Thus preserved in so great a businesse the dutie both of a judge and friend but from that act I receive this trouble that I fear it is not free from perfidiousnesse and guilt in the same businesse at the same time and in a publick affair to perswade others contrary to what was in my own judgment best CHAP. II. His morall sentences precepts and verses OF his Apothegmes these are remembered by Laertius he said providence of future things collected by reason is the vertue of a man Being demanded wherein the learned differ from the unlearned he answered in a good hope What is hard to conceal secrets to dispose of leasure well and to be able to bear an injury Being invited to a feast by Periander with the rest of the wise-men he would not promise to come before he knew what other company would be there saying a man is necessitated to brook an ill companion in a ship at sea or in a tent in a camp but to mix indifferently with all sorts of people at a feast is indiscretion Upon the same occasion Plutarch recites these sentences of his A Prince must not think upon any transitory mortall things but only upon the eternall and immortall That common-wealth is best where the people minde the Law more then the Lawyers A family must resemble as much as possible a Citty governed by a King Hearing a man say he had no enemie he asked him if he had any friend conceiving love and hate necessarily must follow one anoâ—her His morall precepts are thus delivered by Demetrius Phalereus Knâ—w thy selfe Speak not much in thy drink for thou wilt transgresse or as Laertius rule thy tongue especially at a feast Threaten not free persons for it is not just Laertius threaten none for that is like a woman Speak not ill of thy neighbour if thou dost thou shalt hear what will trouble thee Go slowly to the feasts of thy friends swiftly to their misfortunes Laertius go more readily to a friend in adversity then in prosperity Celebrate marriage frugally Speak well of the dead Reverence thy elder Laertius honour age Hate him who is inquisitive into the businesse of others Preferre losse before unjust gain for that addes Laertius brings grief but once this for ever Deride not the unfortunate If thou art strong behave thy selfe mildely that thou maist rather be respâ—cted then fear'd Laertius of thy neighbours Learn to Order thy house well Let not thy tongue run before thy mind Bridle thy anger Covet not impossibilities In the way hasten not forward Shake not thy hand Laertius in discourse for it is like a mad-man Obey the Lawes Be reconciled to those who have wrong'd you but revenge contumelies To which Laertius addes these To preserve thy selfe Not to hate divination make use of quietnesse Pliny speaking of authority saith that men ranked Chilon amongst Oracles consecrating three precepts of his at Delphil in golden letters which are these Eveâ—y man to know himselfe and to desire noâ—hing too much the companion of anothers mony and strife is misery He only kept within bounds the two most fierce affections of the soule Love and Hate saying Love with such limitation as if hereafter you might chance to hate hate so farre as that perhaps you might hereafter love Ausonius ascribes to him the effect of these verses Me may the mean not fear nor great despise Have death and health alike before thy eyes The benefits thou givest remember never Of those thou dost receive be mindfull ever Learn of thy selfe and friend t' orecome crosse fate Age youth resembling is a light estate Youth age resembling is a greater weight His particular sentence was To a surety losse is near Of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Laertius mentions this as most eminent Gold's worth we by the touchstone find Gold is the touchstone of the mind He asked Aesop what Iupiter was doing who answered pulling down the high and raising the low CHAP. III. His death and writings HE died according to Hermippus at Pisa embracing his son victor in the Olympic games of the caestus the weaknesse of his age overcome with excesse of joy all who were present at that great assembly attended on his funeralls as is affirmed by Pliny and Laertius who hath this Epigram upon him To thee illustrious Pollux thanks I pay That Chilons son the Olive bore away The father died ore-joy'd his child to see So crown'd a happy death such befall me Upon his statue this inscription The birth of Chilon warlick Sparta grac'd Who of the seven in the first rank was plac'd He was short in speech whence Aristagoras calls that manner of speaking Chilonian Ausonius also alludes hereto in the speech he makes under his name He writ Elegies extending almost to two hundred verses there is likewise an Epistle of his extant to this effect Chilon to Periander YOu send me word of an expedition you are preparing against forraigners intending to go in person with your Army a monarch I think hath little safetie even at home That Tyrant I esteem happy who dies at home a naturall death PITTACVS PITTACVS CHAP. I. Pittacus his life PITTACUS was of Mitelene the chief City of Lesbos son of Caicus or rather Hyrâ—hadius a Thracian his Mother a Lesbian born in the thirtie two Olympiad Laertius saith he flourished in the fortie two Olympiad at that time he gave testimony of his great courage and love to his Country in killing assisted by the brethren of Alcaeus the Poet Melanchrus tyrant of Lesbos and Mitelene Pittacus grown eminent by this action was by the Mitelenaeans made â—enerall and sent with a fleet against the Aâ—henians with whom they had a long contest concerning the Achillaean field the ground of their difference this Pisistratus took Sigeum by force from the Mitelaeans and setled there as King Hegesistratus his naturall Son by an Argive woman who kept it not without much dispute for betwixt the Mitelenaeans and Athenians there was a long war those sallying out of the Achillaean Town these out of Sigaeum those lay claim to the Town as built by Archaeanactes of Mitelene of the stones of old Troy for the Lesbians challenged the greatest part of Troas as their hereditary right where they had built many houses some saith Strabo standing at this day others demolished these opposed their claim alledging the Aeolians had no more right to this Ilian country then themselves or any other of the Greeks who assisted Menelaus in the recovery of Hellen. The Athenians sent thither as Generall Phryno a tall robust person who had been victor in all the Olympick exercises perhaps the same whom Eusebius names in the thirtie six Olympiad Pittacus having been severall times worsted in baâ—tle at last challenged Phryno to single combat and met him being armed â—ith the â—eapons of a fisherman hiding a net under his sâ—ield
the same God faid more of Lycurgus the Lacedaemonian Lawgiver that he knew not whether to call him a God or a man me he compared not with the Gods though he gave me the priority amongst men But trust not the God herein consider me exactly your selves whom know you lesse a servant to corporeall pleasures whom more free I accept not either rewards or gifts who more just then he who so conformes himself to the present time as he needs not help of any other who will say he deserves not the title of wife who since he was able never desisted to learn by enquiry all good possible and that I took not this pains in vain is evident in that many Citizens and strangers studious of virtue prefer my conversation above all others what is the reason that though all men know I have no wealth to require them so many desire to oblige me by gifts that I require no return from any yet engage so many that when the City being besieged every one lamented his condition I was no more mov'd then when It was most flourishing That whilst others lay out money on outward things to please themselves I furnish my self from within my self with things that please me better If none can disprove what I have said deserve I not the commendations both of Gods and men and yet you Melitus pretend that with these instructions I corrupt youth Every one knowes what it is to corrupt youth Can you name but one that I of religious have made impious of modest impudent of frugal prodigall of sober debauch'd of hardy effeminate or the like But I know those answer'd Melitus whom you have perswaded to be more obedient to you then to their own Parents That as far as concernes instruction replied Socrates I confesse this they know to be my proper care for their health men obey Physicians before their Parents in Law-suits Counsellors before their kindred do you not in war prefer the most experienced souldiers to command before your own allies yes answers Melitus 't is fit we should and do you think it reason then replies Socrates if others are preferr'd for such things as they are excellent in that because in in the opinion of some I have an advantage beyond others in educating youth which is the greatest benefit amongst men I ought therefore to die Anytus and Melitus saith he addressing himself to the Judges may procure my death hurt me they cannot To fear death is to seem wise and not to be so for it is to pretend to understand that which we understand not no man knows what death is whether it be not the greatest happinesse that can arrive to a man and yet all fear and shun it as if they were sure it were the greatest misfortune This and more saith Xenophon was said both by himselfe and his friends but the Judges were so little pleased with his unusuall manner of pleading that as Plato went up into the Chair and began a speech in these words Though I Athenians am the youngest of those that come up in this place they all cried out of those that go down which he thereupon was constrained to do and they proceeding to vote Socrates was cast by 281 voices It was the custom of Athens as Cicero observes when any one was cast if the fault were not capitall to impose a pecuniary muict when the Judges had voted in that manner the guilty person was asked the highest rate whereat he aestimated his offence The Judges willing to favour Socrates propounded that demand to him Hee answered 25. or as Eubulides saith 100. drachmes nor would he suffer his friends Plato Crito Critobulus and Apollodorus who desired him to aestimate it at 50. minae promising to undertake the sum to pay any thing for him saying that to pay a penalty was to own an offence and telling the Judges that for what he stood accused hee deserved the highest honours and rewards and daily sustenance at the publick charge out of the Prytanaeum which was the greatest honour that was amongst the Graecians with this answer the Iudges were so exasperated that they condemned him to death by 80. votes more The sentence being past he could not forbear smiling and turning to his friends said thus they who have suborned false witnesses against me and they who have born such testimonies are doubtlesse conscious to themselves of great impiety and injustice but as for me what should more deject me now then before I was condemned being nothing the more guilty They could not prove I named any new Gods for Iupitr Iuno and the rest or swore by such How did I corrupt young men by inuring them to sufferance and frugality of capitall offences as Sacriledge Theft and Treason my very adversaries acquit me which makes me wonder how I come to be condemned to dye yet that I dey unjustly will not trouble me it is not a reproach to me but to those who condemned me I am much satisfied with the example of Palamedes who suffered death in the like manner he is much more commended then vlysses the procurer of his death I know both future and past times will witnesse I never hurt or injur'd any but on the contrary have advantaged all that coversed with me to my utmost ability communicating what good I could gratis This said he went away his carriage answerable to his words his eyes gesture and gate expressing much cheerfulnesse CHAP. XI His imprisonment Socrates saith Seneca with the same resolved look wherewith he singly oppos'd the thirty Tyranâ—s entered the prison and took away all ignominy from the place which could not be a prifon whilst he was there Here being fettered by the eleven Officers he continued thirty daies after he was condemned upon this occasion The ship which carried Theseus and fourteen more persons into Creet he vowed if they got safe home as it fortuned they did to dedicate to Apollo and to send it every yeer with a present to Delos which custome the Alhenians religiously observed before the solemnity they used to lustrate their City and all condenmed persons were reprieved till it returned from Delos which sometimes the wind not serving was a long time The Priest of Apollo began the solemnity by crowning the Poop of the ship which happening the day before Socrates was condemned occasioned his lying in prison so long after In this intervall he was visited by his friends with whom he past the time in dispute after his usuall manner he was often solicited by them to an escape some of them offered to carry him away by force which he not only refused but derided asking if they knew any place out of Attica whither death could not come Crito two daies before his death came very early in the morning to him to the same purpose having by his frequent visits and gifts gained some interest in the jaylour but finding him asleep
That the Felicity of a friend is not expetible in it self for to agree in judgement with another or to be raised above and fortified against the generall opinion is not enough to satisfie reason but wee must accustom our selves to the best things because of our innate vicious inclinations That a friend is not to be entertained only out of usefull or necessary Ends nor when such fail is to be cast off but out of an intimate good-will for which we must also undergo trouble For though they placed as the rest the chief end and good in pleasure and professed to be grieved at the loss thereof yet they affirm that we ought to undergo voluntarily labours out of love to a friend THEODORVS CHAP. I. His Life THEODORUS heard Anniceris Dionysius the Logician Zeno the Cittiean and Pyrrho the Ephectick He was called the Atheist because he held there was no God wrote a treatise Suidas saith many wherein he endeavoured to refell all arguments to the contrary out of of which Epicurus borrow'd much Afterwards he was abusively called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon occasion of a dispute with Stilpo to this effect Do you believe saith Stilpo you are whatsoever you affirm your self to be Theodorus granting then continues Stilpo if you should say you were a God were you so To which Theodorus assenting Stilpo reply'd Then impious man you are a Bird or any thing else by the same reason He was ejected out of Cyrene by the Citizens whereupon hee said pleasantly You do not well Cyreneans to thrust me out of Lybia into Greece Thence he went to Athens where he should have been cited to the Court of Areopagus and lost his life but that he was freed by Demetrius Phalereus Being likewise banished thence he went to Ptolomy the Son of Lagus with whom he lived and was by him sent on Embassy to Lysimachus to whom speaking Atheistically Lysimachus said Are not you that Theodorus that was banished Athens he answered it is true the Athenians when they could bear me no longer as Semele Bacchus cast me out Lysimachus reply'd see that you come no more to me No answered he unless Ptolomy send me Myâ—hro Son of Lysimachus being present said you seem not only ignorant of the Gods but of Kings How saith he am I ignorant of the Gods who believe you an Enemy to them Lysimachus threatned them with Death gloryâ—aith â—aith he in a great matter a Cantharides can do as much Or as Stobaeus I knew not that you had not the power of a King but of poisor Hereat incensed he commanded he should be crucified Threateâ— saith he those things I pray to your purple Nobles it is all oâ—e so Theodorus whether he rot above or under ground Finally he went to Cyrene and lived with Marius in much repute in that City out of which he was first ejected Disputing witâ— Euryclides a Priest he asked what persons those were who deâ—ile mysteries Euryclides answered Those who communicate them to persons not initiated Then replyed he you do impiously in declaring them to such What oâ—â—ers ascribe to Aristippâ—s and Diogeneâ— sâ—ime â—â—ttriâ—â—te to Theodorus and Metrocleus a Cynick who saying You would not want Disciples if you washed Herbs Theodorus anâ—wer'd Neither would you wash Herbs if you knew how to converse with Men. He said of Hipparchia the Wife of Crates This is she who hath given over the Shuttle to put on a Cloak CHAP. II. His Philosophy HE taught all manner of Learning and instituted a Sect called Theodorean He asserted Indifference that there is no difference of things That our end or chiefe good and greatest ill are joy and sorrow one consisting in prudence the other inimprudence That prudence and justice are good things the contrary habits ill the mean pleasure and grief He took away Friendship because it is neither in fooles nor wise-men those being uncapable to make use of it the thing it selfe vanisheth these not needing it as being sufficient to themselves That it is reasonable that a wise man expose not himselfe to danger for his Country Wisdome ought not to be lost for the preservation of fooles That the World is our Country That a man upon occasion may commit theft adultery and sacriledge there being nothing in these naturally evill if that opinion were taken away which is built upon the agreement of fooles That a wise man may publiâ—kly without shame 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He used such inductions as these Is not a woman that is skilfull in Grammar prositable in that respect as a Grammarian Yea is not the same of a youth Yes Is not a beautifull woman then profitable as being handsome Yes Then she who makes right use of it doth not amisse In these kinds of Questions he was very subtle CHAP. III. His death writings c. AMphicrates saith that he was condemned by the Law for Atheism and drunk Hemlock He wrot besides that which appertained to his sect many other things Laertius reckons twenty of this name The first a Samian son of Rhaecus who advised to lay the foundation of the Temple at Ephesus upon Embers For the place being wet he said that Coales when they forsake the nature of Wood acquire a solidity not to be violated by moysture The second of Cyrene a Geometrician whose Disciple Plato was The third this Philosopher The fourth writ of exercising the voice a famous Book The fifth writ of Law-givers beginning with Terpander The sixth a Stoick The seventh writ the Roman History The eight a Syracusian writ Tacticks The ninth a Byzantine a Sophist eminent for civill Pleas. The tenth of the same Country mention'd by Aristotle in his Epitome of Oratours The eleventh of Thebes a Statuary The twelfth a painter mention'd by Polemon The thirteenth of Athens a Painter of whom writes Menodotus The fourteenth of Ephesus a painter of whom Theophanes in his treatise of painting The fifteenth a Poet who wrote Epigrams The sixteeâ—th wrot of Poets The seventeenth a Physician Disciple to Athenaeus The eighteenth of Chios a Stoick The ninteenth of Miletus a Stoick The twentieth a Tragick Poet. BION CHAP. I. Bion his life OF the Theodorean Sect was BION Beristhenite What his Parents were and what his employments he diverted himselfe to Philosophy he related to Antigonus King of Macedonia in this manner Antigonus asked Whence art thou Who thy Parents What thy Town Bion perceiving himselfe to be reproached answered thus my Father was a freeman 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 implying he was a seller of salt-fish a Boristhenite he had not a face but instead thereof a brand mark which declared the ill disposition of the owner My Mother he married out of a common Brothel-house a Lacedemonian Curtezan named Olympia being such a Woman as such a man could get My Father for couzening the State was sold and all our Family for slaves I being a young likely youth was bought by an
