stand now the free States must unite with the Princes before any great exploit can be undertaken by the Emperor or else they must enterprize it themselves which they would be able to do But neither the one nor the other desires the greatness of the Emperor for if ever he should get those Free States into his hands he should be strong enough to overpower the Princes and reduce them to such a degree of subjection that he would manage them as he pleased himself as the Kings of France have done formerly in that Country and particularly King Lewis who by force of Arms and the cutting off some few Persons brought them to their present obedience The same thing would happen to the States if the Princes should be cajoled they would lose their freedoms be wholly at the disposition of the Emperor and be forced to be satisfied with what he would vouchsafe to afford them The distance and division betwixt the free States and the Princes is supposed to proceed from the different humors in that Country which in general are two The Swissers are become Enemies to all Germany and the Princes to the Emperor It may seem strange perhaps that the Swissers and free States should be at variance and enmity seeing the preservation of their liberty and securing themselves against the Princes is the common interest of both But their discord is from this that the Swissers are not only Enemies to the Princes but to all Gentlemen whatever and in their Country they have neither the one nor the other but live without distinction of persons unless in their Magistrates in
or foreign supplies have had various events as fortune was pleased to befriend them Cataline was ruined Hanno of whom we have spoken before failing in his poison arm'd many thousands of his Partisans which were all slain with him Certain of the principal Citizens of Thebes by the help of a Spartan Army made themselves Masters of that City and tyranniz'd over it so that if all conspiracies against their Country be examined there will none or but very few be found to have miscarried in the management but the whole stress of their good or bad fortune has layn upon the execution which being once pass'd they are subject to no more dangers than what depend upon the nature of the Government for when a man usurps and makes himself a Tyrant he exposes himself to those natural and inseparable dangers which are the consequences of Tyranny against which he has no other remedies than what have been described before This is what I have thought convenient to write upon the subject of Conspiracies and if I have discoursed only of those which are executed by the sword and not by poison it is because they have the same orders and methods True it is the way of poison is the most dangerous as being the more uncertain because every one has not convenience but is forc'd to confer with other people and the necessity of that Conference is much to be feared besides many things happen which makes your potion ineffectual as it fell out to those who killed Commodus who having disgorg'd his poison forc'd the Conspirators to strangle him Princes then have no Enemy to which they are more dangerously exposed than to these Conspiracies because they are never undertaken against any of them but they take away his life or reputation If they succeed he dies if they miscarry and the instruments be put to death it is look'd upon as a pretence and invention of the Prince to satiate his avarice or cruelty upon the blood or fortunes of his enemies My advice therefore is both to Prince and Commonwealth that upon the discovery of a Conspiracy before they think of revenge seriously to consider the quality of it and to compare the condition of the Conspirators with their own if they find them potent and strong till they have furnished themselves with a proportionable force no notice is to be taken if notice be taken they are unable to defend themselves and certainly ruined for the Conspirators finding themselves discovered will grow desperate and be under a necessity of venturing let the success be what it will The Romans may be an example of this way of dissembling for having as we said before left two of their Legions at Capua for the security of that City against the Samnites the Commanders of the said Legions conspir'd to make themselves Masters of the Town The Romans having notice of their designs committed the prevention of it to Rutilius their new Consul who to lull and delude the Conspirators gave out that the Senate had confirmed that Station to those Legions for another winter which the Legions believed and thinking then they should have time enough they neglected to hasten their design till at length observing the Consul to draw them away insensibly and dispose them into other parts they began to suspect and that