I say that the people are not the whole cause of raising one to a Royalty but only concurre as a cause in part neither yet the people together with the Nobility sufficient to make an alteration where there are Souldiers and therefore not without cause Tacitus saith Breves infaustos populi Romani amores because the City of Rome was never without Praetorian souldiers Of this there is a plaine example in the whole siege of Nola in Livy and to speake of our owne times in Verona where the people having a mind to rise in favour of the Venetians yet because the souldiers of the King of France and of the Emperour were within it they were not able to doe any thing of moment We may therefore conclude that the people alone can never be an absolute meanes to raise a man to a Principality if it be not upon a suddaine and that there be no Souldiers in the place for against them there is no good to be done although they should have the Nobility to assist them but the people together with the souldiers may easily raise one to the Empire and when Tacitus saith Breves infaustos populi Romani amores he means it of the people alone but in this present place he speakes of the people and souldiers together which plainly appeares because having said Et ad tuendam plebem Tribunitio jure contentum he addes Vbi militem donis shewing he well knew that together with the people the souldiers must concurre And Aristotle differs not from Tacitus nor yet from my opinion but rather confirmes both the one and the other seeing where he gives a reason how it happened that in ancient times the favourites of the people came to be Lords he saith that the same man who was powerfull with the people was also Leader of the Army and so had both people and souldiers of his side And addes withall that whosoever of late time hath attempted any thing relying only upon the people hath never brought his purpose to any good passe A manifest argument that the people concurre as a cause in part if the souldiers joyne with them Vetustis quident temporibus saith he quando idem erat potens in populo ac Bello Dux Popularis Respublica in Tyrannidem mutabatur profecto antiquorum Tyrannorum plurimi ex popularibus hominibus facti sunt causa autem cur tunc fierent non autem nunc illa est quod qui tunc in populo maxime poterat ex iis erat qui bello 〈◊〉 Ubi Militem donis How the Donatives which are given to souldiers are profitable to raise a man and to maintine him in the Empireâ—… and when it is that Military discipino is corrupted by them The fourteenth Discourse THere are two things chiefly that move men to follow the warres Acquiring of honour and encrease of riches and both these are in Donatives for Donatives as to the thing it selfe is an encrease of wealth and comming from the Princes hand as a testimony of the souldiers valour they are an encrease of Honour It is therefore no marvell that Augustus not only at his entrance into the Empire but even from his childhood used with Donatives to winne the souldiers love seeing they are able to corrupt the wisest and best men as our Lord God in Exodus hath left written Nec accipies munera quae etiam excaecant prudentes subvertunt verba justorum Whereupon not without cause S. John in the Apocalyps cals them by the name of Witchcraft where speaking of Rome under the figure of Babylon he saith Quia mercatores tui erant Principes terrae quia in venesiciis tuis erraverunt omnes Gentes Where S. John intends to shew according to the opinion of some that Rome by meanes of guifts as it were with sorcery had drawne the greatest part of the world to the adoration of Idols Tiberius therefore knowing what power there is in them when Junius Gallus had moved in the Senat that Gifts and Honours should be bestowed upon the souldiers of his Guard he sharply reproved him saith Tacitus veluti coram rogitans quid illi cum militibus esset quos neque ditu Imperatoris neque Praemia nisi ab Imperatore accipere par esset Yet the introduction of Donatives was to the Commonwealth of Rome of exceeding great damage First they have been as I shall shew in fit place in great part the cause why the City of Rome freed once from tyranny by Lucius Brutus was never afterward able being oppressed by the House of the Caesars to recover its liberty the Donatives having put the election into the souldiers hands and they not to lose so great a gaine would alwaies rather have an Emperour for their private profit than a Commonwealth for the publike benefit Secondly because having an Army in their hand on which the election and safety of the Emperours depended as men greedy of money they were moved to stand for him who offered most in such sort that at last they came to set it at who gives more and because as Aristotle in his Politicks well observes when Honours are bestowed in a City in regard of riches it is an easie matter for every Plebeian to become Honourable and therefore no marvell that Elius Pertinax an Hostlers sonne came to be chosen Emperour It is therefore a cleere case that these Donatives were the ruine of the City of Rome from whence also may be inferred that they were hurtfull to the Prince whose profit depended upon the welfare of the City But because the contrary happens where tyrants governe I shall be forced to examine whether the introduction of Donatives were for the Emperours benefit or no. Many approve the affirmative part as moved not onely by the said place of Tacitus where he sheweth they were to Augustus a speciall helpe but by the example also of Caesar who by this meanes both obtained and maintained the Empire And it availes not to say that he was there slaine because seeing one mans indignation was enough to make a Prince be murthered the difference that may be taken from the one 's well and the others ill governing for conserving the Empire ought not to be taken from a violent death but rather that death being revenged and the antient successours replaced in their states I see not how there can be a greater signe of proceeding with judgement for his owne security being able even after his death with his only name to procure his revenge and to settle the Empire in his owne family a hard matter oftentimes for the best Princes to obtaine who yet have the favour of God to die a naturall death This example therefore to omit many others of which Histories are full is an evident proofe that Donatives to the Souldiers were profitable to the Roman Emperours not only to attaine the Empire but also to maintaine them in it Neverthelesse for the Negative part there want not examples to the
to be concealed Besides if he made it be told in the Senate he did by such feigning more incense the minds of all men seeing doing it without telling it he had used but force but telling it withall he used craft and because it grieves inferiours more when they are overcome by craft then when they are oppressed by force consequently they would have taken greater indignation for the death of Agrippa if to the force there had been added this craft to make the Senate beleeve such tales as one would not looke should be beleeved of Children And therefore we see the Romane Nobility tooke it ill at Neroes hands that he would goe about to make them beleeve that the shipwrack of his mother was a thing happened by chance and that she had sent Agerinus to kill him which were all but foolish devises to cover his most nefarious fault Yet I say not if Tiberius had used that cunning before spoken of that he had been ere the more in danger by it seeing they who understand these tricks are men of braine who as they have judgement whereby they discerne such subtilties of the Prince so by the same judgement they know how to hide them by making a shew that they beleeve them And upon such men it is that the people the Princes onely feare cast their eyes and beleeve verily all that to be true which they see wise men make a shew to beleeve as one that lookes only upon the barke of things discernes not that which is true from that which is feigned whereof we have an example in Tacitus in the fore-alledged case of Nero in which although the chiefe men had taken distaste to be mocked with those foolish inventions of Nero yet they all made shew to beleeve it when it was told them Miro tamen certamine Procerum decernuntur supplicationes apud omnia Pulvinaria Herod was much afraid if he should cause Saint John to be beheaded least the people would make some insurrection whereupon he found this tricke to bind himselfe by oath thereby to make the people beleeve that it was against his will he put him to death but that he was tied by oath and it succeeded well with him for the chiefe men both out of interest and out of feare made shew to beleeve him and the people beleeved him indeed yet in this present case when together with securing themselves from the people they may also avoyd the distast of the Senate this opinion of Sallust likes me better But be it how it will this is a cleere case which we may gather from this place that those Officers who have served their Lords and been their instruments in cruell and tyrannicall executions have come themselves at last for the most part to a miserable end And this happens for divers reasons First because oftentimes they surfeit of them and knowing their owne villanies in which many times they goe so farre that Neque peccata neque Remedia pati possunt as Livy saith they feele themselves torne in conscience which is alwaies gnawing Sicut vestimentum sic comedet eos vermis sicut lana sic devorabit eos tinea a misery which for the most part happens to tyrants And this Plato teacheth us as Tacitus speaking of Tiberius relates Adâ—…o Facinora atque flagitia sua ipst quoque in supplicium verterent Neque frustra Praestantissimus sapientiae that is Plato firmare solitus est si reoludantur Tyrannorum mentes posse aspici laniatus ictus quando ut corpora verberibus ita saevitia libidine malis consultis animus dilaceratur As was seene also in Nero who after he had killed his mother was continually affrighted in his mind as fearing the wagging of every leafe And Alphonsus of Aragon had alwaies apparitions before his eyes where he thought he saw those Lords whom he had put to death So the King Theodoricus having put Boetius and Symmachus to death when the head of a great Fish was served to his table he thought he saw the head of Symmachus threatning him wherewith affrighted he cast himselfe upon his bed and died So Poets feine that Oresies having killed his mother was tormented by the Furies whereupon the Ancients seeing these tyrants standing alwaies in continuall terrour Sonitus terroris semper in auribus illius cum pax sit ille insidius suspicatur have conceived that such men were frighted with the Ghosts of those whom they had killed Seeing therefore these Princes cannot hinder a thing done from being done they desire at least to have them taken away who having beene their instruments doe with their presence refresh the memory of the villanies they have commited So Tacitus saith speaking of Anicetus whom Nero imployed to kill his mother Levi post admissum scelus gratia dein graviore odio quia graviorum facinorum ministri exprobrantes aspiciuntur And therefore Tiberius used often to rid away those servants whoÌ„ in such villanies he had imployed And that his cruelty might not want worke in their places he supplied still others which 〈◊〉 relates where he saith 〈◊〉 ministros ut praeventi ab aliis nolebat ita 〈◊〉 in eandem operam recentibus veteres pergraves afflixit Secondly they oftentimes put to death such servants specially whom they have imployed in murthering any of the blood Royall and the reason is lest having now imbrued their hands in Royall blood they should 〈◊〉 sticke to murther them too So Perseus put him to death who had been his instrument in killing Demetrius so Otho all those who had beene his ministers in killing of Galba Thirdly this happens sometimes for securing of Princes that their villanies may not be knowne for when they have done them and can finde no other way to hide them they then lay another upon them as David did who to cover his adultery committed a murther and therefore they put all those to death who have any hand or have any knowledge of their faults so did Bassianus the sonne of Severus who having caused his brother Geta to be killed caused also Letus that had beene his Counsellour and all other that were acquainted with it to be slaine Perseus also standing in feare of the Roman Army appointed Niceas to cast all his Treasure into the Sea and Andronides to burne the Navy but afterward being sensible of his cowardice in shewing such feare and ashamed of it to the end it might not be knowne he caused both of them to be put to death Fourthly it often happens that such servants runne a hazzard because a Prince having used them in the executing a thousand cruelties and tyrannies through which they come to be odious to all the City he hopes that by putting those servants to death the odiousnesse shall be turned upon themâ—… as whereby the subjects shall be made beleeve that those cruelties were committed without their consent So Valentinus used to doe who having imployed 〈◊〉 d'Orco with great cruelty to
urbem Patrios lares amitendi per fortitudinem nihil mali perpessi in posterum pâ—…ius suis rebus consulâ—…t And in truth if we consider the accident which of late yeares happened in Venice the prudence with which those Senatours managed that disorder and the good ordinances made for preventing the like hereafter we cannot but say with Aristotle that the accident proved to the City of Venice of great benefit Lastly I conclude that they who will not be in warre actually at least let them make a shew to be in it potentially Ostendite modo bellum pacem habebitis videant vos paratos ad vim jus ipsi remittent and therefore Augustus was never without an Army upon the frontiers of enemy Nations and Salomon also did the like Thus it stands sufficiently proved when externall discords or to say better forraine warres are profitable that is speaking of men and Cities if they be turbulent and imperfect and have laws tending to warre to such they are profitable or rather necessary But if their lawes be tending to peace or if the people bemild and gentle and by reason of their strong scituation accustomed to peace or merchandising in this case there is no inconvenience but they may live quictly and without warre Then as concerning times we have shewed that in times when warre hath been lately it will doe well but not so when there hath been long peace Then as concerning states we have proved that Common-wealths that are potent and able to wage warre with their own Forces shall doe well to maintaine a warre farre off but not neere home But if they be not able to wage warre without forraine Forceâ—… they shall then do well to embroyle themselves with no warre at all either neere or farre off And as for Commonwealths that are but petty ones and of small power it is best for them to looke to their own safety Then for Kingdomes that are well setled we have liked well of peace for them that are dangerous of warre Lastly that a popular state take care how to live What is the fittest time to proceed in the discords with enemies of the faith The seventh Discourse THis sentence of Tacitus standing good Cuncta discordiis civilibus fessa nomine Principis sub Imperium accepit many grow to beleeve that because discords made the way easie for Augustus to make himselfe Emperour of Rome therefore every one may easily make advantage of the dissentions of others But because they neither consider the diversity of persons nor distinguish the times nor are acquainted with the causes they therefore oftentimes deceive themselves determining these things absolutely and in grosse which are not to be admitted but with distinction To find out therefore the truth in this matter indeed weighty and worthy of consideration I say that discords may be either internall between Citizens or externall between Cities of one Province if between Citizens then sometimes they are between Nobles and Nobles oftentimes between Nobles and Plebeians and many times between Plebeians and Plebeians If they be between Cities it happens that sometimes they be equall sometimes unequall likewise he that aspires to be a Lord either is a stranger or Citizen if a stranger either he is stronger then the others or weaker and either he hath intelligence or hath none if a Citizen either he is chiefe of a faction or not These heads I shall endeavour to examine beginning with the stranger who by civill discords aspires to make himselfe Lord understanding by civill discords not those only which are between Citizens of the same City but between divers Cities of the same Province as Plato understands them where he saith that if Graecians contended with Graecians it was a sedition and not a warre shewing plainly that such a one ought to be called a civill discord I say then to returne to my purpose that such stranger either hath intelligence with one part of the Citizens or he hath not if he have intelligence then is the time so did Germanicus when he assaulted the Catti a people in Germany Nam spes incesserat dissidere hostem in Segestem Arminium whereupon having Segestes on his side it was an easie matter to prosper in his enterprise and of such cases Histories are full But if this stranger have no intelligence either it is in the beginning of the discords or when they are inveterate and thereby one or other of the sides wasted and spent if it be the beginning it will do no hurt but good so it happened to the Thuscans and the Veientanes so to the Athenians while Agis approached their walls so to the Sabines and the Prenestines against the Romans Of whom Livy saith Nam in spe ventum erat discordia intestina Rem Romanam dissolvi posse But in truth it was but ill advised of them and in such a manner as while they sought the death of the sick Roman state they applied a medicine that restored it to health Whereupon Livy inferres Sed externus Timor maximum concordiae vinculum quamvis infestos suspectosque jungobat inter se animos And therefore Aristotle saith Cogit enim in unum communis metus etiam eos qui p rius erant inimicissimi And this will the rather happen if they be enemies naturally either through long warres between them or else through diversity of Ay re which consequently produceth diversity of tempe ratures from whence ariseth diversity of customes and these would rather die a thousand deaths then come to be in subjection to their enemies Whereupon it was seen in the beginning of Charles the fifth that while the Kingdome of Spaine rose up in Armes and strongly mutinied against their own King France seeing it and having recovered Navarre brought their Army upon Spaine and presently they came to concord The best way therefore will be to take another course I mean alwaies against infidels which is to let them wast themselves imitating the worme which gnawes in wood in such sort that afterwards it is easily broken so discords should be fomented in enemies countries that afterward more easily they may be overcome but yet staying time that the wood be first consumed that so at one blow it may be broken In regard whereof David saith Quasi tonerrimus ligni vermiculus qui octingentos interfecit impetu uno in as much as having by little and little and by secret waies weakned his enemies he afterwards easily as wormeaten wood broke them at one blow Whereupon I conceive that the Romans are therefore by the Holy Ghost called a Worme in Jonas where he saith Et paravit Deus Vermem ascensu diluculi in Crastinum percâ—…ssit haederam exaruit this place being meant as Robert Abbot with many other writers interprets it of the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans under the Empire of Vespasian who having prepared a siege against Hierusalem and understanding there were discords risen amongst them he delayed
