post te hunc quafi Regem sequetur populus non alium Besides Tiberius had gotten the hearts of the Praetorian Souldiers and to make a Prince be accepted it is a matter of great importance to come accompanied with the guard of the deceased King and therefore the Holy Scripture in the Book of Kings reckoning those up who went with Salomon makes mention of the Captaine of the Guard with his Souldiers Dâ—…scendit Sadoc Sacerdos Nathan Propheta Banaias filius Iehojadae Cerethi Pheleti Whereupon David said a little before to Sadoc and Banaia sending them to Salomon Tollite vobiscum servos Domini vestri meaning they should take with them the Souldiers of his Guard To all these difficulties may be added the knowledge Germanicus had of Tiberius to be a man of excellent vertue and of singular wisedome Maturum annis spectatum bello which things all together made the difficulty so great that I cannot chuse but beleeve Germanicus refused the Empire as Claudius Pompeianus did when it was offered him Sed ille recusavit quia Imperatorem Pertinacem videbat So Scipio the Carthaginian when he was proclaimed King by the Army of Spaine would not accept it Quia Rome intolerabile nomen Regium erat It is therefore no marvell that Germanicus entred into choller upon it seeing to ascend to the Empire is a thing that requires two extreames either to shew himselfe desirous and at the same time to be neare at hand for procuring it or else to shew himselfe wholly averse from it not onely in effects but in desire because they who stand farre off in effects and neare hand with desire easily in a little time come to ruine Esse privatis cogitationibus progressum saith Tacitus prout velint plus minusve sumi ex fortuna imperium cupientibus nihil medium inter summa aut praecipitia Christ our Saviour was as farre from desiring to be a worldly King as could be and therefore being called to be a King by the people hee presently got himselfe farre off from the multitude because his houre being not yet come in which hee meant to expose himselfe to die hee knew it stood him upon to avoyde such apparence and more as Robert Abbat observes our Lord Christ never spake of his being a King till the time of his Passion knowing that the very name of a King carries death with it If Germanicus had done thus after he had quieted the mutinies of the Army had returned to Rome and had left the Legions behind that had called him Emperour he had then freed Tiberius from suspition who understanding the inclination of the Army could not chuse but be in continuall feare least the Empire should be taken from him Whereupon knowing the danger he stood in he was not willing that Germanicus should conquer Germany least having once made himselfe Lord of that Country he should doe as Caesar did having conquered France Seeing victorious Armies are formidable and invincible things and in this case the more Germanicus being much more like to Caesar then to Cato the one as Salust saith aspiring to the Empire the other desirous to preserve the Common-wealth betweene themselves both like and unlike like in Age in Eloquence in noblenesse of minde and finally in glory but unlike in this that Caesar made himselfe famous by his services and curtesies Cato by sincerity and holinesse of life Caesar got him a name with being gentle and mercifull Cato by being severe and sterne He by giving by helping by pardoning came to be famous This by finding fault with Donatives and by not pardoning any nor so much as himselfe came to be adored Cato was the scourge of the wicked and Caesar the refuge Caesar was commended for affabilitie and Cato for constancy and because Caesar aspired to the Empire and Cato was alwayes a good Cittizen we may therefore say that the manners of Cato ought to be imitated of those that are not ambitious and the manners of Caesar of those that are and therefore seeing Germanicus as may be gathered by his life had all those manners and fashions of Caesar I cannot but conclude but that his ambition was to aspire to the Empire So as indeed hee was not well advised to take such courses and give Donatives to the Souldiers Quibus nisi ab Imperatore neque praemia accipere par esset as Tacitus in the second of his Annals saith where we may see that Tiberius knew well of what great importance Donatives are to corrupt the Souldiers Secondly Germanicus was not well advised to procure the applause of the Legions with such artifice as he did and then mannage it onely with curtesie and love which perhaps I should not blame if hee had beene Lord of Rome but seeing not onely he was not Lord but was suspected of him that was Lord hee should not have used the Souldiers with such plausiblenesse as hee did And it availes not to say that if he would do any good in Germany it behoved him to procure the love of the Army seeing he might have done as much good with feare as hee did with love and never have put the Prince into jealousie and Generalls in warre proceed and prosper as well with the one as the other Scipio Africanus prospered with love and Hannibal with feare The course of Scipio will alwayes doe well where the Commander is Prince at least if he can avoid contempt a companion oftentimes of mildnesse and indeed Scipio by his mildnesse fell so farre in contempt that if at last he had not turned his course to a way of feare he had beene in danger to bee utterly undone I have the more willingly used the example of Scipio in this case because indeed in many things hee was most like Germanicus As Scipio was sent into Africk where his father had mannaged the warre before so Germanicus was sent into Germany and might follow the steps of his father Drusus who had beene there before Scipio was a young man of most goodly presence and Germanicus a young man of most beautifull aspect The one and the other of most pleasing carriage towards confederates towards friends enemies Against Germanicus the Legions in Germany rebelled upon the death of Augustus against Scipio the Armies in Spaine rebelled upon the false report of his death both of them tooke the same course for reducing the Armies to obedience and both of them were blamed for it Germanicus by Tiberius as a corrupter of the Army Scipio by Fabius Maximus for the like Natum eum ad corrumpendam Disciplinam arguere sic in Hispania plus propter seditionem militum quam bellum amissum Each of them was more able to commit no errours themselves then to correct the errours committed by others Both of them victorious in battailes and as Scipio at last made the Senate suspect hee meant to make himselfe Lord of Rome so Germanicus made Tiberius suspect he meant to make
afterward tooke away and he put them in halfe a servitude being himselfe superiour in all causes The like conceit had Galba when he made himselfe sole Lord of the Empire as in the foresaid oration every one may see Augustus therefore is no more to be reproved then Cleomenes and Galba and Hiero are and if his purpose tooke not effect it is not to be attributed to his fault but to the ill fortune of his successour seeing as long as he lived himselfe till he came to his decrepit age he maintained the City in great quiet and the whole world in Peace Nulla in praesens formidine dum Augustus aestate validus seque Domum Pacem sustentavit And if to Romulus there had succeeded Tarquinius Superbus and to Augustus Numa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thinke the City of Rome had in her beginning beene ruined and after by Augustus beene restored And as after him the City of Rome fell to a Tyrant and the power of the Caesars ended in Nero so also the Power of Romulus ended in Tarquinius Superbus the Power of Cleomenes in himselfe that of Hiero in his nephew Hieronymus and finally that of Galba presently after his death fell to a Tyrant and all these Powers except that onely of Cleomenes came to ruine by wicked successours The reason why these mens power was not able to hold out long and to conserve their Cities in tranquillity is by some assigned to the accommodations which either are so ordered that all the parts of the City rest contented and then it will last or else the Accommodation 〈◊〉 founded upon the Person who by his authority makes it apt to continue and then it will last no longer then while he lives or at most till it fall into the hands of a wicked successour this in my opinion David knew well when in a Psalme he said Deus Iudicium tuum Regi da 〈◊〉 tuam filio Regis as though he would say it is not enough for the continuance of an empyre that the first King be good but it is necessary his successours be good also and then it is like to last a long time 〈◊〉 cum sole ante lunam in Generatione Generatione but because after Salomon there followed a wicked successour the Kingdome was in part dissolved So the Kingdome of Romulus succeeded well with him because there came after him Numa Pompilius who by giving good lawes filled it with Religion but afterwards in Tarquinius Superbus it came to ruine So also that of Hiero came to nothing through a wicked successour So the reformation which Augustus made of his Country succeeded ill to him because there came after him a Tiberius a Caius a Claudius and lastly a Nero who abrogating Lawes Religion it could not choose but come to ruine The reformations therefore are ill founded and never last long that are founded upon the Authority of one seeing the City is eternall the Prince mortall but then are reformations like to continue when they are founded upon those that receive them Wherein for another reason I would helpe my selfe with a doctrine of S. Thomas where he saith That when a forme comes to be perfectly received of the matter although the Agent that introduced the forme be removed yet the forme remaines in the matter still if Fire be introduced in Wood by another Fire though the agent be removed yet the Fire remaines in the Wood still but when a forme is introduced unperfectly or to use the word of S. Thomas Inchoative there If the Agent be removed either it lasts but little as water that is heated or else goes wholly away with the agent as the enlightning the aire by the departing of the Sun So likewise when a Prince hath perfectly introduced good Ordinances in the matter of a City although he die himselfe yet they will still remaine but if they be introduced but unperfectly that is not fully established then certainly either they will last but little as water heated or with his death that introduced them will die also as the enlightning of the Aire To returne to our purpose I said before that the City of Rome was not capable of liberty and therefore that Augustus was not too blame for not giving it liberty that it was not capable is manifest seeing in processe of time the Empire comming into the hands of such persons as more regarded the good of their Countrey then their owne dignity such as Trajan Antoninus Pius Marcus Aurelius and others were if they had knowne that it had been for the good of the City of Rome to have had liberty they certainly would have given it I have beene willing to give examples of Hiero as being indeed most like to Augustus For he being a Citizen of Syracusa had in his hand an Army for defence of his Countrey and by devises cut them all in pieces that were not for his turne and afterward with those very Armes he made himselfe Lord of Syracusa in which government he raised not himselfe above equality ruling with much prudence and contents of the Subjects as also he enlarged the Dominion of Syracusa and lastly intended to leave it in liberty but that he did it not there were two impediment the first because the City was not fit for it and therefore Livie saith Syracusaeque cum breve tempus affulsisset in antiquam servitutem reciderant And in the same booke speaking of the people of Syracusa he saith Aut servit 〈◊〉 aut superbe dominatur Libertatem quae media est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 modice nec habere sciunt A second impediment were the women who through desire of rule wrought so with him that he left his Nephew Hieronymus his successour a most perfidious and cruell man and farre differing from the conditions of his unkle Augustus likewise was a Citizen of Rome and had in his hand an Army for defence of his Countrey when he put all those to death that were able to oppose him and then turning those very Armes against his Countrey he made himselfe 〈◊〉 Lord in which government he used great equality shewed great prudence enlarged the Empire and lastly had a purpose to leave it in liberty whereof he had often speech with 〈◊〉 and Agrippa and if he left it not in liberty it was long of two things one because the City was not capable of liberty Non 〈◊〉 discordantis 〈◊〉 remedium quam ut ab uno regeretur and as Galba said of the Romans Nec totam libertatem nec totam servitutem pati possunt A second cause was Livia who having besotted the old man Augustus perswaded him to leave Tiberius his successour a cruell man and one that was no more of kinne to Augustus his conditions then to his blood as Tacitus shewes where he saith 〈◊〉 Tibero morum via And thus it appeares that Augustus and Hiero were very like but yet in one thing they had very unlike fortune for the Empire of Augustus ended not
