cannot but see the proportions of their evil dealings against Me in the measure of Gods retaliations upon them who cannot hope long to enjoy their own thumbs and toes having under pretence of paring others nails been so cruel as to cut off their chiefest strength The punishment of the more insolent and obstinate may be like that of Korah and his Complices at once mutining against both Prince and Priest in such a method of Divine Justice as is not ordinary the Earth of the lowest and meanest People opening upon them and swallowing them up in a just disdain of their ill-gotten and wors-used Authority upon whose support and strength they chiefly depended for their building and establishing their Desings against Me the Church and State My chiefest comfort in Death consists in My Peace which I trust is made with God before whose exact Tribunal I shall not fear to appear as to the Cause so long disputed by the Sword between Me and My causless Enemies where I doubt not but his Righteous Judgment will confute their fallacy who from worldly Success rather like Sophisters than sound Christians draw those popular Conclusions for God's Approbation of their actions whose wise Providence we know oft permits many events which his revealed Word the only clear safe and fixed Rule of good Actions and good Consciences in no sort approves I am confident the Justice of my Cause and Clearness of my Conscience before God and toward my People will carry Me as much above them in God's decision as their Successes have lifted them above Me in the Vulgar opinion who consider not that many times those undertakings of men are lifted up to Heaven in the prosperity and applause of the world whose rise is from Hell as to the Injuriousness and Oppression of the Design The prosperous winds which oft fill the sails of Pirats do not justifie their Piracy and Rapine I look upon it with infinite more content and quiet of Soul to have been worsted in my enforced Contestation for and Vindication of the Laws of the Land the Freedom and Honour of Parliaments the Rights of my Crown the just Liberty of my Subjects and the true Christian Religion in its Doctrine Government and due Encouragements than if I had with the greatest advantages of Success over-born them all as some men have now evidently done what-ever Designs they at first pretended The Prayers and Patience of my Friends and loving Subjects will contribute much to the sweetning of this bitter Cup which I doubt not but I shall more cheerfully take and drink as from God's hand if it must be so than they can give it to Me whose hands are unjustly and barbarously lifted up against Me. And as to the last event I may seem to owe more to my Enemies than my Friends while those will put a period to the Sins and Sorrows attending this miserable Life wherewith these desire I might still contend I shall be more than Conqueror through Christ enabling Me for whom I have hitherto suffered as he is the Author of Truth Order and Peace for all which I have been forced to contend against Error Faction and Confusion If I must suffer a Violent Death with my Saviour it is but Mortality crowned with Martyrdom where the debt of Death which I owe for Sin to Nature shall be raised as a gift of Faith and Patience offered to God Which I humbly beseech him mercifully to accept and altho Death be the wages of My own Sin as from God and the effect of others Sins as men both against God and Me yet as I hope My own Sins are so remitted that they shall be no ingredients to imbitter the cup of my Death so I desire God to pardon their Sins who are most guilty of my Destruction The Trophees of my Charity will be more glorious and durable over them than their ill-managed Victories over Me. Tho their Sin be prosperous yet they had need to be penitent that they may be pardoned Both which I pray God they may obtain that my Temporal Death unjustly inflicted by them may not be revenged by God's just inflicting Eternal Death upon them for I look upon the Temporal Destruction of the greatest King as far less deprecable than the Eternal Damnation of the meanest Subject Nor do I wish other than the safe bringing of the Ship to shore when they have cast Me over-board though it be very strange that Mariners can find no other means to appease the Storm themselves have raised but by drowning their Pilot. I thank God my Enemies Cruelty cannot prevent my Preparation whose Malice in this I shall defeat that they shall not have the satisfaction to have destroyed my Soul with my Body of whose Salvation while some of them have themselves seemed and taught others to despair they have only discovered this that they do not much desire it Whose uncharitable and cruel Restraints denying Me even the assistance of any of my Chaplains hath rather enlarged than any way obstructed my access to the Throne of Heaven Where Thou dwellest O King of Kings who fillest Heaven and Earth who art the fountain of Eternal Life in whom is no shadow of Death Thou O God art both the just Inflicter of Death upon us and the merciful Saviour of us in it and from it Yea it is better for us to be dead to our selves and live in Thee than by living in our selves to be deprived of Thee O make the many bitter aggravations of my Death as a Man and a King the opportunities and advantages of thy special Graces and Comforts in my Soul as a Christian If Thou Lord wilt be with Me I shall neither fear nor feel any evil tho I walk through the valley of the shadow of Death To contend with Death is the work of a weak and mortal man to overcome it is the Grace of Thee alone who art the Almighty and Immortal God O my Saviour who knowest what it is to die with Me as a man make Me to know what it is to pass through Death to Life with Thee my God Tho I die yet I know that Thou my Redeemer livest for ever tho Thou slayest Me yet Thou hast incouraged Me to trust in Thee for Eternal Life O withdraw not thy Favour from Me which is better than Life O be not far from Me for I know not how near a violent and cruel Death is to Me. As thy Omniscience O God discovers so thy Omnipotence can defeat the Designs of those who have or shall conspire my Destruction O shew Me the goodness of thy Will through the wickedness of theirs Thou givest Me leave as a man to pray that this Cup may pass from Me but Thou hast taught Me as a Christian by the example of Christ to add Not My will but thine be done Yea Lord let our wills be one by wholly resolving Mine into Thine let not the desire of Life in Me be so great as that of doing or
intended do You perform when God shall give you Power Much Good I have offered more I purposed to Church and State if Times had been capable of it The deception will soon vanish and the Vizards will fall off apace This mask of Religion on the face of Rebellion for so it now plainly appears since My Restraint and cruel Usage that they fought not for Me as was pretended will not long serve to hide some mens Deformities Happy times I hope attend You wherein Your Subjects by their Miseries will have learned That Religion to their God and Loyalty to their King cannot be parted without both their Sin and their Infelicity I pray God bless You and establish Your Kingdoms in Righteousness Your Soul in true Religion and Your Honour in the Love of God and Your People And if God will have Disloyalty perfected by My Destruction let My Memory ever with My Name live in You as of Your Father that loves You and once a KING of Three flourishing Kingdoms whom God thought fit to honour not only with the Scepter and Government of them but also with the suffering many indignities and an untimely Death for them while I studied to preserve the rights of the Church the power of the Laws the Honour of My Crown the Priviledg of Parliaments the Liberties of My People and My own Conscience which I thank God is dearer to Me than a thousand Kingdoms I know God can I hope he yet will restore Me to My Rights I cannot despair either of his Mercy or of My Peoples Love and Pity At worst I trust I shall but go before You to a better Kingdom which God hath prepared for Me and Me for it through My Saviour Jesus Christ to whose Mercies I commend You and all Mine Farewell till We meet if not on Earth yet in Heaven XXVIII Meditations upon Death after the Votes of Non-addresses