extinguish the factions of Romagna after most tyrannically he had made himselfe Lord of it and had obtained his purpose not without bringing upon himselfe the infinite hatred of all his subjects at last he cut in pieces that miserable minister of his to the end the hatred of his subjects might be turned upon him and the like did Tiberius to Sejanus and of such examples Histories are full Rather indeed tyrants ingrosse to themselves such fellowes to the end that when the scores of seditions shall be cast up they may excuse themselves and make the people wreck their anger upon the servant Fifthly such servants runne a hazzard because the foundation upon which they build their Lords favour is soone ended the cause of their favour being onely the hatred that is borne to another which ceaseth as soone as he is dead and consequently the affection ceaseth which was borne for putting the murther in execution so much Tacitus intimates speaking of Plancina who after the hatred to Germanicus was ended was her selfe in danger Vbi odium Gratia desit jus valuit But these waies never bring forth any good effect to a Prince First because it is false that they can ever cancell the remembrance of such villanies out of their minds seeing their owne conscience is too great a witnesse against them Whereupon although our Lord God as Theodoret saith tooke away the life of that sonne of David which was borne in the adultery with Bersabee that it might not remaine a shame to him for the â—…inne he had committed Vivus erat futurus argumentum sceleris ac iniquitatis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Regis qui erat Propheta curant gerens Dominus non sinit eum vivere yet it served not to remove the gnawing of his conscience as he saith Peccatum moum coram me est semper Secondly this is no sufficient way to keepe their crimes from being knowne Nihil occultum quod non reveletur neque coopertum quod non sciatur And if it be not knowne at other times at least it shall not be hidden at the day of judgement Thirdly it is no fit way to make the people beleeve that the cruelties executed by servants were done without the Princes consent and although it have sometimes succeeded well yet this hath not beene because the people beleeved it but as I said before upon the place of Justin because when the people cannot wreake their anger upon the Prince they will for the present upon his ministers and afterward when time serves upon the Prince himselfe as it happened to Valentinus Sometimes also the people make a shew to beleeve that the villanies committed were done without the Princes consent to the end that to preserve this good opinion of himselfe he may after the death of such ministers give over his cruelty and lastly it saves them not from being slaine for if they be not by them they are by others and oftentimes by themselves as it happened to Otho This way therefore doth no good at all and is the worst wicked course that can be imagined being nothing but a meere multiplying of villanies It is true if a Prince should imploy a servant to kill a delinquent and so both of them should juridically deserve death in this case he should commit no errour in putting also the servant to death but herein he should imitate our Lord God who oftentimes makes use of the wicked to punish the wicked and they once punished he then as a loving father having corrected his child casts the rod which was the instrument of correction into the fire and more then this he oftentimes punisheth those whom he hath used for executing his anger Vae Assur virga furorismei baculus ipse est saith the truth in the mouth of Esay So our Lord God made use of the King of the Assyrians and of his Army to punish the people of Israel for their sinnes and that done he punished also the Assyrians themselves in such sort that he destroyed them all There is no doubt but our Lord God did it all with exceeding great justice and providence punishing justly those Assyrians who besides their being a most persidious people they fell upon the Israelites as Theodoret expounds it not for any zeale of executing Gods justice but onely for the hatred they bore to that Nation To returne to our purpose I conclude that Sallust had an excellent braine not to suffer the cause to be brought before the Senate which if it had beene there agitated and Tiberius not discover himselfe all the mischiefe would have lighted upon him and they would have beene revenged upon the servant when upon the Prince they could not So it happened to Piso who having beene imployed by Tiberius to kill Germanicus and the cause brought before the Senate Tiberius shifted it off from himselfe and it fell to Pisoes lot to suffer for it Not without cause therefore did Sallust Monuit Liviam ne arcana domus ne consilia amicorum ministeria militum vulgarentur Monuit Liviam ne arcana domus ne consilia amicorum ministeria militum vulgarentur That Princes ought not to reveale the secrets of their State and how it happens that oftentimes men are drawne to speake some things which ought to be concealed The eighth and twentieth Discourse ALI States whether they be Commonwealths or Kingdomes have certaine foundations or as we call them secrets by which they governe themselves both for conservation and augmentation And therefore they endeavour in such sort to conceale them that they may not be knowne to any but their successours So did Augustus in giving instructions to Tiberius so did David acquainting Salomon with them at the time of his death so finally did Charles the fifth teaching them to Philip the second when he renounced the Empire for if these secrets by which they governe should be publiquely knowne it would be a great advantage against them for loosing their states And therefore Sosybus understanding that Cleomenes the Spartan was informed of all the most inward secrets of Ptolomey would not suffer him to goe out of Aegypt for feare as Plutarch relates he should raise some sharpe warre in that Kingdome whereupon finally he put him to death We may see also that the Romans never were in greater danger to be overthrowne then when by Coriolanus their owne Citizen consequently acquainted with all their secrets they were assaulted This praecept was so well observed by the ancient Romane Commonwealth that though we have all the Histories of those times yet to this day we know not otherwise then by some conjecture by what means it was that they maintained their government and augmented it Justly therefore did Sallust advise Ne arcana domus vulgarentur that is that those secrets of State upon which the Empire is founded should not be made knowne to any but to the Prince And Salomon in his Proverbs observes as much where he saith Coelum sursum terra deorsum
afterward tooke away and he put them in halfe a servitude being himselfe superiour in all causes The like conceit had Galba when he made himselfe sole Lord of the Empire as in the foresaid oration every one may see Augustus therefore is no more to be reproved then Cleomenes and Galba and Hiero are and if his purpose tooke not effect it is not to be attributed to his fault but to the ill fortune of his successour seeing as long as he lived himselfe till he came to his decrepit age he maintained the City in great quiet and the whole world in Peace Nulla in praesens formidine dum Augustus aestate validus seque Domum Pacem sustentavit And if to Romulus there had succeeded Tarquinius Superbus and to Augustus Numa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thinke the City of Rome had in her beginning beene ruined and after by Augustus beene restored And as after him the City of Rome fell to a Tyrant and the power of the Caesars ended in Nero so also the Power of Romulus ended in Tarquinius Superbus the Power of Cleomenes in himselfe that of Hiero in his nephew Hieronymus and finally that of Galba presently after his death fell to a Tyrant and all these Powers except that onely of Cleomenes came to ruine by wicked successours The reason why these mens power was not able to hold out long and to conserve their Cities in tranquillity is by some assigned to the accommodations which either are so ordered that all the parts of the City rest contented and then it will last or else the Accommodation 〈◊〉 founded upon the Person who by his authority makes it apt to continue and then it will last no longer then while he lives or at most till it fall into the hands of a wicked successour this in my opinion David knew well when in a Psalme he said Deus Iudicium tuum Regi da 〈◊〉 tuam filio Regis as though he would say it is not enough for the continuance of an empyre that the first King be good but it is necessary his successours be good also and then it is like to last a long time 〈◊〉 cum sole ante lunam in Generatione Generatione but because after Salomon there followed a wicked successour the Kingdome was in part dissolved So the Kingdome of Romulus succeeded well with him because there came after him Numa Pompilius who by giving good lawes filled it with Religion but afterwards in Tarquinius Superbus it came to ruine So also that of Hiero came to nothing through a wicked successour So the reformation which Augustus made of his Country succeeded ill to him because there came after him a Tiberius a Caius a Claudius and lastly a Nero who abrogating Lawes Religion it could not choose but come to ruine The reformations therefore are ill founded and never last long that are founded upon the Authority of one seeing the City is eternall the Prince mortall but then are reformations like to continue when they are founded upon those that receive them Wherein for another reason I would helpe my selfe with a doctrine of S. Thomas where he saith That when a forme comes to be perfectly received of the matter although the Agent that introduced the forme be removed yet the forme remaines in the matter still if Fire be introduced in Wood by another Fire though the agent be removed yet the Fire remaines in the Wood still but when a forme is introduced unperfectly or to use the word of S. Thomas Inchoative there If the Agent be removed either it lasts but little as water that is heated or else goes wholly away with the agent as the enlightning the aire by the departing of the Sun So likewise when a Prince hath perfectly introduced good Ordinances in the matter of a City although he die himselfe yet they will still remaine but if they be introduced but unperfectly that is not fully established then certainly either they will last but little as water heated or with his death that introduced them will die also as the enlightning of the Aire To returne to our purpose I said before that the City of Rome was not capable of liberty and therefore that Augustus was not too blame for not giving it liberty that it was not capable is manifest seeing in processe of time the Empire comming into the hands of such persons as more regarded the good of their Countrey then their owne dignity such as Trajan Antoninus Pius Marcus Aurelius and others were if they had knowne that it had been for the good of the City of Rome to have had liberty they certainly would have given it I have beene willing to give examples of Hiero as being indeed most like to Augustus For he being a Citizen of Syracusa had in his hand an Army for defence of his Countrey and by devises cut them all in pieces that were not for his turne and afterward with those very Armes he made himselfe Lord of Syracusa in which government he raised not himselfe above equality ruling with much prudence and contents of the Subjects as also he enlarged the Dominion of Syracusa and lastly intended to leave it in liberty but that he did it not there were two impediment the first because the City was not fit for it and therefore Livie saith Syracusaeque cum breve tempus affulsisset in antiquam servitutem reciderant And in the same booke speaking of the people of Syracusa he saith Aut servit 〈◊〉 aut superbe dominatur Libertatem quae media est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 modice nec habere sciunt A second impediment were the women who through desire of rule wrought so with him that he left his Nephew Hieronymus his successour a most perfidious and cruell man and farre differing from the conditions of his unkle Augustus likewise was a Citizen of Rome and had in his hand an Army for defence of his Countrey when he put all those to death that were able to oppose him and then turning those very Armes against his Countrey he made himselfe 〈◊〉 Lord in which government he used great equality shewed great prudence enlarged the Empire and lastly had a purpose to leave it in liberty whereof he had often speech with 〈◊〉 and Agrippa and if he left it not in liberty it was long of two things one because the City was not capable of liberty Non 〈◊〉 discordantis 〈◊〉 remedium quam ut ab uno regeretur and as Galba said of the Romans Nec totam libertatem nec totam servitutem pati possunt A second cause was Livia who having besotted the old man Augustus perswaded him to leave Tiberius his successour a cruell man and one that was no more of kinne to Augustus his conditions then to his blood as Tacitus shewes where he saith 〈◊〉 Tibero morum via And thus it appeares that Augustus and Hiero were very like but yet in one thing they had very unlike fortune for the Empire of Augustus ended not
in himselfe but was continued in Tiberius who also was able to elect a successour after him but with Hiero it was not so for his Kingdome ended in his Nephew Hieronymus who was miserably slaine And the reason of this is because Tiberius in company of many vices had some vertue as I said before speaking of Nero but Hieronymus without any vertue had all the vices of Tiberius Non aliud discordantis patriae remedium quam ut ab uno regeretur Why the City of Rome from a Regall power under Romulus recovered liberty under Tarquinius and from the Regall power of Augustus was never able to shake off servitude The six and thirtieth Discourse TO make that be better understood which we said before that the City of Rome in the time of Augustus was not fit to receive liberty I conceive it will be a good helpe to examine the reason why from the Regall power of Romulus it came to liberty under Tarquinius and afterward from the Regall power of Augustus it was never able to free it selfe from servitude The first is a generall reason and brought by all Writers that is the imperfection and corruption of the Citizens For liberty as I shall shew in my Discourse of Optimates requires men perfect and not corrupt at least so many as may be enow to make a Senate But surely this reason with leave of the many great men that alledge it may be of some force to prove that the City of Rome under Augustus was not capable to receive liberty but it is of no force to prove that from the Regall power of Augustus it might not as well recover liberty as it had done from that of Romulus Seeing the City of Rome was never so full of imperfect men in the time of Augustus as it was in the time of Romulus when there was in it indeed a nest of the scumme of the most wicked men that were in all Italy We may say then that both the one and the other of these Kings had an intention to set his Countrey in liberty as of both of them in divers discourses I have made it appeare but neither of them in his life time put this intention of theirs in execution And the reason is because when men are imperfect and not fit to tolerate liberty it is impossible that in the life of one Prince alone they can be brought to perfection in such sort as to be made fit to receive it but this must be wrought by the continuance of many good successours who may all of them intend to prepare the Citizens for it and because it was thus with Romulus therefore after him the Romans obtained liberty but being not so with Augustus who had many wicked successours after him therefore the City after him continued alwaies in most miserable servitude A Second reason was the slaughter of Caesar which not being sufficient to reduce Rome to liberty was therefore sufficient to make the Regall power unalterable For Augustus making himselfe Lord of the Empyre by force was able by the same force to secure himselfe in it the rather under the Excuse of Caesars slaughter and the corrupt times of the Common-wealth which served him for Engines to put many things in execution that fortified his Power Pietatem erga Parentem saith Tacitus tempora reipublicae obtentui sumpta whereupon the best Politicall instruction that in like cases can be given is this that when a Familie hath lost the authority it once had in a City It is better to yeeld it up with love then to strive by force to recover it with danger for this hath beene the cause that many Cities relapsed under Princes have never after beene able to recover liberty a relapse in all things being alwayes worse then the first Evill and of this there want not examples if there were need to bring them A third reason and of importance is because the Election was come into the hands of the Souldiers who by reason of the gaines they made and of the unmeasurable Donatives that belonged to them at the Coronation of Emperours would never be brought to give their consent for the introducing of liberty in which it is wont to be the first lesson He that labours not shall have no pay and so much more as Common-wealths that are good need no such guard Fourthly I conceive it to be of some moment that after the death of Nero in whom the house of the Caesars ended yet Rome was not then reduced to liberty seeing Galba being chosen every one of those great ones might begin to hope that it might be their turne at some time or other to come to the Empyre and consequently very likely they were not much discontented with that forme of Election and so much in my opinion did Galba himselfe expresse in the speech he made to Piso when he said Sub Tiberio Caio Claudio unius familiae quasi haereditas fuimus Loco libertatis erit quod Eligi coepimus finita Juliorum Claudiorumque domo optimum quemque Adoptio Jnveniet as if he would say Now that the line of the Caesars is extinct everyone may hope to attaine that degree which hope I conceive may be the cause that those potent men in whose hands it is to alter states like best of that forme in which the first degree they can hope to attaine is that of Excessive greatnesse and from hence perhaps it was that Caesar the Dictatour was never much troubled with the Conspiracy of Catiline but rather excused and defended it as lesse caring for the Cities liberty then that it should come under the Power of one alone which Power hee doubted not in time to attaine to himselfe Fifthly the greatnesse of the Romane Empire was it selfe in my opinion a great cause It could never returne to liberty because at the time of the 〈◊〉 being but in low estate it was more reasonable they should desire Equality which in small things is easily borne and because else they must have passed a thousand difficulties as the subduing of Ryvall Common-wealths the Conquering of Enemy Princes and the like where in the time of Augustus the City being growne great become mistresse of the world her Ryvalls spent and all things at Peace and quiet it was not now easie to support Equality and therefore from that time afterward there was no contesting but for the Empyre and a man will easily hazard both life and reputation where the reward that may be gotten by it is both great and secure but where the reward is but little full of toyle and danger there men are contented and glad to have company and therefore Brutus brought Rome to be a Common-wealth whereupon we see in our times that Venice excepted all other Common-wealths are of no great moment and all this as I conceive Tacitus very lively expresseth where he saith Vetus ac jampridem Jnsita mortalibus Potentiae Cupido cum 〈◊〉 magnitudine