understanding and if that arise from many acts iterated this also is produced by many acts contemplated and produced it cannot be if there be not a knowledge of the things that have happened in the World and such knowledge cannot be had without reading of Histories seeing a yong man by reading of Histories can come to know more then a man of a hundred yeeres old because the one hath but feene and heard the accidents onely of his owne time the other hath read all the principall things that have beene done from the beginning of the World to the present time I conclude then that in those things wherein contemplation and action belong both to the same in those ordinarily a yong man cannot be fit but where contemplation is not joyned with action there he may be most fit And therefore one that hath read Histories ought not to be blamed if he take upon him to write of things belonging to action seeing affection cannot hinder him from speaking the truth nor want of experience from finding it out And this opinion of mine is no way differing from that of Aristotle who saith That yong men are no good hearers of morall Philosophy because action and contemplation in morall Philosophy are not distinct but joyned together and therefore said that he who contemplates well and operates otherwise cannot have the name of a good morallist so as Aristotle excludes not a yong man as one that cannot contemplate well but as one that cannot operate well by reason of impediment of affection and want of habit As to that other objection that yong men should alwaies stand to heare and learne of others I suppose I shall be excused by any that have observed in Plato that they sufficiently reape profit by speaking who while in speaking they shew their ignorance give occasion to others to correct them and this also is my desire so as the correction come from the hand of Socrates Besides I am not without hope of commendation for my judgement if not in the forme at least in the matter if not in the composition at least in the choyce Rather indeed seeing an ill-favoured Image is yet well valued if wrought in a Diamond I am out of doubt that these my Discourses shall be valued by reason of the Authour from whom I take their matter Cornelius Tacitus an Authour so famous and so highly esteemed through all the World and especially in these our times and the matter such that I am enforced to seeke out the causes whereof in truth there may be found many part taken from the things he relates part from the manner of his relating them The things he relates are actions of Princes and from thence the first benefit we take is that we learne many profitable things as living in an age where all the World is governed Princes Where in other times as when in Italy there were many Common-wealths we see that expert Politicians laying aside Tacitus gave themselves to write Discourses upon Livy who will alwaies be more esteemed of by men that live in a Common-wealth as he that shewing the waies how Rome came to be a free State and how it grew great will be a meanes of learning many excellent instructions But now that we are under Princes there is no doubt but the greatest content will be to learne things of this nature as the conditions of Princes the cunning of Courtiers and such like All this Tacitus expresseth where he makes comparison betweene the Histories of others and his Annals Igitur ut olim plebe valida vel cum Patres pollerent noscenda vulgi natura quibus modis temperanter haberetur senatusque optimatum ingenia qui maxime perdidicerant callidi temporum sapientes credebantur sic converso statu neque alia rerum quam si unus imperitet haec conquiri tradique in rem fuerit quia pauci prudentia honesta ab deterioribus utilia ab noxiis discernunt plures aliorum eventis docentur Secondly the continuall slaughters of principall Senatours the fall of Courtiers the violent deaths of Princes and such like are things from which the first delight we can take is this to know how much we are bound to our Lord God that we are borne in so much better times secure of our lives of our goods and honours This delight Cornelius Tacitus had when considering with himselfe the difference that was betweene the times of those Emperours of whom he writ and the times of Trajan and Nâ—…rya he said Rara temporum faelicitate ubi sentire quae velis quae sentias dicere licet Another is that finding their tragicall accidents they worke in us the like effect as a Tragoedy is wont to doe which is to purge as one cals it the affections of terrour and compassion as it happens in a souldier who being used to see wounded and dead men is never moved by any accident either to pity or affrighting He therefore that shall read in Tacitus so many deaths banishments imprisonments and other cruelties will never for every light occasion be either moved with terrour or with compassion Or else as others conceive these accidents moving us to terrour or pity will purge our minds from such passions as for example when we read that Nero through lust and cruelty came to a miserable end this by terrifying us will make us resolve to the end we may not incurre the like misery to keepe our selves from the like qualities And this effect Tacitus made account his Annals would worke in us as he writes Exequi sententias haud institui nisi insignes per honestem aut notabili dedecore quod praecipuum munus Annalium reor ne virtuces sileantur ut quae pravis dictis factisque ex posteritate infamia metus sit To these may be added that speaking of bad Princes he can doe no lesse then alwaies to blame them a thing which as in another plaee I shall shew not onely makes the Writer be held for truer but makes the Readers pleasure be the greater as taking it for a praise to himselfe to be free from those vices which he sees blamed in others In regard whereof Tacitus saith Obtrectatio livor pronis auribus accipiuntur And thus much concerning the pleasure that is taken from the things he relates Then concerning the pleasure that is taken from his manner of writing it consists first in his Laconick stile which is so much more pleasing then the Asiatick as cleane Wine is then that which is mingled with water Secondly it gives great satisfaction not to loose time in reading many lines with little instruction Thirdly his very obscurity is pleasing to whosoever by labouring about it findes out the true meaning for then he counts it an issue of his own braine and taking occasion from those sentences to goe further then the thing he reads and that without being deceived he takes the like pleasure as men are wont to take
urbem Patrios lares amitendi per fortitudinem nihil mali perpessi in posterum pâ—…ius suis rebus consulâ—…t And in truth if we consider the accident which of late yeares happened in Venice the prudence with which those Senatours managed that disorder and the good ordinances made for preventing the like hereafter we cannot but say with Aristotle that the accident proved to the City of Venice of great benefit Lastly I conclude that they who will not be in warre actually at least let them make a shew to be in it potentially Ostendite modo bellum pacem habebitis videant vos paratos ad vim jus ipsi remittent and therefore Augustus was never without an Army upon the frontiers of enemy Nations and Salomon also did the like Thus it stands sufficiently proved when externall discords or to say better forraine warres are profitable that is speaking of men and Cities if they be turbulent and imperfect and have laws tending to warre to such they are profitable or rather necessary But if their lawes be tending to peace or if the people bemild and gentle and by reason of their strong scituation accustomed to peace or merchandising in this case there is no inconvenience but they may live quictly and without warre Then as concerning times we have shewed that in times when warre hath been lately it will doe well but not so when there hath been long peace Then as concerning states we have proved that Common-wealths that are potent and able to wage warre with their own Forces shall doe well to maintaine a warre farre off but not neere home But if they be not able to wage warre without forraine Forceâ—… they shall then do well to embroyle themselves with no warre at all either neere or farre off And as for Commonwealths that are but petty ones and of small power it is best for them to looke to their own safety Then for Kingdomes that are well setled we have liked well of peace for them that are dangerous of warre Lastly that a popular state take care how to live What is the fittest time to proceed in the discords with enemies of the faith The seventh Discourse THis sentence of Tacitus standing good Cuncta discordiis civilibus fessa nomine Principis sub Imperium accepit many grow to beleeve that because discords made the way easie for Augustus to make himselfe Emperour of Rome therefore every one may easily make advantage of the dissentions of others But because they neither consider the diversity of persons nor distinguish the times nor are acquainted with the causes they therefore oftentimes deceive themselves determining these things absolutely and in grosse which are not to be admitted but with distinction To find out therefore the truth in this matter indeed weighty and worthy of consideration I say that discords may be either internall between Citizens or externall between Cities of one Province if between Citizens then sometimes they are between Nobles and Nobles oftentimes between Nobles and Plebeians and many times between Plebeians and Plebeians If they be between Cities it happens that sometimes they be equall sometimes unequall likewise he that aspires to be a Lord either is a stranger or Citizen if a stranger either he is stronger then the others or weaker and either he hath intelligence or hath none if a Citizen either he is chiefe of a faction or not These heads I shall endeavour to examine beginning with the stranger