and His MAJESTIES closer Imprisonment in Carisbrook-Castle AS I have leisure enough so I have cause more than enough to meditate upon and prepare for my Death for I know there are but few steps between the Prisons and Graves of Princes It is God's Indulgence which gives Me the space but Man's Cruelty that gives Me the sad occasions for these thoughts For besides the common burthen of Mortality which lies upon Me as a Man I now bear the heavy load of other mens Ambitions Fears Jealousies and cruel Passions whose Envy or Enmity against Me makes their own lives seem deadly to them while I enjoy any part of Mine I thank God My Prosperity made Me not wholly a stranger to the contemplations of Mortality Those are never unseasonable since this is always uncertain Death being an Eclipse which oft happeneth as well in clear as cloudy days But My now long and sharp Adversity hath so reconciled in Me those natural Antipathies between Life and Death which are in all men that I thank God the common terrors of it are dispelled and the special horror of it as to My particular much allayed for altho My Death at present may justly be represented to Me with all those terrible aggravations which the policy of Cruel and Implacable enemies can put upon it affairs being drawn to the very dregs of Malice yet I bless God I can look upon all those stings as unpoisonous tho sharp since My Redeemer hath either pulled them out or given Me the Antidote of his Death against them which as to the Immaturity Unjustice Shame Scorn and Cruelty of it exceeded whatever I can fear Indeed I never did find so much the Life of Religion the Feast of a good Conscience and the brazen wall of a judicious Integrity and Constancy as since I came to these closer conflicts with the thoughts of Death I am not so old as to be weary of Life nor I hope so bad as to be either afraid to dye or ashamed to live true I am so afflicted as might make Me sometime even desire to dye if I did not consider that it is the greatest glory of a Christians life to die daily in conquering by a lively Faith and patient Hopes of a better life those partial and quotidian deaths which kill us as it were by piece-meals and make us overlive our own fates while we are deprived of Health Honour Liberty Power Credit Safety or Estate and those other Comforts of dearest relations which are as the Life of our lives Tho as a KING I think My self to live in nothing temporal so much as in the Love and good will of My People for which as I have suffered many deaths so I hope I am not in that point as yet wholly dead notwithstanding My Enemies have used all the poison of Falsity and violence of Hostility to destroy first the Love and Loyalty which is in my Subjects and then all that content of Life in Me which from these I chiefly enjoyed Indeed they have left Me but little of Life and only the husk and shell as it were which their further Malice and Cruelty can take from Me having bereaved Me of all those worldly Comforts for which Life it self seems desirable to men But O my Soul think not that life too long or tedious wherein God gives Thee any opportunities if not to do yet to suffer with such Christian Patience and Magnanimity in a good Cause as are the greatest Honour of our lives and the best improvement of our Deaths I knows that in point of true Christian Valour it argues Pusillanimity to desire to dye out of weariness of life and a want of that heroick greatness of spirit which becomes a Christian in the patient and generous sustaining those Afflictions which as shadows necessarily attend us while we are in this Body and which are lessened or enlarged as the Sun of our Prosperity moves higher or lower whose total absence is best recompenced with the dew of Heaven The assaults of Affliction may be terrible like Sampsom's Lion but they yield much sweetness to those that dare to encounter and overcome them who know how to overlive the witherings of their Gourds without discontent or peevishness while they may yet converse with God That I must dye as a man is certain that I may dye a King by the hands of my own Subjects a violent sudden and barbarous death in the strength of my years in the midst of my Kingdoms my Friends and loving Subjects being helpless Spectators my Enemies insolent Revilers and Triumphers over me living dying and dead is so probable in humane reason that God hath taught Me not to hope otherwise as to mans Cruelty however I despair not of God's infinite Mercy I know my Life is the object of the Devils and Wicked mens Malice but yet under God's sole custody and disposal whom I do not think to flatter for longer Life by seeming prepared to die but I humbly desire to depend upon him and to submit to his will both in life and death in what order soever he
consent to abolish the Episcopal Government Octob. 2. 1648. p. 612 II. The Answer of the Divines to His Majesty's Reason Octob. 3. ibid. III. His Majesty's Reply to their Paper Octob. 6. 616 IV. The Rejoynder of the Divines to His Majesty's Reply Octob. 17. 621 V. His Majesty's final Answer concerning Episcopacy Nov. 1. 1648. 634 ΕΙΚΩΠΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΗ I. UPon His Majesty's calling this last Parliament page 647 II. Upon the Earl of Strafford's Death 648 III. Upon His Majesty's going to the House of Commons 650 IV. Upon the Insolency of the Tumults 651 V. Upon His Majesty's passing the Bill for Triennial Parliaments And after setling this during the pleasure of the Two Houses 654 VI. Upon His Majesty's Retirement from Westminster 656 VII Upon the Queens departure and absence out of England 658 VIII Upon His Majesty's Repulse at Hull And the Fates of the Hothams 659 IX Upon the Listing and Raising Armies against the King 661 X. Upon their seising the King's Magazines Forts Navy and Militia 665 XI Upon the Nineteen Propositions first sent to the King And more afterwards 667 XII Upon the Rebellion and Troubles in Ireland 671 XIII Upon the calling in of the Scots and their coming 674 XIV Upon the Covenant 677 XV. Upon the many Jealousies raised and Scandals cast upon the King to stir up the People against Him 680 XVI Upon the Ordinance against the Common Prayer-Book 684 XVII Of the Differences between the King and the Two Houses in point of Church-Government 687 XVIII Upon Vxbridge Treaty and other Officers made by the King 692 XIX Upon the various Events of the War Victories and Defeats 694 XX. Upon the Reformation of the Times 696 XXI Vpon His Malesty's Letters taken and divulged 699 XXII Upon His Majesty's leaving Oxford and going to the Scots 701 XXIII Upon the Scots delivering the King to the English and His Captivity at Holdenby 702 XXIV Upon their denying His Majesty the Attendance of His Chaplains 703 XXV Penitential Meditations and Vows in the King's Solitude at Holdenby 707 XXVI Upon the Armies Surprisal of the King at Holdenby and the ensuing Distractions in the Two Houses the Army and the City 708 XXVII To the Prince of Wales 710 XXVIII Meditations upon Death after the Votes of Non-Addresses and His Majesty's closer Imprisonment in Carisbrook-Castle 716 THE LIFE OF CHARLES I. CHARLES I. King of Great Britain France and Ireland was the Son of James VI. King of Scots and Anne his Wife a Daughter of Denmark By His Father descended to Him all the Rights together with their blood of all our Ancicient both Saxon and Norman Kings to this Empire For the Lady Margaret Sister and sole Heir of Edgar Atheling the last surviving Prince of the English Saxons being married to Malcolme Conmor King of Scots conveyed to his Line the Saxon and Margaret Daughter of Henry VII married to James IV. did bring the Norman titles and blood From this Imperial Extract He received not more Honour than He gave to it For the blood that was derived to Him elaborated through so many Royal Veins He delivered to Posterity more maturated for Glory and by a constant practice of Goodness more habituated for Vertue He was born at Dunfermeling one of the principal Towns of Fife in Scotland on Nov. 19th An. 1600. An. 1600 in so much weakness that his Baptism was hastened without the usual Ceremonies wherewith such Royal Infants are admitted into the Church Providence seeming to consecrate Him to Sufferings from the Womb and to accustome Him to the exchange