there resides She to the brest Sends them reform'd but not exprest The heart from Matter Beauty takes Of many one Conception makes And what were meant by Natures Laws Distinct She in one Picture draws VIII THe heart by Love allur'd to see Within her self her Progeny This like the Suns reflecting Rayes Upon the Waters face survaies Yet some divine though clouded light Seems here to twinckle and invite The pious Soul a Beauty more Sublime and perfect to adore Who sees no longer his dim shade Upon the earths vast Globe display'd But certain Lustre of the true Suns truest Image now in view The Soul thus entring in the Mind There such uncertainty doth find That she to clearer Light applies Her aimes and near the first Sun flies She by his splendour beautious grows By loving whom all Beauty flows Upon the Mind Soul World and All Included in this spacious Ball. IX BUt hold Love stops the forward Course That me beyond my scope would force Great Power if any Soul appears Who not alone the blossoms wears But of the rich Fruit is possest Lend him thy Light deny the rest The Third PART TO treat of both Loves belongs to different Scienences Vulgar Love to Naturall or Morall Philosophy Divine to Theology or Metaphysicks Solomon discourseth excellently of the first in Ecclesiastes as a Naturall Philosopher in his Proverbs as a Morall Of the second in his Canticles esteemed the most Divine of all the Songs in Scripture Sâ—anza I. The chief order established by Divine Wisdom in created things is that every inferiour Nature be immediately governed by the superiour whom whilst it obeys it is guarded from all ill and lead without any obstruction to its determinate felicity but if through too much affection to its own liberty and desire to prefer the licentious life before the profitable it rebell from the superiour Nature it falls into a double inconvenience First like a Ship given over by the Pilot it lights sometimes on one Rock sometimes on another without hope of reaching the Port. Secondly it loseth the command it had over the Natures subjected to it as it hath deprived its superiour of his Irrationall Nature is ruled by another unâ—it for its Imperfection to rule any God by his ineffable Excellence provides for every thing himselfe needs not the providence of any other Betwixt the two extreams God and Bruits are Angells and Rationall Souls governing others and governed by others The first Hierarchy of Angells immediately illuminated by God enlighten the next under them the last by Platonists termed Daemons by the Hebrewes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Guardians of Men are set over us as We over Irrationalls So Psalm 8. Whilest the Angells continued subject to the Divine Power they retained their Authority over other Creatures but when Luciser and his Companions through inordinate love of their own Excellence aspir'd to be equall with God and to be conserved as He by their own strength they fell from Glory to extream Misery and when they lost the Priviledge they had over others seeing us freed from their Empire enviovsly every hour insidiate our good The same order is in the lâ—sser World our Soul the inferiour faculties are directed by the superiour whom following they erre not The imaginative corrects the mistakes of outward sense Reason is illuminated by the Intellect nor do we at any time miscarry but when the Imaginative will not give credit to Reason or Reason confident of it selfe resists the Intellect In the desiderative the Appetite is govern'd by the Rationall the Rationall by the Intellectuall which our Poet implies saying Love whose hand guides my hearts strict reins The cognoscitive powers are seated in the Head the desiderative in the Heart In every well order'd Soul the Appetite is govern'd by Intellectuall Love implyed by the Metaphor of Reins borrowed from Plato in his Phaedrus Love to advance my flight will lend The wings by which he did ascend Into my heart When any superiour vertue is said to descend we imply not that it leaves its own height to come down to us but drawes us up to it selfe its descending to us is our ascending to it otherwise such conjuction would be the imperfection of the vertue not the perfection of him who receives it II. Love â—lowing from the sacred Spring Of uncreated good From the Fountain of divine goodnesse into our Souls in which that influx is terminated When born c. The order participation conversion of Ideas see Part 2. Sect. how Heaven he moves the Soul Informs and doth the World controul Of these three properties Love is not the efficient God produceth the Ideas in the Angelick Minde the Minde illustrates the Soul with Ideal Beauty Heaven is moved by its proper Soul But without Love these principles do not operate He is cause of the Mindes conversion to God and of the Souls to the Minde without which the Ideas would not descend into the one nor the Specifick reasons into the other the Soul not illuminated by these could not elicite this sensible form out of matter by the motion of Heaven III. WHen the â—irst emanation from God the plenty of Ideas descended into the Angelick Minde she desiring their perfection reverts to God obtaining of him what she covets which the more fully she possesseth the more fervently she loves This desire Celestiall Love born of the obscure Minde and Ideas is explain'd in this Stanza true Heaven God who includes all created beings as Heaven all sensible lib. 2. Sect. Only Spirituall things according to Platonists are true and reall the rest but shadowes and images of these the sacred Sun The light of Ideas streaming from God enlivened leaves The Metaphore of Leaves relates to the Orchard of Iupiter where these Ideas were planted 2. 10. Enlivened as having in themselves the principle of their operation Intellection the noblest life as the Psalmist Give me understanding and I shall live So the Cabalist to the second Sephirah which is Wisdome attributes the name of Life adorn bestowing form To adorn denotes no more then accidentall perfection but Ideas are the Substance of the Minde and therefore he adds bestowing form which though they come to her from without she receives not as accidents but as her first intrinsecall act which our Author implies terming her desires innate And by this love exalted turns Into the Sun for whom she burns Love transformes the Lover into the thing loved Wealth and Want Porus and Penia 2. 10. IV. The properties of Celestiall Love are in this Stanza discovered in new fetters caught The Soul being opprest by the Body her desire of Intellectuall Beauty sleeps but awakened by Love is by the sensible Beauty of the body led at last to their Fountain God which glow Dying yet glowing greater grow Motion and Operation are the signes of life their privation of death in him who applies himselfe to the Intellectuall part the rationall and the sensitive fail by the Rationall
he is Man by the Intellectuall communicates with Angels As Man he dies reviv'd an Angell Thus the Heart dies in the flames of Intellectuall Love yet consumes not but by this death growes greater receives a new and more sublime life See in Plato the Fables of Alcestes and Orpheus V. This Stanza is a description of sensible Beauty The elder in the Suns glasse reads Her face through the confused skreen Of a dark shade obscurely seen Sensible light is the act and efficacy of Corporeall spirituall light of Intelligible Beauty Ideas in their descent into the inform Angelick Minde were as colours and figures in the Night As he who by Moon-light seeth some fair object desires to view and enjoy it more fully in the day so the Minde weakly beholding in her selfe the Ideal Beauty dim and opacous whch our Author calls the skreen of a dark shade by reason of the Night of her imperfection turns like the Moon to the eternall Sun to perfect her Beauty by him to whom addressing her selfe she becomes Intelligible light clearing the Beauty of Celestiall Venus and rendring it visible to the eye of the first Minde In sensible Beauty we consider first the object in it selfe the same at Midnight as at Moon Secondly the light in a manner the Soul thereof the Author supposeth that as the first part of sensible Beauty corporeall forms proceeds from the first part of Intellectual Beauty Ideal forms so sensible light flowes from the intelligible descending upon Ideas VI. VII VIII Corporeall Beauty implies first the materiall disposition of the Body consisting of quantity in the proportion and distance of parts of quality in figure and colour Secondly a certain quality which cannot be exprest by any term better then Gracefulnesse shining in all that is fair This is properly Venus Beauty which kindles the fire of Love in Mankinde They who affirm it results from the disposition of the Body the sight figure and colour of features are easily confuted by experience We sâ—e many persons exact and unaccustomable in every part destitute of this grace and comlinesse others lesse perfect in those particular conditions excellently gracefull and comely Thus Catullus Many think Quintia beauâ—ious fair and tall And sâ—reight she is apart I grant her all But altogether beautious I deny For not one grace doth that large shape supply He grants her perfection of quality figure and quantity yet not allowes her handsome as wanting this Grace This then must by consequence be ascribed to the Soul which when perfect and lucid transfuseth even into the Body some Beams of its Splendour When Moses came from the divine Vision in the Mount his face did shine so exceedingly that the people could not behold it unlesse vail'd Porphyrius relates that when Plotinus his soul was elevated by divine Contemplation an extraordinary brightnesse appeared in his looks plotinus himselfe averres that there was never any beautifull Person wicked that this Gracefulnesse in the Body is a certain sign of perfection in the Soul Proverbs 17. 24. Wisdome shineth in the countenance of the Wise. From materiall beauty wee ascend to the first Fountain by six Degrees the Soule through the sight represents to her self the Beauty of some particular person inclines to it is pleased with it and while she rests here is in the first the most imperfect material degree 2. She reforms by her imagination the Image she hath received making it more perfect as more spirituall and separating it from Matter brings it a little nearer Ideal Beauty 3. By the light of the agent Intellect abstracting this Form from all singularity she considers the universall Nature of Corporeal Beauty by it self This is the highest degree the Soul can reach whilst she goes no further then Sense 4. Reflecting upon her own Operation the knowledge of universall Beauty and considering that every thing founded in matter is particular shee concludes this universality proceeds not from the outward Object but her Intrinsecal Power and reasons thus If in the dimme Glasse of Materiall Phantasmes this Beauty is represented by vertue of my Light it follows that beholding it in the clear Mirrour of my substance divested of those Clouds it will appear more perspicuous thus turning into her self shee findes the Image of Ideal Beauty communicated to her by the Intellect the Object of Celestiall Love 5. Shee ascends from this Idea in her self to the place where Celestiall Venus is in her proper form Who in fulness of her beauty not being comprehensible by any particular Intellect she as much as in her lies endeavours to be united to the first Mind the chiefest of Creatures and general Habitation of Ideal Beauty obtaining this she terminates and sixeth her journey this is the sixt and last degree They are all imply'd in the 6 7 and 8 Stanza's Form'd by th' Eternal look c. Platonists affirm some Souls are of the nature of Saturn others of Iupiter or some other Planet meaning one Soul hath more Conformity in its Nature with the Soul of the Heaven of Saturn then with that of Iupiter and so on the contrary of which there can be no internal Cause assigned the External is God who as Plato in his Timâ—eus Soweth and scattereth Souls some in the Moon others in other Planets and Stars the Instruments of Time Many imagine the Rational Soul descending from her Star in her Vehiculum Coeleste of her self forms the Body to which by that Medium she is united Our Author upon these grounds supposeth that into the Vehiculum of the Soul by her endued with Power to form the Body is infused from her Star a particular formative vertue distinct according to that Star thus the aspect of one is Saturnine of another Joviall c. in their looks wee read the nature of their Souls But because inferiour matter is not ever obedient to the Stamp the vertue of the Soul is not alwaies equally exprest in the visible Effigies hence it happens that two of the same Nature are unlike like the matter whereof the one consists being lesse disposed to receive that Figure then the other what in that is compleat is in this imperfect our Author infers that the figures of two Bodies being formed by vertue of the same Star this Conformity begets Love From the Suns most sulime aboad The Tropick of Cancer by which Soules according to Platonists descend ascending by Capricorn Cancer is the House of the Moon who predominates over the vitall parts Capricorn of Saturn presiding over Contemplation The Heart in which affection 's bred Is thus by pleasing Errour fed Frequently if not alwaies the Lover believes that which hee loves more beautious then it is he beholds it in the Image his Soul hath formed of it so much fairer as more separate from Matter the Principle of Deformity besides the Soul is more Indulgent in her Affection to this Species considering it is her own Child produc'd in her Imagination one Sun passes Through three
but more gain For your sake to dy would please Toyle and torments were but ease You direct men in pursuit Of immortall sacred fruit Richer far then gold refin'd Soft as sleep as parents kinde Great Alcides for your sake Labours vast did undertake Leda's valiant twins made known More your glories then their own Ajax and Achilles too Only dy'd for love of you Ah! for you Atarna's pride Hermias untimely dy'd But his name we will revive That our Muse shal keep alive Paying hospitable Jove Pious thanks for a friends love There wanted not those who cast many aspersions and calumnies upon this Vertuous friendship some affirm'd that Hermias lov'd Aristotle inordinately an imputation not well suiting with an Eunuch and that for this Reason he gave him Pythais to wife whom Suidas and the Greek Etymologist affirm to have been his Daughter either by Nature or Adoption Demetrius Magnesius his Neece Aristippus his Concubine so little do they agree in their relation They adde that Aristotle was so passionately in Love with her that he sacrificed to her after the same manner as the Athenians to Ceres at Eleusis This Laertius relates as done whilst she was alive But Lyco first Author of this calumny that it was after her death Moreover that Aristotle in a thankfull acknowledgement of his Bounty wrote a Paean in praise of Hermias meaning the Hymn last mentioned which Athenaeus proveth against the calumniations of Demophilus not to be a sacred hymne or Paean but a Scolion or Festivall Song Hence Theocritus the Chian derides him in this Epigram To the slave Eunuch who Atarne swai'd An empty tombe empty Aristotle made Who from the Academy did retire To wallow in vain pleasures faithless mire In answer to these calumnies first raised by Lyco dispersed further by Aristippus and continued by those that maligne the memory of Aristotle Apellieo writ certain Books wherein he accurately confutes those who durst in this manner impudently blaspheme such are his words the name of Aristotle so much prejudice and malice being in the accusation as might easily argue the falsenesse thereof Upon the death of Hermias Aristotle and with Xenocrates fled from Atarna to Mitylene as Apollodorus and Dionysius Halicarnassaeus affirm in the fourth year of the 108. Olympiad Eubulus being Archon CHAP. V. How he lived with Philip and Alexander ABout this time Philip King of Macedonia Father of Alexander taking care for the Education of his Son now growing towards mans estate and unwilling saith Plutarch to commit his Education to Professors of Musick or any other of the liberall Sciences as knowing him fit for higher designes sent to Aristotle the most famous and learned of Philosophers to come and instruct him Agellius recites his Epistle which was to this effect Philip to Aristotle health KNow that I have a Son I render the Gods many thanks not so much for his birth as that he was born in your time for I hope that being educated and instructed by you he will become worthy both of us and the Kingdom which he shall inherit Aristotle at this request of Philip went to Macedonia to him in the 4th year of the 108. Olympiad as Apollodorus and Dioâ—ystus Halicarnassaeus affirm at what time Alexander was fifteen yeares old He lived there infinitely esteem'd and beloved of Philip and Olympia his Wife Alexander's Mother They caused his Statue to be made and set up in honour of him Philip had a kindnesse to particular for him that he allo'wd him in manner an equal share in the Government of the Kingdom which interest Ammonius saith he employed to the advantage as well of private persons as of the publick as appeareth saith the Latine Interpreter of his life by his Epistles to Philip. Plutarch affirmâ—s that Philip as a recompence to Aristotle reedified the Town where hee was born Stagira which he had before laid wast He likewise assign'd him a School and study near Mieza a Town of Macedonia not far from thence where unto this day saith Pluâ—arch they shew the stony seats and shady walks of Aristotle He instructed Alexander in the deepest parts of Learning not only in Ethick and Politicks but his most reserved and solid Doctrines call'd Acroatick and Epoptick never communicated to the Vulgar That he taught him likewise the Art of Medicine Plutarch argueth for as much as Alexander was not only exceedingly delighted with the Theory thereof but practised it successfully upon many of his friends to whom he prescribed Receipts and diets as appeareth saith he by his Epistle Perceiving Alexander to be much taken with Homer's Iliads as conceiving and calling it the bestâ—â—stitution of military Vertue he took much pains in correcting and restoring the text and then gave it to Alexander which copy â—he infinitely prised He writ a Book to Alexander intituled Of a Kingdom mentioned by Laertius and Ammonius wherein he instructed him how to rule So much did he incline the mind of Alexander to do goodâ— that he used to say if any day pass'd wherein he had not conferred some benefit I have not reign'd to day Alexander so much affected him that he professed he admired and loved him no lesse then his Father because his Father he said only gave him being but Aristotle well-being The love which Philip and Alexander bore him was so great that Theocritus the Chian cast the same aspersion upon it as he did on his friendship with Hermias In the first year of the 111th Olympiad Pythodorus being Archon Philip dyed and was succeeded by his Son Alexander whose active spirit soon after his coming to the Crown designed an expedition against the King of Persia. Hereupon Aristotle having now lived with Alexander eight years though Justine saith but five which some interpret of the time before Philips death but not without some violence for that was above seven preferring the quiet of a Contemplative life before the troubles of War took leave of him returned to Athens leaving in his room Callisthenes an Olynthian his Kinsman Son of his Cozen Hero and Disciple whom before his departure observing to speak with too much liberty and obstinacy to the King he reproved in these words Son if thou thus employ thy tongue Thy thread of life cannot be long And so it came to passe not long after upon this occasion Hermolaus Son of Sopolis a youth of a noble Family that studied Philosophy under Callisthenes hunting the Wild Bore with Alexander prevented the King by casting his dart first at him for which he was by the Kings command punished with many stripes Troubled at the ignominy thereof he conspired with Sostratus Antipater and some other companions of his to murther Alexander which treason being discovered by Epimenes one of the Conspirators they were all put to death Aristobulus and Ptolemaeus Son of Lagus affirms they accused Callisthenes as him who instigated them to this attempt Hereupon Callisthenes was
with Hellebor or by starving so to punish those surâ—eits which we have incurred for a short pleasure He said Whosoever seareth others is a slave though he know it not himselfe He said No covetous man can be a good man or a King or a freeman Being demanded what a feast is he answered The occasion of surfeits He said We ought to aim at such pleasures as follow labour not at those which go before labour He said Common Executioners are better then Tyrants those pâ—t only guilty men to death Tyrants the innocent He said We ought to wish our enemies all good things but Fortitude for that they possesse would fall into the hands of the Victor not the Owner Him that contradicteth he said he said we must not again contradict but instruct for a mad-man is not cured by anothers growing mad also He said A man should alwaies have in readinesse his wits or a rope Seeing the Thebans much exalted with their successe at the Luctrian sight he said They were like boyes that triumph when they have beaten the. Masters To some that commended a Piper But saith he he is an ill man for else he would never have been so good a Piper CHAP. IV. His Writings OF his Bookes saith Laertius there are ten Tomes The first containeth these Of speech or of Characters Ajax of the speech of Ajax Ulysses or of Ulysses An apology for Orestes Of Lawyers Isographe or Desias or Isocrates Against Isocrates ' s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The second Tome Of the Nature of Animals Of Procreation of children or of Marriage Brotick Of Sophists Physiognomick Of Iustice and Fortitude Protreptick 1 2 3 Of Theognis The third Tome Of Good Of Fortitude Of Law or of Policy Of Law or of Fair and Iust. Of Freedom and Servitude Of Faith Of a Guardian or of Trusting Of Victory Oeconomick The fourth Tome Cyrus Hercules the Greater or of Strength The fift Tome Cyrus or of a Kingdom Aspasia The sixt Tome Truth Of Dissertation Anti-logick Sathon of Contradiction 3. Of Dialectick The seventh Tome Of Discipline or of names 5. Of dying Of Life and Death Of things after death Of the use of names or Eristick Of Interrogation and answer Of Opinion and Science 4. Of Nature 2. Interrogation concerning Nature 2. Opinions or the Eristick Problems concerning Learning The eighth Tome Of Musick Of Interpreters Of Homer Of Injustice and impiety Of Chalcas Of the spie Of Pleasure The ninth Tome Of the Odysseis Of Minerva's wand or of Telemachus Helena and Penelope Of Proteus The Cyclops or of Ulysses Of the use of Wine or of Drunkenesse or of the Cyclops Of Circe Of Amphiaraus Of Ulysses and Penelope Of the Dog The tenth Tome Hercules or Midas Hercules or of Prudence or of strength The Master or Lover The Masters or spies Menexenus or of Ruling Alcibiades Archelaus or of a Kingdom These saith Laertius were his writings the great number whereof Timon derides calling him an ingenious Trifler There is also among the Socratick Epistles one under his name to this effect Antisthenes to Aristippus IT is not the part of a Philosopher to live with Tyrants and to wast time at Sicilian Feasts but rather to be content with a little in his own Country but you esteem it the greatest excellence of a Vertuous person to be able to acquire much wealth and to have powerfull friends Riches are not good neither if they were in themselves good are they such being thus obtained nor can a multitude of unlearned persons especially Tyrants be true friends Wherefore I would coâ—nsell you to leave Syracuse and Sicily but if as some report you are in love with Pleasure and aim at such things as beseem not wise persons go to Anticyra and cure your self by drinking Hellebore for that is much better for you then the Wine of Dionysius this causeth madnesse that asswageth it So that as health and discretion differ from sicknesse and â—olly so much shall you be better then you are in these things which you now enjoy Farewell The Answer to this Epistle see in the life of Aristippus CHAP. V. His Death HE died saith Laertius of sicknesse As he lay on his death-bed Diogenes came to him and asked him if he wanted a friend Another time he came to him with a dagger Antisthenes crying out who will free me from this pain he shewed him the dagger saying This shall Antisthenes reply'd I say from my pain not from my life for he bore his sicknesse somwhat impatiently through love of life Theopompus commends him above all the Disciples of Socrates as being of such acute and sweet discourse that he could lead any man to what he would There were three more of this name one a Heraclitean Philosopher the second of Ephesus the third of Rhodes a Historian DIOGENES CHAP. I. His Country Parents Time Banishment DIOGENES was of Sinopis a City of Pontus his Father named Icesius or as others Icetes by profession a mony-changer He was born as appears by computation from his death which was in the 90 t year of his age in the first year of the 114 t Olympiad Hegesias being Archon about the third year of the 91st Olympiad Suidas saith he was first called Cleon. Diocles saith his Father trading publickly in exchange of mony was surprised coining false mony and thereupon fled But Eubulides saith Diogenes himselfe did it and fled together with his Father even Diogenes in his Podalus acknowledgeth as much Some affirme that being made overseer he was perswaded by the work-men to go to Delphi or Delus the Country of Apollo to enquire of the Oracle if he should do that whereto he was advised 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is of ambiguous signification implying to alter the course of life and to coine false mony The Oracle assented Diogenes not understanding it in the Civill sense betook himselfe to coyning and being taken in the act was banished or as others say fled for fear Some affirme he adulterated the mony he received from his Father for which the Father was cast in prison and there dyed the Son fled and coming to Delphi enquired of the Oracle by what means he should become eminent whereupon he received that answer When he left his Country one of his servants followed him named Manes who not enduring his conversation ran away from him some perswaded Diogenes to enquire after him who answer'd Were it not a shame since Manes doth not need Diogenes that Diogenes should need Manes The fellow wandring up and down came at last to Delphi where he was torn in pieces by doggs DIOGENES CHAP. II. How he lived at Athens COming to Athens saith Laertius he apply'd himselfe to Antisthenes following the Cynicall Philosophy instituted by him Antisthenes having invited many to hear him and but few coming at last in anger would not suffer any to come to him and therefore bad Diogenes be