who by civill discords aspires to make himselfe Lord understanding by civill discords not those only which are between Citizens of the same City but between divers Cities of the same Province as Plato understands them where he saith that if Graecians contended with Graecians it was a sedition and not a warre shewing plainly that such a one ought to be called a civill discord I say then to returne to my purpose that such stranger either hath intelligence with one part of the Citizens or he hath not if he have intelligence then is the time so did Germanicus when he assaulted the Catti a people in Germany Nam spes incesserat dissidere hostem in Segestem Arminium whereupon having Segestes on his side it was an easie matter to prosper in his enterprise and of such cases Histories are full But if this stranger have no intelligence either it is in the beginning of the discords or when they are inveterate and thereby one or other of the sides wasted and spent if it be the beginning it will do no hurt but good so it happened to the Thuscans and the Veientanes so to the Athenians while Agis approached their walls so to the Sabines and the Prenestines against the Romans Of whom Livy saith Nam in spe ventum erat discordia intestina Rem Romanam dissolvi posse But in truth it was but ill advised of them and in such a manner as while they sought the death of the sick Roman state they applied a medicine that restored it to health Whereupon Livy inferres Sed externus Timor maximum concordiae vinculum quamvis infestos suspectosque jungobat inter se animos And therefore Aristotle saith Cogit enim in unum communis metus etiam eos qui p rius erant inimicissimi And this will the rather happen if they be enemies naturally either through long warres between them or else through diversity of Ay re which consequently produceth diversity of tempe ratures from whence ariseth diversity of customes and these would rather die a thousand deaths then come to be in subjection to their enemies Whereupon it was seen in the beginning of Charles the fifth that while the Kingdome of Spaine rose up in Armes and strongly mutinied against their own King France seeing it and having recovered Navarre brought their Army upon Spaine and presently they came to concord The best way therefore will be to take another course I mean alwaies against infidels which is to let them wast themselves imitating the worme which gnawes in wood in such sort that afterwards it is easily broken so discords should be fomented in enemies countries that afterward more easily they may be overcome but yet staying time that the wood be first consumed that so at one blow it may be broken In regard whereof David saith Quasi tonerrimus ligni vermiculus qui octingentos interfecit impetu uno in as much as having by little and little and by secret waies weakned his enemies he afterwards easily as wormeaten wood broke them at one blow Whereupon I conceive that the Romans are therefore by the Holy Ghost called a Worme in Jonas where he saith Et paravit Deus Vermem ascensu diluculi in Crastinum percâ—…ssit haederam exaruit this place being meant as Robert Abbot with many other writers interprets it of the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans under the Empire of Vespasian who having prepared a siege against Hierusalem and understanding there were discords risen amongst them he delayed
easie for the Lacedemonians to put a suspition of this into the Sicilians heads And therefore Vitiges being within Ravenna besieged by Delisarius and hearing by the Embassadours of the King of Austrasia that he offered to ayd him with fifty thousand French astonished at so great a succour put himselfe into the hands of Justinian Therefore weake Cities ought not to go in quest after warre because they are like either to be overcome of their enemies or to be in servitude to their friends seeing they who call to their ayd a greater power then their owne may be said to leane upon the point of a Speare or upon a broken Reed upon which he that leanes is like to find rather death then ayd And therefore our Lord God speaking in Esay to his people who had called the Aegyptians to their ayd Ecce confidis super baculum arundineum confractum istum super Aegyptum cui si innixus fuerit homo intrabit in manum ejus perforabit eam sic Pharao Rex Aegypti omnibus qui confidunt in co Which Aratus Head of the Achaeans knowing refused to receive the ayd of Antigonus Verebatur enim si forte Rex victoria potitus Cleomene ac Lacedaemoniis superatis ad extremum aliquid novi contra Rempublicam Achaeorum tentare And if these Cities find a necessity to make warre for their owne defence or otherwise and that not able of themselves it behoves them to call in others to their ayd they shall then doe well to call in more then one so the Pisans did against the Florentines who ayded by the Venetians by Lodovico Sforza by the Genouesi and by the Senesi went a long time dallying and kept them all off from getting to be Lords over them I cannot omit to advertise when one gives ayd to another and the case stands so that their Forces being joyned they are able to resist or else not that in this case he ought to come with all his Forces that if one resist not the other may and in this was the errour of the Campani in ayding the Sedicini who therefore were both of them ruined Campani magis nomen ad praesidiunt sociorum quam vires cum attulissent fluentes luxu obduratis usu armorum in Sidicino pulsi agro in se deinde molem 〈◊〉 belli verterâ—…nt and if the Romans had not ayded them they had been in manifest hazzard of destruction And therefore I cannot commend the course which the Athenians tooke in a battell of the Corfuani with the Corinthians in which having brought a squadron of Galleys in ayd of the Corfuans they gave order not to come into the fight untill they should see them routed there is no doubt but that if the Athenians had come in to fight in the beginning of the battell the Corfuans had got the victory but staying as their commission was and not giving ayd to their friends in time they added reputation to their enemies and lessened their own Forces so as either they should not have offered their ayd at all or they should have given it in the beginning Let us now come to a Citizen that aspires to make himselfe Lord of his own Countrey being held by infidels in which if the discord be between the Nobles and the Plebeians it is a hard matter to compasse yet in this case it is better he should make himselfe head of the people who have both more will and power then the Nobles as being a greater number and though they be of inferiour ranke to the great ones yet it is with them as with Buls who suffer themselves to be mastered because they know not their owne strength Which Manlius well knowing speaking to the people said Quousque tandem ignorabitis vires vestras It happens also for want of judgement and scarcity of money but all these things are helpt by making some great man Head that is wise and rich the people being like sheep where one leaps the other follows And this Moyses knew when being told by God of his own death he prayed him to provide his people a Leader that they might not be as sheepe without a shepheard Ne sint sicut oves sine ductore the people therfore are more able and the more able if they have a Head It remaines to shew that the people are more willing and more easily perswaded to raise a Plebeian to the Principality then one of the Nobility First by reason of the hope which every one naturally hath of new things specially the common people therefore Sallust saith Sed omnino cuncta plebs novarum 〈◊〉 studio Catilinae incoepta probabat Secondly because the people envies not the inequality of Honours but the inequality of Riches and this is the reason why it was never seen at least very seldome that one Noble man helps to raise another Noble man to the Principality and this Aristotle knew when he said Nam multitudo quidem graviter fert inequalitatem patrimoniorum praestantes viri honorum oequalitatem Whence it is no marvell if after the death of Romulus the Nobles found no way to make a King and if it had not been for the people it had scarce been ever done And Livy speaking of this saith Et esse igitur aliquod caput placebat nemo alteri concedere in animum inducebat It is therefore best the discord being between the Plebeians and the Nobles I meane alwaies as I said before as farre as may be done with a good conscience to make himselfe Head of the people which yet is not without great danger and very fallacious as I shall shew in another discourse upon those words Et ad tuendam Plebem Tribunitio jure contentum If the discord be between Nobles and Nobles then he that would make himselfe Prince either is head of one part or not if not he ought then to procure the concord of them that are 〈◊〉 because their discord will be a cause he can have but one side in his ayd and that but weakely 〈◊〉 where if they be made friends by this 〈◊〉 they will both of them remaine as it were obliged to him and perhaps will doe it the more because they cannot but thinke it a great matter for one man to hinder the proceeding of their enemies who will therefore afterwards without any other regard runne headlong to ayd him not caring what he be This my opinion will be sufficiently proved by the example of Caesar who seeing Pompey and Crassus at variance wrought so with them that he made them friends as knowing that to his purpose for making himselfe Prince this discord of theirs would be a great impediment But if he be head of a Faction then is the time to make himselfe Lord securely because having halfe the Nobility of his side if he can withall get the favour of the people he will undoubtedly be able to get the Empire And so is this place of Tacitus of which we speak to be
I say that the people are not the whole cause of raising one to a Royalty but only concurre as a cause in part neither yet the people together with the Nobility sufficient to make an alteration where there are Souldiers and therefore not without cause Tacitus saith Breves infaustos populi Romani amores because the City of Rome was never without Praetorian souldiers Of this there is a plaine example in the whole siege of Nola in Livy and to speake of our owne times in Verona where the people having a mind to rise in favour of the Venetians yet because the souldiers of the King of France and of the Emperour were within it they were not able to doe any thing of moment We may therefore conclude that the people alone can never be an absolute meanes to raise a man to a Principality if it be not upon a suddaine and that there be no Souldiers in the place for against them there is no good to be done although they should have the Nobility to assist them but the people together with the souldiers may easily raise one to the Empire and when Tacitus saith Breves infaustos populi Romani amores he means it of the people alone but in this present place he speakes of the people and souldiers together which plainly appeares because having said Et ad tuendam plebem Tribunitio jure contentum he addes Vbi militem donis shewing he well knew that together with the people the souldiers must concurre And Aristotle differs not from Tacitus nor yet from my opinion but rather confirmes both the one and the other seeing where he gives a reason how it happened that in ancient times the favourites of the people came to be Lords he saith that the same man who was powerfull with the people was also Leader of the Army and so had both people and souldiers of his side And addes withall that