suspicion made them discover themselves and put their plot in execution Nor can an example be brought more properly for either sides for by it we may see how cool and remiss people are when they think they have time enough and how sudden and vigorous when necessity presses them And the Prince or Commonwealth which would defer the discovery of a Plot cannot do it with more advantage to himself than by giving the Conspirators some handsom occasion to believe that they may execute it with more ease and security another time for thereby the Prince or Commonwealth will have more leisure to provide for their defence they who have proceeded otherwise have but hastened their own ruine as we have seen in the case of the Duke of Athens and Gulielmo de Pazzi The Duke having made himself Sovereign in Florence and understanding there were Conspiracies against him without enquiring farther into the business caused one of them to be apprehended which giving an alarm to the rest they immediately took arms and turn'd the Duke out of his Supremacy Gulielmo being Commissary for that City in the Val di Chiana in the year 1501 having news of a great Plot in Arezzo in favour of the Vitelli and that their design was to renounce the dominion of the Florentines he marched thither directly without considering the power of the Conspirators or his own or so much as furnishing himself with what Forces he might have done and by the advice of the Bishop his Son causing one of the Conspirators to be seized the rest fell presently to their arms disclaim'd the Florentines and took their Commissary prisoner But when Conspiracies are weak and in their infancy if they be discovered they are to suppress them out of hand without any suspence and not to follow the example either of the Duke of Athens or Dion of Syracuse of whom the first caused a Citizen who had discovered a plot to him to be put to death that the rest observing how unwilling he was to believe any thing of them might be the more secure and hold themselves obliged Dion on the other side suspecting the affections of some people caused one of his Confidents called Calippus to pretend a Conspiracy and see if he could draw them in but both these practices succeeded very ill for by the first all people were discouraged from making any discovery and all Conspirators confirmed and by the other a way was recommended for the murdering of himself for Calippus finding he had an opportunity to practice without danger he did it so effectually that it cost Dion both his Government and Life CHAP. VII How it comes to pass that in the changes of State from liberty to servitude and from servitude to liberty some are very innocent and others very bloody SOme people perhaps may wonder how it should come to pass that Governments should be changed from one form to another sometimes easily and without blood and sometimes with great difficulty and slaughter be the variation as it will either from liberty to tyranny or from tyranny to liberty And this diversity of mutations is so strange that as History tells us they happen sometimes with infinite effusion of blood and at other times without the least injury to any body as in Rome when the Government was taken from the Kings and put into the hands of the Consulâ— no body was expulsed or so much as molested but the Tarquins but in other alterations it has been otherwise and the cause of this diversity may in my judgment be deduced from the manner in which that State was acquired if it was obtained by force it could not be without injury
the Church the Gibilins with the Emperor Innocent 4th Pope Clement 5th Pope Adrian 5th Pope Nicholas 3d. of the House of 〈◊〉 The first introduction of Popes Nephews Martin 10th Pope Pope Celestine resigns to Boniface 8th The first Jubilees ordain'd by Boniface every 100 years Benedict chosen dies and is succeeded by Clement 5th who remov'd his residence â—nto France 1306. 〈…〉 The 〈◊〉 a great Famiâ—y in Milan made Princes of that City by the extirpation of the Torri The 〈…〉 Milan The Dukedom of Milan falls to the Sforzâ—s The Original of the Venetiaâ—s Candia given to the Venetians by the French Benedict 12th Pope Clement 6th Pope The Jubilee reduc'd to 50 years Avignon given to the Pope by the Queen of Naples Innocent 6th Pope Urban 5th Pope Gregory 12th Pope The Pope returns to Rome after 71 years absence in France Urban 6th Pope Clement 7th Anti-Pope Guns first us'd betwixt the Genoveses and Venetians Urban and Clementn succeeded by Boniface 9th Benedict 13th Boniface dies Innocent 7th succeeds him and Gregory the 12th Innocent Alexander 5th elected and succeeded by Iohn 23d Three Popes at once Martin 5th The Queen of Naples calls in the K. of Arragon to her assistance adopts him and makes Braccio da Montone her General The