a Barbarian There are besides cited by Laertius under the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or loose verses these sentences Not many words much wisdome signifie Choose one thing excellent to which apply Thy mind and stop the mouth of calumny CHAP. 10. His judgment in Civill affaires POliticks was according to Laertius his first study in which his advice was of great Authority though he were the only person as Cicero observes of the seven wisemen that was not ruler of the City wherein he lived Of his judgment herein we have two instances the first from Herodotus Good also even before the destruction of Ionia was the advice of Thales a Milesian a farre off by descent Phoenician who commanded the Ionians to build one common Councell Hall and that in Teos for that Teos is in the midst of Ionia and the rest of the inhabited Cities neverthelesse to be in repute according as the Citizens were The other cited by Laertius with no lesse applause is this In the first year of the fifty eight Olympiad Croesus King of Lydia fearing the greatnesse of Cyrus and encourag'd thereunto as he conceiv'd by the Oracle sent Ambassadours and presents to the most considerable of the Grecians perswading them to joyne with him in an expedition against Cyrus which the Lacedaemonians with many others did but Thales forbad the Milesians to enter into league with him It appears addes Laertius that his advice in civil affairs was excellent for this thing Cyrus geuing the better preserv'd the Citty Yet did he afford Croesus his particular assistance in passing his Army over Halys as the Grecians affirme though Herodotus be of a contrary opinion who gives this account of both When Croesus was come to the River Halys then I beleeve by bridges that were there he passed over his Army but the common report of the Grecians is that Thales the Milesian was he who conveigh'd it over For Croesus being doubtfull over what part of the River his Army should passe there being in those daies no Bridges Thales who was in the sield with him is said to have caused the River that did run on the left hand of the Army to run also on the right which he brought to pass thus Beginning above the trench he digged a deep trench and brought it in the fashion of a halfe Moon that the River being turned into the trench from the former channell at the back of the Army and passing by the camp came into the old channell again so that assoon as the River was thus divided which Lucian saith was done in one night it became fordable on either side Some say that the old channell was quite made up but that I do not beleeve for then how could they in their return passe over That this is the meaning of Herodotus mistaken by Valla will appear from the scholiast of Aristophanes who relates it in the same manner not without applauding Thales for his excellency in Mechanicks He was a great enemy to Tyrants and accounted all Monarchy little better as appears by Plutarch who makes him speak thus As for taking one for the other viz. a Monarch for a Tyrant I am of the same mind with the young man who throwing a stone at a Dog hit his step-Mother it is no matter said he for even so it lights not amisse Truly I alwaies esteemed Solon very wise for refusing to be King of his own Country and Pittacus if he had not taken upon him a Monarchy would never have said how hard it is to be a good man and Periander being seiz'd as it were an hereditary disease derived from his father by the same Tyranny did very well to endeavour as much as he could to disengage himselfe from it by frequenting the conversation of the best men inviting Sages and Philosophers and being invited by them not approving the dangerous counsell of Thrasibulus my countryman who perswaded him to take off the heads of the chiefest For a Tyrant who chooseth rather to command slaves then free-men is like a husbandman who preferreth the gathering of locusts and catching of foul before reaping of good corn These soveraign authorities have only this good in recompense of many evills a kind of honour and glory if men be so happy that in ruling good men they themselves prove betterj as for such who in their office aim at nothing but security without respect of honour or honesty they are fitter to be set over beasts then men In the same Symposion he gives this account of Monarchy Democracy and Oeconomicks That Prince is happy who lives till he is old and dies a naturall death That common-wealth is best ordered where the citizens are neither too rich nor too poor That house is best wherein the Master may live most at ease CHAP. XI Of his writings Some aâ—â—irme saith laertius that he lest nothing behind him in writing Others that he writ Of naturall Philosophy Saint Augustine saith that Thales to propagate his doctrine to succession searched into the secrets of nature and committing his opinions to monuments and Letters grew famous Of Nautick Astrology mentioned by Simplicius which is by some ascribed to Phocus a Samian Of the Tropicks and Aequinoctialls which two treatises Laertius saith he composed as judging the rest easie to be understood These seem to be those Astrologicall writings which * Lobon an Argive who writ concerning the Poets affirmeth to have extended to two hundred verses Of Meteors a treatise in verse mentioned by Suidas The history of his own times if we may give credit to Iohannes Antiochenus who saith These things Thales Castor and Polybius most wise Authors committed to writing and after them Herodotus the historian but perhaps this may be no more probable then that Polybiuâ— and Castor should precede Herodotus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of which those that are cited by Laertius we have inserted among his morall sentences for such they were tending to the instruction of the common people a kind of loose verse comming nere prose whence Demosthenes makes two kinds of Poets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Casaubon observes those that write in meeter and if we may so tearm it those that write in blank verse Whatsoever Latertius in the lives of the seven wisemen produceth in this kind seemeth not to be taken out of any Poet but to have been written by the wise-men themselves Epistles of which two only are extant preserved by Laertius Thales to Pherecydes I Hear that you first of the Ionians are about to publish a discourse to the Greeks concerning Religion and * iustly you conceive that your worke ought rather to be laid in a publick library then transmitted to uncertain persons if therefore it may any way pleasure you I will willingly conser with you about that which you have written and if you desire will visite you at Syrus for neither myselfe nor Solon the Athentan should
deserve the titles of wise-men if we who said to Creet to informe our selves of matters there and into Aegypt to conser with Priests and Astronomers should not likewise make a journey to you Solon also if you think fit will come You who affect home seldome passe into Ionia nor care to enioy the society of strangers we who write nothing spend our time in travelling through Greece and Asia Thales to Solon IF you leave Athens you may in my opinion settle your selfe with those you take along with you at Miletus for here is nothing to trouble you If you dislike that we Milesians are governed by a â—yrant for you are averse to all Monarchs even elective yet may you please your selfe in the society and conversation of me your friend Bias likewise hath sent to invite you to Priene if to abide at Priene please you better we will also come and dwell there with you CHAP. XII His Auditors and Schollers THe first eminent person of those who heard Thales and profess'd his Philosophy was Anaximander sonne of â—raxides a Milesian who flourish'd in the time of Polycrates Tyrant of Samos Next is Anaximenes a Milesian also sonne of Euristratus who according to Eusebius flourished in the second yeare of the 56 th Olympiad He was Scholler to Anaximander and Parmenides But that he heard Thales also he acknowledgeth in an Epistle to Pythagoras We may as in that Epistle Anaximenes doth amongst the disciples of Thales reckon Pythagoras the Samian institutor of the Italick Sect who being from his youth particularly addicted to investigation of Religious mysteries addrest his first journey to Thales at Miletus as to one that best could further his designe being according to Iamblichus not fully 18. yeares old which if we follow the accompt of Euseb. us for his birth the fourth yeare of the seventieth Olympiad and that of Sosicrates for his age eighty yeares for the rest the farther they exceed that time are so much the more incapable of reconcilement will fall about the second yeare of the fifty fourth Olympiad which is the 82. of Thales From Thales he received the Rudiments of that Excellence which he afterwards attained This is acknowledged by Iamblichus Thales saith he entertaind him very kindly admiring the difference between him and other youths which exceeded the fame hee had receiv'd of him After that he had instructed him as well as he was able in the Mathematicks alledging for excuse his old age and infirmity be advis'd him to goe to Aegypt and to converse with the Memphian Priests especially those of Iupiter of whom he himselfe had in his Travells learned those things for which by many he was esteem'd wises and again among other things Thales chiefely advis'd him to husband his time well in respect whereof he aâ—tain'd from wine and flesh onely eating such things as are light of digestion by which meanes he procured shortnesse of sleepe wakefulnesse purity of minde and constant health of body CHAP. XIII of his Death THales having now liv'd to a great age being full of honour and wisedome died in the first yeare of the fifty eight Olympiad when according to Pausanias Erxyclides was Archon as he was beholding the Olympick games opprest with heate thirst and the burden of his yeares which amounted to ninty two Laertius under-reckons him to have lived but eighty seven yeares having before acknowledged his birth to have beene in the first of the 35. Olympiad Petavius over-reckons who makes him live to the end of the 58. which could not be because he died spectator of the Olympick Games Lucian and Sincellus more who say he lived 100 yeares Sosicrates comes nearest to the truth who allowes him to have lived 90. yeares and to have died in the 58. Olympiad for from the first of the 58. is 23. entyre Olympiads The manner of his death gave Laertius occasion to favour him with this Epigram Vewing th' Olympick games Elean Jove Thou didst wise Thales from that his race remove Nigher thy selfe and 't was well done now old He could not well from Earth the Starrs behold He was buried according to his owne appointment in a poore obscure part of the Milesian field where he presag'd that in future times their Forum should be upon his Tomb this distich Narrow the Tomb the fame then heaven more wide Of wisest Thales whom this earth doth hide There was also a statue erected in honour of him bearing this subscription Milesian Thales this doth represent Who all in wise Astrology outwent There were five more of this name mentioned by Demetrius the Magnesiâ—a an orator of Calatis an affected imitator A Painter of Sicyonia of a great spirit The third very antient contemporary with Hesiod Homer and Lycurgus The fourth mentioned by Duris the fift of later times by Dionysius in Criticis Laertius names Pherecydes as a detractour from Thales the Philosopher SOLON CHAP. I. Solon his Parents Country and Condition PHilocles cited by Didymus affirmes that Solon's father was named Euphorion but by the unanimous consent of all other writers he was called Execestides a person though of small fortune and account among the Citizens yet of the most noble family in Athens descended from Codrus Solon deriving himselfe from Neleus son of Codrus and from Neptune His Mother neer of kin to the Mother of Pisistratus his Parents had another Son named Dropides Archon the year after Solon from him was Plato descended Solon was born according to Laâ—rtius at Salamis for which reason he desired at his death that his body might be carried thither but from his Parents and the place of his residence he was sirnamed Athenian His father by munificence and liberality brought his estate so low as to want even necessaries Solon ashamed to receive from any being of a house which used to maintain others betook himselfe to Merchandise others say he travelled rather to improve his knowledge and experience for he was a professed lover of wisdome and even to his last used to say I grow old learning riches he esteemed not much but to grow rich like him who abounds In heaps of gold as in rank corn his grounds In Mules and Horses whilst his numerous wealth Made pleasing by uninterrupted health If to compleat these joyes he be possest Of wife and children he is truly blest And elsewhere Riches I wish not riches that are plac'd In unjust means for vengeance comes at last SOLON Many unjust grow rich and pious poor We would not change our virtue for their store For constant virtue is a solid base Riches from man to man uncertain pass Aristotle ranks Solon amongst the inferior sort of Citizens whiâ—h saith he is manifest from his Elegies meaning perhaps some of these which Plutarch cites Lucian saith he was extreamly poor Palaeologus that he neither had nor valued wealth CHAP. II. How by his means the Athenians took Salamis
up to a trade mentioned also by Vitâ—uvius Galen Theophylact and others and commanded the court of Aâ—eopagus to examine by what gain every man maintained himselfe and to punish idle persons whom he made liable to the action of every man and at the third conviction punished with infamy This law Herodotus and Diodorus Siculus affirme to have been in use amongst the Aegyptians made by Amasis and from them divided by Solon to the Athenians Yet more severe was that mentioned by Heraclides of Pontus which disengaged the sons of concubines from maintaining their fathers He who transgresseth the bounds of marriage professeth he doth it not out of desire of issue but for pleasure and therefore already hath his reward and can expect to have no further tye upon those he begets whose birth is their shame Most incongruous seem those laws of Solon which concern women for he permitted that whosoever surprised an adulterer with the wife or concubine of any might kill him or exact mony of him he that ravished a free woman was fined 100 Drachmes he that plaid the pandor 20 Aeschines saith to die except to such women as were common He also forbad any man to give his sister or daughter to that profession unlesse himselfe first surprise her with a man This saith Plutarch seemes absurd to punish the same offence sometimes severely with death sometimes with a pecuniary mulct unlesse because at that time mony was very rare in Athens the scarcity thereof aggravated the punishment He assigned five hundred drachmes to the victor of the Isthmian games a hundred to the Victor of the Olympick attested also by Laertius who saith he contracted the rewards of the Athletas judging them dangerous victors and that they were crowned rather against then for their country Whosover brought a hee-wolfe was to receive five drachms for a shee-wolfe one according to Demetreus Phalereus this being the price of a sheep that of an Ox. It is customary with the Athenians that such as have grounds fitter for pasture then plowing make war with the wolves For asmuch as there is such scarcity of Rivers Lakes and Springs in the country that they are constrained to dig wells he made a Law where there was a common well within a Hippicon they should make use of it A Hippicon is the distance of foure furlongs they that lived further off should procure water of their own and if when they have digged ten fathom deep they find not any they might be allowed to fill a pitcher of six gallons twice a day at their neighbours well These exact rules he prescribed for planting Whosoever planted any young Tree in his ground should set it five foot distant from his neighbours who a Fig-tree or Olive-tree nine Because the roots of these spread far nor is their neighbourhood harmlesse to all but sucks away the nourishment and to some their blatt is prejudiciall Whosoever diggeth any hole or ditch must make it so far distant from his neighbours as it is deep These are confirmed by Caius adding whosoever makes a hedge to divide himselfe from his neighbour must not exceed his own bounds if a wall he must leave the space of a foot if a house two feet if a well a fathom Whosoever placeth a hive of bees should observe the distance of thirtie feet from those that were before placed by his neighbour He commanded the Archons to curse him who exported any thing ouâ— of the Country or that he should pay a hundred Drachmes to the publike treasury whereby they are not to be rejected who say that of old the exportation of figgs was prohibited and that he who discover'd exporter was called a Sycophant He made a law concerning such as should be hurt by a dog wherein he ordained the dog that bit to be bound in a chaine foure cubits long This law concerning Denization is difficult That none should be made free of the City except such as were banished for ever out of their oâ—ne Country or came to Athens with their whole families to exercise some trade this he did not to drive away forraigners but to invite them to Athens by certainty of admittance into the City conceiving such would be faithfull those out of necessity these out of good-will Likewise to be feasted in the publike hall was the peculiar institution of Solon which he called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not permitting the same person to eat there frequently but if he who were invited would not accept of it he was punished conceiving this a contempt of the publique honour that an inordinate appetite Hitherto Plutarch these following are recited by Laertius If any one maintain not his Parents let him be infamous as likewise he that devours his patrimony Hither Aeschines alludes in the fourth place with whom hath he to do If any man by prodigality hath consumed his patrimony or hereditary goods for he conceived he who had ordered his own family ill would in the same manner take care of the common-wealth neither did the law-giver imagine it possible that the same person should be privately wicked and publickly good or that it were fitting such a one should go up into the chair who took more care to frame an oration then to compose his life He forbad such as haunted common women to plead confirmed by Aeschines In the third place with whom hath he to do If any man saith he be a haunter of common women or procure mony by such means for he conceived such a one as sold his own fame for mony would easily sell the businesse of the state And Demosthenes it is worth inquiry and consideration Atheniens how great care Solon the author of this law had in the common-wealth in all those which he made and how particularly solicitous he was herein above all other things which as it is evident by many other lawes so also by this which forbids those qui sâ— prostituerunt either to plead or judge in publick He augmented the rewards of such as should die in war whose sons he ordered to be brought up and instructed at the publick charge Aristides thou alone of all men didst ordain these three things by law that such as died for their country should be annually praised publickly at their sepulchers their children till grown men maintained at the publick charge then sent back to their fathers house with compleat armes likewise that infirm Citizens should be maintain'd at the publick charge Plato adds that the same indulgence was allowed to the parents you know the care of the common wealth which in the lawes concerning the children and parents of such as died in the war commands the supream Magâ—strate to take care that the parents of those that died in the war above all other Citizens should not receive any injury The state brings up the