of the strictures of Greatness for clouds of Tears There was no Observation nor Augury made at His Birth concerning the Sequel of His Life or course of Fortune which are usually related of such whose lives have different occurrences from those in others of the same state Either the fear of His Death made those about Him less observant of any Circumstances which curious minds would have formed into a Prediction He appearing like a Star that rises so near the Point of his Setting that it was thought there would be no time for Calculation Or He being at distance by his Birth from the Succession to the Crown Prince Henry then having the first hopes made men less sollicitous to enquire of His future state on whom being born to a private Condition the Fate of the Kingdom did not depend But in the third Year of His age when King James was preparing himself to remove to the English Throne a certain Laird of the Highlands though of very great age came to the Court to take his leave of him whom he found accompanied with all his Children After his address full of affectionate and sage Advice to which his gray hairs gave authority to the King An. 1602 his next application was to Duke CHARLES for in the Second year of his Age he was created Duke of Albany Marquess of Ormond Earl of Rosse and Baron of Ardmanock whose hands he kiss'd with so great an ardency of affection that he seem'd forgetful of a separation The King to correct his supposed mistake advised him to a more present observance of Prince Henry as the Heir of his Crown of whom he had taken little notice The old Laird answered that he knew well enough what he did and that It was this Child who was then in His Nurses arms who should convey his name and memory to the succeeding ages This then was conceived dotage but the event gave it the credit of a Prophecy and confirmed that Opinion That some long-experienced souls in the World before their dislodging arrive to the height of prophetick Spirits When he was three years old He was committed to the Care and Governance of Sir Cary's Lady An. 1603 as a reward for being the first Messenger of Queen Elizabeth's death whose long life had worn the expectation of the Scotish Nobility into a suspicion that the Lords of England would never acknowledge her to be dead as long as there was any old Woman of that Nation that could wear good cloaths and personate the Majesty of a Queen In the fourth Year An. 1604 after he had wrestled with a Feaver He was brought in October to the English Court at Windsor where on the Jan. 6. following having the day before been made Knight of the Bath He was invested with the Title of Duke of York An. 1606 and in the sixth Year was committed to the Pedagogie of Mr Thomas Murray a Person well qualified to that Office though a favourer of Presbytery Under this Tutor and confined to a retiredness by the present weakness of his Body He was so diligent and studious that He far advanced in all that kind of Learning which is necessary for a Prince without which even their natural Endowments seem rough and unpleasant in despight of the splendour of their Fortune His proficiency in Letters was so eminent that Prince Henry taking notice of it to put a Jest upon Him one day put the Cap
an adjoyning Scaffold where she stood she cried out with a loud Voice but not without danger that It was a Lye not the Tenth part of the People were guilty of such a Crime but all was done by the Machinations of that Traytor Cromwell But the King after the Charge was read with a Countenance full of Majesty and Gravity demands by what Authority they proceeded with Him thus contrary to the Publick Faith and what Law they had to try Him that was an absolute Sovereign Bradshaw replying that of the Parliament His Majesty shewed the detestable Falsehood in pretending to what they had not and if they had it yet it could not justifie these Practices To which Reply when they could not answer they force Him back to the place of His Captivity The Magnanimity of the King in this Days Contest with these inhumane Butchers did much satisfie the People and they were glad while they thought not of His Danger that He wanted not either Speech or Courage against so powerful Enemies that He had spoken nothing unworthy of Himself and had preserved the Fame of His. Vertues even in so great Adversities For He seemed to triumph over their Fortune whose Arms He was now subject to The Parricides sought to break his Spirit by making His appearances frequent before such contemptible Judges and often exposing Him to the contempt of the Armed Rabble therefore four days they torture Him with the Impudence and Reproaches of their Infamous Sollicitor and President But He still refused to own their Authority which they could not prove lawful and so excellently demonstrated their abominable Impiety that He made Colonel Downes one of their Court to boggle at and disturb their Proceedings They therefore at last proceeded to take away that Life which was not to be separated from Conscience and Honour and pronounced their Sentence of Death upon their Lawful and Just Sovereign Jan. 27. not suffering Him to speak after the Decree of their Villany but hurrying Him back to the place of His Restraint At His departure He was exposed to all the Insolencies and Indignities that a phanatick and base Rabble instigated by Peters and other Instructors of Villany could invent and commit And He suffer'd many things so conformable to Christ His King as did alleviate the sense of them in Him and also instruct Him to a correspondent Patience and Charity When the barbarous Souldiers cried out at His departure Justice Justice Execution Execution as those deceived Jews did once to their KING Crucisie Him Crucifie Him this Prince in imitation of that most Holy King pitied their blind fury and said Poor Souls for a piece of Money they would do as much for their Commanders As He passed along some in defiance spit upon His Garments and one or two as it was reported by an Officer of theirs who was one of their Court and praised it as an evidence of his Souldiers Gallantry while others were stupefied with their prodigious baseness polluted His Majestick Countenance with their unclean spittle the Good King reflecting on His great Exemplar and Master wiped it off saying My Saviour suffer'd far more than this for me Into His very Face they blowed their stinking Tobacco which they knew was very distasteful to Him and in the way where He was to go just at His Feet they flung down pieces of their nasty Pipes And as they had devested themselves of all Humanity so were they impatient and furious if any one shewed Reverence or Pity to Him as He passed For no honest Spirit could be so forgetful of humane fruilty as not to be troubled at such a sight to see a Great and Just King the rightful Lord of three flourishing Kingdoms now forced from His Throne and led captive through the Streets Such as pull'd off their Hats or bowed to Him they beat with their Fists and Weapons and knock'd down one dead but for crying out God be merciful unto Him When they had brought Him to His Chamber even there they suffered Him not to rest but thrusting in and smoaking their filthy Tobacco they permitted Him no Privacy to Prayer and Meditation Thus through variety of Tortures did the King pass this Day and by His Patience wearied His Tormentors nothing unworthy His former greatness of Fortune and Mind by all these Affronts was extorted from Him though Indignities and Injuries are unusual to Princes and these were such as might have forced Passion from the best-tempered meekness had it not been strengthned with assistance from Heaven In the Evening the Conspirators were acquainted by a Member of the Army of the King's desire that seeing His Death was nigh it might be permitted him to see His Children and to receive the Sacrament and that Doctor Juxon then Lord Bishop of London now Arch-Bishop of Canterbury might be admitted to pray with Him in His private Chamber The first they did not scruple at the Children in their power being but two the Lady Elizabeth and the Duke of Glocester and they very young The second they did not readily grant Some would have had Peters to undertake that Employment for which the Bishop was sent for But he declined it with some Scoffs as