whosoever of late time hath attempted any thing relying only upon the people hath never brought his purpose to any good passe A manifest argument that the people concurre as a cause in part if the souldiers joyne with them Vetustis quident temporibus saith he quando idem erat potens in populo ac Bello Dux Popularis Respublica in Tyrannidem mutabatur profecto antiquorum Tyrannorum plurimi ex popularibus hominibus facti sunt causa autem cur tunc fierent non autem nunc illa est quod qui tunc in populo maxime poterat ex iis erat qui bello 〈◊〉 Ubi Militem donis How the Donatives which are given to souldiers are profitable to raise a man and to maintine him in the Empireâ—… and when it is that Military discipino is corrupted by them The fourteenth Discourse THere are two things chiefly that move men to follow the warres Acquiring of honour and encrease of riches and both these are in Donatives for Donatives as to the thing it selfe is an encrease of wealth and comming from the Princes hand as a testimony of the souldiers valour they are an encrease of Honour It is therefore no marvell that Augustus not only at his entrance into the Empire but even from his childhood used with Donatives to winne the souldiers love seeing they are able to corrupt the wisest and best men as our Lord God in Exodus hath left written Nec accipies munera quae etiam excaecant prudentes subvertunt verba justorum Whereupon not without cause S. John in the Apocalyps cals them by the name of Witchcraft where speaking of Rome under the figure of Babylon he saith Quia mercatores tui erant Principes terrae quia in venesiciis tuis erraverunt omnes Gentes Where S. John intends to shew according to the opinion of some that Rome by meanes of guifts as it were with sorcery had drawne the greatest part of the world to the adoration of Idols Tiberius therefore knowing what power there is in them when Junius Gallus had moved in the Senat that Gifts and Honours should be bestowed upon the souldiers of his Guard he sharply reproved him saith Tacitus veluti coram rogitans quid illi cum militibus esset quos neque ditu Imperatoris neque Praemia nisi ab Imperatore accipere par esset Yet the introduction of Donatives was to the Commonwealth of Rome of exceeding great damage First they have been as I shall shew in fit place in great part the cause why the City of Rome freed once from tyranny by Lucius Brutus was never afterward able being oppressed by the House of the Caesars to recover its liberty the Donatives having put the election into the souldiers hands and they not to lose so great a gaine would alwaies rather have an Emperour for their private profit than a Commonwealth for the publike benefit Secondly because having an Army in their hand on which the election and safety of the Emperours depended as men greedy of money they were moved to stand for him who offered most in such sort that at last they came to set it at who gives more and because as Aristotle in his Politicks well observes when Honours are bestowed in a City in regard of riches it is an easie matter for every Plebeian to become Honourable and therefore no marvell that Elius Pertinax an Hostlers sonne came to be chosen Emperour It is therefore a cleere case that these Donatives were the ruine of the City of Rome from whence also may be inferred that they were hurtfull to the Prince whose profit depended upon the welfare of the City But because the contrary happens where tyrants governe I shall be forced to examine whether the introduction of Donatives were for the Emperours benefit or no. Many approve the affirmative part as moved not onely by the said place of Tacitus where he sheweth they were to Augustus a speciall helpe but by the example also of Caesar who by this meanes both obtained and maintained the Empire And it availes not to say that he was there slaine because seeing one mans indignation was enough to make a Prince be murthered the difference that may be taken from the one 's well and the others ill governing for conserving the Empire ought not to be taken from a violent death but rather that death being revenged and the antient successours replaced in their states I see not how there can be a greater signe of proceeding with judgement for his owne security being able even after his death with his only name to procure his revenge and to settle the Empire in his owne family a hard matter oftentimes for the best Princes to obtaine who yet have the favour of God to die a naturall death This example therefore to omit many others of which Histories are full is an evident proofe that Donatives to the Souldiers were profitable to the Roman Emperours not only to attaine the Empire but also to maintaine them in it Neverthelesse for the Negative part there want not examples to the
times losing Genoua by this meanes at last he resolved to govern it by Genuesi So in Milan he made Trivultio Governour wherein though he erred yet the errour was in the Individuall and not in the Species as putting the government into his hand that was Head of a Faction But if the Prince be resident in the Province though he be a stranger yet with better liking he will be tolerated because such commonly not only govern the places where they reside but all other places subject to them by Citizens of that Country where they reside The King of Spaine residing in Spaine governes all his subject Kingdomes by Spaniards a thing which not onely winnes love to the Prince but profit also to the Province To this may be added that those people shall alwaies receive more favours who are neere to the Fountaine from whence those favours come then they shall doe that are further off seeing as S. Thomas learnedly observes how much a thing is neerer to its beginning so much it partakes more of the effects of that beginning And for this cause Dionysius Areopagita saith that the Angels as being neerer to God than men are do therefore partake more of the divine goodnesse then men do I cannot omit to advertise that all the difficulties before spoken of are easily allayed after the first heats are once passed as oft as there is found a prudence and graciousnesse in the Prince which is indeed of marvellous great moment as was seen in the Romans who though they hated strangers and were resolved to have no stranger be their King yet when 〈◊〉 a stranger was propounded to them in regard of his eminent vertue they accepted of him Whereof Livy saith Romani veteres peregrinum Regem aspernabantur and a little after Audito nomine 〈◊〉 patres Romani quanquam inclinari opes ad Sabinos Rege inde sumpto videbantur tamen neque se quisquam nec factionis suae alium nec denique Patrum aut civium quenquam praeferre illi vero ausi ad 〈◊〉 omnes 〈◊〉 Pompilio Regnum deferendum decernunt Whereupon it is no marvell if at this day many Provinces and Cities whereof some have a Prince that lives farre off and some a Prince that is a stranger of customes and language different yet they all live in great contentment only thorough the just government of him that rules them I desire therfore that this discourse of mine may be received as of the times past my purpose being to search out the reasons of things have formerly happened and not expressely or tacitely to taxe any Prince Common-wealth or City nor so much as any particular person For above all things I abhorre slandering and specially of those to whom as superiours I owe Reverence Caeterum Augustus subsidia dominationi Claudium Marcellum sororis filium admodum adolescentem Pontificatu curuli Aedilitate Marcum Agrippam ignobilem loco bonum Militia victoriae socium geminatis consulatibus extulit mox defuncto Marcello generum sumpsit Tiberium Neronem Claudium Drusum privignos Imperatoriis nominibus auxit What meanes Princes may use with safety to set them in a way that are to succeed them in the government The eighteenth Discourse IT is plainly seen that Augustus to the end the Senatours nor any other should ever hope to reduce Rome to its ancient forme of government held this for a speciall Maxime of State to advance his neerest kinred and to set some one of them in the way for managing the Empire that so making him privy to all affaires making him known to the fouldiers making him beloved of the people and lastly making him favoured of the Senatours both he after his death might have his way made to come to the Empire and on the contrary no hope might be left for any to attempt any thing against the life of the Prince being propped up with so many Pillars And therefore Vt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 insisteret he raysed Marcellus he advanced Marcus Agrippa and after them Tiberius Nero 〈◊〉 Drusus 〈◊〉 and Lucius sonnes of Agrippa and lastly would have Tiberius to adopt Germanicus and 〈◊〉 to be his successours And accordingly 〈◊〉 advanced to the Consulship and other honours 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 and after them Caius Caesar. Whereupon by the example of such great men this course perhaps may be thought worthy of imitation as well for securing ones selfe from danger as also for lessening in part the burthen of those great labours which so great a dignity brings with it so much the more as we have in Cornelius Tacitus a manifest example of Sejanus who by no other meanes was stopped in his course but onely by the number of successours Tiberius had ordained and this stopping as in conspiracies it useth was cause at last that the Prince discovered all his practices But because of the other side the desire of rule blinds the minds of the most inward and domesticke friends It seemes to be no safe course for a Prince whilst he lives himselfe to give any great authority to successours For Invidia Regni as Livy saith etiant inter Domesticos infida omnia atque infesta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 caused his sonne to be elected King but this served not his sonnes turne who thereupon would have killed his father So Absolon meant to do and when with safety he might have expected the Kingdome after the death of his old father David he would rather with wickednesse prevent it and run 〈◊〉 allong into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etiam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith 〈◊〉 upon another occasion tarda cum securitate praeniatura vel cum exitio properant And therefore Selim being assumed into part of the Empire by his father Bajaset could not stay to expect it with peace but sought by the death of his father to make himselfe sole Lord. And the like intention had Mustapha towards Sultan Solyman and thereby lost his life Finally this advancing of his successours had but ill lucke with Augustus for Tiberius as is commonly conceived caused him to be poysoned and with Tiberius it proved not much better who also towards the end of his life had the kindnesse of Caius Caesar to helpe him to his death For resolution it may be said that where a State is quiet accustomed to passe by succession in children legitimate there it is in no wise sit to take them into part of the Empire there being no cause with ones owne danger to take away hopes where there are none or to seeke for props where no part threatens ruine But on the other side when the State is in danger not accustomed to live under a Prince and is apt to rebellions in such case it may doe well to call him that is to succeed to be a cosort in the Empire To this purpose it seems the example tends which Tacitus relates of Augustus he caused Tiberius to be called Filius to shew he was his successor Collega Imperii to enter him in managing affaires Consors Tribunitiae