which the Athenians having sworn to give to Codrus and his heirs took away I have recovered no otherwise do I offend either God or man I take care that the common-wealth be governed according to the lawes you ordained for the Athenians and that better then by a Democratie I suffer none to do wrong neither do I enjoy any priviledges of a Tyrant more then honour and dignity such rewards only as were conferr'd upon the antient Kings every man paies the tenth of his estate not to me but to the maintenance of publick sacrifices or other charges of the common-wealth or against time of war You I blame not for discovering my intents you did it more in love to the state then in hate to me besides you knew not what government I meant to establish which if you had perhaps you would have brooked my rule and not banisht your selfe returne therefore home and believe me without an oath Solon shall never receive any displeasure from Pisistratus you know my very enemies have not and if you will vouchsafe to be of my friends you shall be of the first for I never saw anything in you deceitfull or false if otherwise you will live with the Athenians use your freedome only deprive not your selfe of your country for my sake Solon returned this answer Solon to Pisistratus I Beleeve I shall not suffer any harm by you for before you were Tyrant I was your friend and at present am no more your enemie then any other Athenian who dislikes Tyrannie whether it be better they be governed by a single person or by a Democratie let both parties determine I pronounce you the best of Tyrants but to returne to Athens I think not sitting lest I incur blame who setled an equality in the Athenian common-wealth and would not accept of the Tyranny by returning I shall comply with thy actions Croesus also sent to invite him to whom he thus answered Solon to Croesus I Love your humanity towards us and by Pallas but that I affect above all things to live under a Democratie I should much sooner choose to live in your Kingdome then at Athens whilst Pisistratus rules there by force but it is most pleasing to me to live where all things are just and equall yet will I come over to you being desirous to become your guest Solon upon this invitation went to Sandys where Croesus saith Herodoâ—us received him kindly after the third or fourth day the Officers at Croesus appointment lead him into the treasuries to shew him all their greatnesse and riches when he had beheld all Croesus spoke thus unto him Athenian guest because we have heard much fame of your wisdome and experience having out of love to Philosophy travelled into many Countries I have a desire to enquire of you if ever you saw any man whom you could call most happy This he demanded hoping himselfe to be esteemed such Solon nothing flattering him answered according to the truth saying O King Tellus the Athenian At which speech Croesus wondering Why do you judge Tellus the most happy Because replied Solon in a well ordered state he had children honest and good and saw every one of those have children all living thus having passed his life as well as is possible for man he ended it gloriously a fight happening between the Athenians and their neighbours in Eleusis he came in to their succour and and putting the enemy to flight died nobly the Athenians buried him in the place where he fell with much honour Whilst Solon recounted the happinesse of Tellus Croesus being mov'd demanded to whom he assign'd the next place making no question but himselfe should be named a second Cleobis saith he and Bito they were Argives by birth they had sufficient wherewithall to maintain themselves and withall so great strength of body that both were alike victors in the publick games of whom it is thus reported the Argives celebrating the feastivall of Iuno it was necessary their Mother should be drawn to the Temple by a pair of Oxen there being no Oxen in the field ready these young men streitned in time under went the yoke and drew the chariot of their Mother fortie five stadia till they came to the Temple when they had so done in the sight of all the people they obtain'd the happiest end of their daies whereby the God declared it better for a man to die then to live the Argive pressing about them the men applauding the piety of the Sons the Women the happinesse of the Mother the Mother her selfe infinitely joyed with the action and the glory thereof standing before the image prayed the Goddesse to give her sons Cleobis and Bito the best thing that could happen to man after this prayer having sacrificed and feasted they lay down to sleep in the Temple and never waked more but so ended their daies their Images as of most excellent persons were made by the Argives and set up at Delphi These Solon ranked in the second degree Hereat Croesus growing angry stranger said he doth our happinesse seem so despicable that you will not rank us equall with private persons He answered do you enquire Croesus concerning human affairs of me who know that divine prodence is severe and full of alteration In processe of time we see many things we would not we suffer many things we would not let us propose seventy yeers as the term of mans life which yeares consist of twenty five thousand and two hundred daies besides the additionall month if we make one year longer then another by that Month to make the time accord the additionall months belonging to those seventy years will be thirty five the daies of those months a thousand and fiftie whereof one is not in all things like another so that every man O Croesus is miserable you appear to me very rich and are King over many but the question you demand I cannot resolve untill I hear you have ended your daies happily he who hath much wealth is not happier then he who gets his living from day to day unlesse fortune continuing all those good things to him grant that he die well There are many men very rich yet unfortunate many of moderate estates fortunate of whom he who abounds in wealth and is not happy exceeds the fortunate only in two things the other him in many the rich is more able to satisfie his desires and to overcome great injuries yet the fortunate excells him he cannot indeed inflict hurt on others and satisfie his own desires his good fortune debarres him of these but he is free from ills healthfull happy in his children and beautifull if to this a man dies well that is he whom you seek who deserves to be called happy before death he cannot be stil'd happy but fortunate yet for one man to obtain all this is impossible as one country cannot furnish it selfe with all things some it hath others it wants that which hath most is best
so in men no one is perfect what one hath the other wants he who hath constantly most and at last quietly departs this life in opinion O King deserves to bear that name In every thing we must have regard to the end whether it tends for many to whom God dispenceth all good fortunes he at last utterly subverts This story is related by Plutarch also mentioned by Laertius who addes that Croesus being magnificently adorned and seated on his Throne asked him whether he had ever seen any thing more glorious who answered Câ—â—ks Pheasants Peacocks who are much more beautiful in their naturall power Solon after this discourse with Croesus not soothing him or making any esteem of him was dismissed and accounted unwise for neglecting the present good in regard to the future Aesope the writter of fables was at that time at Sardis sent for thither by Croesus with whom he was much in favour he was grieved to see Solon so unthankfully dismist and said to him Solon we must either tell Kings nothing at all or what may please them No saith Solon either nothing at all or what is best for them Thus was Solon much despised by Croesus Afterwards Croesus being taken prisoner by Cyrus was at his command fettered and set upon a great pile of wood to be burned as he was in this posture it came into his minde what Solon had divinely said to him that no living man is happy as soone as he remembred those words he fell into a great defection of Spirit and sighing deeply named Solon thrice which Cyrus hearing commanded the interpreters to aske upon whom he called they went to him and asked he was silent at last pressing him further he answered upon him who I desire above all wealth might have spoken with all tyrants not understaning after much pressure and importunity he told them Solon an Athenian came long since to him and beholdiâ—g all his wealth valued it at nothing moreover that all which he told him had come to passe nor did it more belong to him then to all mankind especially to those who think themselves happy Whilst Croesus said this the fire began to kindle and the outward parts thereof to be seized by the flame Cyrus being informed by an interpreter of all that Croesus said began to relent knowing himselfe to be but a man who delivered another man nothing inferiour to him in wealth to be burned alive fearing to be punished for that act and considering that nothing was certain in human affairs he commanded the fire to be instantly quenched and Croesus and those that were with him to be brought off whomâ— ever after as long as he lived he had in esteem Thus Solon gained praise that of two Kings his speech preserved one and instructed the other Plutarch relates this done in the former ten years travail of Solon upon the finishing of his lawes whence he maketh an Apology for the incongruity thereof with the rules of Chronology which had lesse needed if with Laertius he had placed it after Pisistratus his usurpation of the tyranny Laertius saith he went from hence to Cilicia and built there a Gitty called after him Soleis whither he brought also some few Athenians whose language growing corrupt by that of the country they were said to solaecise of this is the Etymologist doubtlesse to be understood who derives 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so read we not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This is also attested by Suidas as a distinct relation from that of Cyprus in confirmation whereof Laertius addâ—s the Cilicians were called Solenses the Cyprians Solii CHAP. XII His death HEraclides affirmes Solon lived long after Pisistratus began to raign Lucian that his life extended to a hundred years with whom those best agree who say as Suidas relates he lived in the fiftie six Olympiad but according to Phanias Pisistratus took the Tyranny upon him when Comias was Archon and Solon died Hegestratus being Archon who sâ—cceeded Comias which was in the first year of the fiftie â—ift Olympiad If this latter opinion had not every where taken place of the other the disagreement betwixt the time of Solon's death and Croesus raign had not been urged by many as an argument against the story of their meeting He dyed according to Laertius aged eighty years being as Elian saith very decrepit in Cyprus as is like wise attested by Valerius Maximus and Suidas â— and left order with his friends that they should carry his bones to Salamis there causing them to be burnt sâ—atter the ashes all over the country which story Plutarch though he counts it fabulous acknowledgeth to be attested by many Authors of credit particularly Aristotle Laertius confirms it by the testimony of Craâ—inus who makes him speak thus The Island I inhabit sown As fame reports in Ajax Town That desire of knowledge which he usually profest continued with him to his end confirmed the last day of his life his friends sitting about him and falling into some discourse he raised his weary head and being demanded why he did so he answered that when I have learnt that whatsoever it be whereon you dispute I may die His brothers son singing an ode of Sappho he delighted therewith bad him teach him it and being demanded why that said he I may learn whilst I 〈◊〉 out of this life After his death the Athenians erected his statute in brasse before the checker'd cloister'd in the forum Another was set up at Salamis hiding as Demosthenes and Eschines describe it the hand within the garment in the same habit wherein he used to make speeches to the Athenians perhaps the same that carried this inscription â—am'd Salamis the Persian pride cast down And gave to Solon birth the lawes renown Laertius bestowes this Epigram upon him A sorraign Cyprian fire burn'd Solon yet Salamis keeps his bones their ashes wheat His Soul to heaven mounts with his lawes so light A burthen they not clog but help his flight CHAP. XIII His writinngly 〈◊〉 HIs excellency both in Rhetoratie â—nd Poetry is attested by many Cicero before Solo◠〈◊〉 no man is recorded for eloquence And again Lycurgus and Solon we place in the number of the eloquent Dion Chrysostome Aristides Lycurgus Solon Epaminondas and if there be any other in the same kind ought to be esteemed Philosophers in the common-wealth or Oratours according to ingenious true Rhetorick Aristides Solon is said to have sung those things which concern the Megarenses but neither his Lawes nor Orations which sometimes he made for the rich to the commons sometimes for the commons to the rich did he sing or comprise in verse but used a rhetoricall form excellently demonstrating in all these that he deserved to be esteemed an Oratour and a Wise-man having attained both those titles and faculties As to Poetry Pluâ—â—rch averres he addicted himselfe thereto from the beginning not
causing her father to govern his people with more mildnesse Cratinus also mentions her in a Comedy named from her Cleobulae often cited by Athenaeus He died full of years which extended to seventy his tomb carried this inscription Wise Cleobulus death the Lindian shore To which his birth was owing doth deplore He composed Verses and Riddles to the number of three thousand of which was this Riddle concerning the Year by Suidas ascribed to his daughter Cleobulina One fire twelve sons from every one a race Of thirty daughters with a double face Their looks are black and white successively Immortall they are all and yet all die Some assert him the Author of this Epigram upon Midas not Homer who as they account lived long before Midas though Herodotus otherwise A brazen virgin stretcht on Mida's tomb To last whilst water runs and Trees shall bloom Whilst Sun and Moon dart their successive beams And the rough sea supplied by gentle streams I dwell upon this dismal sepulcher To tell all those that passe Midas lies here There is likewise extant under his name this Epistle Cleobulus to Solon YOu have many friends and a habitation every where but I dare affirme Lindus would be most pleasing to Solon being governed by a Democracy an Island where there is no fear of Pisistratus thither your friends will come to you from all parts CHAP. II. His morall sentences precepts and verses OF his morall saying are these Employ thy selfe in something excellent Be not vain and ungratefull Bestow your daughters Virgins in years Matrons in discretion implying that the Virgins also should be instructed which the Greeks used not the Romans brought them up in the liberall sciences Do good to your friend that he may be more your friend your enemy that he may become your friend for we should beware of the calumny of friends of the treachery of nemies When any man goeth forth let him consider what he is to do when he returnes examine what he hath done A Prince may be happy if he trust none that are about him That common-wealth is best ordered wherein the Citizens fear reproach more then Law That family is best wherein more loue then fear the Master His precepts thus collected by Demetrius Phalereus A mean is best His particular sentence To reuerence thy father is dutie 〈◊〉 care of thy bodie and soul. Hear willingly but trust not hastily oâ— as Laertius 't is better to love to hear then to love to speak 〈…〉 better to know many things Laertius to love knowledge then 〈◊〉 be ignorant of all Teach your tongue to speak well It is proper to 〈◊〉 and contrary to vice to hate injustice Laertius be a friend to vertue a stranger to vice Preserve thy pietie Advise thy country 〈◊〉 what is best Govern thy tongue Laertius pleasure Do nothing by violence Instruct thy children Pray to fortune Forgoe enmitie The Enemy to thy conntry esteem thy own Fight not nor be kind 〈◊〉 wife in the presence of others one argues folly the other madnesse Corect not your servants when they are drunk it showes as if you were drunk your selfe Marry with your equall for by matching into a higher family you procure Masters not kinsmen Laugh not in compliance with him who derides others for you will be hated by those he derides Rich be not exalted poor be not dejected Laertius addes learn to bear the changes of fortune Ausonius ascribes these to him The more is in thy power desire the lesse Not to be envi'dis unhappinesse None long in his impieties can thrive In other much nought in thy selfe forgive All men would spare the good the bad cast down We share not in our ancestors renown But their inglorious actions often own Of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 these were most noted By ignorence most deeds are swaid In many specious words arraid But all things shall by time be weigh'd PERIANDER PERIANDER CHAP. I. The Country Ancestors and Parents of Periander PEriander was sonne of Cypselus Tyrant of Corinh his mother Cratea his Ancestors the Heraclidae descended from Hercules and Iardana raigned Kings of Lydia five hundred five yeares the son continually succeeding the father for two and twenty generations The originall of Cypselus and the manner of his obtaining the Kingdome receive thus from Herodotus When Corinth was governed by an Oligarchy inhabited by the Bacchiadae who never would marry out of their own family one of them called Amphion had a lame daughter by name Labda whom when none of the Bacchiadae would take to wife Eetion married son of Echeâ—rates of the Betraean tribe but desended afar off from Lapithe and Caenis having no children he consulted the Delphian Oracle about it as soone as he entred the Prophetesse spake thus to him Eetion none will thee though great respect A stone from Labdas fruitfull wombe expect Which shall the people crush Corinth correct This Oracle to Eetion agreed with another deliver'd to the Bacchiadae though by them not understood to this effect A Lyon by an Eagle shall be laid Upon a rock fierce making all afraid Corinthians what I say consider well Who in tall Corinth and Pirâ—ne dwell The Bacchiadae who could not comprehend the meaning of this Oracle when they heard that to Eetion understood their owne by the affinity it had with the other and thereupon secretly design'd amongst themselves to kill Eetions child His wife being delivered they sent ten men of their owne to the tribe wherein Eetion dwelt that they should murder the Infant when thy came to Petra to Eetions house they demanded the child Labda not knowing their intent but thinking they came to congratulate with the Father brings her sonne and gives him into the hands of one of them they had agreed upon the way that he into whose hands the child were delivered should dash out its braines against the ground but by divine providence the child smiling upon him to whom Labda had given it he was moved therewith to such compassion that he could not finde in his heart to kill it but delivered it to another he to a third untill at last it past through the hands of all the ten None of them having power to kill it they restored it to the mother Then going forth and standing before the doore they began to finde fault with one another but chiefly with him who tooke the child first for not performing the agreement after some debate they agreed to goe in all and bee equall sharers in the murther but it was decreed that Eetions child should bee the oppressour of Corinth for Labda standing at the doore heard all their discourse and fearing lest their mindes changing they should murther it carried away the child and hid it in a measure of corne called Cypsela a place which she conceived they could never search if they returned and so it fell out They came back and sought all about