fuerit abstergit Sic in herbarum superficie nocturni roris humor aspergitur sed diurm Luminis subito calore siccatur Sic spumosae aquarum bullae inchoantibus fluviis excitatae ab intimis certatim prodeunt sed eo celerius diruptae depereunt quo inflatae citius extenduntur Cumque 〈◊〉 ut appareant Crescendo peragunt ne subsistant I cannot bring a better example in conformity to this Doctrin then of Venice which was never in any great danger but when it was at the greatest as drawing then neere to the bound of Maximum quod Non whereupon if it had not beene for the strength of its scituation as Historians say assisted with the great Prudence of the Senatours and with the great valour of the Citizens in defending Padua It had utterly come to ruine And therefore Augustus seeing Non aliud Discordantis patriae remedium quam ut ab uno regeretur made himselfe Emperour wherein notwithstanding Christians must not imitate him whose duty it is to set Religion before Country and life and Common-wealth and all rather suffering death then be drawne to commit any wickednesse and rather then imitate Augustus follow the course of Marcus Aurelius who though he saw his Country upon the point of loosing and himselfe also thorough the wickednesse of his Compagnion yet he tooke all things patiently and would not put him to death though it was in his power to doe it For Conclusion I say that a Prince ought not to governe his Country by force although force bee sometimes necessary for correcting of Errours as Sallust teacheth where he saith Nam Vi quidem Regere patriam aut Parentes quamquam possis delicta corrigas Importunum tamen est Comparatione Deterrima sibi Gloriam quaesivisse That to Elect a wicked successour thereby to get glory to himselfe is a beastly Course The seven and thirtieth Discourse BY that which Tacitus and Dio relate many conceive that Augustus made choice of Tiberius whom he knew to be a proud and cruell man to be his successour to the end that the ill conditions of Tiberius so much differing from his owne might turne to his Glory I cannot indeed deny but that a worse successour is apt enough to make a lesse evill Predecessour be thought a good one which Galba well knowing speaking of Piso said Nero a pessimo quoque desiderabitur Mihi ac tibi providendum est ne etiam a bonis desideretur He seeing that if a wicked Prince should come after Nero his errours would be converted to the others Glory and this is so true that the holy Spirit in the mouth of Ezechiel said that the wickednesse of the Hebrewes before the comming of our saviour made the people of Sodome and Samaria to seeme Just which could not certainly happen but long of the Comparison Vivo ego dicit Dominus Deus these are the words of Ezechiel quia non fecit Sodoma soror tua ipsa filiae ejus sicut 〈◊〉 tu filiae tuae and a litle after Et Samaria Dimidium peocatorum tuorum non 〈◊〉 sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sceleribus tuis Iustificasti sorores tuas in omnibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quas operata es Ergo tu 〈◊〉 porta confusionem tuam quae vicisti sorores 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 agens ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sunt a te And he that would see a passage more like to that of Tacitus let him reade those words in Jeremy where he saith Iustificavit animam suam aversatrix Jsrael 〈◊〉 praevaricatricis Iudae But yet this way of acquiring Glory attributed here to Augustus is not to be imitated not only of Christians but not so much as of impious Barbarians seeing there are better and directer wayes I meane not to governe well but speake onely of a successour because if they have children to succeed them in the Kingdome there will Glory enough accrew to the father if he give them good education whereby they may come to prove good This Salomon affirmes in his Proverbs where he saith Filius sapiens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or as others read it Filius sapiens Gloria patris that is a wise sonne is the honour and Glory of his Father and keepes him alive after he is dead and therefore it is said in Ecolesiasticus Mortuus est pater ejus 〈◊〉 non est mortuus 〈◊〉 enim reliquit sibi post se and therefore Princes need not desire their successours should be worse then themselves seeing they may hope for more glory by them if they shall be better and therefore David tooke great Joy to heare that Salomon was like to be greater then himselfe had ever beene Sed Salomon sedet super Solium Regni Jngressi servi ejus benedixerunt Domino nostro Regi David dicentes Amplificet Deus Nomen 〈◊〉 super 〈◊〉 magnificet Thronum ejus super thronum tuum rather indeed a wicked suecessour is a Prejudice to a good Prince Therefore writers say that Marcus Aurelius had dyed a happy man if he have not left Commodus his successour for this cause many of the Antients as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were of opinion that Children living might make their dead fathers unhappy in such sort that he who living was happy yet could not be called happy if after his death hee had ill 〈◊〉 and were unfortunate in his children To give therefore his successours good education is a matter of much honour to Princes and in case they prove not to have those vertues which are required in a Prince hee must not suffer Paternall piety to prevaile with him but wholly abandon and utterly dis inherit them of the royall dignity though as Aristotle saith it be hard for a father to doe This Plato expressed in his Common-weath who ordained that they should be Princes who in their Nativity had Gold mingled with Earth meaning that if their Sonnes had together with Earth either Iron or brasse in them they should not then be admitted to the Kingdome Qua propter ipsis Principibus Primo maxime Deus praecepit ut nullius rei majorem curam custodiamque 〈◊〉 quam natorum ut dignoscant quid ex quatuor his potissimum illorum animis sit immixtum si quis ex ipsis nascatur 〈◊〉 aut serreus nullo pacto misereantur sed honorem illi naturae convenientem tribuentes interopifices vel agricolas mittant and therefore Moyses was contented that our Lord God should chuse Iosuah of another Tribe to be his successour rather then his owne Sonne In consideration whereof Saint Hierome saith Moises amicus Dei cui 〈◊〉 ad faciem 〈◊〉 loquutus est potuit utique successores Principatus filios suos facere Posteris propriam relinquere dignitatem sed extraneus de alia Tribueligitur Iesus ut sciremus Principatum in populos non sanguini deferendum esse sed 〈◊〉 and this is the true way for acquiring of Glory so much more as it is more repugnant to Naturall affection And if
That the power of a few cannot consist in any number better then in three The fourth Discourse THe Common-wealth of Rome leaving the government of one and passing by the number of two where it stayed a while under Marius and Sylla setled at last in the number of three the first time under Caesar Crassus and Pompey the second time under Anthony Lepidus and Augustus Which how much better it was then to have stayed in two every one may know that will but consider either Philosophically or Theologically or Politically what great force there is in the number of three for the conservation and union of things Indeed Aristotle had no better way to shew the necessity of the Materia Prima then this seeing there being a forme and a privation which are two it was never possible they should be united together but in a third in which and by which they might be conjoyned Also the schoole of Theophrastus contented not it selfe to deliver for Principles Radicall moysture and Naturall heate knowing that two alone are destructive but he added a third that is salt and cold and dry to the end that with cold he might associate Radicall moysture and with the dry Naturall heate and consequently make a perfect union of the three that is Salt Sulphur and Mercury It is therefore no marvell if Divines also make a Trinity in the Deity not only a Father and a Sonne but also a Holy Ghost who as many of them say unites the Father with the Sonne and it is very convenient that from that Essence which is one there should come three a child of unity Againe if we examine it Politically why three should be conservative we shall finde it manifest of it selfe because if one of the three should aspire to be sole Prince presently the other two would joyne and oppose and utterly frustrate his designe And if two of the three should grow at variance the third would either by interposing reconcile them or standing neuter as onely a looker on they would grow friends of themselves for feare least the other should reape the benefit of their victory And therefore Aristotle found fault with Plato for making a Commonwealth to consist of only Prince and People and consequently of only two formes saying it had been much better to have made it to consist of three which yet to many seems a Paradox because as multiplying of good makes a more good so multiplying of evill makes alwaies a more evill And why then would he rather have three corruptions then two for no other cause as I conceave but that he would plainly shew he knew the number of three to be conservative and the number of two destructive there being nothing that more ruines Cities then to be divided into two without a third as Aristotle in many places shews and praising that City for the best which is full of middling sorts of men for no other cause but because there are in it the three that is rich poore and of a middling ranke and shewes that where these are not it is impossible a City should continue To come then to a Monarchy it was of necessity that the number of three should be destroyed and to destroy three It was of necessity either by encreasing it to bring it to foure or by abating it to bring it to two just as the apostate Lucifer would have done to divide and destroy the heavenly Monarchy when leaving the circumference founded upon the divine Center he framed another higher Circle founded upon the center of himselfe bringing the one to two which because it could not continue he was therefore cast into Hell where seeking againe to destroy the Divine Monarchy by bringing it to two he perswaded Eve to eat the forbidden fruit We may say then that as long as the number of three stood firme in Crassus Caesar and Pompey So long the government came not to be a Monarchy but as soon as Crassus died and that the number came from three to two there presently grew dissention between Caesar and Pompey till Caesar at last made himselfe sole Emperour Likewise in the Triumvirate of Augustus none of them was so hardy as once to stirre but Lepidus being gone out of the three there fell discord between Mark Anthony and Augustus who by the death of the other remained sole Emperour It is therefore no marvell that the Jewes seeing the government of Judges was to come to two under the sonnes of Samuel demanded a King considering that two and foure which proceeds from the same root is no lesse a child of the divell then three and one which is the root of it is the child of God And therefore God blessed not the second day and in the creation the Holy Ghost by the mouth of Moses makes mention of three things the Heaven the Earth and the waters Which perhaps moved Plato in his Timaeus to make three Elements three and one being union two and foure dis-union Cuncta Discordiis civilibus fessa nomine Principis subimperium accepit Of what kind of Discord the Authour intends to speake The fifth Discourse BEing by occasion of this passage of necessity to speake of discords and oftentimes to commend them though with some distinction I cannot omit to explaine my meaning which is that where I affirme discords fit to be fomented I mean alwaies amongst the enemies of the Christian faith amongst whom discords are of such benefit that the Prophet Abacuck in expresse termes saith Fluvios scindes terrae which S. Hierome expounding saith Reges terrae adversum populum tuum dimicantes divides disperges For in holy Scripture by Rivers oftentimes are meant Kings because as rivers watering the fields in fit time and place make them fruitfull or otherwaies with unseasonable overflowing destroy them so Kings with the sweetnesse of justice increase or otherwise with unmeasurable cruelty overthrow the Kingdome The Prophet therefore desires that the Princes of the Earth may be divided meaning such Princes as make a God of earthly things to the end that by such division they may more easily be overthrown there being nothing more hurtfull not only to the good but even to the wicked themselves then the concord of the wicked As S. Austin declares it where he saith Sicut multum nocet discordia inter bonos ita valde dolendum est quando mali pacifice vivunt quando vero discordant tunc mundus aliqualiter tranquillatur Nam sicut concordia malorum contraria est concordiae bonorum ita optandum est quod boni pacem habeant mali discordes sint nam per discordiam mali aliquando optimi efficiuntur cognoscentes quid sint quid erunt From these words it may be clearely gathered that it is as great a good to put discord between the wicked as to preserve union between the good and therefore Abraham in his Sacrifice divided the Goat and the Ram but the Turtle-dove and the Pigeon he divided not
manifest examples of many writers that lost their owne lives without any benefit to those of whom they writ by being themselves slaine and their bookes burnt while under wicked Princes they would publish their Histories of such persons and therefore he saith 〈◊〉 cum Aruleno Rustico Paetus Thrasea Herennio Senecioni 〈◊〉 Helvidius laudati 〈◊〉 Capitale fuisse no que in ipsos 〈◊〉 Authores sed in libros quoque saevitum But greater danger an Historian in curres if under a wicked Prince he dare write his history because either 〈◊〉 his vices he shewes himselfe a manifest slatterer and no wise Historian who without truth as Polybius saith is as unprofitable as a man without eyes or else writing the truth he shal in so doing make his owne grave But say he writes under a good Prince either he must relate the actions of the Prince himselfe or of his house if of himselfe living the Historian can never avoyd suspition and it is not enough to say that under such praise-worthy Princes there will be no need to part from truth because there are few men that doe not conceive their owne actions to be greater then they are or at least that desire not others should thinke them so whereupon when they find that an Historian relates them not in such a height as they conceive or desire that others should no doubt they will thinke he blames them as not sufficiently praising them Now if under a vertuous Prince they write the History of his family there growes another difficulty of great moment which is that a great part of the Cities and Provinces having beene sometime Commonwealths from Commonwealths become Kingdomes seldome without shedding the blood of the Citizens and oftentimes of the Princes the relating these things under a Prince now Lord of the City whether he be good or bad is dangerous first on the part of the Citizens who reading the death of their ancestours or their greatnesse in the time when it was a Commonwealth by the one they are stirred up to hate by the other to desire and taking into their consideration that greatnesse in which they were and those injuries which they suffered because they cannot revenge these nor regaine those but by the death of the Prince they are oftentimes drawne to make cruell conspiracies Secondly on the part of the Prince who in reading such Histories seeing continually before his eyes those Citizens whose fathers either killed or at least conspired against his ancestours seeing he cannot beleeve they should love him he will hardly be induced to love them knowing wel that things which are tolerated by force when occasion happens to remove that force will never be tolerated To this may be added another difficulty on the part of the Citizens who love not to heare the disgraces of their ancestours related in Histories and are thereby moved to indignation this Tacitus meant where he saith At multorum qui Tiberio regnante poenam vel infamiam subiere Posteri manent And oftentimes Tacitus himselfe forbeares to speake of such as he did of those who suffered disgraces under Nero of whom he saith Quos fato perfunctos ne nominatim tradam Majoribus eorum tribuendum puto Againe to relate the warres which these Princes or their Ancestours had with others how dangerous it is Crescentius Cordus may be an example who for praising Brutus and Cassius was forced miserably to end his life as the said Tacitus relates It is true this useth not to happen but under wicked Princes as Tiberius was For Augustus as the said Tacitus relates made rather a jest then tooke indignation at any such things and thus much concerning a Prince Now in writing Histories under a Commonwealth there appeare againe a thousand difficulties First if he make relation of their beginnings he shall make himselfe odious to all in generall and to every one in particular To all in generall because all things having but weake beginnings men like rather to heare the History of the Common-wealth in its virility then in the weaknesse of its infancy To particulars because hearing relation made of the beginnings of their Houses which commonly are but meane they cannot read such Histories with any patience at least not with liking and therefore in some Cities such writings have not been admitted This conceit Titus Livinâ—… expresseth to the life where he saith Et legentium plerosque speaking of himselfe who writ the beginning of Rome haud dubito quin primae Origines proximaque Originibus minus praebitura voluptatis sint festinantibus ad haec nova quibus jampridem praevalentis populi vires seipsas conficiunt Moreover if they write of warres not onely they incurre the same danger we spake of before under a Prince in too much praising those with whom the warre hath been held but besides in this kind it is easier to offend in a Commonwealth which consists of many then in a Kingdome which consisteth but of one Whereupon it seemes to be more easie to write the truth of one alone then of many but withall more dangerous because the hatred of private Citizens may be shunned but the hatred which comes from the publik person of the Prince and reacheth to life and goods are impossible to be shunned It is therefore dangerous to write under a Prince whether he be good or bad and whether the History be of the Princes own actions or of his ancestours and whether in forraine warre or in warre at home And it is dangerous likewise to write under Common-wealths not onely to write of their beginnings but in other times also It remaines to shew whether it be more easie to find Historians under a Kingdome or under a Common-wealth The Prince may be a tyrant and living the Common-wealth may be corrupt and continue and while it continues hardly will any Citizen out of love of his Countrey be drawne to disclose those things which ought to be kept secret and as little whilst a Tyrant lives will any man register his disorders for feare Whereupon not without cause the most wise Salomon in his Proverbs saith Nomen impiorum putrescet not Putrescit because in the time present his stinch is not smelt or to say better none will be so bold as to discover it and if in the one or the other an Historian be found so hardy as to write he will certainly flatter And therefore Tacitus saith Tiberii Caiique ac Neronis res florentibus ipsis ob metum falsae Also Historians take no care of those that come after but consider onely their owne interest and knowing how much trouble they endure that in such times can but live when they hold their peace they are out of heart for writing of Histories and though they should have a will to doe it yet they could have no meanes as not being informed of publike affaires which being done onely by the Prince and out of his Element he neither understands them nor meddles in them
