Duke Leofsi was sent to the Danes â—ho coming to them importuned them that they would accept of a Stipend and Tribute They gladly embracing his Embassy condescended to his request and determined how much Tribute should be paid them for to keep the peace Whereupon â—oon after A Tribute of 24000 pounds was paid them pro bono Pacis for the good of Peace In this Assembly and Council as I conjecture King Ethelred informed his COUNSELLERS who instructed him both in divine and humane things with the sloathfulness negligence and vicious lives of the Secular Priests throughout England and by their advice thought meet to thrust them out and put Monks in their places to pour forth prayers and praises to God for him and his people in a due manner Whereupon he confirmed by his Charter the ejection of the Secular Priests out of Christs-Church in Canterbury and the introduction of Monks in their places and ratified all the lands and privileges formerly granted them exempting the Monastery and Lands thereof from all Secular services except Expeditione Pontium operatione et Arcium reparatione Beseeching and conjuring all his lawfull Successors Kings Bishops Earls and people that they should not be Ecclesiae Christi Praedones sed sitis Patrimonii Christi defensores seduli ut vita et gaudio aeternis cum omnibus Dei sanctis in aeternum fruâ—mini Which Charter was ratified by the Subscriptions of the King Archbishop Bishops Abbots and of several Aeldermen Nobles and Officers and the sign of the Cross. This year Duke Leofsi slaying Esric a Nobleman the Kings chief Provost was judicially banished the Realm by the King for this offence After this Peace made with the Danes Anno 1002. Emma ariving in England received both the Diadem and name of a Queen whereupon King Ethelred puffed up with pride seeing he could not drive out the Danes by force of arms contrived how to murder and destroy them all in one day by Treachery at unawares either by the sword or by fire because they endeavoured to deprive him and his Nobles both of their Lives and the Realm and to subject all England to their own Dominion The occasion time and manner of whose sudden universal Massacre is thus related by Mat. Westminster An. 1012. though acted An. 1002. as all accord and by Mr. Fox and others Huna General of King Ethelreds Militia a valiant warlike man who had taken upon him the managing of the affairs of the Realm under the King observing the insolency of the Danes who now after the peace made with them did so proudly Lord it through all England that they presumed to ravish the wives and daughters of Noblemen and every where to expose them to scorn by strength caused the English husbandmen to soyl and sow their land and doe all vile labor belonging to the House whiles they would sit idely at home holding their wives daughters and servants at their pleasure and when the husbandmen came home they should scarcely have of their own as his servants had So that the Dane had all at his will and fill faring of the best when the owner scarcely had his fill of the worst Thus the common people being of them oppressed were in such fear and dread that not only they were constrained to suffer them in their Doings but also glad to please them and called every one of them in the House where they had rule LORD DANE c. Hereupon Huna goeth to the King much perplexed and makes a lamentable complaint to him concerning these things Upon which the King being not a little moved by the Counsel of the same Huna sent Letters or Commissions unto all the coasts of the Realm commanding all and every of the Nation that on one day after to wit on the Feast of St. Brice the Bishop all the Danes throughout England should be put to death by a secret Massacre that so the whole Nation of the English might all jointly and at one timâ— be freed from the Danish Oppression And so the Danes who by a firm covenant sworn unto by both sides a little before ought to have dwelt peaceably with the English were too opprobriously slain and the women with their children being dashed against the posts of the houses miserably powred out their souls When â—herefore the sentence of this decree was executed at the City of London without mercy many of the Danes fled to a certain Church in the City where all of them were slain without pity standing by the very Altars themselves Moreover that which aggravated the rage of this persecution was the death of Guimild Sister of King Swain slain in this manner in England she was lawfully maried to Count Palingers a Noble man of great power who going into England with her husband they both there received the faith of Christ and Sacrament of baptism this most prudent Virago being the mediatrix of the peace between the English and Danes gave her self with her husband and only son as Hostages to King Ethelred for the security of the peace she being delivered by the King to that most wicked Duke Edric to keep that Traytor within few days after commanded her husband with her son to be slain before her face with four spears and last of all commanded her to be beheaded She underwent death with a magnanimous minde without fear or change of countenance but yet confidently pronounced as she was dying That the shedding of her bloud would bring great detriment to England Henry Huntindon thus relates the story of this Massacre In the year 1002. Emma the Jewel of the Normans came into England and received both the Diadem and