would imitate him gave great examples whilst he walked free amidst the thirty oppressours Theramenes opposing this cruelty and injustice was accused by Critias for betraying the trust of the Common-wealth whereof he acquitted himself to the satisfaction of the Senate But Critias and his faction fearing he might overthrow the Oligarchy seized upon him with a troop of souldiers Theramenes run to the Altar but being dragg'd from thence by the officers he behaved himself like saith Diodorus the Disciple of Socrates the people pittied him but none of them durst offer to help him because he was compass'd in by the souldiers except Socrates and two of his companions who ran to him and endeavoured to rescue him out of the hands of the officers Theramenes desired them to forbear telling them that he much loved and commended their kindnesse and virtue but that it would be the greatest misfortune he could have if their love to him should occasion their deaths whereupon Socrates and his companions seeing none come in to join with them in his aid and that the contrary party was too strong for them gave over Theramenes was carried to prison and there being sentenced to drink hemlock died These outrages of the thirty Tyrants Socrates did not forbear to censure Seeing many eminent persons put to death and the rich circumvented betray'd to excessive punishments he said to Antisthenes doth it repent thee that we have done nothing in our whole lives great remarkable as those Monarchs who are described in Tragedies Atreus's Thyestes's Agamemnon's and Aegisthus's they are in those playes beheaded teasted with their own flesh and generally destroyed Buâ— no Pâ—et was ever so bold and impudent as to bring a hog killed upon the stage To another who murmur'd bâ—cause he was not looked upon since they began to rule are you sorry for it said he Hee said likewise that it were strange if a Neatherd who diminished and impoverished his herd should not confesse himself an ill Neatherd but more strange that one who being set over a City made the Citizens worse and their number less should not confesse himself an ill Governour This came to their knowledge whereupon Critias and Charicles sent for him and forbad him strictly to teach or discourse with any of the young men Socrates asked them if in aâ—s of prohibition he might be permitted to question what hee understood nâ—t which they granting Then continues he I am ready to obey the Lawes but lest I transgresse them through ignorance I desire to be informed whether when you forbid me the act of speaking this act be to be understood of things spoken rightly or not rightly if of the first I must abstain from speaking what is right if of the second I must take care to speak nothing but what is right Hereupon Charicles being displeased said Since you understood not that Socrates we command you what is easier to be understood that hence forward you speak not at all with any of the young men To take away all ambiguity replies Socrates that I may not exceed my limitation let me know expresly at what years you call a man young so long saith Charicles as he is uncapable of being Senatour and bath not attained to the height of his judgemen you are not to speak with any under thirty May I not buy answers Socrates of any under that age nor ask them the price of any thing That you may saith Charicles but your custom is to ask questions of things which you know very well forbear those and shall I not then replies Socrates make answer if anyone ask me where Charicles dwells or where Critias is To such questions saith Charicles you may You must continues Critias refrain from the artisicers whose ears you have sufficiently grated with your impertinent discourse I must then obstain saith Socrates from justice piety and the like Even from the very Neatherds replies Charicles which unlesse you do take heed your head come not short home This ill will and jealousie which they had conceived against Socrates was increased by the secret departure of some friends of his out of the City which was reported to be done by his contrivement to give intelligence to the Thebans nor was that suspicion without reason as is manifest by his last Epistle hereupon they sumon'd him into the Court where some complaints were brought against him of which having acquitted himselfe they to get a better cause of quarrel against him gave order to him and four more to go to the Pyraeum and to apprehend Leon whom they meant to put to death that they might possesse his estate But Socrates refused adding that he would never willingly assist an unjust act whereupon Chaâ—icles said dost thou think Socrates to talk thus peremptorily and not to suffer A thousand ills answered Socrates but none so grievous as to do unjustly Charicles made no reply nor any of the rest the other foure went for Leon Socrates directly to his house but from thence forward the jealousie they had of him was so much encreased that if their power had not been soon dissolved they would have gone neer to have taken away his life CHAP. XI His falling out with the Sophists and with Anytus THe Sophists Masters of language in those â—imes saith Cicero whereof were Gorgias of Leontium Thrasymachus of Chalcedon Protagoras oâ— Abdera Prodicus a Cian Hippias an Elian and many others who profest in arrogant words to teach how an inferiour cause such was their phrase might by speaking be made superiour and used a sweet fluent kind of Rhetorick argute in sentences loftie in words sitter for ostentation then pleading for the Schooles and Academies rather then the Forum were so highly esteem'd that wheresoevâ—r they came they could perswade the young men to forsake all other conversation for theirs These Socrates opposed and often by his subtlety of disputing refelling their principles with his accustomed interrogatories demonstrated that they were indeed much beneath the esteem they had gained â—hat they themselves understood nothing of that which they undertook to teach others he withdrew the young men from their empty conversation These who till then had been looked upon as Angels for wit and Eloquence he proved to be vain affecters of words ignorant of those things which they profest and had more need to give mony to be taught then to take as they used mony for teaching The Athenians taken with these reproof's which Socrates gave them derided them and excited their children to the study of solid vertue Another quarrell Socrates had of long continuance for it was the occasion of his death but begun many years before with Anytus an Oratour by profession privately maintained and enriched by Leather-sellers He had put two of his sons to Socrates to be taught but not being pleased that whilst they were in that way they had not learned so much as to be able thereby to get their
be because saith he I never did any unjust act which I conceive the best apologie but we often see Judges saith Hermogenes overswai'd by Rhetorick to condemne the innocent and acquit the guilty the truth is replyed Socrates going about to make my apology I was twice withheld by the Daemon whereat Hermogenes wondring is it strange continues hee that God should think it fit for me to dy at this time hitherto no man hath lived more uprightly which as it is now my greatest comfort so it was the greatest delight to my selfe and friends if I live longer I know I mustundergoe what is proper to old age defects of hearing and sight slownesse to apprehend aptness to forget how can I then be pleased to live longer and grow worse It is likely God in his love to mee hath ordained that I should die in the most convenient age and by the gentlest meanes for if I die by sentence I am allowed the benefit of the most easie kind of death I shall give my friends the least trouble I shall doe nothing unseemely before those that are present and shall depart sound in body and soule is not this very desirable God with much reason forbids me to make any defence If I could effect it I should onely stay longer to be taken away by the torment of diseases and imperfections of age which truly Hermogenes I desire not If when I give an accompt of my actions towards God and men the Judges think fit to condemne me I will rather chufe to die then to beg of them a life worse then death Other friends used the same perswasions to him with assurance of victory Lycias an excellent Oratour offered him an Oration which he had written in his defence desiring him if he thought good to make use of it at his tryall Socrates perused it and told him that it was a good one but not fit for him Lysias asking how that could be why saith he may not a garment or shooes be rich yet not fit for me if you should bring me Sicyonian shooes I would not weare them though they were fit for my feet because they are effeminate he conceived the Oration to be ingenious and eloquent but not stout and manly for though it were very bitter against the Judges yet was it more rhetoricall then became a Philosopher The day of tryall being come Anytus Lyco and Melitus prepared to accuse him one in behalfe of the people the second of the Oratours the last of the Poets Melitus first went up into the chaire proper for that purpose and there spoke an Oration which was in it felt mean enough but withall deliver'd so unhappily and school-boy-like that sometimes he was out with fear and turned about to be prompted like a player enough to beget laughter even in those that were most concern'd in so serious a caufe Part of the effect whereof seems to be the same which is thus by Xenophon dispersedly deliver'd some particulars whereof are confirmed by Libanius That Socrates perswaded his auditors to contemn the received Lawes saying it was sit onely for fooles to bee govern'd by a bean meaning the suffrages of the Senate so gather'd That he was intimately conversant with Critias and Alcibiades one most covetous and violent in the Oligarchy the other ambitious of Tyranny That he taught direspect and obedience to Parents telling his scholers hee would make them wiser than their Fathers and that it was lawfull for any one to bind his Father if hee were mad and for those that were the more wise to do as much to those that were lesse wise That he taught also direspect of all other kinsmen saying they were not usefull to the sick or to the accused the first being in more need of a Physician the latter of an Oratour that the good will of unable friends was nothing worth that onely the most knowing persons were most worthy of honour by which means he would arrogate all respect to himself That he selected out of the Poets some ill places and perverted others that were not so to excite his friends to impious actions as that of Hesiod There is no work pursued shame 'T is idleness hat merits blame He expounded as if the Poet meant all acts might be committed for gain That he often repeated and misinterpreted tese words of Homer as if the poet allowed the poor to be beaten When he a Prince or some great person meets Such with soft language kindly thus he greets Happy above the reach of fear are you Sit down and bid your followers do so too But of the lower fort when any speaks Forth these words with blows his anger breaks Be quiet to shy betters wretch submit For action and advice alike unsit Melitus his oration ended came down next him came Anytus with a long malicious speech and last of all Lyco with all the artisice of Rhetorick concluded the accusation Socrates would not as was the custom procure an Advocate to plead for him all the while his accusers were speaking he seemed to employ his mind about nothing lesse as soon as they had done he went up into the chair in which action he observed that the Daemon did not withhold him anâ— with an angry smile begun this unpremeditated answer not as a suppliant or guilty person but as if Master of the Judges themselves with a free contumacy proceeding not from pride but the greatnesse of his mind But I wonder first Athenians how Melitus came by this knowledge that as he saith I do not worship those Gods the City worships Others have seen me and to might Melitus if he had pleas'd sacrifice at common festivalls on the publick Altars How do I introduce new deities when I professe to be directed in all my actions by the voice of God they who observe the notes of birds or answers of men are guided by the voice none doubts of thunder whether it bee loud or oraculous Doth not the Priestesse on the Tripod convey to us by voice what the God delivers to her and that he foreknowes events communicating them to whom pleaseth him all men as well as I believe and professe others call those that foretell events Augurs Soothsayers and Diviners I the Daemon and I conceive more religiously then they who ascribe a Divine power to birds That I am no impostor herein many can attest who have asked my advice and never found it fail Here there arose a murmur in the Senate some not believing others envying what he said that he should surpasse them in such a particular favour of the deity Let such as are incredulous hear this also to confirm their opinion that I am not favour'd of the Gods when Chaerephon in the presence of many witnesses question'd the Delphian Oracle concerning me Apollo answered that no man was more free more just or more wise here another murmur arose amongst the Judges he proceeded Yet
sat still by him admiring in the soundnesse of his sleep the happy equality of his mind assoon as he waked he told him that he came to bring sad newes if not such to him yet to all his friends that the ship would certainly be at home to morrow at furthest some that came from Sunium affirming they had left it there but that in all likelyhood it would come that day and he should dye the next In good timebe it answered Socrates but I do not beleeve it will come to day for the day following I must dye as they say who have the power in their hands but that I shall not dye to morrow but the day after I guesse by a dream I had this night that a woman very beautifull in a white garment saluted me by my name saying Thou e e three daies are told Rich Pthya shalt behold The same relation according to Laertius he made to Aeschines This occasion Crito took to perswade him to save himselfeâ— which he prest with many arguments That his friends would be accused of covetousnesse as more desirous to spare their wealth then to redeem him that it might be effected with little trouble and expence to them who were provided for it that himselfe was rich enough to do it or if not Simmias Cebes and others would joyne with him that he ought not voluntarily to thrust himselfe into destruction when he might avoid it that he should leave his children in an uncertain mean estate that it would not be construed constancy but want of courage Consider well these reasons saith he or rather for it is now no time to stand considering be perswaded what is to be done must be done this nightâ— or it will be too late Socrates answered that his cheerfull readinesse to relieve him was much to be esteemed if agreeable to justice otherwise the lesse just the more blamable that opinion and censure ought not to be regarded but truth and equity that wrong must not be requiâ—ed with wrong that faith should be kept more strictly with a City then with private persons that he had voluntarily subjected himselfe to the lawes of his Country by living under their government and to violate them at last were great in justice that by breaking Prison he should not only draw his friends into many inconveniences but himselfe also into many dangers only to live and dye in exile that it such a condition he should be nothing more capable to bring up his children well but dying honestly his friends would take the more care of them That whatsoever inconvenience might ensue nothing was to be preferred before justice that it he should escape by treachery the remainder of his life would be never the more happy nor himselfe after death better entertain'd in the next world These things saith he I hear like the Corybantian pipes the sound of these words makes me dease to every thing else therefore whatever you shall say to the contrary will be to no purpose but if you have any other businesse speak Crito answering he had not any else as for this then concludes he speak no more of it let us go the way which God points out to us CHAP. XII THe time and manner of his death The time of Socrates death is formerly touch'd the Marble at Arundell-House saith he died when Laches was Archon aged seventy yeers which according to Plato were compleat for he saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Demetrus Phalerius saith he dyed the first year of the nintie fifth Olympiad having lived seventy years Dioclorus Siculus averres it was done in that yeare Baches being Archon Although there be not any thing in the Greek story settled by better authority then the years of Socrates Leo Ailaius with much confidence and little reason controverts the received Chronology of his life and death the occasion is this the fourteenth of the Socratick Epistles publisht by him mentioneth an oration of Polycrates as spoken at the arraignment of Socraes but the Walls of Athens repaired by Conon six years after the death of Socrates being spoken of in that Oration the Epistle is thereby rendred suspicious the truth seems to be this After the death of Socrates it became an ordinary Theme in the Schooles of Rhetorick which was at that time much studied at Athens to speak for and against Socrates Polycraes a Sophister to exercise his wit wrote an invective Lyâ—ias a famous Oratour who died about the 100 Olympiad had written as we have already said an Apologetick which is by the Scholiast of Aristides cited in answer to Polycrates Apologies were in like manner written by Plato Xenophon and long after by Libanius although Isocrates admonished Polycrates of certain errors in his Oration against Socrates yet the Anachronism continued for Chronology was not yet studied in Athens and thence it is that Plato himself is in that respect so much reprehended by Aâ—henaeus Aristides Macrobius and other the writer of the Socraticall Epistle admits â—olycrates as the accuser at the triall and oration as then and there spoken so also doth Hermippus whom Laertius cites to the same effect But Phavorinus a Critick of later times when Chronology was more exact detects the errour by computation of times Allatius will by no means have the criticism of Phavortnus allowed and labours to introduce an uncertainty of the time to the end hee may perswade that Socrates lived beyond the reparation of the walls of Athens the great Engine where with he labours to demolish all that hath been afferted by the antients is the testimony of Suidas who I know not upon what authority saith he lived 80. years his smaller artillery are the groundlesse emendation of Meursius and the mistake of Scalâ—ger before noted the absurd Metachronism of the Chronicum Alexandrinum which makes Socrates die in the 104th Olympiad and in the 90th year of his age the anistoresie of the unknown writer of Aristoles life who supposeth him in the 17th year of his age to have heard Socrates three years and which is most ridiculous the notorious anachronisms of Plato must serve asirrefragable arguments to impugne the truth With these proofes in the sophisticall disguise of a Dialogue hee endeavours to puzzle the unwary reader The manner of his death receive from Plato in the person of Phaedo an Eye-witnesse Every day saith he I went with other friends of his to visit him we met in the Court where he was tried it being near the prison where we entertain'd our selves with discourse till the prison was open'd then went in unto him and spent many times the whole day with him But that day we met sooner then ordinary for the evening before as we came out of the Prison we heard the ship was come from Delos and thereupon we appointed to meet early the next morning at the usuall place where being come the Porter came out to us and told us that that we must stay a while
are not without reason sacred to Apollo because they seeme to have learnt divination from him whereby foreseeing the good that is in death they dye with songs and delight so ought all good and knowing persons to doe Let every one therefore prepare for this journey against the time that fate shall call him away You Simmtas Cebes and the rest here present shall goe at your appointed hower me sate now summons as the Fragedian saith and perhaps it is time that I goe into the Bath for I think it best to wash before I take the poison that I may save the women the labour of washing me when I am dead When hee had made an end of speaking 〈◊〉 asked him what directions he would leave concerning his Sonnes and other affaires and if they could doe any thing that might bee acceptable to him I desire no more saith he then what I have often told you if you take care of your selves whatsoever you doe will be acceptable to me and mine though you promise nothing if you neglect yourselves and vertue you can doe nothing acceptable to us though you promise never so much that answered Crito we shall observe but how will you be buried as you think good saith he if you can catch me and that I give you not the slip then with a smile applying himselfe to us I cannot perswade Crito saith he that I am any thing more then the carkasse you will anon behold and therefore he takes this care for my enterment it seems that what even no I told him that as soon as I have taken the poyson I shall go to the joyes of the blessed hath been to little purpose He was my bail bound to the Iudges for my appearance you must now be my sureties to him that I am departed let him not say that Socrates is carried to the grave or laid underground for know dear Crito such a mistake were a wrong to my soul be not dejected tell the world my body onely is buried and that after what manner thou pleasest This said heearose and retir'd into an inner room taking Crito with him leaving us discoursing upon our own misery shortly to be deprived like Orphans of so dear a Father After his bathing came his wife and the other women of his Family with his Sons two of them children one a youth when he had taken order with these about his domestick affairs hee dismist them and came out to us It was now Sun-set for he 〈◊〉 staid long within when the officer entrid and after a little pause 〈…〉 not Socrates observâ—d that carriage in you which I have found in others but as I thought you the most generoâ—s over the 〈◊〉 and best of all men that ever came into this 〈◊〉 so I how see you hate me not for that whâ—â— of other are the cause you know the message I bring farewell bear what you cannot remedy with that he departed weeping and fare theâ— well said Socrates I will How civil is this man 〈◊〉 found him the same all the time of my imprisonment hee would often 〈◊〉 me discourse with me used me alwaies curt cously and now see how kindly he weeps for me but come Criâ—o let us do as he bids us if the poison be ready let it be brought in The Sun is yet scarce set answers Crito others take it late after a plentifull supper and full cups make not so much hast there is time enough he replies they who do so think they gain time but what shall I gain by drinking it late onely deceive my self as covetous of life and sparing of that which is no longer mine pray let it be as I say Then Crito sent one of the attendants who immediately returned and with him the man that was to administer the poison bringing a cup in his hand to whom Socrates prethee honest friend for thou art well verst in these businesses what must I do nothing said hee but as soon as you have drunk walk till you find your leggs begin to fail then lie down and in so saying he gave him the Cup Socrates took it cheerfully not changing either countenance or colour and looking pleasantly upon him demanded whether he might spill any of it in libation who answered he had made no more then would just serve yet saith Socrates I may pray to God and will that my passage hence may be happy which I beseech him to grant and in the same instant drank it off easily without any disturbance many of us who till now had refrained from tears when we saw him put the cup to his mouth and drink off the poison were not able to contain any longer which Socrates observing friends saith he what mean you for this reason I sent away the women left they should be so unquiet I have heard we should die with gratulation and applause be quiet then and take it patiently These words made us with shame suppresse our tears when he had walked a while perceiving his leggs to fail he lay down on his back as the Executioner directed him who looking on his feet pinched them hard asking him if he felt it he answered no he did the like to his leggs and showing us how every part successively grew cold and stiâ—â—e told us when that chilnesse came at his heart he would die not long after liee spake these his last words O Crito I owe Aesculapius a Cock pay it negglect it not It shall be done said Crito will you have any thing else He made no answer lay still a while then stretched himselfe forth with that the executioner uncovered him his eyes were set Crito closed them This saith Plato was the end of the best the wisest and most just of men A story which Cicero professeth he never read without tears Aristole saith that a Magus comming from Syria to Athens not only reprehended Socrates for many things but foretold him also that he should die a violent death Laertius closeth his life with this Epigram Drink Socrates with Jove next whom enthron'd By Gods and wisdom's selfe as wisest own'd Thee the Athenians gave a pois ' nous draught But first same they from thy lips had quast CHAP. XIIII What happened after his death HE was buried with tears and much solemnity contrary to his own direction by his friends amongst whom the excessive grief of Plato is observed by Plutarch and the mourning habit of Isocrates As soon as they had performed that last service fearing the cruelty of the Tyrants they stole out of the City the greater part to Megara to Euclid where they were kindly received the rest to other parts Soon after I Lacaedemonian youth who had never more acquaintance with Socrates then what fame gave him took a journey to Athens intending to become his disciple being come as far as the City-gates ready to enter with joy to be neer the end at which he aimed instead of Socrates he meets