contrary not only of Otho but of infinite other Emperors who by giving excessive Donatives lost the Empire For resolution we must proceed with distinction either he that comes to the Empire is the first that brought in Donatives as Caesar the Dictatour and Octavius Augustus were and then not onely they help to attaine but also to maintain the Empire and therefore Tacitus intimates it as a praise to Augustus where he saith Vbi Militem Donis or else he is not the first but finds it a custome brought in before and then as it may be a good meanes to attaine the Empire so it is a certaine ruine for maintaining it The reason of this difference is because the souldiers not being accustomed to receive Donatives the first time it is given thē they acknowledge it as a gift of the Princes bounty and account themselves obliged for it and more than so not knowing whither they should receive the like from others they endeavour to uphold him in the Empire hoping hereafter to have those things by merit which the Prince at this time hath given them of courtesie But if they have been accustomed to have Donatives and it hath been a use amongst them then where in the first they acknowledged them the only bounty of the Prince and received them as gifts of grace now accounting them as debt they take them as rewards of due which if it be denyed them it then causeth an implacable hatred against the Prince and at last his ruine and if it be granted them yet this encreaseth not the souldiers love who count not themselves beholding to the Prince for them but as fellows accustomed to have money without paines they spend it frolickly and that spent they expect new Donatives which if a Prince may satisfie a while yet he cannot hold out to doe so long but that at last he must be faine to deny them and when this happens they presently fall to choose a new Emperour of whom they may receive it and this hath been in Rome the ruine and death of many as every one may read and see We may therefore conclude that Donatives to the souldiers are very profitable to all for attaining the Empire but that the introduction of Donatives for them that were not the first is very pernitious for maintaining them in it And Galba having already attained the Empire and knowing this openly made it knowne that he meant to give no more Donatives to the souldiers as resolved to take away so great an abuse Accessit Galbae vox pro Republica honesta ipst anceps legi a se Militem non emi but it had an unhappy issue First because as I have shewed in another Discourse the Souldiers were against their genius induced to abandon Nero and therefore it had been fit with the same cunning to have held them in and not have suffered them to be conscious of their errour Miles Vrbanus longo Caesarum Sacramento imbutus ad destituendum Neronem arte magis impulsu quam suo ingenio traductus postquam neque dari Donativum sub nomine Galbae and that which followes Secondly having gotten no reputation amongst the souldiers and by reason of his age being apt to be contemned he should rather with liberality have gotten their love than through covetousnesse have procured their hate Non enim ad hanc formam saith Tacitus to not giving donatives to Souldiers Caetera erant invalidum senem and that which followes Thirdly if he would not give donatives himselfe yet at least he should have taken order that no other in his prejudice should have given them which because he did not doe he therefore with his avarice was by Otho's liberality easily oppressed Quoties Galba apud Othonem epularetur cohorti excubias agenti viritim centenos 〈◊〉 divideret quā veluti publicam largitionem Otho securioribus apud singulos praemiis intendebat adeo animosus corruptor ut Cocceio Proculo speculatori de parte finium cum vicino ambigenti universum vicint agrum sua pecunia emptum dono 〈◊〉 per focordium 〈◊〉 Fourthly to take away a custome so 〈◊〉 he should have contented himselfe in the beginning with onely moderating it especially seeing he might have obtained his purpose with any small donative Constat potuisse conciliari animos faith 〈◊〉 quantulacunque parci senis liberalitate 〈◊〉 antiquus vigor nimia severitas cui jam pares non 〈◊〉 By which words we may plainly see that Tacitus blames not his severity but the excessivenesse of it whereupon Vespasian who knew as much as Galba knew tooke a better course and had his intent For moderating only the donatives of the souldiers he left them not altogether without hope of having some by this means he preserved himselfe in the Empire and yet corrupted not the souldiers Ne Vespasianus 〈◊〉 plus civili bello 〈◊〉 quam alii in pace egregie 〈◊〉 adversus militarem largitionem eoque exercitu meliore If any should now enquire whether donatives to the souldiers corrupt Military Discipline or no I would briefly answer That rewards uphold it but that donatives corrupt it and the reason is because donatives being such as are given without cause the souldier may alwaies by the same right demand them and whilest he stands waiting for this ayd from the Prince he becomes idle and good for nothing But rewards given for some notable service cannot but for such service he demanded and that souldiers should endeavour to do such services is a matter of great profit to Military difcipline And therefore Caesar with Reward made his Souldiers more valorous and Otho with donatives corrupted them Populum Annona How much it imports a Prince for getting the peoples love to maintaine plenty by what meanes scarcity happens and how it may be helpt and how a Prince may make good use of it The fifteenth Discourse ABove all things for winning the peoples love a Prince must take care there may be plenty in regard whereof Caesar ordained two Aediles whose imployment was onely to this purpose Also Augustus knowing of how great importance this is as Tacitus relates amongst other secrets of his government had alwaies a great jealousie of Aegypt from whence all the Corne for maintenance of plenty in Rome came and indeed both the one and the other understood it rightly because as the want thereof is apt to cause insurrections amongst the people as was often seen amongst the Israelites against Moyses who if God had not mightily protected him had oftentimes for this onely been in manifest danger so on the contrary the onely plenty of things is enough of it selfe to raise a man to the Empire As was seen at Rome when the City was so opprest with a dearth that the Citizens chose rather to die in the water of Tiber than to stay upon the Land and be starved with hunger And he that will see an example of this may consider how our Lord Jesus Christ having
fed a multitude that followed him in the Wildernesse he had presently the acclamations to be a King or a Prophet Illi ergo homines saith S. John cum vidissent quod Jesus fecerat signum that is of the bread and fish he gave them dicebant quia hic est vere Propheta qui venturus est in mundum Jesus ergo cum cognovisset quia venturi essent ut raperent eum facerent eum Regem fugit interim in montem but they another time desiting to eate asked him bread Domine semper da nobis panem bune and he at that time denying to give them temporall bread the multitude which before when he gave them meat had called him a Prophet and would have had him for their King now they call him a Carpenters sonne for no other cause but because he denied them corporall bread when he meant to set them at Gods owne Table Murmurabant ergo Judaei die illo quia dixisset ego 〈◊〉 panis 〈◊〉 qui de Caelo descendi dicebant nonne 〈◊〉 est 〈◊〉 Joseph cujus nos novimus patrem matrem For there is no such happinesse to the people as to have wherewith to fill their bellies Whereupon as S. Chrysostome observes in making mention of the miracles and stupendious Acts of Moyses they omitted all other though farre more marvellous and mentioned onely that of Manna Patres nostri 〈◊〉 Manna in deserto A Prince therefore must of necessity either maintaine plenty or else leave his Principality and specially one that comes newly to the Empire as Augustus did And therefore Esay Prophesying of one whom the Israelites should require to accept the Kingdome shewes that if they knew him not able to maintaine plenty they should not accept him In domo mea non 〈◊〉 panis nolite constituere me Regem super vos Being assured he could never hold his Principality with dearth as it hapned to Prometheus King of the Scythians who not being able to maintaine his people in plenty by reason the Land was overflowed with the River 〈◊〉 he was cast into Prison and because Hercules turned that River into the Sea and made the Country fruitfull the fable came up that an Eagle devoured the liver of Prometheus and that Hercules freed him Having shewed that Augustus in the beginning of his raigne wonne the people to him by procuring of plenty it will be necessary to shew how dearths happen and by what means they may be helpt and how farre the Prince is faulty in them A dearth may happen first from the barrennesse of the soile as it happened to the Israelites in the Wildernesse Secondly It may happen for want of Husbandmen to till the ground which if it were tilled would be very sufficient and have to spare as in times past it happened in Mesopotamia and in our time would often happen in the Sea coasts of Siena if the care of the Serenissimo the great Duke did not supply the want of Husbandmen Thirdly it may happen through abundance of people and smalnesse of Territory as in ancient time it would have happened at Rome and would in our time at Florence if the one had not then had the Countries of Aegypt and Sicilie for a Granary and the other had not now a gracious and provident Prince for a purveyour Fourthly it may happen through the sterility of the season and of the yeere as particularly this yeere 1621. Fifthly many times there are Husbandmen and land enough to till but is not tilled either by reason of warre or for some other cause as it happened at Rome not long after the banishment of the Tarquins the people as Livy relates by reason of dissentions with the Senate refusing to till their grounds in such sort that they wanted not much of dying for hunger Lastly it happens oftentimes either by reason of a siege as in Hierusalem where mothers did eate their owne children or through incursions of enemies as in Athens all the time of the civill warre And although in none of these cases any just blame can be laid upon the Prince yet it is his part to use all meanes with money diligence and power to make resistance against fortune nature and all accidents whatsoever In the first case I shall not need to trouble my selfe to shew how a dearth may be helpt in desart places seeing he might well be accounted a man without braine that would build a City in a Countrey altogether barren and though it were so with the Israelites yet their Tabernacles were for passage and not for habitation If it should happen in the second case that is for want of men where there is Land sufficient here the Prince must induce men to marry and draw in strangers to dwell in the Countrey the first will take effect if the course of Lycurgus be observed who seeking to make the City of Sparta populous allowed great exemptions to them that begot children or else if disburthening them of taxes as the Duke of Parma at this day doth in his State of Castro he shall give occasion that gathering wealth they may endeavour to have children to whom to leave it and by this course he shal be able to draw strangers also to come and live there For men run willingly even with danger of their lives where they see there is certaine present profit to be had never having a thought of a future and uncertaine death Wherof we have example in the State of Milan where in some places the ayre is so unwholsome that few of the inhabitants ever come to be forty yeeres old yet in these places men growing rich although they see this example daily before their eyes yet they choose rather to dwell there than in other places of wholsome ayre Another course also may be taken for this inconvenience by drawing thither a forraigne Nation as Antiochus did who causing two thousand families of Jewes to come and dwell in the Countries of Mesopotamia and Babylon as Josephus relates assighed them Land to till and places where to build and then exempting them for ten yeeres from tribute he lastly gave order they should have so much Corne given them as might serve them to live till their own should be reaped And lastly those who dwell in such ayre and in such Countries should indeed have no other burthens laid upon them but only the burthen of bringing up their children Pauperes satis stipendit pendere saith Livy si liberos educent But notlling prevailes so much to make a place populous as the Princes living there and so 〈◊〉 Hostilius did and we have experience of it at Petiglidho where whilst the Orsini that were Lords of it kept their residence it was infinitely fuller of people than it is at this day under the 〈◊〉 the great Duke of Thuscany though governed by him with admirable justice and clemency of so great importance is the presence of their naturall Lord that many times men had rather have
hope of his speedy recovery and this he continued so long till he might be provided of things needfull for accomplishing his purpose and that done he at one and the same time with one and the same voyce made known the death of Augustus and his owne assumption to the Empire We have in Tacitus another example very like to this of Agrippina the mother of Nero who upon certaine words she heard Claudius utter in his Wine that he meant to give the Empire to Britannicus she poysoned him and being dead she gave out there was good hope of his amendment untill she had made ready all things needfull for making Nero Emperour The words of Tacitus are these Vocabatur interim Senatus votaque pro incolumitate Principis Consules Sacerdotes nuncupabant cum jam exanimis vestibus fomentis obtegeretur dum res firmando Neronis Imperio componuntur Jam Agrippina velut dolore victa solatia conquirens tenere amplexu Britannicum veram Paterni oris effigiem appellare ac variis artibus demorari ne cubiculo egrederetur Antoniam quoque Octaviam sorores ejus attinuit ounctos aditus custodiis clauserat erebroque vulgabat ire in melius valetudinem Principis quo miles bona in spe ageret tempusque prosperum ex monitis Chaldaeorum attentaret Tunc medio diei tertio ante Idus Octobris foribus Palatii repente deductis Comitante Burrho Nero egreditur I have related these words of Tacitus at large as not able at this time to discourse upon them to the end that every one may see what devices Agrippina used at the death of Claudius to bring Nero to the Empire The very like course to this was taken by Servius Tullus in company of Tanaquill the wife of Tarquinius Priscus who seeing her husband wounded so dangerously that he was upon the point to die she shut the Court gates and gave out that the wound was but light and that in a few daies they should see the Prince abroad but that in the meane time he had commanded Servius Tullus to take his charge and to be obeyed as himselfe in person by this device Servius getting possession of the Royall authority was able in few daies so to setle himselfe in the Empire that it was an easie matter at one and the same time to make knowne that Tarquinius was dead and that himselfe was Emperour Which fact Livy relating saith Servius cum trabea lictoribus prodit ac sede Regia sedens alia decernit de aliis consulturum se esse Regem 〈◊〉 itaque per aliquos dies cum jam expirasset Tarquinius celata morte per speciem 〈◊〉 fungendâ—… vicis suas opes sirmavit tum 〈◊〉 palam facta ex comploratione in Regia orta Servius praesidio firmo munitus primum injussu populi voluntate Patrum Regnavit Also Arius Aper after he had secretly in a litter slaine Numerianus the sonne of the Emperour 〈◊〉 gave out in the Army enquiring where he was that for an infirmity in his eyes he kept him out of the wind intending first to accomodate his owne designes and then to publish Numerianus his death and if his plot succeeded not that was long of other occasions It is therefore no marvell that Tiberius following the course of Servius was able to attaine his end as well as Servius especially having many things to help him which to the other were wanting This therefore is an excellent way secure and worthy of imitation in Kingdomes that are not well setled and where the people are desirous of change for to suffer no Interregnum but in one and the same time to make knowne the death of the one and the assumption of the other is the onely meanes to hinder innovations The reason of this in my opinion is because as Waxe is more apt to take a forme when it is without any then when it hath a forme before seeing in the first case there needs but one action which is to imprint a new forme where in the second case there need two first to take away the old forme and then to bring in a new which certainly is double as difficult and therefore a certaine Philosopher would be doubly payed when he tooke one to teach that had been taught before because he must take double paines first to remove the false Images imprinted in the fantasie and then to bring in the true so a City to returne to our purpose being a matter that cannot consist without a forme it will be more easie to bring in it a new forme if it have none before then if it have and therefore if Tiberius had made knowne the death of Augustus before his owne assumption to the Empire the City had remained without a form consequently with small difficulty either the Senate or the people or the souldiers might have brought in another but comming at one and the same time to know both the one and the other the Empire seemed rather to change Prince then forme Our Lord God knew the Israelites to be a people Durae cervicis apt to rebell and desirous of innovations and therefore he called Moyses up to the Mount to the end they might not know of his death before they knew Josua the sonne of Nun to be his successour We may therefore conclude that this course of Tiberius is not to be blamed especially taken to a pious end Primum facinus Novi Principatus fuit Posthumi Agrippae caedes quem ignarum Inermemque quamvis firmatus animo Centurio aegre confecit Nihil de ea Re Tiberius apud Senatum disseruit Patris Jussa dissimulabat quibus praescripsisse Tribuno custodiae adposito ne contaretur Agrippam morte adsicere quandoâ—…ue ipse supremum diem explevisset That those men who possesse the state of another are but in a dangerous condition as long as any of the former Lords line remaine alive and what course is to be taken to free themselves from such danger The five and twentieth Discourse TIberius apprehended he could never live securely in the Empire if he made not away Agrippa For he being of the line of Augustus and neerer to the Crowne then himselfe a sierce man and of beastly conditions would alwaies be a refuge to the souldiers and people of Rome whenfoever they should fall into distast of their Prince and the rather for that he being a violent man and without judgement would never have stood upon danger but not fearing death it selfe would have ventured upon any occasion And these are the men who though but private men are to be feared of all and therefore Pomponius stood in feare of Titus Manlius Et quod haud minus timendum erat saith Livy stolide ferocem viribus suis cerneret This course of Tiberius hath for the most part beene followed by all Princes and Commonwealths in the changes of State when from one line it passeth to another the new alwaies extinguishing the old as though