himselfe secure in his Kingdome he then committed the adultery with Bersabee and the slaughter of Vrias whereof S. Bernard speaking saith Sapiens David sapiens Salomon fuit sed blandientibus nimis secundis rebus alter ex parte alter ex toto desipuit Thirdly because a Prince in old age hath either gotten him a good name or a bad if a good then conceiving that whatsoever he doth can never take away the good name already gotten he easily runneth into vices if bad then despairing in so short a time as being now old to remove that bad name he thinkes it all one what he doth and thereupon contemning fame would be content the World might end with himselfe So did Herod the great who gave order that as soone as himselfe should be dead a great number of Noblemen that were then prisoners should be slaine And Nero was contented it should be thought that he grieved for nothing so much as that he had not the whole World in his hand inclosed in a glasse that he might cast it to the ground whensoever he should die But if a Prince be yong although he have gotten the name of a cruell man yet hoping in time he may redeeme it and get a better he will not easily plunge himselfe in vices Fourthly this is wont to happen when Princes are but of little judgment because as when of themselves they are prudent they alwaies governe better in the third age so when of themselves they want discretion they governe better in their youth then afterward seeing in that age it is no disgrace to suffer themselves to be guided by men of ability as was seene in Nero who in his youth was contented to be advised and to follow the counsell of Seneca Burrhus and Corbulo but comming to a riper age either they take a liberty no longer to regard the advice of good Counsellours or else they count it a shame to be a Prince upon props or lastly they are instigated by others thorough hate they beare to the greatnesse of those able Counsellours All these things concurred in Nero for first he rejected the reverence of his schoolmasters seque in omnes libidines effudit and then there wanted not instigatours who told him it was a shame Certe finitam Neronis pueritiam robur juventae adesse exueret Magistrum satis amplis Doctoribus instructus Majoribus suis. So as having no braine himselfe nor hearkning to them that had he came in a short time to utter ruine So the Emperour Constantinus Sestus was contented at first to be ruled by his mother Irenea but growing elder he cast her off and came to be starke naught And Rabbi Salomon saith that as long as Nathan the Prophet who was Salomons schoolmaster lived Salomon tooke no strange woman to be his wife and this opinion is followed by Abulensis Domi Res tranquillae eadem Magistratuum vocabula That to maintain and suffer Magistrates to continue although without authority is a matter of great moment The twentieth Discourse I Have alwaies heard it resolved that when a City changeth from being a Common-wealth to be a Kingdome it should doe well to leave if not the same authority yet at least the same Magistrates And the same I have found written in all Politician Authours and for authority they alledge this place of Tacitus Eadem Magistratuum vocabula where he shewes that Augustus changed all things in Rome but onely the name of Magistrates and they give this reason that seeing it is onely a bare name much in shew and little in substance the Prince can lose nothing of his owne Right by it and yet by this meanes he shall be sure to get the love of his people who are fedde with such vanity This opinion held written and observed of every one containes in it two things one that as to the Prince the leaving of Magistrates is of great profit the other that as to the subject it is a meere vanity and serves onely to puffe up the people Although this opinion be generall and entred in such sort into mens conceits that there seemes to be no contending against it yet it may be lawfull for me to deliver what I thinke of it seeing I seeke not to be believed by any other strength then by that of reason I say then I could never come to know that this leaving the name of Magistrates is any weaknesse but have alwaies accounted it a matter of great moment for proofe whereof we must know that as all other kinds of state so a Commonwealth also consists of two things that is of matter and of forme In a Monarchy the forme is the Prince and the City is the matter In a Commonwealth the forme is the Magistrate that rules and the thing that is ruled is the matter From hence it is that when these two things doe not meet and joyne together a City cannot be said to be free whereupon if it should be without any Prince and should withall be without any Magistrates it could not be called a Commonwealth The Armenians after the death of Ariobarzanes being unwilling to serve his successours remained without any Lord but having no forme of a Commonwealth they were never the more free Whereof Tacitus speaking shewes he knew that well which I said before where he saith Ariobarzano morte fortuita absumpto stirpem ejus hand toleravere tentatoque foeminae imperio cui nomen Erato eaque brevi pulsa incerti solutique magis sine Domino quam in libertate profugum Vononem in Regnum accipiunt If then the Prince taking away the matter which is the City shall leave the forme which are the Magistrates he shall give not onely a vaine contentment as those men say but also a great hope to recover liberty of which they should be out of hope if the Prince together with the authority should also take away the Magistrates seeing although they should be without a Prince yet they should be nere the neerer for being in liberty but rather would never be quiet untill they had a King againe as it fell out with the Armenians and if they should agree to have a Commonwealth it would never be durable as was seene in Florence after a driving out of Petrus de Medici and therefore the Romans had great fortune to find a forme made to their hands for the Kings being expulsed they had then nothing else to do but onely in their stead to make two Consuls This thing both Romulus and Tarquinius Caesar and Nero knew to be of great moment who endeavoured all they could to extinguish the Senate And indeed those Provinces that have been without Magistrates have never been able to come to liberty as was seen in the Assyrians and is at this day seen in the Persians and in the Turks and others For it is an easie matter for an image of waxe if it be broken to be renued againe so long as the forme by which it was framed
extinguish the factions of Romagna after most tyrannically he had made himselfe Lord of it and had obtained his purpose not without bringing upon himselfe the infinite hatred of all his subjects at last he cut in pieces that miserable minister of his to the end the hatred of his subjects might be turned upon him and the like did Tiberius to Sejanus and of such examples Histories are full Rather indeed tyrants ingrosse to themselves such fellowes to the end that when the scores of seditions shall be cast up they may excuse themselves and make the people wreck their anger upon the servant Fifthly such servants runne a hazzard because the foundation upon which they build their Lords favour is soone ended the cause of their favour being onely the hatred that is borne to another which ceaseth as soone as he is dead and consequently the affection ceaseth which was borne for putting the murther in execution so much Tacitus intimates speaking of Plancina who after the hatred to Germanicus was ended was her selfe in danger Vbi odium Gratia desit jus valuit But these waies never bring forth any good effect to a Prince First because it is false that they can ever cancell the remembrance of such villanies out of their minds seeing their owne conscience is too great a witnesse against them Whereupon although our Lord God as Theodoret saith tooke away the life of that sonne of David which was borne in the adultery with Bersabee that it might not remaine a shame to him for the â—…inne he had committed Vivus erat futurus argumentum sceleris ac iniquitatis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Regis qui erat Propheta curant gerens Dominus non sinit eum vivere yet it served not to remove the gnawing of his conscience as he saith Peccatum moum coram me est semper Secondly this is no sufficient way to keepe their crimes from being knowne Nihil occultum quod non reveletur neque coopertum quod non sciatur And if it be not knowne at other times at least it shall not be hidden at the day of judgement Thirdly it is no fit way to make the people beleeve that the cruelties executed by servants were done without the Princes consent and although it have sometimes succeeded well yet this hath not beene because the people beleeved it but as I said before upon the place of Justin because when the people cannot wreake their anger upon the Prince they will for the present upon his ministers and afterward when time serves upon the Prince himselfe as it happened to Valentinus Sometimes also the people make a shew to beleeve that the villanies committed were done without the Princes consent to the end that to preserve this good opinion of himselfe he may after the death of such ministers give over his cruelty and lastly it saves them not from being slaine for if they be not by them they are by others and oftentimes by themselves as it happened to Otho This way therefore doth no good at all and is the worst wicked course that can be imagined being nothing but a meere multiplying of villanies It is true if a Prince should imploy a servant to kill a delinquent and so both of them should juridically deserve death in this case he should commit no errour in putting also the servant to death but herein he should imitate our Lord God who oftentimes makes use of the wicked to punish the wicked and they once punished he then as a loving father having corrected his child casts the rod which was the instrument of correction into the fire and more then this he oftentimes punisheth those whom he hath used for executing his anger Vae Assur virga furorismei baculus ipse est saith the truth in the mouth of Esay So our Lord God made use of the King of the Assyrians and of his Army to punish the people of Israel for their sinnes and that done he punished also the Assyrians themselves in such sort that he destroyed them all There is no doubt but our Lord God did it all with exceeding great justice and providence punishing justly those Assyrians who besides their being a most persidious people they fell upon the Israelites as Theodoret expounds it not for any zeale of executing Gods justice but onely for the hatred they bore to that Nation To returne to our purpose I conclude that Sallust had an excellent braine not to suffer the cause to be brought before the Senate which if it had beene there agitated and Tiberius not discover himselfe all the mischiefe would have lighted upon him and they would have beene revenged upon the servant when upon the Prince they could not So it happened to Piso who having beene imployed by Tiberius to kill Germanicus and the cause brought before the Senate Tiberius shifted it off from himselfe and it fell to Pisoes lot to suffer for it Not without cause therefore did Sallust Monuit Liviam ne arcana domus ne consilia amicorum ministeria militum vulgarentur Monuit Liviam ne arcana domus ne consilia amicorum ministeria militum vulgarentur That Princes ought not to reveale the secrets of their State and how it happens that oftentimes men are drawne to speake some things which ought to be concealed The eighth and twentieth Discourse ALI States whether they be Commonwealths or Kingdomes have certaine foundations or as we call them secrets by which they governe themselves both for conservation and augmentation And therefore they endeavour in such sort to conceale them that they may not be knowne to any but their successours So did Augustus in giving instructions to Tiberius so did David acquainting Salomon with them at the time of his death so finally did Charles the fifth teaching them to Philip the second when he renounced the Empire for if these secrets by which they governe should be publiquely knowne it would be a great advantage against them for loosing their states And therefore Sosybus understanding that Cleomenes the Spartan was informed of all the most inward secrets of Ptolomey would not suffer him to goe out of Aegypt for feare as Plutarch relates he should raise some sharpe warre in that Kingdome whereupon finally he put him to death We may see also that the Romans never were in greater danger to be overthrowne then when by Coriolanus their owne Citizen consequently acquainted with all their secrets they were assaulted This praecept was so well observed by the ancient Romane Commonwealth that though we have all the Histories of those times yet to this day we know not otherwise then by some conjecture by what means it was that they maintained their government and augmented it Justly therefore did Sallust advise Ne arcana domus vulgarentur that is that those secrets of State upon which the Empire is founded should not be made knowne to any but to the Prince And Salomon in his Proverbs observes as much where he saith Coelum sursum terra deorsum