State of Ittaly The Convenience of Colonies The Original of Florence The Denomination of Florence The first Division of Florence The Guelfs and Ghibilin Faction in Florence The Union Government of the City of Florence The Antiani The Captain of the People and Podesta Their Militia A generous Custome Manfredi King of Naples a great Patron of the Ghibilines Ferinata Uberti Carlo d' Anio call'd into Italy by the Pope A new Model in Florence New Commotion A second Model by the Guelfs The 12 Buoni Huomini La Credenza Gregory X. Florence under Excommunication Innocent 5. The Jealousie of the Popes Nicolas 3. The Ghibilines return Martinus Pope The Government reformed by the Citizens The three Priori to goxern two Months to be chosen out of the City indifferently The Segnori Discord betwixt the Nobility and people The Priori The Gonfaloniere Perswasion to the Nobility to be quiet The 〈◊〉 to the people New reformation in Florence 1298. The differen â—ein the family of the Cancellieri the occasion and consequence The Biaâ—chi and Nerâ—â— Charles of Valoâ—s made Governor of Florence New troubles occasioned by Corso Donati The Medici and Giugni Florence burned 1304. Corso Donati Condemned His death 1308. New divisions Laudo de Agobbio Castruccio Castracani The Council of the Signori to â—it forty Months whereas before it was occasional Election of Magistrats by Imborsation Ramondo da Cardona General of the Florentines The Duke of Athens Governor of Florence Lod the Emperour called into Italy The Death of Castruccio and the Duke of Calabria New reformation The Florentines quiet at Home Their Buildings A Captain of the Guards Maffeo da Muradi Lucca sold to the Florentines Taken from them by the Pisans The Duke of Athens The Speech of one of the Senators to the Duke of Athens The Dukes Answer 1342. The Dukes of Athens chosen Prince by the People The Duke of Athens his practice in Florence 〈◊〉 Morrozzâ— Three Conspiracies aganist the Duke at one time Commotion in Florence The Duke expell'd His Character New Reformation The Nobilty depos'd The Nobility attempt to recover their Authority The People Arm against them The Nobility utterly depress'd Emulation betwixt the â—iddle and the meaner sort of people The Ammoniti The Citizens Oration to the Senate New Reformation Gregory XI holds his Residence at Avignon New Commission for the management of the War 1377. A Conspiracy of the Guelfs The Conspiracy defeated The Speech of Salvestro de Medici The Balia Reformation again Luigi Guicciardini's Oration New troubles The Speech of a Plebeian The people rise again The demands of the people Michaele di Lando Michaele overcomes the multitude The popular Faction distinguished from the plebean Reformation The Commons expell'd from the Government 1381. Michaele Lando imprisoned Lodovic's death Carlo d' Angio ' s death Magnificencâ— envied Benedetto's Speech Benedetto dies at Rhodes 1381. Veri de Medici's Speech to the Senate Donato Acciaivoli confin'd 1397. A new Conspiracy defeated The Duke of Milan practises against the City Several Families banished 1400. The King of Naples dies Uzano advices against the Medici Philippo Visconti Lord of Lombardi Peace betwixt Elorence and Milan Imola taken by the Duke Philip. The Florentines overthrown Albizi's exhortation to be quiet Rinaldo de gli Albizi Nicolo Urano Giovanni de Medici 's reply to Rinaldo The sactions of Uzano and the Medici The great courage of Biagio del Milano The Cowardize of Zenobi del Pino Picinino revolts Carmignuola General of the League Catasto Peace betwixt the league and the Duke 1428. Giovanni de Medici's Speech to his Sons at his Death Cosino heir his Father Giusto Volterra revolts Giusto slain Rinaldo persâ—ades the War Uzano opposes it The Cruelty of Astro. The Seravezzesi complain Rinaldo acâ—us'd His Speech to the Ten. Pagolo Lord of Lucca depos'd The Florentines defeated 1433. Peace betwixt the Florentines and Lucchesi Nicolo da Uzano's answer to Barbadori Federigâ—'s speech to Cosimo his Prisoner Cosimo banished 1433. Rinaldo's speech to his Friends Eugenius the Pope labours a peace Cosimo recall'd Rinaldo's answer to the Popâ— 1433. The Souldiers in Italy distinguished into two parties The Duke of Milan promises his Daughter to Conte Fran. Sforza The Pope invaded makes peace with Fran. Sforza Wars in Romagna Fran Sforza General of the Pope's Leagâ—e Peace betwixt the League and the Duke New Ordinances in Florence Alphonso brought prisoner to Duke Philip. The Dogs and his authority in Cenoa Francisco Spinola Genoa recovers its liberty Rinaldo's Oration to the Duke of Milan 1437. The Speech of a Citizen of Lucca to the people Jealousie betwixt the Venetian and the Coun. The Venetians untractable Conte di Poppi Controversies betwixt the Greek and Roman Churches Determined