he held him alwaies about himselfe in great honour and all succeeded exceeding well And in case all these courses seeme to be difficult either thorough the undanted spirit of him that was Lord before or by reason of the extraordinary affection the people beare him in this case the best course is to send them into banishment for some long time as the Pope did in Bolognia But to returne to our purpose Tiberius not without cause stood in feare of Agrippa which is plainely to be seen by this that not onely Agrippa but one onely servant forging and taken upon him his name was like to have raised no small insurrection in the people and Senatours of Rome and because Tiberius could not put this Agrippa to death without incurring an exceeding blot of cruelty he therefore had recourse to that remedy so much used by Princes which was to feigne that Augustus had commanded it So also did the Emperour Adrian who would have it beleeved that all the murthers he committed were done by his predecessours command which not onely abates the hatred and name of being cruell but converts it also into piety as done for executing the will of the dead And yet in this there would be no blame if such murthers were committed out of zeale of justice out of which zeale David being willing that Joab should be punished for two murthers and Semei for the injury he had done him to take away the hatred that for this might fall upon Salomon he commanded him at the time of his death to doe it to the end that he afterward putting it in execution might seem rather as in this indeed he was a just King and a pious executour of the will of his deceased father then a cruell Prince But because Ludovico Moro taking to him that state which belonged not to him by meanes of his Nephews death hath much resemblance to Tiberius I am willing to shew it a little more cleerely by a Parallell Augustus being dead Tiberius succeeded in the Empire and caused Agrippa Posthumus to be put to death to whom the succession of right belonged Ludovico Moro succeeded in the Dutchy of Milan and caused as it is beleeved John Galeozzo the true heire to whom that Dutchy of right belonged to be put to death Tiberius doubted that because Augustus was gone to visit Agrippa he would appoint him to be Emperour Ludovico Moro feared that because Charles the eighth was gone to visit John Galeozzo he would make him Duke of Milan Tiberius would have it beleeved that he was elected by the Senate and not through the wickednesse and plots of his mother Livia Ludovico Moro would have it beleeved that he was made Duke of Milan by the people for the good of the state and not through his owne villanies Tiberius made a shew as though he were unwilling to take upon him the Empire Moro also dissembled the like In one onely thing they differed that to the one it proved safety to the other ruine and it is that where Tiberius as soone as he came to the Empire he presently put Agrippa to death Ludovico stayed so long from putting his nephew to death that he was forced for putting it in execution to call in the King of France to his manifest and utter ruine A Parallell betweene Tiberius and Salomon The six and twentieth Discourse SEeing in these Discourses and particularly in the next before we have spoken of Tiberius and brought also many examples of Salomon I have thought it no unfit curiosity to compare them together Tiberius was borne of Livia who was taken by Augustus from Nero. Salomon was borne of Bersabee who was taken by David from Vrias Bersabee was with child although by David when he tooke her to wife Livia also was with child when she went to be married to Augustus Augustus had many neere of kinne to whom to leave the Empire as Agrippa for one David had his sonne Adoniah to whom by right of age as being the elder the Kingdome belonged Finally Augustus growne old at the suit of Livia appointed Tiberius to be his heire and David growne old at the perswasions of Bersabee ordained Salomon to succeed him Salomon being come to the Crown killed Adoniah to whom the right of it belonged Tiberius being come to the Empire caused Agrippa to be put to death who was rightfull heire of the Empire Both the one and the other governed with great judgement in the beginning but at last Salomon loosing Bersabee and Tiberius Livia both the one and the other plunged themselves into all kinds of lustfulnesse Whereupon there rebelled against Tiberius Sejanus the deerest servant he had and against Salomon Jeroboam the most inward friend he had Tiberius used to speake darkly Salomon also used the like speaking as may be seen by his Parables and Proverbs Nuntianti Centurioni ut mos Militiae factum esse quod imperasset neque imperasse sese rationem facti reddendam apud Senatum respondit Quod postquam Sallustius Crispus particeps Secretorum is ad Tribunum miserat codicillos comperit metuens ne reus subderetur juxta periculoso ficta seuvera promeret monuit Liviam ne arcana domus c. That it is a dangerous thing to obey Princes in services of cruelty and tyranny The seven and twentieth Discourse SAllust had taken order and provided all due means for putting Agrippa Posthumus to death by the commandement of Tiberius but he desirous to shew he had no hand in the fact denied to the Centurion who was the executioner of it that it was done by any command of his saying that for what he had done he must give account not to him but to the Senat. Which Sallust seeing and doubting least the mischiefe might fall upon his head Veritus as Justin saith speaking in the person of Arpagus in the like case 〈◊〉 infantis necati ultionem quam a patre non potuisset a ministro exigeret he began to counsell Livia Ne arcana Domus ne consilia amicorū ministeria militum vulgarentur The conceit of Tiberius was good that he would have as I imagine the Centurion goe to the Senate to tell them he had executed the Commandement of Augustus about the death of Agrippa but yet that of Sallust likes me better because there is no likelihood it would ever be beleeved that Augustus appointed the death of a Nephew for security of a son in law seeing as he could get nothing by it so he might loose much because the Prince shewing he cared not to have his death known there is no doubt but men would talke of it with more boldnesse from which talke there oftentimes grow ill affections against the Prince whereas if Tiberius had passed it as he did in silence it would not have come to many mens eares they that would have heard it would have kept it secret as knowing how dangerous a thing it is to discover talk of that which Princes would have
labour and to carry the yoake upon his shoulders Two things remaine to be advertised the one that when I say a Prince ought to doe all principall things himselfe I meane not things of the Law which consist in the judiciall part where onely particular things and of private interest are handled and have nothing to doe with the maine of the state but I meane it in the deliberative part where publique matters of the Kingdome are handled and such businesses in which consists the foundation of the state and therefore with good reason is by Aristotle preferred for the judiciall part Secondly and lastly I advertise that this my discourse is not meant of Princes that are unfit for as those Princes that are judicious cannot doe worse then to suffer themselves to be ruled by their ministers so those that are of little judgement cannot doe better then to do all things by faithfull and prudent ministers as Nero in his beginning did under Burrhus Seneca and Corbulo men fit to have ruled the whole World and whom as long as he imployed his state was so managed that justly a wise Emperour said no Prince how judicious and wise soever could possibly governe better then Nero at his beginning did but as soone as he left to be ruled by those worthy men it may as truely be said No Prince how foolish and wicked soever could possibly governe worse then Nero did Nam Tiberius cuncta per Consules incipiebat tanquam vetere Reipublica ambiguus Imperandi Why Tiberius made a shew he would not be Emperour and that to make Princes discover things they would have concealed is dangerous The one and thirtieth Discourse TIberius after the death of Augustus as though he were doubtfull to take upon him the Empire as a burthen too heavy for his shoulders made a shew he would restore it to the Commonwealth Se in partenâ—… onerum vocatum a Divo Augusto experiendo didicisse quam arduum quam subjectum fortunae Regendi cuncta onus But to the Praetorian souldiers he gave watchwords as Emperour Signum Praetoriis cohortibus ut imperator dederat Lastly he made it be spread in the Army that he was already elected Emperour by the Senate Dabat famae ut vocatus electusque potius a Republica videretur quam per uxorium ambitum senili adoptione irrepsisse And because these were three waies all of them in my opinion used with great mystery I will search into them a little narrowly First then Tiberius made a shew he would restore liberty whereof one reason Tacitus alledgeth where he saith Postea cognitum est ad introspiciendas Procerum voluntates inductam dubitationem as though he would say He was moved to doe thus thereby to see whether the chiefe men either desired liberty or otherwise distasted his Dominion to the end that comming to know every ones mind he might worke his owne ends and security accordingly This reason if Tacitus bring it as a popular reason may passe but if he bring it as the true intention of the Prince it is very unlikely as not at all suiting with Tiberius subtilty and if it be Tacitus his owne invention it comes farre short of his great wit For two kinds of Noblemen may be considered in the Senate The one of men eminent for judgement and valour the other of men little experienced and lesse witted If Tiberius had any doubt or feare it could be of none but of those eminent men for as for ther est either they will never dare to attempt any thing against the Prince or if they attempt never succeed And for this it is we said before that Augustus had great lucke to finde the City full of such men Cum ferocissimi per acies aut proscriptione cecidissent I say then that if any were moved to lay himselfe open and discover his mind upon Caesars words It must needs be they were of those of little judgement because men I say not of great but of any meane understanding would never be brought to beleeve that a man so greedy of the Empire and that by plots and wiles had procured his owne mothers death and the death of Augustus himselfe would after attaining it with so much labour relinquish it againe and restore them to liberty So that if Tiberius by this meanes did discover the mind of any Senatour it must needs be of those of whom as he could justly have no feare so it should be absurd without any benefit to take revenge For this cause Marcus Lepidus gave counsell in the Senate that Lutorius should not be put to death VitaLutorii in integroest qui neque servatus in periculum Reipublicae neque interfectus in exemplum ibit Studia illi ut plena vaecordiae ita inania fluxa sunt Nec quidquant grave ac serium ex eo metuas qui suorum ipse flagitiorum proditor non virorum animis sed muliercularum adrepit It is not therefore likely that Tiberius a man so wise and of so great judgement would ever be moved upon such slight grounds to cover his intention we must therefore looke out some other reason that may be more likely There were two things of which Tiberius might be afraid First of the Senate least not brooking his government they should rise in Armes against him secondly of Germanicus least having a powerfull Army in his hand and withall the favour of the people he should with a little danger prevent a succession that was uncertaine To meete therefore with both these difficulties he feigned in the Senate and with the people that he was unwilling to be Emperour to the end that if the Senatours should make any demonstration against him the people might beleeve they were not moved to it for the publik good but onely for their private hatred seeing to seeke to kill a Prince that would reftore liberty is a signe they love not liberty I would therefore construe it that when Tacitus said Vt introspiceret Procerum mentes he meant that Tiberius before he declared himselfe to accept the Empire desired to see first whether any in the Senate made any opposition that so as I have said before by using the name of liberty he might the better prevent such mischiefe and the rather as not having omitted any other essentiall things for strengthning of himselfe as I shall shew hereafter The second reason why Tiberius was moved to such feigning is set downe by Tacitus in those words Cansa praecipua ex formidine ne Germanicus in cujus manu tot legiones immensa sociorum auxilia mirus apud populum favor habere Imperium quam expectare mallet Tacitus then saith that Tiberius feigned to be unwilling to accept the Empire because he doubted Germanicus would pretend uâ—…to it in truth he that should take these words in an ordinary sense must needs make it one of the poorest reasons that can be given for what hath the not accepting the Empire to doe with
that Reputation upon himselfe and therefore Ioab said Ne ascribatur Nomini meo Victoria But if the Prince bee not willing to bee himselfe in such actions hee may yet with his onely being neere prevent all inconveniences by imploying one Generall still and himselfe in no danger imitating herein Moses who sending Iosua against the 〈◊〉 would not be himselfe farre off Egressus pugna contra Amalech ego stabo in vertice collis This course was a great help to Philip the second with the Duke of Alva From hence it is that as long as the Romans had warre neere home they never doubted any Generall of their Army but when they had warre farre off the Senate no more then the Prince not being able to follow the Army they then began to doubt and a while after it fell out as they doubted as it is in daily experience that Princes in warre neere home never make any doubt of their Generalls Moreover if hee be not in the Army he is sure to be safe and this I hold to be the most principall thing that can be because it would be much if a Prince carrying away as the Proverb is the Hide although he should loose his whole state and all his Army should not be able to finde meanes to come afresh upon the enemy as was seene in Massinissa in Iugurtha and in Ludovico Moro untill he was taken prisoner and would to God we might see no Examples of it in our times Howsoever whether Princes be in the Army or be not they shall doe well to looke to their owne safety It is then cleere that a Prince should have but one Generall and himselfe not to be farre off as we may learne from our Lord God who not onely is neere but in Essence in Presence and in Power is in all things and having made use of Michael the Aâ—…changell as his Generall in the first battaile as it is written in the Apocalyps Factum est 〈◊〉 magnuÌ„ in Coelo Michael Angeli ejus 〈◊〉 cum Dracone Draco pugnabat Angeli ejus non valuerunt neque locus inventus est eorum amplius in Coelo Hee will make use of him also in the last as may be gathered from Daniel In tempore autem illo speaking of Antichrist Consurget Michaell Princeps magnus qui stat pro filiis populi sui veniet tempus quale non fuit ab eo ex quo Gentes esse coeperunt usque ad tempus illud And thus much concerning a Prince Now Common-wealths in this point have greater difficulties There is a Politician that counsells they should send of their owne Citizens and he instances in Venice who making their Generalls Bartholmew of Bergamo and Nicholas Orsino Count of Pitigliano that were strangers they lost at Vayola in one battaile all they had gotten with infinite labours in eight hundred yeeres and another time saith he they were faine to put Carmignola another forreigne Generall to death I lay no blame upon this opinion but yet I commend rather that common-wealths should imploy such strangers to be their Generalls with whom for their owne security they may send a paire of the 〈◊〉 Senatours that they paying the Souldiers may not suffer the Souldiers love to be cast all upon the Generall and representing the Senat not suffer any thing to bee done without their consent This way is at this day used but is not new as that which was knowne in the time of the Carthagenians as farre as I can find by Polybius who shewes that Xantippus their Captaine would not strike batraile with the Romans untill he had 〈◊〉 their leave who were sent by the Carthagenian Senat. Xantippus accept â a Ducibus Carthaginensium potestate pugnandi copiam â—…ostibus facit The Example of the Romans in opposition to this is of no force because that was an Age not greedy of Dominion but when it cameto be so they then too well perceived how dangerous it was to put an Army into the hand of a Citizen as was seene in Marius in Sylla in Caesar the Dictatour in Anthony in Augustus and in a thousand others So also it would have been in Pompey if he had gotten the victory of Caesar Pompeius occultior said Tacitus non melior Secondly it availes not to say that the Venetians were forced to put Carmignola to death seeing the Romans also caused Scipio when they had banisht him to be put to death and it was their ruine they could not doe as much to Caesar being a much harder matter when a Generall is to bee put to death to put it in execution if he be a Citizen then if he be a stranger because a Citizen hath alwayes a Faction in the Senat that will defend him and therefore in Rome there was never any Generall put to death where a stranger as having none to stand for him will easily be oppressed as I shall shew hereafter Thirdly the example he brings of the defeat the Venetians had at Vayola is of noâ—… force seeing there are none that make warre that have not sometimes defeats and who ever had more then the Romans who though their Generalls were alwayes Citizens yet in three Defeats they had one at Trebia another at Cannae and another at 〈◊〉 they lost all they had I may say but onely the City of Rome which Hanniball after his victory at Cannae might have taken also and would not And if there were nothing else to make me be of this Opinion yet the Example at this day of the Common-wealth of Venice a City full of such excellent men would perswade me to it We have now shewed the best course that Princes or Common-wealths can take to secure themselves from their Generalls It remaines to shew what course Generalls may take to secure themselves from Common wealths Princes And because we have said that a Prince may doubt them either because they have not beene rewarded or by reason of the Glory they have gotten or thorough suspition which oftentimes Princes and Common-wealths doe vainely conceive I say The first of these is easily to be avoyded if the Generall shall shew himselfe to be without interest and not to care for any thing but the honour for by this meanes he shal keep the Prince from any jealousie in this behalfe and shall not precipitate himselfe into danger As concerning the second of Glory they shall doe well to imitate the Allmaines who as Tacitus relates used to attribute all the praise of their great atchievements wholly to their Princes And this precept a Generall may observe either by requiring the Prince to come when he sees a victory is certaine as Ioab did or if the Prince cannot come then to cause his name to bee called upon in the Army and to erect Trophies to him and therefore Germanicus knowing this after hee had subdued many Nations of Germany in the Title he published of them made mention onely of the Prince and of