fuerit abstergit Sic in herbarum superficie nocturni roris humor aspergitur sed diurm Luminis subito calore siccatur Sic spumosae aquarum bullae inchoantibus fluviis excitatae ab intimis certatim prodeunt sed eo celerius diruptae depereunt quo inflatae citius extenduntur Cumque 〈◊〉 ut appareant Crescendo peragunt ne subsistant I cannot bring a better example in conformity to this Doctrin then of Venice which was never in any great danger but when it was at the greatest as drawing then neere to the bound of Maximum quod Non whereupon if it had not beene for the strength of its scituation as Historians say assisted with the great Prudence of the Senatours and with the great valour of the Citizens in defending Padua It had utterly come to ruine And therefore Augustus seeing Non aliud Discordantis patriae remedium quam ut ab uno regeretur made himselfe Emperour wherein notwithstanding Christians must not imitate him whose duty it is to set Religion before Country and life and Common-wealth and all rather suffering death then be drawne to commit any wickednesse and rather then imitate Augustus follow the course of Marcus Aurelius who though he saw his Country upon the point of loosing and himselfe also thorough the wickednesse of his Compagnion yet he tooke all things patiently and would not put him to death though it was in his power to doe it For Conclusion I say that a Prince ought not to governe his Country by force although force bee sometimes necessary for correcting of Errours as Sallust teacheth where he saith Nam Vi quidem Regere patriam aut Parentes quamquam possis delicta corrigas Importunum tamen est Comparatione Deterrima sibi Gloriam quaesivisse That to Elect a wicked successour thereby to get glory to himselfe is a beastly Course The seven and thirtieth Discourse BY that which Tacitus and Dio relate many conceive that Augustus made choice of Tiberius whom he knew to be a proud and cruell man to be his successour to the end that the ill conditions of Tiberius so much differing from his owne might turne to his Glory I cannot indeed deny but that a worse successour is apt enough to make a lesse evill Predecessour be thought a good one which Galba well knowing speaking of Piso said Nero a pessimo quoque desiderabitur Mihi ac tibi providendum est ne etiam a bonis desideretur He seeing that if a wicked Prince should come after Nero his errours would be converted to the others Glory and this is so true that the holy Spirit in the mouth of Ezechiel said that the wickednesse of the Hebrewes before the comming of our saviour made the people of Sodome and Samaria to seeme Just which could not certainly happen but long of the Comparison Vivo ego dicit Dominus Deus these are the words of Ezechiel quia non fecit Sodoma soror tua ipsa filiae ejus sicut 〈◊〉 tu filiae tuae and a litle after Et Samaria Dimidium peocatorum tuorum non 〈◊〉 sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sceleribus tuis Iustificasti sorores tuas in omnibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quas operata es Ergo tu 〈◊〉 porta confusionem tuam quae vicisti sorores 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 agens ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sunt a te And he that would see a passage more like to that of Tacitus let him reade those words in Jeremy where he saith Iustificavit animam suam aversatrix Jsrael 〈◊〉 praevaricatricis Iudae But yet this way of acquiring Glory attributed here to Augustus is not to be imitated not only of Christians but not so much as of impious Barbarians seeing there are better and directer wayes I meane not to governe well but speake onely of a successour because if they have children to succeed them in the Kingdome there will Glory enough accrew to the father if he give them good education whereby they may come to prove good This Salomon affirmes in his Proverbs where he saith Filius sapiens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or as others read it Filius sapiens Gloria patris that is a wise sonne is the honour and Glory of his Father and keepes him alive after he is dead and therefore it is said in Ecolesiasticus Mortuus est pater ejus 〈◊〉 non est mortuus 〈◊〉 enim reliquit sibi post se and therefore Princes need not desire their successours should be worse then themselves seeing they may hope for more glory by them if they shall be better and therefore David tooke great Joy to heare that Salomon was like to be greater then himselfe had ever beene Sed Salomon sedet super Solium Regni Jngressi servi ejus benedixerunt Domino nostro Regi David dicentes Amplificet Deus Nomen 〈◊〉 super 〈◊〉 magnificet Thronum ejus super thronum tuum rather indeed a wicked suecessour is a Prejudice to a good Prince Therefore writers say that Marcus Aurelius had dyed a happy man if he have not left Commodus his successour for this cause many of the Antients as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were of opinion that Children living might make their dead fathers unhappy in such sort that he who living was happy yet could not be called happy if after his death hee had ill 〈◊〉 and were unfortunate in his children To give therefore his successours good education is a matter of much honour to Princes and in case they prove not to have those vertues which are required in a Prince hee must not suffer Paternall piety to prevaile with him but wholly abandon and utterly dis inherit them of the royall dignity though as Aristotle saith it be hard for a father to doe This Plato expressed in his Common-weath who ordained that they should be Princes who in their Nativity had Gold mingled with Earth meaning that if their Sonnes had together with Earth either Iron or brasse in them they should not then be admitted to the Kingdome Qua propter ipsis Principibus Primo maxime Deus praecepit ut nullius rei majorem curam custodiamque 〈◊〉 quam natorum ut dignoscant quid ex quatuor his potissimum illorum animis sit immixtum si quis ex ipsis nascatur 〈◊〉 aut serreus nullo pacto misereantur sed honorem illi naturae convenientem tribuentes interopifices vel agricolas mittant and therefore Moyses was contented that our Lord God should chuse Iosuah of another Tribe to be his successour rather then his owne Sonne In consideration whereof Saint Hierome saith Moises amicus Dei cui 〈◊〉 ad faciem 〈◊〉 loquutus est potuit utique successores Principatus filios suos facere Posteris propriam relinquere dignitatem sed extraneus de alia Tribueligitur Iesus ut sciremus Principatum in populos non sanguini deferendum esse sed 〈◊〉 and this is the true way for acquiring of Glory so much more as it is more repugnant to Naturall affection And if
therefore when after the Romans had entred Afia and had gotten some victories an Ambassador comming to Scipio from Antiochus to demand peace he was answered by Scipio Quod Romanos omnes quod me ad quem missus es ignoras minus miror cum te fortunam ejus à quo venis ignorare cernam Lyfimachia tenenda erat ne Chersonesum intraremus aut ad Hellespontum obfistendum ne in Afiam trajiceremus fi pacem à sollicitis de belli eventu petituri eratis concesso vero in Afiam tranfitu non solum fraenis sed etiam jugo accepto quae disceptatio ex aequo cum imperium patiendum fit relicta est And finally he gave him this counsell Nuntia meis verbis bello abstineat pacis conditionem nullam recuset For this cause the Etolians did ill to speak so boldly after they were brought to the last cast and that they would not accept of such conditions of peace as the Romans offered them seeing it is a meer foolery to stand upon termes with a Conquerour as they at last perceived when the Consul bringing out his Forces they were glad to humble themselves and abate their boldnesse Tunc fracta Phaneae ferocia Aetolisque aliis est tandem cujus conditionis essent sensere Phaneas se quidem qui adfint Aetolorum scire facienda esse quae imperentur There is therefore in such cases no better course than to lay conditioning aside and to put ones selfe into the victors hand who no doubt will remit the more when he findes it is left in his power to do it so Alorcus counselled the Saguntines to do that seeing they had now no hope left they should rather put themselves into the victors hand than stand upon conditioning Haud despero cum omnium potestas ei à vobis facta fit aliquid ex his rebus remissurum which when the Saguntines would not do they were all put to fire and sword I cannot omit by way of digression to speak of a custome the Romans had which at first sight seemes to have been a great errour and it is that they offered the same conditions of peace in the uncertain beginning of a War as after they had gotten an absolute victory as by the answer of Scipio to the Ambassadours of Aniochus may appear Romani ex his quae in deorum immortalium potestate erant ea habemus quae dii dederunt animos qui nostrae mentis sunt eosdem in omni fortuna gessimus gerimusgque neque eos secundae res extulerunt nec adversae minuerunt ejus rei ut alios omittam Annibalem vestrum vobis darem testem nifi vos ipsos dare possem posteaquam Hellespontum trajecimus prius quam castra regia prius quam aciem videremus cum communis Mars incertus belli eventus esset de pace vobis agentibus quas pares paribus forebamus conditiones easdem nunc victores victis ferimus This way of doing served it seemes to no other purpose but to encourage their Enemies to cyment their fortune till they should be brought to extremity and I make no doubt but that Antiochus having before him the Example of the Carthaginians would never be brought to accept conditions of peace till he was brought upon his knees with the War To take away this difficulty it would not suffice to answer as Scipio said that it came from generousnesse of spirit that they altered not for fortune seeing little praise can be given to such a dangerous and prejudiciall Generousnesse and therefore I should rather attribute the cause to