knowing that the King hated the Offices of such an unhallowed Buffoon So that at last they permitted the Bishop's access to the King to whom his eminent Integrity had made him dear For with so wonderful a Prudence and uprightness he had managed the envious Office of the Treasury that that accusing age especially of Church-men found not matter for any Impeachment nor ground for the least Reproach The next day being Sunday the King was removed to St. James's where the Bishop of London read Divine Service and preached before Him in private on these words In the day when God shall judge the secrets of all men by Jesus Christ according to my Gospel While the King and the Bishop at this time and also at other times were performing the Divine Service the rude Souldiers often rushed in and disturbed their Offices with vulgar and base Scoffs vain and frivolous Questions The Commanders likewise and other impertinent Anabaptists did interrupt His Meditations who came to tempt and try Him and provoke Him to some unnecessary disputations But He maintained His own Cause with so irrefragable Arguments that He put some to silence the petulancy of others He neglected and with a modest contempt dissembled their Scoffs and Reproaches In the narrow space of this one Day and under so continued Affronts and Disturbances the King whose whole Soul was totally composed to Religion applied Himself as much as was possible to the Reading Holy Scriptures to Prayer Confession of Sins Supplications for the forgiveness of his Enemies the receiving the Eucharist holy Conferences and all the Offices of Piety so under the utmost Malice and Hatred of men He laboured for the Mercy of God and to fit Himself for His last victory over Death While the King thus spent this day
out those Comparisons of Caligula and Nero the first would kill numbers of Senators to make himself Sport and the last thought it just enough that Paetus Thraseas should die because he look'd like a School-master But this Prince's Anger was without Danger to any His Admonitions were frequent Corrections seldom but Revenge never He grieved when His Pity had not Power or Skill to save Offenders and then He punished the bad but yet gave them space to repent and make their Execution as near as He could like a natural Death to translate them from hence to a place where they could not Sin He had nothing of the Beast in Him which Machiavel requires in such Princes as make Success the only end of their Counsels and consult a prosperous Grandeur more than an unspotted Conscience He scorned to abuse the Character of God upon Him by turning a Fox to dissemble and abhorred to think that He whom Heaven had made above other men should degenerate to the Cruelty of a Lion He sooner parted with Mortality than Mercy for He ended His days with a Prayer for His Enemies and laboured to make His Clemency immortal by commanding the practice of it to His Son None of His Vertues were in the Confines of Vice and therefore this Admirable Clemency proceeded not from a defect of Spirit as His Detractors imputed it and the Vulgar who mistake Cruelty for Valour imagined but like the Bowels of the Supremest Mercy which are incircled with an Infinite Power so this Pity to guilty and frail men was attended with an Incomparable Fortitude For this Vertue consisting in despising Dangers and Enemies in those Causes that render Death comely and glorious the King gave several Evidences of a Contempt of all Power beneath that of Heaven When the Lord Rey first acquainted Him with the Conspiracy of Ramsey and Hamilton He was upon a Remove to Theobalds where the Marquess was to wait upon Him as Gentleman of the Bed-Chamber who having some notice given him of the Discovery besought His Majesty to spare his attendance till he could clear his innocence and return the Treason upon the Accuser The King answered that He would therefore make him wait to let him see He did as little fear his strength as distrust his Loyalty for He knew he durst not attempt His Life because He was resolved to sell it so dear And to make good His Confidence He made him ride alone with Him in His Coach to Theobalds and lie in His Chamber that Night while the sollicitous Court admired and even censured His Magnanimity for it went beyond His pattern and did more than that Emperour who was stiled the Delight of Mankind who being informed of a Conspiracy against him invited the two Chiefs of it to accompany him to the Spectacula and caused them both to sit next on each side to him in the Theatre and to give them more advantage for their design put the swords of the Gladiators under colour of enquiring their judgments concerning their sharpness into their hands to shew how little dread he had of their fury But the British Prince's Magnanimity exceeded that of the Excellent Roman's as much as the privacies of a Bed-chamber and the darkness of Night make up a fitter Scene for the Assassination of a beloved Sovereign than a publick Theatre As He never provoked War so He never feared it and when the miserable Necessity lay upon Him to take up Arms to preserve Himself from an unjust Violence He shewed as much if not more Valour than those can boast of that with equal force finished Wars with Conquest in the success of these Fortune the Vanity of an Enemy and the assistances of Friends may challenge a part of the Praise but in that none but His own brave Soul had the Glory For to attempt at Victory against an Enemy that had almost more Forts and Garrisons than He had Families to joyn with Him that with Cannon out-vied the number of His Muskets that had gotten from Him a Navy which His Care had made the most formidable in the World and not left Him the command of a Cock-boat that were prodigal with the Treasure of a Nation and His Revenues when He begged for a subsistence was such a Courage that would have made that Senate of Gallant Persons who were the most competent Judges of Valour and never censured Vertue by the Success but thanked their Imprudent Consul for not despairing of the Common-wealth when he gathered up those broken Legions which his Rashness had obtruded to an Overthrow to have decreed a Triumph for CHARLES had His life been an Honour to that Age or could those Generations have reckoned Him among their great Examples Most Men indeed thought the King's side most glorious yet they concluded the other more terrible those that minded their Duty were in the Royal Camp but such as cared for Safety took part with the Faction or at least did not oppose them As He first entred the War so did He continue in it His moderation alwaies moved Him to desire Peace and His Fortitude made them sometimes sue for it His Adversaries never prevailed upon His Fears but upon the Treachery and Covetousness of some of His Party who could not endure an Honourable Want and on such their Gold was stronger than their Iron on Him and He was rather Betray'd than Overcome His Greatness of Mind forsook Him not with His Fortune Arms and Liberty it being Natural and not built upon them this made Him tenacious of Majesty when His Power was gone For when Whaley that had the Command of the Guards upon Him while He was in the Army insolently intruded into His Presence to hear His Discourse with a Foreign Minister of State and being bold in His Power and Office refused to obey the Command for a greater Distance the King caned him to an Observance When the Parricides sent their party of Souldiers to force Him from the Isle of Wight to the Slaughter Cobbet that commanded them thrust himself into the Coach with Him but the King sensible that the nearness of such a Villain was like a Contagion to Majesty with His Hand forced him away to herd among his bloody fellows His Spirit alwaies kept above the barbarous Malice of His Enemies and of their rudest Injuries would seem unsensible He told a faithful Servant of His that the Conspirators had kept Him for two Months under a want of Linnen and Shirts But said He I scorned to give them that pleasure ac to tell them I wanted Thus all the strokes of Fortune upon His Magnanimous Soul were but like the breaking of Waves upon a Rock of Diamonds which cannot shake but only wash it to a greater Brightness But though He knew not how to submit to the Power of men yet He would tremble under the Frowns of God His great Spirit made Him not unquiet or furious under the Corrections of the Almighty But with a wonderful