himselfe said nothing at all Debellatis inter Rhenum Ablimque nationibus exercitum Tiberii Caesaris ea Monumenta Marti Iovi Augusto sacravisse De se nihil addidit metu invidiae an ratus 〈◊〉 facti satis esse and indeed there is nothing more pernitious to Generals then to ascribe victories to themselves This was it that brought Saul to hate David in his victory of the Philistine Gyant and it is indeed a great Vanity where there are manifest deeds to puff them up with words It was many times said to our Lord Christ Daemonium hahes and he answered Daemonium non 〈◊〉 another time when he had heased a blind man and it was said unto him Daemonium habes he made no 〈◊〉 at all because the worke he had done answered for him that hee had not a devill where therefore there are great workes it is needlesse to adde words The greatest difficulty of a Generall is to keepe himselfe from being suspected for this hath beâ—…ne the undoing of an infinite number of worthy Captaines amongst whom speaking of Princes was Corbulo One of the greatest souldiers the Romans ever had and speaking of Common-wealths Paullus Vitelli a famous Captaine of his time who onely upon suspition was by the Common-wealth of Florence beheaded A generall then may incurre danger in two things in sulpition and in death To prevent suspition bee cannot doe better then to use severity in the Army following the example of Hanniball rather then of Scipio and therefore Corbulo in his Beginning while he used Discipline Incurred no danger To this may be added that which we spake of before which is to shunne all vaine glory but because it is sometimes impossible not to incurre suspition the best instruction I can give in this point is to advertise in which of the two Services is the greater danger I say then that strangers shall runne more hazard by serving a Common-wealth then by serving a Prince and subjects shall runne more danger by serving a Prince then by serving a Common-wealth an example whereof we have given in Paullus Vitelli who being a stranger and serving a Common-wealth lost his life This made Xantippus who was generall of the Common-wealth of Carthage assoone as he had gotten one glorious victory against the Romans to leave the Army and returne home The reason of this distinction is in my opinion plaine because Generalls under a Prince either they have friends to defend them or they have not if they have not then they lye open to calumnies without any defense if they have then will the danger bee the greater because the Princes suspition will be the greater to see them have such friends and adherents in the City where if the Generall be a stranger there can bee had of him no such suspition Now if it bee in a Common-wealth the stranger having few adherents will bee little defended from the blowes of calumnies where the Citizen having his faction to protect and assist him will easily avoyd the danger at least of life And this is the reason Polybius brings why Xantippus after the victory he had gotten left the Army where he saith Nam praeclara facinora res a quocunque egregiè gestae magnam plerumque invidiam graves Calumnias conflare solent quiqus Cives quidem affinium ac amicorum multitudine freti facile resistunt hospites vero omnis praesidii expertes utroque malo quam celerrime conteruntur And where under a Prince to have Citizens to defend him is a dangerous thing the suspition encreasing with the defense under a Common-wealth it is a benefit to have part of those to take his part that may deliberate and therefore in the Common-wealth of Rome when they have not beene able to answer the Accusation yet they have beene able to scape death in such sort that for any misadventures in battailes or for any suspition of the people or of the 〈◊〉 I never could see any that incurred danger where under a Prince there may bee found a thousand examples Above all Generalls must take heed they take not courses against the nature of him they serve for in so doing they may bee sure they shall never bee well thought of for what they doe and besides with their owne danger they shall breed a jealousie in them they serve This had happened to Alvianus at Geradada if he had not beene taken Prisoner because being in the service of a Common-wealth so advised and wary in all their affaires hee by giving battaile so precipitaâ—…tly shewed he knew not at least observed not the nature or them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And therefore Corbulo as Tacitus relates venturing upon hazardous attempts under Claudius a timorous Prince not onely was blamed for it but was faine with little honour to himselfe and much 〈◊〉 of the Prince to leave the Army and withdraw himselfe Corbulo semina rebellionis praebebat ut laeta apud pleros que it a apud quosdam Sinistra fama Cur hostem conciret adversa in Rempublicum casura cum prospere egisset formidolosum paci virum in signem ignavo Principi praegravem Ideo Claudius adeo novam in Germanias Vim probibuit ut referri praesidia cis Rhenum Iuberet Dabat Famae ut Vocatus Electusque potius a Republica videretur quum per uxorium ambitum senili adoptione irrepsisse Of Succession and Election The three and thirtieth Discourse BY occasion that Tiberius would rather have it bee thought he was chosen Emperour by the Senat then by Augustus we thinke fit to examine these points when Election is good and when succession and lastly which of them is the better To begin with the last because upon this the other depend there are many of opinion that Election is the better which they say may be proved by Examples by reasons By examples because of all the many Emperours that Rome had if any were ever good they were those that came in by Election and if we looke into the holy Scripture we shall finde that the Judges came no sooner to be by succession but they ended in the sonnes of Samuell and the Regall Dignity assoone as it came to be by succession presently became a Tyranny beginning in Salomon and Encreasing in Roboam who were not Elected as Saul and David were Then againe by reason it may be proved because Election is in our owne power where succession is in the power of Fortune which though it may sometimes give a good Prince yet it cannot continue to doe it so long but that at last as Aristotle observes It will give a had who alone is enough to overthrow all the good his Predecessours had done To this may be added that successours are alwayes full of domineering pride which makes them beleeve they are greater then ever their Ancestours were and having had no part nor labour in acquiring the Kingdome they little care for conserving the Kingdome and lastly having honour and glory enough
the Senat be at concord with the people then no doubt the Election will be excellent as being made by a number of understanding men and therefore we see that Numa Pompilius who was thus chosen proved one of the best Kings the Romans ever had there concurring in his Election the choyce of the Senat and consent of the people It is true such Election is hardly made because few would like to 〈◊〉 another to that degree which hee aymes at himselfe And if any man should object that it proves well in Venice where the Election of their Duke is alwayes made by the Senat I would answer taking no notice of the kind of that Dignity that this happens because that Election is made by most understanding men who ayme more at the Common-wealths profit then at their own But if the Senat or Magistrate that is to make the Election be it selfe corrupt wee may then expect a choyce betweene good and bad because a very good one they would not choose for feare least out of his precisenesse he should reforme many things to the undoing of the wicked and a very bad one they would not choose for feare least hee should be the undoing of the Kingdome To which purpose are those words of Tacitus Exoptimis periculum sibi expessimis dedecus publicum metuebat I here advertise that neither the Reasons alleadged at first nor yet this last are in any opposition to the Kingdomes that are at this day whereof the greatest part goes by succession for there is great difference betweene speaking of times in which were Tyrants and times in which are civill Princes who have so many Counsells so many orders and Consultations that it is impossible but they must governe well No man therefore ought to take my Discourse as a taxing of Princes in these times but whether it be Election or succession I hold that way alwayes to be best in a City which hath formerly beene used Lastly for resolution of those Arguments which in the beginning were brought against Election Those against succession being tacitely already answered I say that either wee speake of choosing a private man to bee Prince and then those difficulties will bein force or else we speake of choosing one who is already mounted to the height of a Prince and then those difficulties will be laid asseepe and this we see notably observed at this day in places of Election as in creation of the Pope which can never fall upon a person that is not first a Cardinall It being fit that one should first come out from Equality before he should rise to the highest degree of superiority and that he should first be taken into part of affaires who is to come afterward to governe the whole So likewise in Election of the Emperours we see alwayes Princes of such blood to be chosen that comming to the Empyre they seeme not to come to any new greatnesse Tiberius therefore to come to our purpose having beene chosen by Augustus that was a Tyrant had reason to have it beleeved that he was chosen by the Senat rather then by old Augustus Comparatione deterrima or per 〈◊〉 ambitum but if Augustus had beene an excellent King I beleeve hee would then have rather had it thought that he was chosen by the Prince So did Salomon who comming to the Crowne after David would have it knowne that hee was made successour by his father Vt notum fiat universo Populo Regem eum a Patre Declaratum Nihil primo Senatus die agi passus nisi de supremis Augusti cujus Testamentum inlatum per virgines Vestae Tiberium Liviam haeredes habuit Livia in familiam Juliam Nomenque Augustae adsumebatur In spem secundam Nepotes Pronepotesque Tertio gradu Primores Civitatis Scripserat plerosque invisos sibi sed Jactantia gloriaque ad Posteros Whether Tiberius did ill in causing Augustus his will to bee read and why Augustus in the third place made many his heires that were his Enemies The foure and thirtieth discourse ONe of the first things that Tiberius did in the Senat was the causing Augustus his will to be read where Livia and himselfe were made his heires in the first place In the second his Nephewes and Grand-children In the third place the principall men of the City many of whom were known to be his enemies In this there are two things wee may wonder at one that Tiberius would have this will of Augustus to bee read openly the other that Augustus had set many in his will that were his Enemies Beginning with the first I say that Tiberius not belonging to Augustus by any respect of blood but onely by being his Sonne in law to be preferd by Augustus will before Agrippa Posthumus that was his Nephew to whom by Right of kinred the Empyre belonged It seemes that in true politick consideration Tiberius did ill to cause a thing so odious to be published which he ought rather if it had beene possible to have hidden as was seene in Claudius who by his Testament making his Sonne in Law Nero his heire and preferring him before Britannicus his true and legitimate Sonne Agrippina a suttle woman after the death of Claudius would not suffer his will to be read least the people should mutiny to see a sonne in Law preferd before a Sonne I estamentum tamen haud recitatum Ne antepositus filio privignus Injuria Jnvidia animos vulgiturbaret By this example related by the same Tacitus we must necessarily say that one of them either Agrippina or Tiberius did ill or else we must bee driven to shew some difference betweene these two cases which may be and is in many things First because Britannicus was Claudius his Sonne and Agrippa Augustus his Nephew but by the line of women Secondly because Agrippa was farre off and perhaps dead when Augustus his will was read Britannicus was living and present there in Rome and so by his presence might have given occasion to the people of making in 〈◊〉 which Tiberius needed not to feare and lastly Tiberius was a man of ripe age experienced in the warres and conversant in affaires of state where Nero was but a child had hitherto given no proofe of himselfe at all and besides it caused much lesse envy to see a Sonne in Law of so excellent qualities preferred before a Nephew rude and foolish and full of Indignation then it would have done to see a rude Sonne in Law preferd before a Sonne of so great expectation and because to be made heire by the former Prince is a great helpe for being accepted by the Subjects as by the Example of Salomon and others I have elsewhere shewed Tiberius knowing that those things would be no trouble to him which to Nero would have been pernicious he therefore did very wisely and with great Judgement to make it knowne to all men that Augustus by his will had left him his heire The other
another sense in the Hebrew is rendred in Latin Lucem vultus mei non abiiciebant that is they despised not my mirth So as Feare is so necessary that Domitian although terrible to the Senat as governing with feare yet after his death he was wished for againe of all men seeing with that feare he kept his owne officers in awe whereupon it happens sometimes to bee worse for a Prince with too much mildnesse to make himselfe be loved and therefore the Kingdome of France under Charles the simple and Charles the grosse was as an Authour writes most miserable on the contrary at the end of Francis the first it was a flourishing Kingdome although they were milde and he a sharpe and terrible King afterward againe in the time of Henry his sonne a most gentle Prince the treasury was all wasted Pertinax and Heliogabalus with their mildnesse had brought the Empire almost to ruine when afterward Severus Africanus and Alexander Severus raised it up againe with incomparable Severity It is not therefore enough for a Prince to be loved but hee must be feared also Concerning the second point which is that feare alone is pernicious to a Prince is easily proved first from that place in Genesis where Noe with his sonnes going out of the Arke our Lord God said unto him Tremor Timor vester sit super cuncta Animalia terrae as though he would say you must make your selves be feared of beasts not of men And therefore Moyses comming downe from the Mount with a horny splendour and finding that it made his face strike the people into feare he covered it with a vaile whereby he shewes plainely that a Prince ought not to make himselfe onely to befeared This also our Lord Christ shewes who amongst the first precepts he gave his Apostles gave this for one that they should carry no Rod with them where S. Ambrose well observes that a Prince ought to governe more with love then feare And in another place he saith David Rex cum omnibus aequabatsuam militiam fortis in praelio mansuetus in Imperio Ideo non cecidit quia charus fuit 〈◊〉 diligi a subjectis quam timeri maluit Timor enim temporalis tutaminis servat excubias nescit diuturnitatis custodiam And therefore it is said in the Psalme Memento Domine David omnis mansuetudinis ejus Whereupon S. Bernard upon those words of the Canticles Dilectus meus mihi ego illi qui pascitur inter Lilia amongst those Lillies where the Spouse feedeth reckons gentlenesse and love by which he reigned Specie tua saith the Prophet pulchritudine tua intende prosperè procede Regna Therefore love alone is not good because it causeth contempt and feare alone is not good because it begets hatred This the Ancients meant to signifie by the Fable of Jupiter who at the Frogs desire to have a King gave them a Blocke and he not stirring the Frogs despised him whereupon Jupiter changed their King and gave them a Storke but he eating them up they hated him more then they despised the other by this they meant to shew that a King should not be so gentle to have more of the blocke then of the man nor yet so severe as to resemble a beast in sucking the blood of his Cittizens A Prince therefore ought to joyne the one with the other which how easie and necessary it is may easily be knowne if we distinguish feare into two kinds one a feare which is but a reverence as a filiall feare is whereof the holy Text in Job saith Vir rectus timens Deum The other a feare which is a terrour and this is that feare which Adam had when he heard the voyce of our Lord God Adam ubies and he answering said Vocem â—…uam Domine audivi abscondime timui quia nudus essem Secondly we must distinguish of men that some are perfect and some unperfect which is common also to all Cities whether great or small I say then that if the men be imperfect it is fit to make them feare not the filiall but the servile feare and therefore Esay saith Sola vexatio tantum dabit intellectum auditui and Jeremy Per omne flagellum dolorem erudieris Hierusalem And Salomon in his Proverbs saith In labiis sapientis invenitur sapientia virga in Dorso ejus qui indiget corde by the Rod is meant feare and by Ejus qui indiget corde are meant the wicked who are said to be without heart as Osee the Prophet saith Factus est Ephraim quasi Columba seducta non habens cor With these men therefore it is fit to use a Rod of Iron to make them feare being the onely meanes to returne the heart into its place The Ninivites had removed their hearts out of their proper places and our Lord God with his Rod Ad quadraginta dies Ninive subvertetur brought them againe into their right places Because as Aristotle in his Physicks saith Every thing that is made proceeds from its like but every thing that is borne from its contrary Quodlibernon non fit a quolibit sed a suo contrario So to beget love where it is not we must not use Love but its contrary which is feare and as in Generation the Contrary departs when the thing is generated so when Love is once generated the feare departs whereupon Saint Bernard and Saint Austin Compare feare to the Needle and love to the Thread because the Needle brings in the threed and having brought it in departs away A Prince therefore ought to make himselfe be feared even with Servile feare by the wicked It remaines to shew how a Prince ought to carry himselfe towards men that are good and perfect but having shewed before that love alone begets contempt and feare hatred it is fit he make himselfe be loved and feared both at one time but not with that servile Feare which for the most part is cause of Rebellions as was seene at the time when our Lord God appeared to the Jsraelites upon the Mount which begetting in them a great feare there followed a Rebellion but with that fâ—…are which is a vertue For knowing of which feare it is to be knowne that feare may have two objects the one is some terrible mischiefe the other is the Person who hath power to doe the mischiefe as Saint Thomas saith and because our purpose is not in this place to speake of the first object but onely of the second as speaking of a Prince I say that he may be considered in as much as he hath power to hurt or in as much as he hath will to hurt if we consider him in as much as he hath will to hurt in this manner he ought not to make himselfe be feared but leave the subjects to feare him of themselves So our Lord God would be feared and not be feared So Saint Paul to the Philippians saith Cum metu tremore vestram