age falling sick he was asked by one that came to visit him how he did Very well saith he either way if I live I shall have more aemulation if I dy more praise He was so temperate that he never preferred that which is pleasant before that which is wholsome He never did eat more than appetite which was his sauce made delightfull all drink was pleasing to him because he never drank but when he was thristy and then with such temperate caution that he powred out the first draught of water upon the ground and if he were at any time invited to a feast he which to others is very difficult with much ease took care not to eate more then consisted with his health whereof he was very carefull because the exercises of the soule depend thereon and in order thereto used to walk constantly before meals whereupon being asked by one that observed it what he did I get broth saith he for my supper To this temperance it is imputed though Athens were often in his time visited with the pestilence he alone escaped it He was so strugall that how little so ever he had it was alwaies enough wanting the means to live splendidly he sought not anxiously how to acquire more but how to accomodate his manner of life to that which he had wherewith he was so contented that he affirmed himselfe to come neerest the Gods because he wanted least Seeing the great variety of things exposed to sale he would say to himselfe how many things there are that I need not and often had in his mouth these verses Purple which Gold and Gems adorn Is by â—ragaedians to be worn Alcibiades ambitiously munisicent sent him many great presents Xantippe admiring their value desired him to accept them We answered Socrates will contest in liberality with Alcibiades not accepting by a kind of munificence what he hath sent us To the same who offered him a large plot of ground to build a house upon And if I wanted shoes saith he would you give me leather to make them but deserve I not to be derided if I accepted it He slighted Archelaus King of Macedonia and Scopas son of Cranomas and Eurilocus son of Larisaeus not accepting their money nor going to them Archelons sending to him to desire his company He said he would not go to one from whom he should receive benefits which he could not equall with returne To Perdicas who demanded why he would not come to him he answered lest I die the most ignoble death that is lest I receive a benefit I cannot requiâ—e Coming home late one night from a feast some wild young men knowing of his return lay in wait for him attined like furies with vizards and torches whereby they used to affright such as they met Socrates assoon as he saw them nothing troubled made a stand and fell to question them according to his usuall manner as if he had been in the Lyceum or Acauemy He despised those that cavilled at him Being told that such a one had reviled him behind his back Let him beat me saith he whilst I am not by and that another spoke ill of him He hath not yet learnt saith he to speak well Being kicked by an insolent young fellow and seeing those that were with him much incensed ready to pursue him he said what if an Asse kick me would you have me kick again or sue him but the fellow escaped not unpunished for every one reproached him for this insolence and called him the reviler so that at last for vexation he hanged himselfe Another striking him a box on the ear he said no more but that it was hard a man knew not when to go abroad with a helmet Another fell upon him with much violence which he endured without the least disturbance suffering him to vent his anger which he did so long till he made his face all swelled and bruised Whensoever he perceived himselfe to grow incensed with any of his friends Before the storm arose He to a harbour goes He used to moderate his voice to look smilingly and moderately upon them reserving himselfe untainted with passion by recourse to the contrary He taught not such as conversed with him to be covetous for he took no mony of his Schollars therein expressing his own liberality Hunger or want could never force him to flatter any Yet was he very compleasant and facete in company as he one day openly at dinner reproved one of his friends something harshly Plato said to him had not this been better told in private Socrates immediately answered and had not you done better if you had told me so in private Being demanded what countryman he was He answered neither of Athens nor Greece but of the World Sometimes he would feast in a fine Robe as Plato describes him and when the time allowed learned to sing saying it was not shame to learn any thing which one knew not He also danced everyday conceiving that exercise healthfull nor was he ashamed to play with little children He was so just that he never in the least wronged anyman but on the contrary benfited all such as conversed with him as much as he could His continence was invincible He despiesed the beauty of Alcibiades derided Theodota and Calliste two eminent Curtesans of that time He took great delight in the conversation of good men to such he communicated whatsoever he knew with them he studied the writings of the antient wisemen selecting what was good out of them which confirmes what was said before in the life of Solon that morall Philosophy was commenc'd by the Sophoi and esteemed this mutuall friendship which he contracted with them above all treasure Towards this his outward endeavour was so affected and desired by them as much as he affected and desired them CHAP. XVI His Wives and Children HE had two wives the first Xantippe a Citizens daughter of Athens as Theodoret affirmes who addes that she was dishonest before he married her even with himselfe besides others Athenaeus also saith that after he was married he lent her to a friend and that Alcibiades lay with her But Aristokenus and Porphyrius from whom these as persons are derived have been noted of too much malignity to be of any authority She was according to the Character Agellius gives her curst froward chiding and â—colding alwaies both day and night and for that reason he chose her as he profest to Antisthenes from observing that they who would be excellent in horse-manship chose the roughest horses knowing if they are able to manage them they may easily rule others He desirous to use much coversation with men took her to wife knowing if he could bear with her he might easily converse with all men To Alcibiades who said her scolding was intollerable he profest
should who hath been ever untill now my counsellor and guide Epist. II. YOu are not ignorant how great esteem we have of Chaerephon who being chosen Ambassadour by the City to the Peloponnesians will perhaps come to you a Philosopher is entertained with small trouble but the journey is dangerous especially because of the tumults that are there at this time from which if thou protect him thou wilt preserve our friend and infinitely engage us Epist. III. ANeso of Amphipolis was commended to me at Potidaea he is now coming to Athens being thrown out of his house by the people for at present affairs are much embroiled and clouded there but I believe within a little while they will cleer up In assisting you will oblige a deserving person and benefit both the â—ities Amphipolis lest by rebelling it incurre irremediable danger Ours lest we be involved in their troubles as at this present we are reduced almost to extremity for Potidaea Epist. IIII. MEeting with Critobulus I perswaded him to study Philosophy but I think he is of another mind and more addicted to affairs of State in which he intends to make choice of the fittest method and best instructor for the most excellent so journe now in Athens and with many of them we are intimate Thus much concerning him as for us Xantippe and the children are well and I continue to do as when you were with me Epist. V. WE hear you are at Thebes and Proxenus gone into Asia to take part with Cyrus whether your designes will prosper God knowes they are here condemned by many for it is conceived unfit the Athenians should assist Cyrus through whose means they were deprived of command by the Lacedaemonians and fight for him who fought against them It is not therefore strange if the state being altered some be ready of themselves to accuse you of temporising and the better your successe is the greater will be their calumnies for I am well acquainted with the dispositions of some of them But since we have undertaken this let us prove our selves honest men and call to mind what we use to say of vertue accounting this one of the best sentences of the Poet Our Fathers house must not be discredited Know therefore that to war these two are requisite Courage an Bounty for this we are loved of our friends for that feared of our enemies of both thou hast domestick precedents Epist. VI. I Have taken such care of your strangers as you desired retained one to plead their cause before the people a friend of ours who profest himselfe the readier to undertake it out of his desire to serve thee As for that which you write in jest concerning wealth and such as are sollicitous for it perhaps it is not unreasonable First because whilst others study to be rich I choose to live meanly Then though I might receive many gifts and legacies from living and dead friends yet I freely disclaim them and for a man thus enclined to be by others judged mad is nothing strange But we must examine not this onely but the rest of our life and since we disagree in the use no wonder that wee differ in the acquisition of Riches my diet is very sparing my habit the same in winter as in summer I never wear shoes I am not taken with Popular applause but with the study of wisdom and integrity But they who are intemperarate Luxurious in meat not every year but every day putting on new apparell are transported with unlawfull delights and as they who lose their naturall complexion have recourse to paint So these losing the true glory of virtue which every one ought to have flie to that which depends upon complaisance with others courting vulgar applause with Largesses and feasts Hence I suppose it comes that they need much wealth They themselves cannot live upon a little nor will others admâ—â— them into their society unlesse they receive a salary for commending them But my life is well as to both these I will not deny but in some things I may fail I know that wisest men prefer those most men these Reflecting sometimes within my selfe upon God I find that he exceeds us in that he hath need of nothing it is the property of a most excellent nature not to want any thing and to comprehend within himself all that he enjoyes Thus is he wiser then others who imitates the most wise and happier who resembles the most happy If riches could do this riches were to be preferr'd but since vertue only can obtain it it were folly to forsake the reall good to pursue the seeming Hence I cannot easily be perswaded but that my Condition is better then theâ—rs As for children who as you say ought to be provided for the care that I take for them all men may see I know but one ground of hapinesse wisdom The fool who reposeth his trust in gold possesseth not that which he hath and is withall so much more miserable then others in that they who are opprest with poverty may grow wise hereafter But he out of an opinion of his own happinesse neglecting true gain corrupted with plenty Besides that he never yet obtained mans essentiall good is depriv'd of hope thereof for the future Nor is it possible that such a man can go on securely to virtue who is entangled in the slatteries of those who are Masters in all insinuating Arts and in the Charms of pleasures which glide into the soul through every sense and drive out all sound and wise judgement How then can hee choose but give his Childre occasion of folly rather then instruction who not only in words but actions expresseth that in these things she hath placed his hope who not proving good their subsistence fails and they die miserably for want of food Justly punish'd for their idlenesse Parents are by Law enjoyned to bring up their children till they are men But you perhaps some Citizen may say to his Sonnes greedy to inherit spare me not dying and whilst you live relie for maintenance upon me though dead not ashamed to lead a life more lazy then death you expect that my fortunes should extend to others even after my decease but your own are not competent for your selves whilest you are yet alive Such rough speeches happily he will use to his Children taking the libery both of a Father and a Patriot My fortunes in the estimate of other men are mean but in the effect nothing inferior to the Rich. I will not leave my Children money but a more honorable heritage discreet friends whom as long as they keep they can want as necessaries and if they use them ill doubtlesse they would use their money worse But if to you who know the negligence of friends I seem to give ill advice I answer that all men are not alike affected to their friends for some take care of them after they are dead and it is
consulted with Socrates about this letter who doubting that if he took part with Cyrus the Athenians would be disples'd with him Cyrus having before aided the Lacedemonians against them counsell'd him to ask the advice of the Delphian Oracle Xenophon went thither and demanded of Apollo to which of the Gods he should address his vowes and sacrifice for the good successe of his intended journey Hee was answer'd that he should sacrifice to those Gods to whom it was due Returning to Athens he imparted this Oracle to Socrates who blam'd him because he had not demanded whether it was best to stay or no but as already determined to goe how he might best perform his journey Neverthelesse saith he since you have so proposed your demand you must do as the Gods command Xenophon having sacrificed according to the Oracles direction took shipping and at Sardis found Proxenus and Cyrus ready for their expedition into Asia and was immediately recommended to Cyrus being by both earnestly intreated to stay hee continued with him not in any command but as a volunteer In which condition he did not any thing misbeseeming a souldier whereupon he was in the number of those whom Cyrus esteem'd most Cyrus having drawn all his forces together marched up and gave battle to Artaxâ—rxes in the beginning of the fourth year of the nintie fourth Olympiad when Xenenetus was Archon at Cunaxa five hundred Stadia from Babylon by the River Euphrates Whilst he was viewing both Armies he told Xenophon who rode up to him that the sacrifices were auspicious then Xenophon gave him the Grecians word Iupiter the presâ—ruer The Greeks prevailed against Tissaphernes but Cyrus assaulting the King was through his too much forwardnesse â—lain the Grecians thinking themselves Masters of the field and Cyrus to be alive returned to their Camp which they found rifâ—ed by the enemy The next day the King sending Phalinus to them to deliver their armes Xenophon answered That they hadâ— nothing left but their armes and valour as long as they kept their armes they might use their valour surrendring them they were not Masters of themselves It were indiscretion saith he to surrender what we have left since thereby perhaps we may make our selves Masters of what you have Phalinus smiling replyed Young man you look and speak like a Philosopher but assure your selfe your valour will not over-master the Kings power Clearchus returned this answer for the whole Army If we be esteemed friends it will be better for him that we are armed if enemies better for our selves Tissaphernes having made a Truce with Clearchus perfidiously got him with foure other Commanders Proxenus Menon with whom Xenophon had particular enmity Agias and Socrates twenty Captains of Cohorts and two hundred common souldiers into his power and delivering them up to the King they were beheaded The Greeks being summoned to lay down their armes pretending that Clearchus was executed for treason discovered by Menon and Proxenus who were very highly rewarded Xenophon required to have them sent who were fittest to direct them being friends to both whereto the Persians not able to answer departed CHAP. III. How he brought off the Grecian Army THe Greeks finding themselves in such a strait were in despair ever to see their Country again Xenophon calling together the Officers of Proxenus told them They were not to expect any mercy from the King who had shewen none to the body of his dead brother having fastned his head and hand to a Gibbet and that they must reslove to put their safetie in their armes Apollonides a Bâ—eotian alledg'd that there was no means of safety but in the Kings favour and began to reckon the dangers wherewith they were surrounded Xenophon answered That when upon the death of Cyrus they marched up to the Kings armies he laboured for a cessation but when their Captains went to him unarmed he abused them and that Apollonides deserved to be cashierd as the dishonour of his Nation Agasthias replyed which words Laertius ascribes to Xenophon he was an inconsiderable fellow whose ears were boared as the slaves of Lydia So they turned him out Having called together all the Commanders Xenophon advised them to chuse new in the room of those that were lost of whom he was elected in the place of Proxenus Hereupon he put on his richest habit as fittest either for death or victory for his greatest delight was in fair polished armes affirming that if he overcame he deserved such if he were overcome and died in the field they would decently expresse his quality and were the fittest sepulchrall ornaments of a valiant man His shield was of Argos his breast-plate of Altica his helmet of Bâ—eotia his horse of Epidaurium whereby Aelian argued the elegance of the person in choosing such things as were fair and esteeming him worthy of such Thus adorned he made an oration to the Army advising them from the examples of their late commanders not to trust the enemy but in order to their return to burn their Cariages and Tents this advice was put in execution Cherisophus a Lacedaemonian had charge of the Van Xenophon of the Reer chosen saith Chio as well for his courage as wisdome being in both excellent betwixt these two there grew so great a friendship that in all the time of the retreat they never had but one difference their march was directed towards the heads of those great rivers which lay in their way that they might passe them where they were fordable having crost the River Zathe Mithridates came up to them and galled the Reer with shot which the Greeks not able to requite Xenophon provided two hundred slings and finding fifty horses fit for service imployed among the Carriage mounted men upon them whereby having frustrated the second attempt of Mithridates they marched to Larissa seated upon Tigris thence to Mespila in their march from thence Tissaphernes overtook them with a great Army but was twice worsted whereupon as the securest course he seized on a Mountain under which they must of necessity passe Xenophon with a party gained by another way the top of that Mountain not without much difficulty of passage and trouble and to animate his souldiers one of them named Soteridas murmured that he was on horse-back whereas himselfe marched on foot opprest with the weight of his shield which Xenophon hearing alighted took his shield from him and thrusting him out of his rank marched notwithstanding he had also a horse-man Cuirasse in his room But the souldiers beat and reviled Soteridas till they constrained him to take again his shield and place When they had gained the top the enemy being prevented fled and set fire on the villages The Grecians intercepted by the River Tigris marched over the mountains into the Country of the Carduchi a people enemy to the Persians rough and warlike from whom they found such opposition that in seven daies march through their country they