toucheth upon the present Question the Ancients erred grosly about the Antichrist and Mystery of Iniquity which did begin to work in the days of the Apostles Many other Instances might be brought to prove such universal practice of the Church as was not warranted by the Apostles as in the Rites of Baptism and Prayer and the forming up and drawing together of the Articles of that Creed that is called Symbolum Apostolicum the observation of many Feasts and Fasts both Anniversary and weekly 5. That it is not a matter so incredible or impossible as some would have it appear to be for the Primitive Church to have made a sudden defection from the Apostolical purity The people of Israel in the short time of Moses his absence on the mount turned aside quickly and fell into horrible Idolatry Exod. 32. Soon after the death of Josuah and the Elders that had seen the great works which the Lord had done for Israel there arose another Generation after them which did evil in the sight of the Lord Judg. 2. Soon after the building of the Temple and setling of Religion by David and Solomon the worship of God was defiled with Idolatry when Rehoboam had established the Kingdom he forsook the Law of the Lord and all Israel with him 2 Chron. 12. 1. And the Apostle says to the Galatians Gal. 1. 6. I marvel that you are so soon removed unto another Gospel Why then shall we think it strange that in the matter of Discipline there should be a sudden defection especially it being begun in the time of the Apostles I know it is a common Opinion but I believe there be no strong reasons for it that the Church which was nearest the times of the Apostles was the most pure and perfect Church 6. That it is impossible to come to the knowledge of the universal Consent and Practice of the Primitive Church for many of the Fathers wrote nothing at all many of their writings are perished it may be that both of these have dissented from the rest many of the Writings which we have under their names are supposititious and counterfeit especially about Episcopacy which was the foundation of Papal Primacy The Rule of Augustine afore-mentioned doth too much favour Traditions and is not to be admitted without cautions and exceptions Many the like Considerations may be added but these may be sufficient to prove that the unanimous Consent of the Fathers and the universal Practice of the Primitive Church is no sure ground of Authentical interpretation of Scripture I remember of a grave Divine in Scotland much honoured by K. James of Happy memory who did often profess that he did learn more of one Page of John Calvin than of a whole Treatise of Augustine Nor can there be any good reason many there be against it why the Ancients should be so far preferred to the Modern Doctors of the Reformed Churches and the one in a manner Deified and the other vilified It is but a poor Reason that some give Fama miratrix senioris aevi and is abundantly answered by the Apologist for Divine Providence If Your Majesty be still unsatisfied concerning the Rule I know not to what purpose I should proceed or trouble Your Majesty any more Newcastle July 2. 1646. VII His MAJESTIES Fourth Paper For Mr. Alexander Henderson July 3. 1646. I Shall very willingly follow the method you have begun in your third Paper but I do not conceive that my last Paper multiplies more Controversies than my first gave occasion for having been so far from augmenting the Heads of our Disputation that I have omitted the answering many things in both your Papers expresly to avoid raising of new and needless Questions desiring to have only so many debated as are simply necessary to shew whether or not I may with a safe conscience give way to the alteration of Church-Government in England And indeed I like very well to begin with the setling of the Rule by which we are to proceed and determine the present Controversie to which purpose as I conceive My third Paper shews you an excellent way for there I offer you a Judge between us or desire you to find out a better which to My judgment you have not yet done though you have sought to invalidate Mine for if you understand to have offered the Scripture though no man shall pay more reverence nor submit more humbly to it than My self yet we must find some Rule to judge betwixt us when you and I differ upon the interpretation of the self-same Text or it can never determine our Questions As for example I say you misapply that of 2 Cor. 1. 14. to Me let others answer for themselves for I know not how I make other men to have dominion over My Faith when I make them only serve to approve my Reason Nor do I conceive how 1 Cor. 2. 5. can be applied to this purpose for there Saint Paul only shews the difference between Divine and Humane Eloquence making no mention of any kind of interpretation throughout the whole Chapter as indeed Saint Peter does 2 Pet. 1. 20. which I conceive makes for Me for since that no Prophecy of Scripture is of any private interpretation First I infer that Scripture is to be interpreted for else the Apostle would have omitted the word Private Secondly that at least the consent of many learned Divines is necessary and so à fortiori that of the Catholick Church ought to be an authentick Judge when men differ And is it a good Argument because Matth. 4. 4 7 10. Scripture is best interpreted by it self therefore that all other interpretations are unlawful certainful you cannot think it Thus having shewed you that we differ about the meaning of the Scripture and are like to do so certainly there ought to be for this as well as other things a Rule or a Judge between us to determine our differences or at least to make our Probations and Arguments Relevant therefore evading for this time to Answer your Six Considerations not I assure you for the difficulty of them but the starting of new Questions I desire you only to shew Me a better than what I have offered unto you Newcastle July 3. 1646. C. R. VIII His MAJESTY's Fifth Paper For Mr Alexander Henderson A particular Answer to Mr Alexander Henderson's Third Paper July 16. 1646. UNtil you shall find out a fitter way to decide our Difference in Opinion concerning Interpretation of Scripture than the Consent of the Fathers and the Universal Practice of the Primitive Church I cannot but pass my Judgment anent those Six Considerations which you offered to invalidate those Authorities that I so much reverence 1. In the first you mention two Rules for defining of Controversies and seek a most odd way to confute them as I think for you alledge that there is more attributed to them than I believe you can prove by the Consent of most learned Men there being
same effect by the blessing of God which was often found in His Sacred Touch when living The Malice of His Enemies ended not with His Life For when His Body was carried to Saint James's to be opened they directed their Empericks to search for such Symptomes as might disgrace His Person or His Posterity But herein they were prevented by an honest Intruder who gave a true account of His sound and excellent Temperament Being imbalmed and laid in a Coffin of Lead to be seen for some days by the People at length upon Wednesday the seventh of February it was delivered to four of His Servants Herbert Mildmay Preston and Joyner who with some others in mourning equipage attended the Herse that night to Windsore and placed it in the Room which was formerly the Kings Bed-chamber Next day it was removed into the Deans Hall which was hung with black and made dark and Lights were set burning round the Herse About three afternoon the Duke of Richmond the Marquess of Harford the Earls of Southampton and Lindsey and the Bishop of London others that were sent to refusing that last Service to the best of Princes came thither with two Votes passed that Morning whereby the ordering of the King's Burial was committed to the Duke provided that the Expences thereof exceeded not five hundred pounds This Order they sheved to Colonel Whichcot the Governor of the Castle desiring that the Interrment might be in Saint George's Chappel and according to the form of the Common-Prayer The latter Request the Governour