too great a greedinesse of getting that which is anothers seeing the Romans made war with Antiochus and with the Carthaginians as thinking they could not be quiet if the one were Lord of this side the mountain Taurus and the other were possest of Africke and this being their motive there is no doubt but the War would neverend till they had triumphed both over Africa and over Asia Whereupon when War is waged with such people we must make account either to get the victory or otherwise to be absolutely destroyed and therefore when Samuel meant to shew Saul that God intended to root out his House to the end he might know he would not pardon him till he were utterly destroyed he called our Lord God by the Name of Triumpher Porro Triumphator in Israel non parcet as though he would say as they who fight to triumph do not pardon till they have utterly destroyed their Enemies so O Saul will our Lord God do with thee But to returne to our purpose if they who would come to amity were friends before and are afterward become Enemies they must then come with blushing and with great humblenesse at least if they can shevv no just occasion but let them not then stay til they come to extremity for then they vvil never be accepted therefore the Capuans did ill not to open their Gates to the Romans vvithin the time given them for vvhen they vvere come to extremity it availed not then to open their Gates but all of them vvere miserably put to the svvord The last case is of him that demands amity and comes to excuse himselfe as having never committed any fault alvvayes really been a friend and never done them any vvrong and such an one may or rather must speak boldly Such a one vvas Segestes vvho speaking of himselfe Memoria bonae societatis impavidus never asked pardon Such then may speak vvith confidence and ought to be hearkened to of the Prince vvith patience and this vvay vvas a great helpe to Terentius in Tacitus vvho being accused for having had friendship with Sejanus he confessed it boldly shewing not onely that he was his friend but that he had laboured much to come to be so as seeing him a Companion of Caesar in his Consulship a Kinsman an inward friend and a stay of the Empire and this constancy of his prevailed so far that not onely he was pardoned but his accusers also were ill intreated Saul must pardon me if I thinke him in this case a more Tyrant than Tiberius seeing when Abimelech the Priest was accused for giving David meat and the sword of Goliah and was charged for it by Saul he made the like ansvver as Terentius did Et quis in omnibus servis tuis sicuti David fidelis gener Regis pergens in imperium gloriosus in domo tua But the boldnesse and innocency of Abimelech vvas not so great but the cruelty of Saul was greater vvho for this cause put him to death certainlya most perfidious act seeing as I have said and say still He that is innocent comes without fault both ought to speak with boldnes and ought to be heard with patience and herein Princes should imitate our Lord God who takes pleasure in such disputes as S. Austin witnesseth in his exposition of those words in the Psalme Jucundum fit ei eloquium meum
from hearing metaphors finding the meaning of him that useth them But because Tacitus in saying that his Annals have little pleasure in them Caeterum ut profutura it a minimum oblectationis afferunt shewes to be contrary to this any opinion It is therefore to be knowne that for as much as concernes the present there may two kinds of pleasure be taken from a thing one of the senses another of the understanding as we may say in Musicke there are two pleasures may be taken one from the goodnesse of the voyces that sing another from the goodnesse of the songs that are sing the first is taken by the sense of hearing whereof the sound is object the second is taken by the understanding which finding the Composers cuming in making of Descants and helping of discords takes great delight The first pleasure is common to all that have eares the second of such onely as understand it The like happens also in painting where one kind of pleasure is taken from the daintinesse of the colours and the beauty of the picture and another that is taken from the due placing of the parts and resemblance of the Muasbles and of this the pleasure is so much the greater in that it cannot be taken but by one of understanding who therefore takes delight in anothers cunning because by it be discovers his owne Thus when Tacitus saith that his Annals are little pleasing he meanes in the pleasure which is taken by the sense and this appeares plainely by the words he addes where giving the reason why other Histories are more pleasing then this he saith Nam situs Gentium varietates Praeliorum Clari Ducum exitus retinent ac redintegrant legentium animos This difference of pleasure Seneca expressed when he said that Virgill affords one kind of pleasure being read by a Humanist and another being read by a Philosopher I conclude then that Tacitus is an Authour exceeding pleasing specially to those who studying the Histories with understanding little care whether the Latin be as good as that of Caesar. It remaines to advertise the Reader of these my Discourses that finding Hebrew or Greeke Texts cited in Latin he may be pleased to conceive I did it to avoyd cumbring the Leaves with allegations seeing if they had been brought in the foresaid Tongues they must have been againe translated for their sakes that understand not those Tongues I should I know have done more conformable to custome if I had cited them in Italian rather then in Latin but this also I avoyded that I might not take away the force of sense which the words beare in that Language Lastly I will not stand to contest with those who have a custome to be alwaies blaming because he that shall deale so with these my weake Discourses will find himselfe much deceived in his opinion for wherein he thinks to differ from me he will directly agree with me seeing I have printed them to no other end but to make my selse known a servant of the Serenissimo the Grand Duke who out of his benigne nature will be pleased to accept that little which a servant is able to present unto him Withall I advertise that to blame a Book may be the work of understanding men but to blame the Authors of Books the work of none but malignant men That I leave to every mans liberty This I conceive he deserves not that is not conceited of his owne wisdome The Contents of the severall DISCOVRSES Discourse the first OF the divers forms of government that Rome had and how it happens that Cities for the most part have their beginnings under Kings rather then under any other forme of government p. 1 Discourse second How the City of Rome came from being governed by Kings to be a free State and the difference is betweene a beginning and a cause p. 8 Discourse third A Parallell between the conspiracy of Marcus Brutus against Caesar and that of Lucius Brutus against Tarquin whereby we may see why the one brought in liberty and the other tyranny p. 21 Discourse fourth That the power of a few cannot consist in any number better then three p. 25 Discourse fifth Of what kind of discord the Authour intends to speake p. 28 Discourse sixth Whether an externall warre with the enemies of the faith be the best meanes to hinder discords among Christians p. 30 Discourse seventh What is the fittest time to proceed in discords with the enemies of the faith p. 45 Discourse eighth What discords conserve States and what corrupt them p. 60 Discourse ninth Of concordant discord and how it ought to be mannaged for the good of Cities p. 61 Discourse tenth How hard and dangerous a matter it is to write Histories when the easiest time is to finde writers and which of them deserve most credit p. 67 Discourse eleventh From whence flattery proceeds how many kinds there are of it and which of them is hurtfull to a City p. 81 Discourse twelfth What things holpe Augustus to the Empire and what meanes he used to maintaine it p. 91 Discourse thirteenth How Princes may get the peoples love how a private man ought to make use of the peoples favour and what part it hath in bestowing the Empire p. 99 Discourse fourteenth How the Donatives which are given to Souldiers are profitable to raise a man and to maintaine him in the Empire and when it is that Military discipline is corrupted by them p. 107 Discourse fifteenth How much it imports a Prince for getting the peoples love to maintaine plenty by what meanes scarcity happens and how it may be helpt and how a Prince may make use of it p. 113 Discourse sixteenth What kind of ease it is that Tacitus speakes of and how it may be reconciled with some places in other Authours p. 121 Discourse seventeenth That Cities subject to another City better like the government of a King than of a Commonwealth and that every City would gladly have their Lord to live amongst them p. 125 Discourse eighteenth What meanes a Prince may use with safety to set them in a way that are to succeed them in the government p. 137 Discourse nineteenth That old men are apt to be carried away by women and of what age a Prince should be p. 145 Discourse twentieth That to maintaine and suffer Magistrates to continue although without authority is a matter of great moment p. 155 Discourse twenty one That Tiberius was part good and part bad how it happened that he fell not into dangers as Nero did Whether it be good to be brought up in the Princes house and finally how their secret vices may be knowne p. 159 Discourse twenty two How much it imports a Prince to be chaste p. 168 Discourse twenty three How and when the government of women is odious p. 171 Discourse twenty foure That at one and the same time to make knowne the death of the Prince and the assumption of the successour is
a thing very profitable for States that stand in danger p. 179 Discourse twenty five That those men who possesse the State of another are but in a dangerous condition as long as any of the former Lords line remaine alive and what course is to be taken to free themselves from such danger p. 183 Discourse twenty six A Parallell betweene Tiberius and Salomon p. 189 Discourse twenty seven That it is a dangerous thing to obey Princes in services of cruelty and tyranny p. 190 Discourse twenty eight That Princes ought not to reveale the secrets of their State and how it happens that oftentimes men are drawne to speake some things which ought to be concealed p. 198 Discourse twenty nine How Princes should make use of Counsell p. 204 Discourse thirty How Princes ought to make use of Magistrates and Officers p. 210 Discourse thirty one Why Tiberius made a shew he would not be Emperour and that to make Princes discover things they would have concealed is dangerous p. 219 Discourse thirty two What course a Prince should take to secure himselfe from Generals of Armies and what course Generals should take to secure themselves from the Prince and from a Common-wealth p. 329 Discourse thirty three Of Succession and Election p. 347 Discourse thirty foure Whether Tiberius did ill in causing Augustus his will to be read and why Augustus in the third place made many his heires that were his enemies p. 354 Discourse thirty five That corrupt Commonwealths have need of a Monarch to reform them p. 357 Discourse thirty six Why the City of Rome from a Regall power under Romulus recovered liberty under Tarquinius and from the Regall power of Augustus was never able to shake off servitude p. 363 Discourse thirty seven That to elect a wicked successour â—…by to get glory to himselfe is a beastly course