Oratour who dyed and left me all he had I tore and burnt his Papers went to Athens and there applyed my selfe to Philosophy This is the blood and race I boast to own Thus much concerning my selfe Let Perseus therefore and Philonides forbear to enquire after these things and look you upon me as I am in my selfe You do not use O King when you send for Archers to enquire of what Parentage they are but set them up a mark to shoot at Even so of friends you should not examine whence but what they are Bion indeed setting this aside was of a versatile wit a subtle Sophist and gave many furtherances to the exercisers of Pâ—ilophy in some things he was He first heard Crates the Academick but despising that Sect rook a â—ordid Cloak and Scrip and became a Cynick to which Laertius ascribes his constancy expert of perturbation Then he followed Theodorus the Atheist who profest all manner of learning to whose opinions he addicted himselfe and was called a Tâ—â—odoreaâ— Afterwards he heard Theophrastus the Pâ—ripatetick CHAP. II. His Apophthegms HE left many memorialls and profitable Apophthegmes as Being reproved for not endeavouring to Catch a young man new Cheese saith he will not stick to the hook Being demanded what man is most perplexed he saith he who aimes at the highest Content To one who asked his advice whether he should marry or not for this some ascribe to Bion which Agellius to Bias the mistake perhaps grounded upon the nearnesse of their Names he answered if you take a fowl Wife she will be a Torment if a fair Common He said that Age is the Haven to which all ills have recourse That Glory is the Mother of years That beauty is a good which concerns others not our selves That Riches are the Sinewes of Things To one who had consumed his Patrimony Earth saith he devoured Amphiaraus but you devour Earth He said it is a great ill not to be able to bear ill He reproved those who burn men as having no Sense and again burn them as having Sense He used to say it is better to yeeld our own youth and Beauty to others then to attempt anothers for he that doth so injures both his body and Soul He vilified Socrates saying if he could enjoy Alcibiades and did not he was a fool if he could not he did no great matter He said the way to the next World is easie for we find it blindfold He condemned Alcibiades saying when he was a boy he drew away Husbands from their Wives when a man Wives from their Husbands At Rhodes whilst the Athenians exercised Rhetorick he taught Philosophy for which being reproved I bought Wheat saith he and shall I fell Barley He said they who are punished below would be more tormented if they carried Water in whole Vessells then in Vessells full of holes One that was extreamly talkative desiring his assistance in a businesse I will doe what I can for you saith he if you send a Messenger to me and come not your self Travelling with very ill Company they fell amongst theeves we shall be undone saith he unlesse we be known He said Arrogance is the obstruction of Virtue Of a rich man Covetous he hath not money saith he but money him He said Covetous persons keep their Wealth so strictly that they have no more use of their own then of anothers He said when we are young wee use Courage when old Wisdom Wisdom excells other Vertues as the Sight the other Senses He said no man should be reproached for old age that being a Condition all pray they may arive at it To an envious man sad I know not saith he whether some ill hath befaln you or some good another He said impiety is an ill companion to bold language For though his Speech he free To Bondage yield must hee That friends whatsoever they prove ought to be retained lest we seem to have conversed with wicked persons or to shunne Good Being Demanded if there were any Gods he said Old man wilt thou not drive this â—roud away He conceived that he might make a Field fertile sooner by praising then by manuring it He said they who love to be flattered are like Pots carried by the ear To one who asked him what folly is he said the Obstruction of Knowledge He said good men though Slaves are free but wicked men though free are slaves to many Pleasures He said Grammarians whilst they enquire after the Errors of Ulysses mind not their own nor see that they themselves go astray as well as he in taking pains about uselesse things He said Avarice is the Metropolis of all Evill Seeing a Statue of Persaeus under which was written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Persaeus of Zeno a Cittiean he said the writer mistook for it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Zeno's servant as indeed he was CHAP. III. His Death AT last falling sick as those of Chalcis say for he died there he was perswaded to suffer ligatures by way of charme hee recanted and profest repentance for all hee had said offensive to the Gods Hee was reduced to extream want of such things as are most necessary to sick persons untill Antigonus sent to him two servants and himself followed in a litter as Phavorinus affirms in his various History of that sicknesse he dyed on whose death thus Laertius Bion the Boristhenite By his Birth to Scythia known Did religious duties slight Gods affirming there were none If to what he then profest Firm he had continued still Then his tongue had spoke his breast And been constant though in ill But the same who Gods deni'd He who sacred fanes despis'd He who mortalls did deride When to Gods they sacrific'd Tortur'd by a long disease And of deaths pursuit afraid Guifts their anger to appease On their hearths and Altars laid Thus with smoak and incense tries To delight their sacred scent I have sinn'd not only cries And what I profest repent But unto an old wives charms Did his willing neck submit And about his feeble armes Caus'd them leather thongs to knit And a youthfull sprig of bayes Did set up before his gate Every means and way essaies To divert approaching fate Fool to think the Gods might be Brib'd with gifts their favours bought Or the sacred Deitie Were and were not as he thought But his wisdoms titles now Tum'd to ashes not avail With stretch'd arms I know not how Hail he cried great Pluto hail Of this name Laertius reckons ten The first contemporary with Pherecydes the Syrian of Proconnesus who writ two Books extant in his time The second a Syracusian wrote of the Art of Rhetorick The third this Philosopher The fourth an Abderite of the Family of Democritus a Mathematician he wrote in the Attick and Ionick Dialect He first said there were some habitable parts of the earth where it was six months day and six months night The fift of Soleis he wrote the Aethiopick
the most faithfull of all my friends will take it into your custody Approve your selfe iust to that extraordinary trust which I have reposed in you that it may appear I have made a right choice He died as Hermippus saith in a kinde of phrenzy after he had drunk much Wine 75 years old in the fourth year of the 134th Olympiad as may be conjectured from the succession of Lacydes in the School which began at that time The Athenians buried him with such solemnity as never any was before He took not any women into the house with him neither had he any children He flourish'd according to Apollodorus in the 120. Olympiad There were three more of this name one an antient Comick Poet the second an Elegiack Poet the third a Statuary LACYDES LAcydes succeeded Arcesilaus he was a Cyrenean his Father named Alexander a person of much gravity and had many Aemulators He was from his youth much given to study poor but pleasing to all company and of a delightfull conversation As concerning his managing his houshold affairs it is reported that when he took any thing out of the place where he kept his Provisions he locked the dore and threw the key in at a hole that none might steal ought from him which his servants observing frequently took it and opening the dore carried away what they thought good and then put it in the same place again in which fact they were never discover'd But the most pleasant part of the story is that as Numenius affirms he was thereby perswaded to be of the opinion of the middle Academicks that nothing is comprehended by sense arguing thus why should I think that sense can comprehend any thing certainly when I know that my own senses are so often deceived for when I go abroad I think that I see with my eies those things which I leave in my storehouse when I return I find none of them which could not be unlesse our senses were fallible and uncertain Lacydes upon the death of Arcesilaus being made master of the School in the 4th year of the 134. Olympiad taught in the Academy in the Gardens which were made by Attalus the King which from him were called the Lacydean Gardens Laertius and from him Suidas make him Institutor of the new Academy but erroneously He continued this charge 26 years at the end whereof he resigned it whilst he was yet alive to Telecles and Euander Phocians his Disciples in the second year of the 141. Olympiad Attalus sending for him to come to him returned him answer that Pictures make the best shew at a distance Studying Geometry in his old age one said to him is it now time he answered when if not now Athenaeus saith that Lacydes and Timon Philosophers being invited by one of their friends to an entertainment of two daies and desirous to suit themselves to the company drunk very freely Lacydâ—s went away first half drunk and perceiving Timon to 〈◊〉 away too said out of Homer To our great glory Hector we have slain The next day meeting Timon again at the same place and seeing him not able to take off his cups at once make a pause when he put it to his mouth the second time he said out of another place of Homer Those are unhappy who contest with me Aelian likewise numbers these two amongst the great drinkers and perhaps not unjustly for by excesse of Wine he fell into the palsie of which hee died in the second year of the 141. Olympiad He wrote Philosophicks and of Nature In the School he was succeeded as are said by EUANDER Euander by his Disciple EGESINUS whom Clemens Alexandrinus calleth Hegesiâ—aus of Pergamus Egesinus by CARNEADES CARNEADES CARNEADES CHAP. I. His Country Parents Time Masters CARNEADES successour of Egesinus was of Cyrene whence Cicero saith he was an acute person as being an African Hee was sonne of Epicomus or Philocomus Apollodorus as cited by Laertius affirmeth he died in the 162. Olympiad but there is a mistake in the Text for the words of Apollodorus relate doubtlesse to the time of his birth which upon that Authority we may affirm to have been in the first year of 162. Olympiad Florus cited by Plutarch addes he was born on the 7th day of Tharlegion at what time the Carnean Festivalls were celebrated at Cyrene whence perhaps he took his name This time falling after the Callippical period we shall compute it according to Petavius his method which although it be not exempt from question yet is better then that of Scaliger whose method is not reconcileable to Ptolomy's observations The fourth of the 164. Olympiad was Of the Julian period 4585. Epoche of the Callippick period 4383. Which subducted there remains 202. Subduct two perionods more 152. remains 50. The year propounded therefore is the 50th of the third period The Neomenia of Heâ—atombaeon Iune 26. which is the 177th day of the Iulian year the 7th of Thargelion according to Petavius at that time was the 302. of the Attick year To 177. adde 302. Summe 479. Subduct 365 Remains 114. The 114th day of the Julian year is the 24th of April on which fell the 7th of Thargelion which the Dominicall Letter being B. fell on Sunday Proleptically taken He was Disciple to Egesinus the Academick and learned Logick of Diogenes the Stoick whence in arguing he would many times say If I have concluded right the cause is my own if not right Diogenes must return the â—ina he had of me which was the price the Dialectick Philosophers took CHAP. II. How he constituted the new Academy HE succeeded Egesinus in the School and is by Cicero reckon'd the fourth from Arcesilaus who constituted the middle Academy introducing a suspension of Assent grounded upon the uncertainty of things Carneades constituted the new Academy maintaining the same kind of suspension with no lesse eagerness yet upon more moderate grounds for he held that the incomprehensibility of things proceeded not from the nature of the things themselves as Arcesilaus maintained for as much as every thing really existeth in it self and if any thing be affirmed or denied of another it is true or false as to the thing it self but the things themselves remaining firm we derive from them a Phantasia and similitude which for the most part like false messengers lie and deceive us To all true things there some false adjoined and those so like that there is no certain note of Judication and assent wherefore we cannot perceive any thing to be true But he was nothing lesse rigid as to the Academicall suspension for he denied that any thing could be perceived not so much as that very maxime Nothing can be perceived arguing thus All Phantasmes are of two kinds the first included the perceptible and imperceptible the second kind the probable and the improbable Those which are contrary to sense and evidence pertain to the former division
and pleasures they were carried on as it were with a kind of madnesse to Philosophy This pleased all the Romans who gladly beheld their Sonns instructed in Greek learning by such excellent men Onely Cato at the first noise of Admiration of the Greek Learning was troubled fearing the young men should apply themselves that way and so preferre the glory of eloquence before Action and Military discipline The fame of Philosophers encreasing in the City and C. Acilius whom Agellius and Macrobius call Caecilius an eminent person having at his own request been the Interpreter of their first Oration to the Senate Cato who was then very old under a fair pretence moved that these Philosophers might be sent out of the City and coming into the Senate-house blamed the Magistrates that they had so long suffered such Ambassadors to continue amongst them without any answer who were able to perswade them to any thing wherefore he first desired that something might be determined concerning their Embassie that they might be sent back again to their own Schools and instruct the Sons of Graecians and that the Romane youth might as they did before apply themselves to the observance of their own Laws and Magistrates This he did not out of anger to Carneades as some thought but out of an ambitious aemulation of the Greek humanity and Literature CHAP. IV. His Vertues and Apophthegmes HE was a person infinitely industrious lesse conversant in Physick then Ethick and so studious that he neglected to cut his hair and nailes Valerius Maximus saith hee was so studious that when he lay down at meales his thoughts were so fixt that he forgot to put his hand to the Table and that Melissa who lived with him as a wife was fain to put him in mind thereof and help him He was so eâ—inent for Philosophy that the Oratours themselves would many times break up their schools and come and hear him He had a great and loud-voice whereupon the Gymnasiarch sent to him not to speak so loud whereto he answering send me the measure by which I should speak the other wisely and appositely repli'd you have a measure your Hearers He was sharply invective and in argument almost invincible He avoided feasting out of the reason we mentioned his great studiousnesse One named Mentor a Bythinian as Phavorinus saith who had endeavoured to seduce a Mistris that he kept coming into the school he presently jeasted at him in turning these words of Homer Hither comes one oppress'd with hoary years Like Mentor in his voice and looks appears Who from the School I charge you turn away The other rising up reply'd He thus proclaim'd the rest did streight obey Being to dispute with Chrysippus he purg'd himself by white Hellebore to sharpen his wit lest any corrupt humours in his stomach might oppresse the vigour and constancy of his mind He compared Dialectick to the fish Polypus which when its claws grow long bites them off so Logicians growing subtle confute their own assertions He advised men in their greatest prosperity to be mindfull of a change for that which is unexpected is most grievous He said the Sons of rich men and Kings learn nothing well but Riding for their Masters flatter them they who contest with them willingly yield to them but a horse considers not whether a private man or a Prince a poor man or a rich bee on his back but if he cannot rule him he throws his Rider He seemed to be extreamly averse from death whence he often said the same Nature which hath put us together will dissolve us and hearing that Antipater dyed by drinking poison he was a litle animated by his constancy in death and said then give me too they asking what VVine saith he In the midst of the night he was struck blind and knew not of it but waking bid his servant bring a light the servant did so telling him he had brought one then said he read you CHAP. V. His Death and Writings HE lived according to Laertius 85. years or according to Cicecero 90. The words of Apollodorus that he died in the fourth year of the 162d Olympiad which falleth upon the 626th year from the building of Rome may easily be evinced to be false by the greatest part of the Circumstances of his life particularly from this that Antonius in Cicero saith when hee went ProConsull into Asia he found Carneades the Academick at Athens who opposed all in dispute according to the manner of his Sect. The year of Antonius's Pro-Consulship was the 652. year from the building of Rome But this account as we said before is to be applyed to the time of his birth from which the 85th falleth upon the first year of the 184th Olympiad the 90th upon the 2d of the 185th Laertius saith at his death there was a great Eclipse of the Moon which some interpreted to proceed from a Sympathy with his losse Upon this Eclipse I conceive Petavius grounded his computation of Carneades's death when he saith it was upon the first year of the 163. Olympiad May 2. â—er 2. hora. 5. 46. at Athens But there being a mistake of the year there is consequently a greater in the account of the feria and hour Carneades as Cicero saith wrote four Books of Suspension of Assent He wrote likewise Epistles to Ariarathes King of Cappadocia the only monument left behind him extant in Laertius's time Whatsoever else went under his name Laerâ—ius saith was written by his Disciples of whom hee had many the most eminent Clitomachus There are remembred two more of this name one a Philosopher Disciple to Anaxagoras mentioned by Suidas the other an Epigrammatick Poet mentioned by Laertius CLITOMACHVS CLITOMACHUS was a Carthaginian son of Diognetus He was first called Asdrubal as Plutarch and Laertius affirm and profess'd Philosophy in his own Country and native Language Being forty years old he went to Athens and heard Carneades who being much taken with his industry instructed and exercised him in Philosophy With Carneades Cicero saith he lived untill he was old and succeeded him in the School and chiefly illustrated his Doctrines by his writings the number of which bookes being above foure hundred were a sufficient testimony of his industry and that he had no lesse of wit then Carneades of eloquence He was well vers'd in three Sects the Academick Peripatetick and Stoick Of his books are remembered by Cicero one of Consolation to his captive Country-men Carthage being then subdued by the Romans another to Caius Lucilius the Poet wherein he explained and defended the Academick suspension of Assent having written before of the same things to L. Censorinus who was Consul with M. Manilius the summe of which discourse was this The Academicks hold there are such dissimilitudes of things that some seem probable others on the contrary But this is not ground enough to say that some things may be
Nicanor and his Mother and Proxenus which I gave order for to Gryllius as soon as they are perfected be set up Let likewise the Statue of Arimnestus be set up that this monument may remain of him since he died without Children I will likewise that the Statue of my Mother be consecrated to Ceres in the Nemaean Temple or where else shall be thought fitting Wheresoever my Body is buried by the Executors thither let the bones of â—ythais according as she desired be brought and laid with mine Let likewise Nicanor if he continue well in health dedicate at Stagira to Jupiter Soter and Minerva Sotira Statues of Beasts of stone of four cubits in performance of the vow which wee vowed for him He died at Chalcis in the third year of the 114th Olympiad Philocles being Archon in the 63. the great Climactericall year of his age not as Eumelus 70. years old as appeareth by the computation of Apollodorus and Dionysius Halicarnâ—ssaeus thus  y. He came to Athens at 18. Heard Plato 20. Lived with Hermias 3. With Philip and Alexander 8. Taught in the Lyceum 12. Lived at Chalcis 2. in all 63. The manner of his life is variously related Strabo Hâ—sychius Illustris and from him Suidas relate that he drunk Hemlock either being condemn'd thereunto by the Athenians as Socrates was or to prevent their Judgement Iustine Martyr Gregory Nazianzene Coelius Rhodoginus the Greek Etymologist Nonnus and othâ—rs follow the common report that a question was propos'd to him of the wonderfull nature of Euripus an arm of the Sea coming into Chalcis as Lucian averrâ— which ebbeth and floweth seven times in 24. hours Not being able to resolve it he died of shame and anxiety Some affirm that as he sate on the bank having considered long upon it he at last threw himself headlong into the River saying siâ—ce Aristotle could not take Euripus Euripus take thou Aristotle But the Authors of greatest credit Apollodorus Dionysius Halicarnassaeus Ceâ—soriâ—us Laer ius and others affirm that he died of a pain in his stomach caused by over-watching and excesse of study For Laertius affirms he was a most indefatigable student and when he went to bed he held a brazen ball in his hand that when he fell asleep the noise of it falling into a Basin set under it for that purpose might awake him which Alexanâ—er his Disciple imitated To this pain of the stomach he was very subject and somtimes asswaged it by applying a bottle of hot oile to his Breast Notwithstâ—nding this naturall infirmity of his stomach saith Censorinus and the frequent indisposition of a sickly constitution hee preserved himself a Long time through his Vertue and Temperance for it is much more strange that he attained the aâ—e of 63. years then that he lived no longer The Author of the book de Pomo affirmeth that when he was dying he said to his Disciples standing about him it was not without reason that Homer said the Gods came down to earth to relieve mankinde Coelius Rhodâ—ginus adds from the same Author that when he felt the pangs of death to come upon him weeping between griefe and hope he often repeated these words Thou Cause of Causes have mercy on me And his Disciples when they saw he was departing said He who receiveth the souls of Philosophers may â—e take thine likewise and lay it up in his own Treasury as the soul oâ— a right and perfect man as we have known thee to be Of this there is no testimony more antient then that of the Author of the book de Pomo who as Patricius clearly observes from his writings was a Christian. The Stagirites fetch'd his body from Chalcis to Stagira where they buried it with much solemnity building a magnificent Tombe for him and erecting an Altar to his memory CHAP. XII His Person and Vertues AS concerning his person he was slender having little eyes and a small voice When he was young Laertius and Plutarch affirm he had a great hesitation in his speech He went in a rich habit and wore rings his beard was shaven his hair cut short he had a high nose if we credit the head put up by Fulvius Ursinus found at Rome at the bottome of the Quirinall hill He was of a sickly constitution troubled with a naturall weaknesse of stomack and frequent indispositions which he over-mastered by his Temperance Saint Hierome affirmeth he was the Prince of Philosophers an absolute Prodigie and great miracle in nature into whom seemeth to have been infused whatsoever mankinde is capable of He was extreamly pious towards God and Man upon which subject Fortunius Licetus hath lately written two books Eusebius Cassiodorus and others affirm that many persons eminent for sanctity especially followers of School-learning have through the means of Aristotles Philosophy been carried on to Inspection into the highest doctrines of true Faith as that there is one God c. As concerning his gratitude to men besides those instances already mentioned to Proâ—enus and his sonne to Hermias and his sister to his Master Plato to his own Mother Brother and Country and infinite others many Philosophers whose opinion he takes occasion to alledge he mentions with their due praise of which were his Master Plato of whom we have already spoken whom as we have said he sometimes mentioned honourably and sometimes concealeth his name where he preferreth his own opinion Amongst others of whom he maketh honourable mention are observed Democritus in his first book de Generatione Diogenes Apolloniates in the same book Anaxagâ—ras in the first of his Metaphysicks For that he was very moderate the Interpreter of his life confirmes instancing in his book of Caâ—egorems where he saith We ought not to deâ—ermine any thing hastily but to consider often and to doubt oâ— eâ—ery thing is not unusefull And again in his book of Good We muâ—â— remember being men not only that we are happy but that we ought to be able to prove it by firm reason And again in his Ethicks to Nicomachus Man is our friend Truth our friend but above all we ought to honour Truth And in his Meteorologicks As concerning thâ—se we doubâ— of some of them others we touch superficially And in the same not once or twice but infinite times Men do happen upon the same opinions therefore we ought not to be proud of our owne wisdome in any thing whereof we conceive our selves to be â—he Inventors The common report therefore grounded upon no authority that he collected the books of the antient Philosophers and having taken out of them what he intended to confute burnt them is manifestly false for any one that reads Cicero will finde they were most of them extant in his time CHAP. XIII His Wives and Children HE had two wives the first Pythais sister to Hermias the Eunuch Tyrant of Atarna and his adopted heir Of the scandals that were cast upon him by this marriage