denied saying That it was improbable the Parliament would permit the use of what they had so solemnly abolished and therein destroy their own Act. The Lords replied That there was a difference betwixt destroying their own Act and dispensing with it and that no Power so binds its own hands as to disable it self in some cases But all prevailed not The Governour had caused an ordinary Grave to be digged in the body of the Church of Windsore for the Interment of the Corps which the Lords disdaining found means by the direction of an honest man one of the old Knights to use an artifice to discover a Vault in the middle of the Quire by the hollow sound they might perceive in knocking with a Staff upon that place that so it might seem to be their own accidental finding out and no person receive blame for the discovery This place they caused to be opened and entring saw one large Coffin of Lead in the middle of the Vanlt covered with a Velvet Pall and a lesser on one side supposed to be Henry the Eighth and His beloved Queen Jane Saint-Maure on the other side was room left for another probably intended for Queen Katherine Parre who survived Him where they thought fit to lay the King Hither the Herse was born by the Officers of the Garrison the four Lords bearing up the Corners of the Velvet Pall and the Bishop of London following And in this manner was this Great King upon Friday the ninth of February about three afternoon silently and without other Solemnity than of Sighs and Tears committed to the Earth the Velvet Pall being thrown into the Vault over the Coffin to which was fastened an Inscription in Lead of these words KING CHARLES 1648. CAROLI Primi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epitaphium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 SIstas sacrilegum Pedem Viator Nè forsan temeres sacros sepulchri Augusti Cineres Repôc est In Terrae Gremio Decor Stupórque Humani Generis Senex Infans Prudens scilicet Innocésque Princeps Regni Praesidium Ruina Regni Vitâ Praesidium Ruina Morte Quem Regem potiùs Patrémve dicam O Patrem priùs deinde Regem Regem quippe Suî Patrémque Regni Hic Donúmque Dei DeÃque Cura Quem Vitáque refert refértque Morte Ringente Satanâ Canente Coelo Diro in Pegmate Gloriae Theatro Et Christi Cruce Victor Securi Baptistae emicuit Ruina Felix Quâ Divum Carolus secutus Agnum Et postliminiò domum vocatus Primaevae Patriae fit Inquilinus Sic Lucis priùs Hesperus Cadentis Resplendet modò Phosphorus Reversae Hic Vindex Fidei sacer Vetustae Cui par est nihil nihil secundum Naturae Typus absolutioris Fortunae Domitor ferendo suae Qui quantum Calicis bibit tremendi Tatundem sibi Gloriae reportat Regum Maximus unicúsque Regum In quo Res minima est fuisse Regem Solus qui superâ locatus Arce Vel Vitâ poterit frui priore Quum sint Relliquiae Cadaver Umbra Tam sacri Capitis vel ipsa sacra Ipsis Eulogiis coinquinata Quiaeque ipsum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prophanat Sistas sacrilegum Pedem Viator Tho. Pierce D. D. Coll. Magd. apud Oxon. Praeses An Elegy upon the Death of Our Dread Sovereign Lord King CHARLES the MARTYR COme come let 's Mourn all eyes that see this Day Melt into Showts and weep your selves away O that each private head could yield a Floud Of Tears whil'st Britain's Head streams out His Bloud Could we pay what His Sacred Drops might claim The World must needs be drowned once again Hands cannot write for Trembling let our Eye Supply the Quill and shed an Elegy Tongues cannot speak this Grief knows no such vent Nothing but Silence can be Eloquent Worlds are not here significant in This Our Sighs our Groans bear all the Emphasis Dread SIR What shall we say Hyperbole Is not a Figure when it speaks of Thee Thy Book is our best Language what to this Shall e're be added is Thy Meiosis Thy Name 's Text too hard for us no men Can write of it without Thy Parts and Pen. Thy Prisons Scorns Reproach and Poverty How could'st Thou bear Thou Meeker Moses how Was ever Lion bit with Whelps till now And did not roar Thou England's David how Did Shimei's Tongue not move Thee Where 's the Where is the King CHARLES is all Christian Man Rebell'd Thou mad'st Thy Passions to obey Hadst Thou regain'd Thy Throne of State by Power Thou hadst not then been more a Conqueror But Thou thine own Soul's Monarch art above Revenge and Anger Canst Thou tame Thy Love How could'st Thou bear Thy Queen's Divorce must She At once Thy Wife and yet Thy Widow be Where are Thy tender Babes once Princely bred Thy choicest Jewels are they Sequestred Where are Thy Nobles Lo in stead of these Base savage Villains and Thy Enemies Egyptian Plague 't was only Pharaoh's doom To see such Vermin in His Lodging-room What Guards are set what Watches do they keep They do not think Thee safe though lock'd in Sleep Would they confine Thy Dreams within to dwell Nor let Thy Fancy pass their Centinel Are Thy Devotions dangerous Or do Thy Prayers want a Guard These faulty too Varlets 't was only when they spake for You. But lo a Charge is Drawn a Day is set The silent LAMB is brought the Wolves are met Law is arraign'd of Treason Peace
attain to that Kingdom of Peace in my Heart and in thy Heaven which Christ hath purchased and thou wilt give to thy Servant tho a Sinner for my Saviours sake Amen II. Vpon the Earl of STRAFFORD's Death I Looked upon my Lord of Strafford as a Gentleman whose great Abilities might make a Prince rather afraid than ashamed to employ him in the greatest affairs of State For those were prone to create in him great confidence of undertakings and this was like enough to betray him to great errors and many enemies Whereof he could not but contract good store while moving in so high a sphear and with so vigorous a lustre he must needs as the Sun raise many envious exhalations which condensed by a Popular Odium were capable to cast a cloud upon the brightest Merit and Integrity Though I cannot in my Judgment approve all he did driven it may be by the necessities of Times and the Temper of that People more than led by his own disposition to any height and rigor of actions yet I could never be convinced of any such Criminousness in him as willingly to expose his life to the stroke of Justice and Malice of his Enemies I never met with a more unhappy conjuncture of affairs than in the business of that unfortunate Earl when between my own unsatisfiedness in Conscience and a necessity as some told Me of satisfying the importunities of some people I was perswaded by those that I think wished Me well to chuse rather what was safe than what seemed just preferring the outward Peace of my Kingdoms with men before that inward exactness of Conscience before God And indeed I am so far from excusing or denying that compliance on My part for plenary consent it was not to his destruction whom in my Judgment I thought not by any clear Law guilty of Death that I never bare any touch of Conscience with greater regret which as a sign of my Repentance I have often with sorrow confessed both to God and men as an act of so sinful frailty that it discovered more a fear of Man than of God whose name and place on Earth no man is worthy to bear who will avoid inconveniencies of State by acts of so high injustice as no publick convenience can expiate or compensate I see it a bad exchange to wound a mans own Conscience thereby to salve State sores to calm the storms of Popular discontents by stirring up a tempest in a mans own bosome Nor hath Gods Justice failed in the event and sad consequences to shew the world the fallacy of that Maxime Better one man perish tho unjustly than the people be displeased or destroyed For In all likelihood I could never have suffered with my people greater calamities yet with greater comfort had I vindicated Strafford's Innocency at least by denying to sign that destructive BILL according to that Justice which my Conscience suggested to Me than I have done since I gratified some mens unthankful importunities with so cruel a favour And I have observed that those who counselled Me to sign that BILL have been so far from receiving the rewards of such ingratiatings with the People that no men have been harassed and crushed more than they He only hath been least vexed by them who counselled Me not to consent against the Vote of my own