p. 371 Discourse thirty eight That a Prince should be both loved and feared p. 378 Discourse thirty nine Whether an Aristocracy or a Monarchy be the more profitable for a City p. 388 Discourse forty That it is a great help for attaining a Kingdome to have a wife of the Blood-Royall and in what danger a Prince is that hath none but daughters p. 408 Discourse forty one Whether it be better to refuse dignities or to seeke after them p. 425 Discourse forty two That it is easier to passe from one extreme to another than from an extreame to the middle p. 433 Discourse forty three That Germanicus could not carry himselfe in such sort as to keep Tiberius from suspecting him and that he refused the Empire for feare of death and not out of goodnesse p. 434 Discourse forty foure That it is a hard matter to settle the insurrection of an Army p. 442 Discourse forty five That what kind of affaires it is fit to carry their wives with them p. 444 Discourse forty six Whether Germanicus did well to grant so many things to the Army being in mutiny what other course he might have taken lastly that in diversity of times and upon diversity of occasions divers courses are to be taken p. 448. Discourse forty seven That Tiberius did well not to stirre from Rome p. 460 Discourse forty eight That to punish seditious Souldiers by the Souldiers own hands is very profitable and that Ministers for the most part in punishing exceed their limits p. 469 Discourse forty nine Whether an Army be apter to rebell that consists of one Nation onely or that which consists of many p. 475 Discourse fifty That to passe from one extreame to another is dangerous and how it happens that successours commonly take courses differing from their predecessours p. 477 Discourse fifty one What course is to be used in demanding peace and when it is fit time p. 482 Discourse fifty two With what cunning Tiberius introduced and augmented the Law of treason p. 491 Discourse fifty three Whether it be good that Officers should continue in their places and why this course was observed by Tiberius p. 497 Vrbem Romam a principio Reges habuere CHAP. I. Of the divers formes of Government that Rome had and how it happens that Cities for the most part have their beginning under Kings rather then any other forme of government The first Discourse THe Almighty God understanding and comprehending himselfe infinitely in as much as the understanding himselfe proceeding from himselfe returnes into himselfe joyneth together by an admirable circulation the beginning with the end The Angelicall spirits as they have a twofold contemplation so they cause a twofold motion For by contemplating of God their owne knowledge returning in an acknowledgement of its originall they move the Heavens circularly in a like motion to that of the first mover from East to West and by contemplating of themselves they cause another circular motion contrary to the former from West to East And seeing all mortall things are influenced by the motions and light of the Heavens It followes necessarily that they all follow the heavenly influences with moving in a circle What marvell then if the government of the City of Rome as here in few words is delivered by Tacitus have had its circular motion passing from a regall government begun by Romulus to a popular or free estate under Brutus and from that to an Aristocraticall government under Pompey Crassus and Caesar under Lepidus Anthonie and Augustus and then at last with a wonderfull circulation returning againe to a government Monarchicall as it was at first Whereupon the Prophet Ezekiel not without great mystery shewing us in his first vision four beasts which in the opinion of many are figures of the foure Empires of the World he sets before every one of them a wheele to intimate in what a circulation they are turned about And this circulation or alteration though I cannot say it is inalterable yet I may truely say It is so naturall that even Aristotle himselfe discoursing upon the passages of Rule and Dominion foresees and observes that as a Philosopher which Tacitus as an Historian relates here of Rome Et ob hoc forsan Rex ab initio repertus est quod difficile erat viros plures excellenti virtute reperiri praesertim cum tunc civitates parvae forent So Tacitus here Vrbem Romam a principio Râ—…ges habuere Aristotle goes on Sed cum postea contingeret ut plures pari virtute reperirentur non amplius tolerarunt Regem sed commune quiddam quaerentes respâ—…blicas constituere So Tacitus here Libertatem Lucius Brutus Instituit Aristotle proceeds Cum verò deteriores facti lucrum sibi quaererent ex gubernatione rerumpublicarum Paucorum hine potentiam exortam fuisse credendum est Honorabant enim Divitias So here we see from whence the power came which Pompey Crassus and Caesar had and from whence also the Triumvirat of Augustus Aristotle againe Ex his verò in Tyrannides transiere So Tacitus here Lepidi atque Antonii arma in Augustum cessere
to be concealed Besides if he made it be told in the Senate he did by such feigning more incense the minds of all men seeing doing it without telling it he had used but force but telling it withall he used craft and because it grieves inferiours more when they are overcome by craft then when they are oppressed by force consequently they would have taken greater indignation for the death of Agrippa if to the force there had been added this craft to make the Senate beleeve such tales as one would not looke should be beleeved of Children And therefore we see the Romane Nobility tooke it ill at Neroes hands that he would goe about to make them beleeve that the shipwrack of his mother was a thing happened by chance and that she had sent Agerinus to kill him which were all but foolish devises to cover his most nefarious fault Yet I say not if Tiberius had used that cunning before spoken of that he had been ere the more in danger by it seeing they who understand these tricks are men of braine who as they have judgement whereby they discerne such subtilties of the Prince so by the same judgement they know how to hide them by making a shew that they beleeve them And upon such men it is that the people the Princes onely feare cast their eyes and beleeve verily all that to be true which they see wise men make a shew to beleeve as one that lookes only upon the barke of things discernes not that which is true from that which is feigned whereof we have an example in Tacitus in the fore-alledged case of Nero in which although the chiefe men had taken distaste to be mocked with those foolish inventions of Nero yet they all made shew to beleeve it when it was told them Miro tamen certamine Procerum decernuntur supplicationes apud omnia Pulvinaria Herod was much afraid if he should cause Saint John to be beheaded least the people would make some insurrection whereupon he found this tricke to bind himselfe by oath thereby to make the people beleeve that it was against his will he put him to death but that he was tied by oath and it succeeded well with him for the chiefe men both out of interest and out of feare made shew to beleeve him and the people beleeved him indeed yet in this present case when together with securing themselves from the people they may also avoyd the distast of the Senate this opinion of Sallust likes me better But be it how it will this is a cleere case which we may gather from this place that those Officers who have served their Lords and been their instruments in cruell and tyrannicall executions have come themselves at last for the most part to a miserable end And this happens for divers reasons First because oftentimes they surfeit of them and knowing their owne villanies in which many times they goe so farre that Neque peccata neque Remedia pati possunt as Livy saith they feele themselves torne in conscience which is alwaies gnawing Sicut vestimentum sic comedet eos vermis sicut lana sic devorabit eos tinea a misery which for the most part happens to tyrants And this Plato teacheth us as Tacitus speaking of Tiberius relates Adâ—…o Facinora atque flagitia sua ipst quoque in supplicium verterent Neque frustra Praestantissimus sapientiae that is Plato firmare solitus est si reoludantur Tyrannorum mentes posse aspici laniatus ictus quando ut corpora verberibus ita saevitia libidine malis consultis animus dilaceratur As was seene also in Nero who after he had killed his mother was continually affrighted in his mind as fearing the wagging of every leafe And Alphonsus of Aragon had alwaies apparitions before his eyes where he thought he saw those Lords whom he had put to death So the King Theodoricus having put Boetius and Symmachus to death when the head of a great Fish was served to his table he thought he saw the head of Symmachus threatning him wherewith affrighted he cast himselfe upon his bed and died So Poets feine that Oresies having killed his mother was tormented by the Furies whereupon the Ancients seeing these tyrants standing alwaies in continuall terrour Sonitus terroris semper in auribus illius cum pax sit ille insidius suspicatur have conceived that such men were frighted with the Ghosts of those whom they had killed Seeing therefore these Princes cannot hinder a thing done from being done they desire at least to have them taken away who having beene their instruments doe with their presence refresh the memory of the villanies they have commited So Tacitus saith speaking of Anicetus whom Nero imployed to kill his mother Levi post admissum scelus gratia dein graviore odio quia graviorum facinorum ministri exprobrantes aspiciuntur And therefore Tiberius used often to rid away those servants whoÌ„ in such villanies he had imployed And that his cruelty might not want worke in their places he supplied still others which 〈◊〉 relates where he saith 〈◊〉 ministros ut praeventi ab aliis nolebat ita 〈◊〉 in eandem operam recentibus veteres pergraves afflixit Secondly they oftentimes put to death such servants specially whom they have imployed in murthering any of the blood Royall and the reason is lest having now imbrued their hands in Royall blood they should 〈◊〉 sticke to murther them too So Perseus put him to death who had been his instrument in killing Demetrius so Otho all those who had beene his ministers in killing of Galba Thirdly this happens sometimes for securing of Princes that their villanies may not be knowne for when they have done them and can finde no other way to hide them they then lay another upon them as David did who to cover his adultery committed a murther and therefore they put all those to death who have any hand or have any knowledge of their faults so did Bassianus the sonne of Severus who having caused his brother Geta to be killed caused also Letus that had beene his Counsellour and all other that were acquainted with it to be slaine Perseus also standing in feare of the Roman Army appointed Niceas to cast all his Treasure into the Sea and Andronides to burne the Navy but afterward being sensible of his cowardice in shewing such feare and ashamed of it to the end it might not be knowne he caused both of them to be put to death Fourthly it often happens that such servants runne a hazzard because a Prince having used them in the executing a thousand cruelties and tyrannies through which they come to be odious to all the City he hopes that by putting those servants to death the odiousnesse shall be turned upon themâ—… as whereby the subjects shall be made beleeve that those cruelties were committed without their consent So Valentinus used to doe who having imployed 〈◊〉 d'Orco with great cruelty to