name of a Queen with which match King Ethelred being puffed up with pride bringing forth perfidiousness caused all the Danes who were with peace in England to be slain by clandestine Treason on one and the same day to wit on the feast of St. Brice concerning which wickedness we have heard in our infancy some honest old men say that the said King sent secret Letters into every City according to which the English on the same day and hour destroyeâ— all the Danes either cutting off their heads without giving them warning with swords or taking anâ— burning them suddenly â—ogether with fire Vbi fuit videre miseriam dum quisque charissimos hospites quos etiam arctissima necessitudo dulciores effecerat cogeretur prodere et amplexus gladio deturbare writes Malmsbury The News of this bloudy Massacre of the Danes being brought into Denmark to King Swain by some Youths of the Danâ—sh Nation who eâ—caped and fleâ— out of England in a ship moved him to tears Uocatisque cunctis Regni Principibus Wâ—o calling all the Princes of his Realm together and relating the whole series of what was acted to them he diligently enquired of them what they would advise him to do Who all crying out together as with one mouth DECREED That the
vix aliquis id possit persolvere Quapropter omnibus qui prius adventum ejus desiderabant magnopere factus est exosus summopere Anno 1041. Harde-Cnute King of England Huscarlas missit per omnes regni sui Provincias Or Ministros suos per omnes fines regni destinavit sent his Officers through all the Counties parts of the Realm to exact and collect the Tribute which he had imposed without sparing any and to furnish his Mariners with all necessaries from thence Two of which Oâ—ficers Faeder and Turstin exacting this Importable Tribute with great rigour and cruelty from the Inhabitants of the County and City of Worcester were thereupon tumultuously slain by them in a Monastery whither they fled for Sanctuary on the 4 th day of May. The King being very much incensed therewith sent Godwin with all the rest of the Earls of England and almost all his Officers and whole army thither â—o avenge their deaths commanding them to slay all the men if they could to pillage and burn the whole City and County who coming thither the 2. of November wasted the City and County for 4. dayes space but took or slew few of the City or County because they having notice of their coming fled all away to an Iland in the midst of Severn called Beverage which â—hey fortified and so long manfully defended against their Enemies til they had recovered their peace and obtained leave quietly to return to their homes Whereupon on the fifth day they burnt the City every one returning with great booties and thereupon the Kings wrath was pacified but his reputation much ecclipsed and the affections of the people lost by that cruelty and Tax Which it seems was imposed by his own arbitrary power without any Grant or common consent in a Parliamentary Council Unde cunctis qui prius ejus adventum optaverant in Angliam exosus effectus est writes Mat. Westminster Contumeliam famae amori suo detrimentum ingessit adds Malmsbury This whole Tribute amounted but to 32137 l. which came not to the moity of one Moneths Contribution or Excise in our dayes Iohn Speed and some others write That Earl Godwin devising how the Crown might be worn by him or his to separate the hearts of the Subjects from the Prince thaen which there can be no greater wound unto both caused the King to impose heavy Tributes upon the English only to pay the Danes in his Fléet appointing every common Souldier and Mariner to receive 8. Marks in money and every Officer and Master 12. amounting to the summ of 32147 l. for the payment whereof there was so great a grudge that two of his Collectors were slain by the Citizens of Worcester which caused their City to be burnt and part of the County to be spoiled by the Kings command and their Bishop Alfred expulsed the See til with money he had purchased his peace But observe Gods Justice on this Exactor and Tax-imposing King soon after his cruelty at Worcester as he was revelling and carrouzing amidst his cups at Lambheth at a solemn Mariage-feast between a Danish Lord and Gotha an English Lady he suddenly fell down dead to the ground without speech or breath â—ot being lamented nor desired by reason of his unwonted Taxes excesse and riot Yea so far were all â—orts from bewailing him that in regard of their freedom from the Danish yoak which they attained ever since among the Common people the 8. of Iune the very day of his death is annually celebrated with open pastimes in the street as the old Romans kept their Fugalia for chasing out their King which time is now called Hoc-tide or Herextide signifying a time of scorning or contempt which fell upon the Danes by his death when he had voluptuously and oppressingly reigned over the English not full two years wanting ten dayes thereof Now here take special notice of Gods exemplary justice upon King Cnute the Danish Usurper and Invader of other mens Crowns and Kingdoms by treachery bloud war treason the murders of Edmund Ironside Pr. Edwin and Alfred and exile of the Royal posterity His base Son Harold dispossessed his Legitimate Son Harde-Cnute of the Crown of England contrary to his will and contract banished and spoiled his own Queen Emma of her Treasure and Jewels oppressed the people with Taxes and was soon cut 〈◊〉 by death