Conscience I hope God hath forgiven Me and them the sinful rashness of that business To which being in my Soul so fully conscious those Judgments God hath pleased to send upon Me are so much the more welcome as a means I hope which his Mercy hath sanctified so to Me as to make Me repent of that unjust Act for so it was to Me and for the future to teach Me That the best rule of Policy is to prefer the doing of Justice before all enjoyments and the Peace of my Conscience before the preservation of my Kingdoms Nor hath any thing more fortified my resolutions against all those violent importunities which since have sought to gain a like consent from Me to Acts wherein my Conscience is unsatisfied than the sharp touches I have had for what passed Me in my Lord of Strafford's Business Not that I resolved to have employed him in my Affairs against the advice of my Parliament but I would not have had any hand in his Death of whose Guiltlesness I was better assured than any man living could be Nor were the Crimes objected against him so clear as after a long and fair hearing to give convincing satisfaction to the Major part of both Houses especially that of the Lords of whom scarce a third part were present when the Bill passed that House And for the House of Commons many Gentlemen disposed enough to diminish my Lord of Strafford's greatness and power yet unsatisfied of his guilt in Law durst not condemn him to die who for their Integrity in their Votes were by Posting their Names exposed to the popular calumny hatred and fury which grew then so exorbitant in their clamours for Justice that is to have both My self and the two Houses Vote and do as they would have us that many 't is thought were rather terrified to concur with the condemning party than satisfied that of right they ought so to do And that after-Act vacating the Authority of the precedent for future imitation sufficiently tells the world that some remorse touched even his most implacable Enemies as knowing he had very hard measure and such as they would be very loath should be repeated to themselves This tenderness and regret I find in my Soul for having had any hand and that very unwillingly God knows in shedding one mans blood unjustly tho under the colour and formalities of Justice and pretences of avoiding publick mischiefs which may I hope be some evidence before God and Man to all Posterity that I am far from bearing justly the vast load and guilt of all that Blood which hath been shed in this unhappy War which some men will needs charge on Me to ease their own Souls who am and ever shall be more afraid to take away any mans life unjustly than to lose My own But Thou O God of infinite mercies forgive Me that act of sinful compliance which hath greater aggravations upon Me than any man Since I had not the least temptation of Envy or Malice against him and by My place should at least so far have been a preserver of him as to have denied my consent to his destruction O Lord I acknowledg my transgression and my sin is ever before Me. Deliver Me from blood-guiltiness O God thou God of my salvation and my tongue shall sing of thy righteousness Against Thee have I sinned and done this evil in thy sight for Thou sawest the contradiction between my heart and my hand Yet cast Me not away from thy presence purge Me with the Blood of my Redeemer and I shall be clean wash Me with that precious effusion and I shall be whiter
I am afflicted by those whose Prosperity I earnestly desire and whose Seduction I heartily deplore If they had been my open and forein Enemies I could have born it bur they must be my own Subjects who are next to my Children dear to Me and for the restoring of whose Tranquility I could willingly be the Jonah if I did not evidently foresee that by the divided Interests of their and Mine Enemies as by contrary winds the storm of their Miseries would be rather encreased than allayed I had rather prevent my Peoples Ruine than rule over them nor am I so ambitious of that Dominion which is but my Right as of their Happiness if it could expiate or countervail such a way of obtaining it by the highest Injuries of Subjects committed against their Soveraign Yet I had rather suffer all the miseries of Life and die many Deaths than shamefully to desert or dishonourably to betray my own just Rights and Soveraignty thereby to gratify the Ambition or justifie the Malice of my Enemies between whose Malice and other mens Mistakes I put as great a difference as between an ordinary Ague and the Plague or the Itch of Novelty and the Leprosie of Disloyalty As Liars need have good memories so Malicious persons need good inventions that their Calumnies may fit every mans fancy and what their Reproaches want of truth they may make up with number and shew My Patience I thank God will better serve Me to bear and my Charity to forgive than my Leisure to answer the many false aspersions which some men have cast upon Me. Did I not more consider my Subjects Satisfaction than My own Vindication I should never have given the Malice of some men that pleasure as to see Me take notice of or remember what they say or object I would leave the Authors to be punished by their own evil Manners and seared Consciences which will I believe in a shorter time than they be aware of both confute and revenge all those black and false Scandals which they have cast on Me and make the world see there is as little truth in them as there was little worth in the broaching of them or Civility I need not say Loyalty in the not-suppressing of them whose credit and reputation even with the People shall ere long be quite blasted by the breath of that same fornace of Popular obloquy and detraction which they have studied to heat and inflame to the highest degree of infamy and wherein they have sought to cast and consume my Name and Honour First nothing gave Me more cause to suspect and search My own Innocency than when I observed so many forward to engage against Me who had made great professions of singular Piety For this gave to vulgar minds so bad a reflection upon Me and My Cause as if it had been impossible to adhere to Me and not withal depart from God to think or speak well of Me and not to blaspheme him so many were perswaded that these two were utterly inconsistent to be at once Loyal to Me and truly Religious toward God Not but that I had I thank God many with Me which were both Learned and Religious much above that ordinary size and that vulgar proportion wherein some men glory so much who were so well satisfied in the cause of my Sufferings that they chose rather to suffer with Me than forsake Me. Nor is it strange that so religious Pretensions as were used against Me should be to many well-minded men a great temptation to oppose Me especially being urged by such popular Preachers as think it no sin to lye for God and what they please to call Gods Cause cursing all that will not curse with them looking so much at and crying up the goodness of the End propounded that they consider not the lawfulness of the Means used nor the depth of the Mischief chiefly plotted and intended The weakness of these mens Judgments must be made up by their Clamors and activity It was a great part of some mens Religion to scandalize Me and Mine they thought theirs could not be true if they cryed not down Mine as false I thank God I have had more tryal of his Grace as to the constancy of My Religion in the Protestant profession of the Church of England both abroad and at home than ever they are like to have Nor do I know any Exception I am so lyable to in their opinion as too great a Fixedness in that Religion whose judicious and solid grounds both from Scripture and Antiquity will not give My Conscience leave to approve or consent to those many dangerous and divided Innovations which the bold ignorance of some men would needs obtrude upon Me and My People Contrary to those well-tryed foundations both of Truth and Order which men of far greater Learning and clearer Zeal have setled in the Confession and Constitution of this Church in England which many former Parliaments in the most calm and unpassionate times have oft confirmed in which I should ever by Gods help persevere as believing it hath most of Primitive Truth and Order Nor did My using the assistance