post te hunc quafi Regem sequetur populus non alium Besides Tiberius had gotten the hearts of the Praetorian Souldiers and to make a Prince be accepted it is a matter of great importance to come accompanied with the guard of the deceased King and therefore the Holy Scripture in the Book of Kings reckoning those up who went with Salomon makes mention of the Captaine of the Guard with his Souldiers Dâ—…scendit Sadoc Sacerdos Nathan Propheta Banaias filius Iehojadae Cerethi Pheleti Whereupon David said a little before to Sadoc and Banaia sending them to Salomon Tollite vobiscum servos Domini vestri meaning they should take with them the Souldiers of his Guard To all these difficulties may be added the knowledge Germanicus had of Tiberius to be a man of excellent vertue and of singular wisedome Maturum annis spectatum bello which things all together made the difficulty so great that I cannot chuse but beleeve Germanicus refused the Empire as Claudius Pompeianus did when it was offered him Sed ille recusavit quia Imperatorem Pertinacem videbat So Scipio the Carthaginian when he was proclaimed King by the Army of Spaine would not accept it Quia Rome intolerabile nomen Regium erat It is therefore no marvell that Germanicus entred into choller upon it seeing to ascend to the Empire is a thing that requires two extreames either to shew himselfe desirous and at the same time to be neare at hand for procuring it or else to shew himselfe wholly averse from it not onely in effects but in desire because they who stand farre off in effects and neare hand with desire easily in a little time come to ruine Esse privatis cogitationibus progressum saith Tacitus prout velint plus minusve sumi ex fortuna imperium cupientibus nihil medium inter summa aut praecipitia Christ our Saviour was as farre from desiring to be a worldly King as could be and therefore being called to be a King by the people hee presently got himselfe farre off from the multitude because his houre being not yet come in which hee meant to expose himselfe to die hee knew it stood him upon to avoyde such apparence and more as Robert Abbat observes our Lord Christ never spake of his being a King till the time of his Passion knowing that the very name of a King carries death with it If Germanicus had done thus after he had quieted the mutinies of the Army had returned to Rome and had left the Legions behind that had called him Emperour he had then freed Tiberius from suspition who understanding the inclination of the Army could not chuse but be in continuall feare least the Empire should be taken from him Whereupon knowing the danger he stood in he was not willing that Germanicus should conquer Germany least having once made himselfe Lord of that Country he should doe as Caesar did having conquered France Seeing victorious Armies are formidable and invincible things and in this case the more Germanicus being much more like to Caesar then to Cato the one as Salust saith aspiring to the Empire the other desirous to preserve the Common-wealth betweene themselves both like and unlike like in Age in Eloquence in noblenesse of minde and finally in glory but unlike in this that Caesar made himselfe famous by his services and curtesies Cato by sincerity and holinesse of life Caesar got him a name with being gentle and mercifull Cato by being severe and sterne He by giving by helping by pardoning came to be famous This by finding fault with Donatives and by not pardoning any nor so much as himselfe came to be adored Cato was the scourge of the wicked and Caesar the refuge Caesar was commended for affabilitie and Cato for constancy and because Caesar aspired to the Empire and Cato was alwayes a good Cittizen we may therefore say that the manners of Cato ought to be imitated of those that are not ambitious and the manners of Caesar of those that are and therefore seeing Germanicus as may be gathered by his life had all those manners and fashions of Caesar I cannot but conclude but that his ambition was to aspire to the Empire So as indeed hee was not well advised to take such courses and give Donatives to the Souldiers Quibus nisi ab Imperatore neque praemia accipere par esset as Tacitus in the second of his Annals saith where we may see that Tiberius knew well of what great importance Donatives are to corrupt the Souldiers Secondly Germanicus was not well advised to procure the applause of the Legions with such artifice as he did and then mannage it onely with curtesie and love which perhaps I should not blame if hee had beene Lord of Rome but seeing not onely he was not Lord but was suspected of him that was Lord hee should not have used the Souldiers with such plausiblenesse as hee did And it availes not to say that if he would do any good in Germany it behoved him to procure the love of the Army seeing he might have done as much good with feare as hee did with love and never have put the Prince into jealousie and Generalls in warre proceed and prosper as well with the one as the other Scipio Africanus prospered with love and Hannibal with feare The course of Scipio will alwayes doe well where the Commander is Prince at least if he can avoid contempt a companion oftentimes of mildnesse and indeed Scipio by his mildnesse fell so farre in contempt that if at last he had not turned his course to a way of feare he had beene in danger to bee utterly undone I have the more willingly used the example of Scipio in this case because indeed in many things hee was most like Germanicus As Scipio was sent into Africk where his father had mannaged the warre before so Germanicus was sent into Germany and might follow the steps of his father Drusus who had beene there before Scipio was a young man of most goodly presence and Germanicus a young man of most beautifull aspect The one and the other of most pleasing carriage towards confederates towards friends enemies Against Germanicus the Legions in Germany rebelled upon the death of Augustus against Scipio the Armies in Spaine rebelled upon the false report of his death both of them tooke the same course for reducing the Armies to obedience and both of them were blamed for it Germanicus by Tiberius as a corrupter of the Army Scipio by Fabius Maximus for the like Natum eum ad corrumpendam Disciplinam arguere sic in Hispania plus propter seditionem militum quam bellum amissum Each of them was more able to commit no errours themselves then to correct the errours committed by others Both of them victorious in battailes and as Scipio at last made the Senate suspect hee meant to make himselfe Lord of Rome so Germanicus made Tiberius suspect he meant to make
be taken The six and fortieth 〈◊〉 Germanicus returning from collecting the taxes found the Legions in mutiny demanding that the veteran souldiers might have leave to go home and to have their pay increased and also to have the Legacy left them by Augustus and he to quiet them yeelded to many of their demands for which he was by many much blamed as in the vvords here alleaged appeares By occasion vvhereof vve purpose to examine vvhat courses are fit to be taken vvhen Armies are in Rebellion I say then that all mutinies and insurrections require not one kinde of Remedy but according to the divers times in vvhich they happen to the divers occasions upon vvhich they happen and lastly to the di vers Captaines under vvhom they happen a divers remedy is to be applied For if the Generall be a man of vvhom the Army stands in avve he may expose himselfe to any danger vvithout any danger and have all things succeed vvell The Macedonians in Afia being quite tired with the War and far from their Counâ—…ry fell to mutiny under Alexander Magnus standing upon the like termes as they in Germany did where Cicatrices ex vulneribus verberum notas exprobrant so here Omnes fimul missionem postulare coeperunt deformia or a cicatricibus canitiemque capitum ostentantes whereupon Alexander calling the souldiers together to hear him speak no sooner ended his speech but he thrust into the midst of those infuriated beasts and caused the most insolent of them to be taken and not a man of them durst offer to make resistance Defiluit deinde saith Quintus Curtius frendens de Tribunali in medium armatorum agmen se immifit notatos quoque qui ferocissime oblocuti erant fingulos manu corripuit nec ausos repugnare tredecim asservandos custodibus corporis tradidit quis crederet saevam paulo ante concionem obtorpuisse subito metu cum ad supplicium videret trahi nihil ausos graviora quam caeteros And thus this brave Resolution in a Generall of whom they stood in fear sufficed to pacifie this great insurrection But if a Captain be onely loved and not feared let him never put himselfe upon such adventure or thinke in such sort to cyment the matter for it will undoubtedly be his death whereupon we see that Germanicus though he exposed himselfe to no danger yet was not far from losing his life as by reading Tacitus we may perceive And the reason of this difference is because as Choller overcomes Love so Fear overcomes Choller which as Aristotle saith being with hope of Revenge as far as is possible that Hope is taken away by Fear and in the place of it enters Sorrow as Avicen excellently shews in his Book De Anima And for this cause also it happens that more Armies mutiny under Captaines that are loved than under Captaines that are feared as was seen in the Army of Alexander the Great and in that of Annibal Captaines that were feared the contrary in the Army of 〈◊〉 and in that of Scipio Captaines that were loved It is very clear that Germanicus was never able to take any of these violent Resolutions yet I commend not the course he took to pacifie the mutiny of his Army by yeelding to them in so many things because being suspected of the Prince any course had been fitter for him than this by which he corrupted military discipline and by giving of his own he as it were bought the Army and therefore where Tiberius heard in what manner he had pacified them it troubled him not a little Nuntiata ea Tiberium laetitia curaque adfecere gaudebat oppressam seditionem sed quod largiendis pecuniis missione festinata favorem militum quaesivisset bellica quoque gloria Germanici augebatur And so much more as there wanted not other wayes to have appeased the sedition and the first way for him being so well beloved had been that which in matters of love is of such force and that is by making them jealous he would leave them and go to some other Army shewing how little he regarded this mutinous Army and in truth if any notice might have been taken of such conditionall propositions I verily thinke the sedition by it selfe only would have bin appeasâ—…d and there are two things that move me to thinke so One the Example of Alexander the Great who in a mutiny making shew as though he regarded not his Macedon souldiers by taking Persians for the Guard of his Body and doing them other Honours all the Macedonians prostrated themselves and in most humble manner sued unto him whereof Quintus Curtius saith Postquam vero cognitum est Perses ducatus datos barbaros in varios ordines distributos atque Macedonica iis imposita nomina se vero ignominiose penitus rejectos esse non jam amplius conceptum animis dolorem perferre potuerunt sed concursu in Regiam facto interiori duntaxat retenta tunica arma ante januam poenitentiae signum projecerunt ac prae foribus stantes intromitti se sibique ignosci suppliciter atque flentes orabant utque Rex suppliciis suis potius saturet se quam contumeliis ipsos nisi venia impetrata non discessuros See here the fruit of jealousie The second thing that makes me beleeve this way would have succeeded well with Germanicus is the Example we have in the very mutiny it selfe of the same Army wherein when the granting them so many things would not yet pacifie the sedition then Germanicus not to this end but to set them out of danger was sending away his Wife and Children to be out of the reach of this tumultuous Army which the souldiers perceiving and thereupon growing jealous that any other strange people should keep their Captaines Wife safer than Roman Legions to the end he should not send her away they presently grew quiet Sed nihil aequè flexit saith Tacitus quam invidia in Treueros orant obsistunt rediret maneret pars Agrippinae occursantes plurimi ad Germanicum regressi And if the departing of his Wife onely could prevail so much what jealousie would they have had at the departing of their beloved Captain certainly without making them any other promises this alone would have pacified the sedition and in case this jealousie alone had not been sufficient he might then have gone to the other Army and sent messengers to let them know that if they delivered not up into his hands the heads of the Rebellion he would come and cut them in pieces good and bad a thing which without doubt would have done much good as was seen when at last he was forced to use such termes with his souldiers under Caeciua At Germanicus quanquam contracto exercitu parata in defectores ultione dandum adhuc spatium ratus si recenti exemplo 〈◊〉 ipsi consulerent praemittit literas ad Caecinam venire se valida manu ac ni supplicium in malos praesumant
〈◊〉 minus turbidos imperia accipientes The Nolani also seeing the people bent to take part with Hanniball seigned themselves to be of the same opinion and by this means gained time till Marcellus came Vbi Senatum metus accepit si palam contra tenderent resisti multitudini concitatae non posse clam 〈◊〉 dilationem mali inveniunt placere enim fibi defectionem ad Annibalem simulant This in truth is an exquisite way when a peo ple cannot be mastered then to second them because being not suspected they may doe much good an example hereof we have in the first booke of Tacitus of that Clement the Centurion who speaking to the Army said not doe you and say you but let us doe and let us say thereby to shew he was interessed as well as they Quanquam filium Imperatoris obsidebimus quis certaminum finis Percennioni Vibuleno sacramentum dicturi sumus Seeing then Germanicus had so many wayes availeable to appease the Insurrection and he made use of the worst I cannot but think he was either very unadvised or very malicious Having now distinguished the Captaines it remaines for performance of my offer to distinguish the occasions and the times The occasions then may in part be just or wholly unjust Of the first kinde are want of Pay want of Victuals and such like and in such insurrections it is necessary if hee can to give the Souldiers satisfaction if hee cannot to shew at least that he is not any cause of the want and if it be in default of Victuals the Captaine shall doe well to eate in publike of the same meates that others eate to shew that hee himselfe suffers as well as the Army This way hath often beene used and alwayes with good successe The occasions that are unjust are wont to happen either out of some sudden anger upon denyall of some particular demand or else out of hatred and a resolution not to serve In the first case it is no doubt more easie to pacifie an Insurrection then in the second because hatred is much more durable and incurable then anger is as that which growes from a more durable occasion then anger doth that growing out of a habit and this out of passion and as a passion passeth away sooner then a disposition or a habit so anger is sooner passed over and gone then hatred Besides it is also much the worse because 〈◊〉 wisheth an enemy evill as it is evill where hee that is angry wisheth an enemy evill but not as evill but Sub ratione boni to use this terme esteeming the evill to be just as being vindicative and seeing it is manifest according to Saint Thomas that to wish evill under the colour of good hath lesse evill in it then to wish evill simply it followes that hatred is not only of more continuance but of a worse condition also then anger is In the first case then that is of anger a valiant Captaine shall either by temporizing or else by bold opposition which is indeed more becoming a generous spirit easily appease them The Legions in Germany under Flaccus Ordeonius were in mutiny and would kill the Captaine for putting a Souldier in prison whereupon Vocula Legat of a Legion being a bold and couragious Captaine gave order the prisoner should be put to death which so affrighted the Souldiers that they were presently quiet for indeed it is the nature of common people if they feare not others they will make others feare them but if they feare they will be as quiet as Lambes and a childe may beat them according to that place of Tacitus Terrere ni paveant ubi pertimuerint impune contemni And sometimes they love a man the better for making them feare as admiring the greatnesse of his spirit whereupon we see that those Legions after that Vocula had put the Souldier to death would have him to be their Captaine Conscendit Tribunal Vocula saith Tacitus mira constantia prehensumque militem ac vociferantem duci ad supplicium jussit Et dum mali pavent optimus quis que jussis paruere Exin consensu Ducem Voculam poscentibus Flaccus summam rerum ei permisit Another time those Legions mutinying again tooke that Flaccus Ordeonius and bound him but upon the comming of Vocula they presently unbound him and Vocula meaning to punish this disorder forbore for a time till their choler were over by which means the day following he eafily put to death the Authours of the mutiny Is postera die authores seditionis morte affecit tanta illi exercitui diverfitas inerat licentiae patientiaeque But if the occasion grow from hatred and from a resolution to serve no longer I then see not any way there is to pacifie it because if they demand Pay or such like they doe it to this end that being denied it they may have colour for their insurrection and to grant them that which they demand is to give them occasion to aske afterward things impossible This very thing happened to Flaccus who having sent certaine companies of Batavians towards Rome and they by the way receiving Letters from Civilis fell to demand a thousand impertinencies of which when Flaccus had granted them a part they then tooke occafion to demand farre greater Iisdem diebus Batavorum Caninefatium cobortes cum jussu Vitelli in urbem pergerent missus à Civile nuntius assequitur Intumuere statim superbia ferociaque pretium itineris Donativum duplex stipendium augeri equitum numerum promissa sanè à Vitellio postulabant non ut assequerentur sed causam seditioni Et Flaccus multa concedendo nihil aliud effecerat quam ut acrius exposcerent quae sciebant negaturum The like befell the Carthagenians whose rebelling Souldiers finding many of their demands granted they became more insolent then before for it is not alwayes true that Humilitie is opposite to Pride but sometimes and particularly in this case Humility makes the Pride the greater such men thinking that whatsoever is granted them is not granted them out of humanity but out of feare and thereupon taking heart they grow to demand farre greater matters This those Senatours in Livy meant to inferre when they said Certum habere majores quoque si divinassent concedendo omnia non mitiorem in se plebem sed asperiorem alia ex aliis iniquiora postulando cum prima impetrasset And Tacitus also when in the life of Agricola he saith Nihil profici patientia nifi ut graviora 〈◊〉 ex faoili tolerantibus imperentur Whereupon against such there is no better way then to shew teeth as the Italian Proverbe is which is to be rough with them seeing it is easie for one to make himselfe be feared if from being vilified before thorough mildnesse he suddenly contrary to expectation alter his countenance and looke bigge There is another way also that may be used and it is to goe gaining of time so long