when it is present only excited by the phantasy The object of the Theoretick Intellect is true or false of the practick good or ill The rationall soul in some manner is every thing for that which actually knoweth is in some maner the same with the thing known CHAP. XXIII Of the Motive faculty BEsides the nutritive sensitive and intellective faculties there is also a motive faculty in animate creatures That it is not the same with the nutritive is manifest in as much as it proceeds from imagination and apprehension which plants have not neither have they organs fit for motion which nature would have given them if they had this power That it is not the same with the sensitive appears in that some animals which have sense have not the power as Zoophytes which have not the organs fit for this motion Neither is it the same with the Theoretick Intellect for that judgeth not as to action but progressive motion is the action of an animal flying ill or pursuing good The principles of locall motion in animals are the practick Intellect under which is comprehended phantasy and appetite These two direct and impell the motive faculty to action intellect and phantasy by directing what is to be shunned what to be embraced appetite by shunning or embracing it Appetite is the chief principle thereof for that may move without intellect as in beasts and many times in men who desert their reason to follow their pleasure But intellect never moveth without appetite that is will for appetite is the principle of all motion honest and dishonest intellect only of honest motion In man appetite is two-fold Will which followeth the judgment of reason and sensuall appetite irascible or concupiscible which followeth sense and phantasy In the motion of animals three things are considered First that which moveth and that is two-fold the appetible object which moveth the appetite as a finall cause not as an efficient and the appetite it selfe which being moved by the appetible object moveth the animall Secondly by what it moves which is the heart of the animal by which instrument the appetible object moveth it Thirdly that which is moved the animall it selfe perfect Insects are moved locally as perfect animals are and consequently by the same principles appetite and phantasy but this phantasy is imperfect diffused through the whole body as appeareth by their uncertain motion only towards present occurrent objects That they have appetite is manifest in as much as they are sensible of pain and pleasure Beasts have sensitive phantasie only rationall creatures deliberative which compareth many things conducing to some foreknown end and chooseth the most expedient Yet somtimes the sensitive appetite in man overswayeth the rationall but by the order of nature the will which is the rationall ought as being the superiour to it to oversway the sensitive Thus there are three motions one of the will commanding another of the sensitive appetite resisting and a third of the body obeying But when the sensitive overruleth there are only two motions for the will resists not but is deceived CHAP. XIV Of Life and Death GEneration and dissolution are common to all living Creatures though all are not produced and dissolved in the same manner The generation of a living Creature is the first conjunction of the nutritive Soul with the naturall heat Life is the permanence of that Soul with the said heat Youth is the encrease of the first refrigerative part age the decrease thereof 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the constant and perfect life which is betwixt both As long as an animate Creature liveth it hath naturall heat within it self and as soon as that faileth dieth The principle of this heat is in the heart If it be extinguish'd in any other part the Animal may live but if in the heart it cannot This heat is extinguish'd two waies first by consumption when it faileth of it self secondly by extinction from some contrary as in violent death the cause is the same in both defect of aliment which in the living Creature is its vital moisture as fire wanting refrigeration groweth more violent and soone consumeth the humidity which being gone it self must of necessity go out Refrigeration therefore is necessary to the conservation of the naturall heat Plants are refrigerated by the ambient air and by aliment their naturall heat is extinguish'd by excessive cold and dry'd up by excessive heat Animals which live in the air or in the water are refrigerated by the air or water some by breathing others without Death according to the extinction of naturall heat is two-fold violent or naturall violent when the cause is extrinsecall naturall when the principle thereof is in the animate Creature For that part wheron life dependeth the Lungs is so ordered by nature that its cannot perform its office for ever Death therefore cometh from defect of heat when through want of refrigeration the radicall humidity is consumed and dry'd up Refrigeration faileth naturally when by progresse of time the lungs in Creatâ—res that have breath the gils in fishes grow so hard that they are unapt for motion Old men die easily as having but little naturall heat and without pain because his dissolution comes not from any violent affection The lives of living Creatures as well of the same as of divers species differ in length the longest life most commonly is that of some Plants as the Palm and Cypresse that of Creatures which have blood rather then the bloodlesse that of terrestriall creatures rather then the aquatile that of those which have great bodies as of Elephants rather then those of little The causes of long life are first the quantity and quality of the vitall moisture if it be much and fat not easily dry'd up nor congealed Secondly natural hear which suffereth not that humour to be congealed Thirdly a due proportion betwixt this heat and that moisture Fourthly fewnesse of excrements for excrements are contrary to Nature and somtimes corrupt nature it self somtimes a part Salacious creatures or laborious grow soon old by reason of exiccation For the same reason men are shorter liv'd then women but more active In hot Countries animate creatures are larger and live longer then in cold Those animals which have little or no blood either are not at all produced in the Northern parts or soon dye Both Plants and Animals â—f they take not aliment die for the naturall heat when the aliment faileth consumeth the matter it self wherein it is the vitall moisture Aquatile creatures are shorter liv'd then the terrestriall and the bloodlesse then those that have blood because their humidity is more waterish and consequently more apt to be congealed and corrupted Plants live long as having lesse of waterish moisture which therefore is not so apt to be congealed The largenesse of the upper parts as well in Plants as Animals is a signe of long life because it argues much naturall
sent him a dish full of bones with this message It was meat for doggs he answer'd Yea but not sit for a King to send He said it was the same fault to give to them that deserved nothing as not to give to them that do He said As houses where there is plenty of meat are full of mice so the bodies of such as eat much are full of diseases At a Feast one giving him a great cup full of wine he threw it away for which being blamed If I had drunk it saith he not only the wine would have been lost but I also Being demanded what was hardest he answer'd To know our selves for we construe most things according to our own partiality He said Medea was a wise woman not a Witch who by labour and exercise corroborated the bodies of effeminate persons whence arose the fable that she could renew age To one that profest himselfe a Philosopher but argued litigiously he said Why do you spoile the best part of Philosophy yet would be thought a Philosopher Questioning one of those young men that followed him he was silent whereupon Diogenes Do you not think saith he it bebelongs to the same man to know when to speak and when to hold his peace Being demanded how a man should live under the authority of superiours as we do by fire saith he not too near lest it burn not too far off lest we freez Seeing some women talking privately together Behold saith he the Asp borrowes poyson from the Viper Being demanded what was the heaviest burthen the earth bears he answered an ignorant man An Astrologer in the Forum discoursing to the people and shewing them in a tablet the erratick Starrs No saith Diogenes it is not the Starres that erre but these pointing to the people Being demanded what men are the most noble They saith he who contemn wealth glory and pleasure and over-master the contraries to these poverty ignominy pain death Seeing the servants of Anaximenes carrying many goods he demanded to whom they belong'd they answer'd to Anaximenes Is he not ashamed reply'd Diogenes to have so much houshold stuffe and yet not be master of himselfe He said Vertue dwelleth neither in a rich City nor a private House He said Poverty is a selfe-taught help to Philosophy for what Philosophy endeavours to perswade by words poverty enforceth in practise To a wicked man reproaching him for his poverty I never knew saith he any man punished for poverty but many for wickednesse He called Poverty a selfe-instructing vertue To one that reproached him with poverty What mean you saith he poverty never made a Tyrant riches many Alexander seeing him asleep in his Tubb said O Tubb full of wisdome The Philosopher rising up answer'd Great King One drop of Fortune's better far Then Tubbs repleat with wisdom are To whom a stander by reply'd One drop of Wisdom Fortune's Seas excells In unwise soules misfortune ever dwells Seeing an old woman painted if this he for the living you are deceived saith he if for the dead make hast to them To one bewailing his own misfortune as that he should not die in his own Country be of comfort saith he the way to the next World is alike in every place Having a great pain in his shoulder which troubled him much one said to him in derision why dost thou not die Diogenes and free thy self from this misery he answer'd it is sit they should live who know how to order their life for you who know not what to do or say it is a convenient time to die He used to say Aristotle dineth when Philip pleaseth but Diogenes when it pleaseth Diogenes At Coriâ—th seeing Dionysius the younger who was deposed from the Kingdom of Sicily This is a life saith he you deserve not you merit rather not to live here freely and without fear but at home in perpetuall imprisonment To some who commended Plato he said what hath hee done worthy commendation having professed Philosophy so long yet never moved any to grief To one demanding how he might take the greatest revenge upon his Enemy he answered by being good and vertuous your self In commending his Master Antisthenes he would say of him of rich he made me poor and instead of a fair house made me live in a Tubb CHAP. VI. His Writings OF the Writings ascribed to him are these Dialogues Ichthyas The Geay The Leopard The Athenian people Policy Ethick art Of Riches Erotick Theodorus Hypsias Aristarchus Of Death Epistles Tragedies 7. Helena Thyestes Hercules Achilles Medea Chrysippus OEdipus Sosicrates and Satyrus affirm that none of these were written by Diogenes the Tragedies Satyrus ascribes to Philischus of Aegina Sotion affirmeth these only to have been written by Diogenes Of Vertue Of Good Erotick The poor The Tolerant The Leopard Cassander Cephalio Philiscus Aristarchus Sisiphus Ganymede Chria's Epistles CHAP. VII His Death HE died as Demetrius saith at Corinth about 90. years old the same day that Alexander died at Babylon which according to Aelian was the seventh of Thargelion in the first year of 114 tâ— Olympiad The manner of his death is variously related Eubulus saith he lived to his end with Xeniades and was buried by his Sons As he lay sick Xeniades asked him how he would be buried he answer'd with his face downwards Xeniades demanding the reason because saith he all things will be turned upside-down alluding saith Laertius to the greatnesse of the Macedonians who not long before were a poor inconsiderable people Some report that being near death he gave order that his body should be left unburied that the wild Beasts might partake of him or be thrown into a ditch and a little dust be cast over it or thrown upon a dung-hill that he might benefit his Brethren Aelian saith that being sick to death he threw himself down from a bridge which was near the Gymnasium and ordered the Keeper of the Palaestra to take his body and throw it into the River Ilissus Others affirm he died of a surfet of raw flesh others that he stopp'd his own breath others that cutting a Cuttle-fish in pieces to throw it to dogs it bit asunder a Nerve in his foot whereof he died Others affirm he died as he was going to the Olympick Games being taken with a Feaver he lay down by the way and would not suffer his friends to carry him but sitting under the shade of the next tree spoke thus to them This night I shall be a Victor or vanquished if I overcome the Feaver I will come to the Games if not I must go to the other World and drive it away by death Antisthenes saith his Friends were of opinion he stopp'd his own breath for coming as they constantly used to visit him in the Cranaeum where he lived they found him covered they did
and though he prais'd it as naturall yet it becommeth Curtezans rather then Gods Moreover what he saith of those that writ of Tables is false not to be found neither in Polemo nor Hipsicrates nor Antigonus but forged by himselfe In his book of a Commonwealth he allowes marriage with a mother and a daughter and repeats the same in the beginning of his book Concerning things expetible in themselves In his third book of Iustice extending to a thousand Paragraphs he advised to feed upon the very dead In his second book of Life and Transaction he affirmeth a wise man ought to take care to provide himselfe food but to what end must he provide himselfe food for Livelyhood Life is an indifferent For Pleasure Pleasure also is indifferent For Vertue that is selfe sufficient for Beatitude Such kinds of acquisition of wealth are very ridiculous If they proceed from a King there is a necessitie of complying with him if from a friend that friendship is veniall if from wisdome that wisdome is mercenary For these things saith Laertius some have inveigh'd against him CHAP. IV. His death HE died according to Apollodorus in the 143d Olympiad so supply Laertius in whom the centenary number is wanting by Suidas having lived 73 years The manner of his death is differently related Hermippus affirmes that being in the Odaeum a kinde of publick Theatre at Athens his Disciples called him away to Sacrifice and thereupon taking a draught of wine he was immediately seiz'd by a Vertigo of which at the end of five daies he died Others report he died of excessive laughter Seeing an Asseeafigs he bad his woman offer it some wine and thereat fell into such extremity of laughter that it killed him As to his person he was very little saith Laertius as appeareth by his Statue in the Ceramick which is almost hid by the horse that stands next it whence Carneades called him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hid by a horse The posture of this Statue Cicero saith was sitting and stretching forth his hand Pausanias saith it was set up in the Gymnasium called Ptolomaean from the Founder not far from the Forum Laertius reckons foure more of this name The first a Physician to whom Erasistratus acknowledgeth himselfe beholding for many things The Second his sonne Physician to Ptolomy who upon the calumnies of some that maligned him was publickly punished and beaten with rods The third Disciple to Erasistratus The fourth a writer of Georgicks ZENO ZENO was of Tarsis or according to others of Siodn his Father named Dioscorides He was Disciple to Chrysippus and his successor in the School He wrote few bookes but left behinde him many Disciples DIOGENES DIOGENES was born at Seleucia he was sirnamed the Babylonian from the vicinity of that place He was Disciple of Chrysippus and is stiled by Cicero an eminent and serious Stoick Seneca relates that discoursing earnestly concerning anger a foolish young man standing by spat in his face which he took meekly and discreetly saying I am not angry but am in doubt whether I ought to be so or not He was one of the three that was sent from Athens on Embassy to Rome of which already in the life of Carâ—eades who learn'd Dialectick of him Cicero saith he lived to a great age Amongst other things he wrote a treatise of Divinaâ—ion ANTIPATER ANTIPATER was of Sidon Disciple to Diogenes the Babylonianâ— Cicero calls him a most acute person Senecae one of the great authors of the Stoicall Sect. He declined to dispute with Carneades but filled his bookes with confutations of him whence he was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the clamorous penman He disputed much against those who asserted nothing Besides other things he writ two books of Divination Cicero at the latter end of his second book of Offices saith he then was lately dead at Athens PANAETIUS PANAETIUS was of Rhodes his Ancestours eminent for Martiall affairs and exercises He was Disciple to Antipater intimate friend to â— Scipio Africanus whom he accompanyed in his journey to Alexandria Cicero calls him almost Prince of the Stoicks a person extreamly inigenous and grave worthy the familiarity of Scipio and Laelius He was a great admirer of Plato whom every where he calleth divine most wise most holy the Homer of Philosophers But his opinion of the immortality of the Soul he approved not arguing thus Whatsoever is generated dieth but soules are generated as is manifest from the likenesse of those that are begotten to their Parents not only in body but disposition His other argument was There is nothing that is grieved or pained but is subject to be sick whatsoever is subject to sicknesse is likewise subject to death souls are subject to griefe therefore they are subject to death He alone rejected Astrologicall predictions and receded from the Stoicks as to Divination yet would not positivly affirm there was no such art but only that he doubted it He wrote three books of Offices much commended by Cicero Lipsius conjectures he died old because Cicero affirmeth out of Posidonius that he lived thirty years after he had written his Bookes of offices POSIDONIUS POSIDONIUS was born at Apamea in Syria He lived at Rhodes and there managed civill affairs and taught Philosophy Pompey in his return from Syria went to Rhodes purposely to hear him and coming to his dore forbad the Lictor to knock as was the custome but he saith Pliny to whom the East and West had submitted himselfe submitted his Fases at this Gate But understanding that he was very sick of a great pain in his joynts he resolved only to give him a visit At his first coming and salutation he told him with much respect that he was extreamly sorry he could not hear him Posidonius answer'd You may for no corporeall pain shall make me frustrate the coming of so great a person And thereupon he discoursed seriously and copiously upon this subject as he lay in his bed That nothing is good but what is honest And as often as his pain took him he would say Pain it is to no purpose though thou art troublesome I will never acknowledge thou art ill He made a Sphear wherein were all the conversions of the Sun Moon and Planets exactly as they moved in the Heavens every day and night Of his writings are cited by Cicero five Bookes of Divination as also five bookes of the nature of the Gods Thus far we have a continued succession of the Stoick Philosophers the last School according to Laertius's disposition of thsoe that were descended from Thales FINIS 2  52  3  53  4  54 Pisistratus died having raigned 17 years Arist. Polit. 5. Lxiii  55  2  56  3  57  4  58  Lxiv Miltiades Hâ—l 7. 59  2  60  3  61  4  62  Lxv Â