of some Papists which were my Subjects any way fight against My Religion as some men would needs interpret it especially those who least of all men cared whom they imployed or what they said or did so they might prevail 'T is strange that so wise men as they would be esteemed should not conceive that differences of perswasion in matters of Religion may easily fall out where there is the sameness of Duty Allegiance and Subjection The first they owe as Men and Christians to God the second they owe to Me in common as their KING Different professions in point of Religion cannot any more than in civil Trades take away the community of Relations either to Parents or to Princes And where is there such an Oglio or medly of various Religions in the World again as those men entertain in their service who find most fault with Me without any scruple as to the diversity of their Sects and Opinions It was indeed a foul and indeleble shame for such as would be counted Protestants to enforce Me a declared Protestant their Lord and King to a necessary use of Papists or any other who did but their duty to help Me to defend My self Nor did I more than is lawful for any King in such exigents to use the aid of any his Subjects I am sorry the Papists should have a greater sense of their Allegiance than many Protestant Professors who seem to have learned and to practise the worst Principles of the worst Papists Indeed it had been a very impertinent and unseasonable scruple in Me and very pleasing no doubt to My Enemies to have been then disputing the points of different Beliefs in My Subjects when I was disputed with by Swords points and when I needed the help of My Subjects as Men no less than their Prayers as Christians The
suffering thy Will in either Life or Death As I believe Thou hast forgiven all the Errors of my Life so I hope Thou wilt save Me from the Terrors of my Death Make Me content to leave the Worlds Nothing that I may come really to enjoy All in Thee who hast made Christ unto Me in Life Gain nnd in Death Advantage Tho my Destroyers forget their Duty to Thee and Me yet do not Thou O Lord forget to be merciful to them For what profit is there in my Blood or in their gaining my Kingdoms if they lose their own Souls Such as have not only resisted my just Power but wholly usurped and turned it against My self tho they may deserve yet let them not receive to themselves Damnation Thou madest thy Son a Saviour to many that crucified Him while at once He suffered violently by them and yet willingly for them O let the voice of his Blood be heard for my Murtherers louder than the Cry of Mine against them Prepare them for thy Mercy by due Convictions of their Sin and let them not at once deceive and damn their own Souls by fallacious pretensions of Justice in destroying Me while the conscience of their unjust Vsurpation of power against Me chiefly tempts them to use all extremities against Me. O Lord Thou knowest I have found their Mercies to Me as very false so very cruel who pretending to preserve Me have meditated nothing but my Ruine O deal not with them as blood-thirsty and deceitful men but overcome their Cruelty with Thy Compassion and My Charity And when Thou makest inquisition for my Blood O sprinkle their polluted yet penitent Souls with the Blood of thy Son that thy destroying Angel may pass over them Tho they think my Kingdoms on Earth too little to entertain at once both them and Me yet let the capacious Kingdom of thy infinite Mercy at last receive both Me and my Enemies When being reconciled to Thee in the Blood of the same Redeemer we shall live far above these Ambitious desires which beget such mortal Enmities When their hands shall be heaviest and cruellest upon Me O let Me fall into the arms of thy tender and eternal Mercies That what is cut off of my Life in this miserable moment may be repayed in thy ever-blessed Eternity Lord let thy Servant depart in Peace for my eyes have seen thy Salvation Vota dabunt quae bella negârunt FINIS An Historical TABLE of both PARTS That the Reader may the more easily discern the Order of those Historical Papers which are digested under their several Heads in the First Part and more readily conjoyn them in their proper Places with the Second it is thought fit to represent both together in this Table according to their Dates and Dependencies MDCXXV HIS Majesties Speech at the Opening of His First Parliament June 18. 1625. page 159 160 His Speech to both Houses at Oxford Aug. 4. 1625. ibid. MDCXXV VI. His Speech to the Speaker of the Lower House of His Second Parliament 1625 6. p. 160 His Speech to both Houses at White-Hall March 29. 1626. p. 161 His Speech to the House of Lords at Westminster May 11. 1626. ibid. A Declaration concerning His Two First Parliaments p. 217 MDCXXVII VIII His Majesties Speech at the Opening of His Third Parliament March 17. 1627 8. p. 162 His Speech to both Houses at White-Hall April 4. 1628. ibid. His Speech to the Speaker and House of Commons April 14. 1628. p. 163 His Speeches to both Houses in Answer to their Petition Jun. 2. 7. 1628. ibid. His Speech to the Lower House at the Reading their Remonstrance June 11. 1628. ibid. His Speech to both Houses at the Prorogation Jun. 26. 1628. p. 164 MDCXXVIII IX His Speech to both Houses Jan. 24. 31. 1828 9. p. 164 165 His Speech to the Lower-House concerning Tonnage and Poundage Feb. 3. 1628 9. p. 165 A Declaration concerning His Third Parliament p. 222 A Proclamation for suppressing false Rumours touching Parliaments Mar. 27. 1629. p. 230 MDCXXXVI VII His Majesties Letter to the Judges concerning Ship-money Feb. 2. 1636 7. With their Answer p. 231 232 MDCXL His Majesty's Speech to the Speaker of the Lower House of His Fourth Parliament 1640. p. 166 A Declaration concerning His Fourth Parliament p. 233 His Speech to the Great Council of the Lords at York Septemb. 24. 1640. p. 167 MDCXL XLI Of His Calling His Fifth Parliament See Icon Basil I. p. 647 His Speech at the Opening of His Fifth Parliament Nov. 3. 1640. p. 168 Six Speeches to both Houses Nov. 5. 1640. Jan. 25. Feb. 3. 10. 15. 1640 4. 1. Apr. 28. 1641. p. 168 seqq MDCXLI His Speech to the Lords concerning the Earl of Strafford May 1. 1641. p. 172 His Letter to the Lords May. 11. p. 138 See also Icon Basil II. V. p. 648 654 Two Speeches to both Houses Jun. 22. Jul. 5. 1641. p. 172 173 His Speech to the Scotish Parliament at Edinburgh Aug. 19. 1641. p. 173 Two Speeches to both Houses after His Return out of Scotland Dec. 2. 14. 1641. p. 174 A Petition of the Lower House With a Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom Dec. 1. 1641. p. 241 243 His Majesty's Answer to the Petition p. 254 His Declaration in Answer to the Remonstrance p. 255 The Petition and Protestation of the Bishops Dec. 28. 1641. p. 258 MDCXLI II. Articles of High Treason against the Five Members Jan. 3. 1641 2. p. 259 His Majesties Speech to the Lower House concerning them Jan. 4. 1641 2. p. 175 His Speech to the Londoners at Guild-Hall Jan. 5. 1641 2. p. 175 See also Icon Bafil III. IV. VI. VII p. 650 651 656 658 His Message for Peace from Canterbury Jan. 20. 1641 2. p. 97 His Speeches to the Committees of both Houses at Theobalds Mar. 1. at Newmarket Mar. 9. 1641 2. p. 175 His Message from Huntingdon Mar. 15. 1641 2. p. 97 MDCXLII Two Speeches to the Gentry of Yorkshire April 5. May 12. 1642. p. 177 Of His Majesty's Repulse at Hull See Icon Basil VIII p. 659 The Nineteen Propositions Jun. 2. 1642 p. 260 His Majesty's Answer p. 262 See also Icon Basil XI p. 659 His Majesty's Declaration to the Lords at York Jun. 13. 1642. p. 271 With their promise thereupon p. 272 His Declaration concerning the Scandalous Imputation of His Raising War Jan. 1642. p. 273 With the Declaration and Profession of the Lords p. 276 Of the many Jealousies and Scandals cast upon His Majesty See Icon Basil XV. p. 680 A Proclamation forbidding Levies of Forces Jun. 18. 1642. p. 277 See also Icon Basil IX X. p. 661 665 His Majesty's Speeches to the Inhabitants of Nottinghamshire Jul. 4. of Lincolnshire Jul. 15. of Leicester Jul. 20. and the Gentry of Yorkshire Aug. 4. 1642. p. 178 179 180 Votes for Raising an Army against the King Jul. 12. 1642. p. 279 A Declaration of both Houses for Raising Forces Aug. 8. 1642. p. 280 His Majesty's