at Florence by the submission of the Greek The Pope deluded and his Country invaded by Piccininâ— The Conte earnestly persuaded not to desert the Venetians 1438. Neri 's speech to the Venetian Senate Nicolo Piccino defeated by the Count. Escapes to Tenna and from thence very strangely to his Army Verona surprized by Nicolo Recovered by the Count. The Duke encouraged in his expedition into Tuscany by Nicolo and the Florentine exiles The Patriarch of Alexandria General for the Pope The Patriarch a friend to Rinaldo The Pope discovers intelligence betwixt the Patriarch and Nicolo and resolves to secure him the Patriarch secured and dies Commissioners to the Count from the Venetians The Count desirous to follow Nicolo Dissuaded by the Duke of Venice They 〈◊〉 to a resolution The Count Poppi revolts from the Floâ—rentine Nicolo illâ—advised by Count Poppi Nicolo practises to surprize Crotona Brescia reliâ—ved The Battle of Anghiari Piccinino defeated Poppi besieged Poppi's speech to the
Florentine Comissaries Neri's answer The Duke proposeth a peace The ingratitude of the Venetians Micheletto General for the League Nicolo's insolence to the Duke Peace betwixt the Duke and the Count. 1441 Naples taken by Alfonso Baldaccio General of the Florâ—ntine foot 1444. Florence reformed Nicolo dyes 1445 Troubles in Bologna Santi Bentivoglio Cosimo 's speech to Santi New war in Lombardy The Count courted by all Parties Duke Philip died 1447. The Count made General for the Milanesi The Venetians ambition of the Dutchy of Milan Alfonso Invades the Florentines Alsonso retreats of Tuscany The Venetians totally defeated Peace betwixt the Venetians and the Count excluding the Milanesi The Oration of one of the Milan Embassadors to the Count. The Counts answer Cosimo de Medici a friend to Francesco Neri Capponâ— against him The Venetious assist the Milanesi Gasparre da Vico Mercato his advice Francesco enter'd Milan and made Duke of it 1450 The Duke of Milan and the Florentines Confederate The King of Aragon and the Venetianâ— Embassadors from them to â—lorence The Florentines answer Preparations for War in Florence Federigo the Emperor enters into Florence Tuscany invaded by the King of Aragons forâ—es Stephana Porcari Stephano and his confederats put to Death 1453. The vale of Begno revolts 1453. Peace betwixâ— the Duke and Venetians Alfonso enters into the League New troubles by Giacopo Piccinino encourag'd privatly by Alfonso Calisto 3. solicits War against the Turks A prodigious tempest The Genoesi assaulted by Alfonso Genoa delivered to the French Alfenso dies Calisto 3. dies and Pius 2. chosen in his chair The Genoesi revolts from the French 1459. The Kingdom of Naples invaded by Giovanni d' Angio Ferrando discomfited Giovannis defeated Cosimo de Medici and Neri Capponi the two great Citizens in Florence Luca Pitti Girolamo Machiavelli Cosimo dies Giacopo Piccinino murdered Francesco Sforza died Nicolo Soderini persuades Luca to take Arms against Piero. The Senate and chief Citizens attend Piero at his house The Enemies of the Medici depress'd Luca Pitti deserted Agnolo 's letter to Piero de Medici Piero 's answer The Florentines invaded by the venetiant Peace between the Florentines and the Venetians Piero's speech to the florentines Piero de Medici dies Tomaso soderini in great favour with the Florentines declines it discreetly Lorenzo and Guiliano de Medici made Princes of the City A Conspiracy of the Nardâ— Bernardo defeated and taken The Duke of Milan in Florence Tumults in Volterra Voltâ—rra surrendred and sacked Italy in two Factions Troubles in Tuscany Conspiracy against the Duke of Milan The Duke of Milan slain Animosity betwixt the Pazzi and the Medici Conspiracy against Lorenzo and Guilian di Medici Rinato dei Pazzi dissuades from the enterprize but in vain The Conspiracy miscarries The Pope and King of Naples make War upon the Florentines Lorenzo 's speech to the Florentines The Pope and King invade the tâ—rritories of the Florentines Genoa rebels against the State of Milan The gratitude of the Flâ—rentines The Popes Army defeated Antonio Tassino a favorite of the Dutches. Lodovico Sforza Governor of Milan Lorenzo de Medeci arrives at Niples New constitutions The Isle of Rhodes assaulted by the Turks The Embassadors to the Pope The Pope replies The Dukâ— of Calabria defeated A new League Castello besieged by the Army of the Pope The Colonni provoked the Pope and are ruin'd in Rome The Company of S. Giorgio Pietra Santa taken by Lorenzo Aquila rebels against the King of Naples The Pope undertakes its protection Peace concluded The Genoeses overthrown The Venetians defeated Count Girolamo murdered The Countess revenged the Death of her Husband Galeotto Lord of Faenza murdered by his Wife Lorenzo de Medici Lorenzo died