therefore when after the Romans had entred Afia and had gotten some victories an Ambassador comming to Scipio from Antiochus to demand peace he was answered by Scipio Quod Romanos omnes quod me ad quem missus es ignoras minus miror cum te fortunam ejus à quo venis ignorare cernam Lyfimachia tenenda erat ne Chersonesum intraremus aut ad Hellespontum obfistendum ne in Afiam trajiceremus fi pacem à sollicitis de belli eventu petituri eratis concesso vero in Afiam tranfitu non solum fraenis sed etiam jugo accepto quae disceptatio ex aequo cum imperium patiendum fit relicta est And finally he gave him this counsell Nuntia meis verbis bello abstineat pacis conditionem nullam recuset For this cause the Etolians did ill to speak so boldly after they were brought to the last cast and that they would not accept of such conditions of peace as the Romans offered them seeing it is a meer foolery to stand upon termes with a Conquerour as they at last perceived when the Consul bringing out his Forces they were glad to humble themselves and abate their boldnesse Tunc fracta Phaneae ferocia Aetolisque aliis est tandem cujus conditionis essent sensere Phaneas se quidem qui adfint Aetolorum scire facienda esse quae imperentur There is therefore in such cases no better course than to lay conditioning aside and to put ones selfe into the victors hand who no doubt will remit the more when he findes it is left in his power to do it so Alorcus counselled the Saguntines to do that seeing they had now no hope left they should rather put themselves into the victors hand than stand upon conditioning Haud despero cum omnium potestas ei à vobis facta fit aliquid ex his rebus remissurum which when the Saguntines would not do they were all put to fire and sword I cannot omit by way of digression to speak of a custome the Romans had which at first sight seemes to have been a great errour and it is that they offered the same conditions of peace in the uncertain beginning of a War as after they had gotten an absolute victory as by the answer of Scipio to the Ambassadours of Aniochus may appear Romani ex his quae in deorum immortalium potestate erant ea habemus quae dii dederunt animos qui nostrae mentis sunt eosdem in omni fortuna gessimus gerimusgque neque eos secundae res extulerunt nec adversae minuerunt ejus rei ut alios omittam Annibalem vestrum vobis darem testem nifi vos ipsos dare possem posteaquam Hellespontum trajecimus prius quam castra regia prius quam aciem videremus cum communis Mars incertus belli eventus esset de pace vobis agentibus quas pares paribus forebamus conditiones easdem nunc victores victis ferimus This way of doing served it seemes to no other purpose but to encourage their Enemies to cyment their fortune till they should be brought to extremity and I make no doubt but that Antiochus having before him the Example of the Carthaginians would never be brought to accept conditions of peace till he was brought upon his knees with the War To take away this difficulty it would not suffice to answer as Scipio said that it came from generousnesse of spirit that they altered not for fortune seeing little praise can be given to such a dangerous and prejudiciall Generousnesse and therefore I should rather attribute the cause to too great a greedinesse of getting that which is anothers seeing the Romans made war with Antiochus and with the Carthaginians as thinking they could not be quiet if the one were Lord of this side the mountain Taurus and the other were possest of Africke and this being their motive there is no doubt but the War would neverend till they had triumphed both over Africa and over Asia Whereupon when War is waged with such people we must make account either to get the victory or otherwise to be absolutely destroyed and therefore when Samuel meant to shew Saul that God intended to root out his House to the end he might know he would not pardon him till he were utterly destroyed he called our Lord God by the Name of Triumpher Porro Triumphator in Israel non parcet as though he would say as they who fight to triumph do not pardon till they have utterly destroyed their Enemies so O Saul will our Lord God do with thee But to returne to our purpose if they who would come to amity were friends before and are afterward become Enemies they must then come with blushing and with great humblenesse at least if they can shevv no just occasion but let them not then stay til they come to extremity for then they vvil never be accepted therefore the Capuans did ill not to open their Gates to the Romans vvithin the time given them for vvhen they vvere come to extremity it availed not then to open their Gates but all of them vvere miserably put to the svvord The last case is of him that demands amity and comes to excuse himselfe as having never committed any fault alvvayes really been a friend and never done them any vvrong and such an one may or rather must speak boldly Such a one vvas Segestes vvho speaking of himselfe Memoria bonae societatis impavidus never asked pardon Such then may speak vvith confidence and ought to be hearkened to of the Prince vvith patience and this vvay vvas a great helpe to Terentius in Tacitus vvho being accused for having had friendship with Sejanus he confessed it boldly shewing not onely that he was his friend but that he had laboured much to come to be so as seeing him a Companion of Caesar in his Consulship a Kinsman an inward friend and a stay of the Empire and this constancy of his prevailed so far that not onely he was pardoned but his accusers also were ill intreated Saul must pardon me if I thinke him in this case a more Tyrant than Tiberius seeing when Abimelech the Priest was accused for giving David meat and the sword of Goliah and was charged for it by Saul he made the like ansvver as Terentius did Et quis in omnibus servis tuis sicuti David fidelis gener Regis pergens in imperium gloriosus in domo tua But the boldnesse and innocency of Abimelech vvas not so great but the cruelty of Saul was greater vvho for this cause put him to death certainlya most perfidious act seeing as I have said and say still He that is innocent comes without fault both ought to speak with boldnes and ought to be heard with patience and herein Princes should imitate our Lord God who takes pleasure in such disputes as S. Austin witnesseth in his exposition of those words in the Psalme Jucundum fit ei eloquium meum
they vvere punished who committed crimes against the Prince but it came to that passe that to every petty fault and though but against a private person they gave the name of Treason that so they might have colour to inflict capitall punishment at their pleasure as in a thousand places of Tacitus his Bookes is written Id quoque Tiberii morum â—…uit continuare Imperia ac plerosque ad finem in iisdem exercitibus aut Iurisdictionibus habere Whether it be good that Officers should continue in their Places and why this course was observed by Tiberius The three and fiftieth Discourse TIberius by as much as these words of Tacitus shew used not to change his Officers whereby it happened that oftentimes they died in their charge but because Tiberius had many particular occasions that made him observe this custome which in other Princes are not usuall We will first speak of it in generall whether it be a good course and then in particular and lastly we will give the reasons of all Concerning the first We cannot proceed vvithout distinction vvhen the question is therefore vvhether it be good to continue Officers We may either mean it of Officers of Warre or of those of Peace If we speak of Officers in Warre either it is in a warre where the Prince desires to make new Acquests or else in a war which he makes onely for reputation or some other small interest If he make it with a purpose of enlarging his Dominion I cannot then commend the change of Officers so long at least as there is no demerit in the Captaine and this for the many reasons I have shewed in a Discourse before but if hee have no other end but onely to continue the warre he may then change them as he pleaseth whereupon we see that Tiberius himself making warre in Germany for Reputation onely Potius quam cupidine proferendi impenii changed his Generall calling home Germanicus If we speake of Officers in Peace either they are meane places which can neither bring honour nor damage to the Prince or some midling places that have other Officers above them or else they are chiefe Principall places that have none above them and in these to begin with the last to continue the same men is in a manner necessary so long at least as they carry themselves worthily as well because they are better acquainted with businesses as also because it is a hard thing to find men able to discharge such places and lastly because if they should be removed to exalt them is impossible they being now at the highest and to abase them is dangerous whereof in the Booke of Kings we have a notable Example in Ieroboam who rebelled against Solomon as some Rabbines interpret and very well in my opinion onely for being put in an Office meaner than that he had before For where before he was collectour of the Tributes of the Tribes of Manasses and Ephraim he was now made overseer of the building of Millo a much inferiour place than the other In this case therefore it shall do well to use the custome of Tiberius to continue them in their places during their lives provided that they be not made hereditary as in some Kingdomes hath been done with much detriment to the Prince Again if we speake of midling places to suffer them to continue without hope of being changed brings forth commonly many evil effects The first is because all men labour for advancement and their aime is always at principal places endeavouring so much the more to do good service as they know it to be a means to raise them higher there being no doubt but he will serve better that hath advancement for his end than hee that hath onely conservation for his Object as we see that young men eat more than old because the end of these is onely to conserve themselves but of the other to augment themselves And therefore Sinan the Primovisior Generall of the Turke against the Persians knowing he could rise to no higher Dignity than he had already was willing to hearken to Treatyes of peace and pursued the war but coldly Whereupon Benhadad as in the sacred Text is written had good counsell given him that where in his armye hee had Two and thirty Kings he should put in their places as many other valiant men because They being at the highest would never strein themselves much to fight as knowing they could rise no higher where other men to get advancement would bestir themselves with greater vigour This reason Abulensis brings in these wordes Amove Reges fingulos ab Exercitutuo pone pro eis principes For confirmation of this I have now said the Example of Seianus in my opinion serves very fitly who as long as hee had any hope to be advanced higher he continued a good servant and an excellent counsellour to his Prince Quia Seianus incipiente adhuc potentia bonis confiliis notescere volebat but as soon as he was got to such a heigth that he could not hope to rise any higher he then fell from his good service and plunged himselfe in manifest villanyes This reason Tiberius understood well and therefore when Sejanus was growne to a mighty heigth of greatnesse to the end he might have occasion to continue his good service made a shew he would yet raise him higher Ipse quid intra animum volutaverim quibuâ—…adhue necessitudinibus immiscere te mihi parem omittam ad praesens referre Id tantum aperiam nihil esse tam excelsum quod non virtutes istae tuusque in me animus mereantur This is an excellent way and ought to be observed with those who hold the prime places Those therefore that are in midling places should not be continued still but have hope given them that by their good service they may rise higher Otherwise besides the reasons alleadged there would follow another inconvenience that when they of the chiefe places die the Prince should want others to put in their roomes and consequently should be driven to goe begging in forraine parts for principall Officers who not being acquainted with businesses and little affectionate unlesse for their owne ends to the Prince they were like in my opinion to doe but ill service as neither knowing nor being knowne Whereupon the Apostles being make make an Election did not use this manner Oportet ex his viris qui nobiscum sunt congregati in omni tempore and as it follows To this may be added that Princes should continue meaner Officers in their places but to make them fit for greater This course the Venetians have alwayes used and it was the ancient custome of the common-wealth of Rome that when by the death of Senatours there were places void they would fill them up out of the rankes next below them an excellent course certainly for their carriage being continually seene in lesse matters It may easily be gathered what good service they are like to do
in greater From hence it was that Fabius Maximus knew that Titus Ottacillus was no fit man to governe an Army Titi Ottacilli in minore re experti operam tuam sumâ—… haud sane cur ad majora tibi fidamus documenti quicquam dedisti But though I like well the changing of Officers yet I like not they should bee changed often First because it is the property of them that are to leave a place to burne as the Proverbe is their Cabbins not so much for any hatred or envie they beare to their Successours as for their owne benefit Whereof we have an example in Saint Matthew where he relates that one had beene possessed with a Devill many yeares and never found any hurt by the evill Spirit all that while but when the Devill perceived he was to go forth of his body he then fell to tearing him in most cruell manner And just so it is with some that are in offices if they thinke they shall stay any while in their places they do not then so suddenly fall to fleece the Subjects but if they finde they shall shortly leave them they then begin to use extremities And therefore the Officers of Galba as Tacitus reports doubting they should stay but a small time in their places by reason of the Princes old age fell to fleecing Jam afferebant vaenalia cuncta 〈◊〉 liberti. Ser vorum manus subitis avidae tanquam apud senem festinantes But seeing it is necessary sometimes to change them as wee have observed before whether the change be sooner or later the best course is to do it upon a suddaine that they may not do as Farmers use to do when they are to part with a Farme who to make the greater Vintage in their last yeare care not how barren they make the Vines for the yeare following Now if we speak of those meane places which bring some profit to the Officers without any danger to the Prince as some Magistrates that serve for shew with little substance in these the changes should be often as well to the end many may come to partake of the profit as also thereby to get the love of all And this differs not from the opinion of Tiberius who when the Senate would have perswaded him to make a Magistrate that continued in his place but one yeare to continue in it five he would not grant it Grave moderationi suae tot eligere tot differre Vix per fingulos annos offensiones vitari quamvis repulsam propinqua spes soletur quantum odii fore ab his qui ultra Quin quennium projiciantur I know well that this was not the meaning of Tiberius but yet the sentence hee gave may serve for my purpose It remaines to shew why Tiberius would never be drawne to change those he had once put in Offices The first reason which Tacitus alleadgeth is set down in those words Tedio novae cura semel placita pro aeternis servavisse that is Tiberius finding it a trouble to make new Elections was willing to continue the old but seeing Tacitus tels not why it should be a trouble it seemes to be but a cold reason which he brings we may therefore rather say that as other Authours relate Tiberius had in such manner used cruelty against any that had any vertue in them that unlesse he should place men in Offices that were unfit he had much adoe and hardly could finde any and therefore no marvell having once found some if he were afterward loath to remove them To this may be added as Tacitus a little after saith that though he saw many great wits in the Citie that would have beene able to discharge such Offices yet he standing in feare of such men chose rather to let them die in idlenesse as seeking to put men in places to which they were onely equall Neque supra that is such as should not be good at making Innovations of which sort of men there is in all places great scarcity and therefore when he once found such a one he was never willing to change him as by whom he might have good service done him and that without danger And this is an Exception to the Rule I made before when they who are imployed are but equall to their imployment and cannot hope to be imployed in any greater businesse not for default in the Prince but of ability in themselves Again it put him to the more trouble as having a most acute wit and consequently a wavering judgement as Tacitus shewes us in those words Vt callidum ejus ingenium ita anxium judicium a thing which alwayes happens to such persons because being men that know much they pierce into all difficulties and consequently hardly resolve upon any thing finding the darknesse of difficulties even in the light it selfe as Moses the first time that God called him having yet but a grosse braine thought every thing Light but the second time when his braine was purged he thought every thing Darknesse The last reason which Tacitus brings for the other to my seeming are but confirmations of the first is set down in these words Quidam invidia ne plures fruerentur that is Tiberius would not change his Officers because he would not have many to be enriched by them This conceit I cannot beleeve that either Tiberiut or Tacitus had but that it is a meere idle fancie of the vulgar seeing amongst the chiefe Precepts that Aristotle gives to Tyrants this is one Not to suffer Riches to be reduced into few hands And besides we may give the words a fitter exposition which is That Tâ—…berius having very few friends if he should change his Officers often he should be forced at last to bring in some that were his enemies Whereupon out of very envy least any enemy of his should grow rich or get reputation he was never willing to change his Officers often which when at last he could not avoid but had placed in the Provinces certaine of his enemies he would never suffer them to goe to their charge but kept them alwayes neare about him a course which many Princes take vvith their enemies as by a thousand Examples which for brevity I omit may easily be known wherein it happens to Princes contrary to that of private men for these are safest when their enemies are furthest off but Princes when they are nearest and to this purpose are those words of Tacitus Quae baefitatione postremo eo provectus ut mandaverit quibusdam Provincias quos egredi urbe non erat passurus I should not give this sense to this place if my interpretation were not made good by a passage in Suetonius where hee saith Vnum alterum consulares oblatis Provinciis non ausus à se dimittere eosque adeo detinuit donec successores post aliquos annos praesentibus daret I conclude then that Tiberius did well to continue Officers in their charges as well for the scarcity he had of fit persons as also and more because he used to imploy men that were onely equall to the businesses Other Princes shall do well to avoid all extreames One onely thing remaines to be advertised that when I commend the course not to change Officers often I meane it should proceed from the Princes owne will not thinking it fit he should binde himselfe to let them stay in their places any determinate time as three yeares or five or more without leaving himselfe a power to remove them For this would be to the Princes great prejudice which Tiberius considering made the fore-alleadged answer to Asinius Gallus Grave moderationi sue and as it followes whereby vve may plainly see that though Tiberius did not like to change his Officers often yet he liked well to have it in his power to change them often FINIS