without any issue Harde-Cnute after his death digs up his Brother Harolds corps beheads and then throws it into the common sink Thames incurs Gods and his Peoples hatred by his Oppressions Taxes Luxurie and is taken away suddenly in the midst of his age without issue before he had reigned two years His Son Swane to whom he bequeathed the Kingdom of Norwey which he got by treachery bribery force and the expulsion murder oâ— their rightfull pious King Olaus was expelled both out of Norwey and Denmark too by Magnus the Sonne of Olaus the English Army sent by Harde-Cnute to re-establish him in the Kingdom of Norwey routed in the field and so forced home thence with dishonour leaving Magnus in possession not only of Norwey but Denmark which he conquered and made Tributary to him Thus were all his three Sons within 8 years space after Cnutes death quite stript of all their three Kingdoms acquired by war blood conquest treachery and the English and Norwegian royal lines restored to their rights and Crowns again What persons then in their right sences would impiously spend much treasure levied on the oppressed people by violence rapin uncessant Taxes Excises or shed much human Christian blood to purchase other mens Crowns Kingdoms which are not only full of cares and troubles but so unstable short and momentary in their fruition as is most evident by the Danish Intruders CHAP. V. Containing a Brief Historicall Collection of all the Parliamentary Councils State-Assemblies Historicall Passages and Proceedings that concern the Fundamentall Liberties Priviledges Rights Properties Laws and Government of the Nation under the reign of King Edward the Confessor from the year of our Lord 1042. to 1066. wherein he died KING Harde-Cnute being sodainly taken out of this world without issue by divine Justice on the 6 day of Iune Anno 1042. thereupon the Earls and Barons of England immediately â—fter his death assembled together in a Great Council about the election of a New King Wherein OMNES ANGLORUM MAGNATES ad invicâ—m tractantes DE COMMVNI CONCILIO ET JURAMENTO STATUERUNT QUOD NUNQUAM TEMPORIBUS FUTURIS ALIQUIS DACUS SUPER EOS IN ANGLIA REGNARET hoc maximâ— pro contemptibus quos Angli à Danis saepiuâ— accâ—perunt c. as the Chronicle of Bromton others informe us All the Nobles of the English treating together decreed by common advice which they ratified with an oath THAT IN TIMES TO COME NEVER ANY DAâ—E or person of the Danish blood SHOULD REIGN OR BE KING OVER THEM IN ENGLAND ANY MORE
conquestis dicitur tamen quod beatus Edwardus eo quod haerede caruit Regnum legavit Willielim Bastardo Duci Normannorum Sed hoc robore asseruitur caruisse quiâ— hoc fecit in lecto Lethalf et sine Baronagii sui commnni consensu By all which Testimonies as likewise by the express relations of Mr. Cambden in his Britannia p. 144 145. Richard Verstegan his Restitution of decayed Antiquities Matthew Parker his Antiquitates Ecclesiae Britanniae p. 88. Mr. Seldens Review of his History of Tithes â— p. 482 483. it is apparent that King Edward whiles he was in Normandy before he was King upon Duke Williams repairing into England to him after he was King by several Messengers and Hostages sent to him in his old age and in his very death-bed appointed Duke William to be both his successor and heir to the Crown of England and that Harold either voluntarily as purposely sent by King Edward or craftily upon pretence he was sent by him to work his own enlargement and his Nephews or upon Williams motion to him voluntarily swore that he would faithfully preserve the Crown and Realm of England for him after King Edwards death who had appointed him to succeed him as his heir next kinsman by the mothers side and that he intended to dishinherit his Cosen Edgar Atheling of it though nexâ— heir to it by reason of his minority unfitness and indisposition both of body and minde to sway the Scepter of the Realm King Edward having finished his Abby of Westminster and endowed it with ample lands and privileges by three several Charters by the advice and assent of all his Bishops and Nobles as aforesaid Anno 1066 caused it to be solemnly consecrated on Innocents day with great solemnity but falling sick in the midst of these festival Solemnities of its dedication he betooâ— himself to his bed where continuing speechlesse for two days space together on the third day giving a great groan and arising as it were from the dead he related to those then about him a Vision he had seen touching the State of England Namely that two religious Monks he had formerly known in Normandy dead many years before were sent unto him with this message declaring the Corruptions and Vices both of the Clergy Nobility Gentry and People of England and the judgements ready to fall upon them for the same Which Matthew Westminster thus relates Quoniam Primores Angliae Duces Episcopi Abbates non sunt Ministri Dei sed Diaboli tradidit Deus hoc regnum uno anno et die uno in manu inimicâ— Daemonesque terram hanc totam pervagabunt Abbot Ailred thus records it Impletum dicunt Anglorum nequitiam iniquitaâ— consummata iram provocat accelerat vindâ—ctaâ— Sacerdotes praevaricati sunt pactum Domini polluto pectorâ— manibus iniquitatis sancta coâ—â—rectant non Pastores sed Mercenarii exponunt lupis oves non protegunt lac lanam quaerunt non oves ut detrusos ad inferos mors pastores depascat et oves Sed et Principes terrae infideles Sociae surum PRAEDONES PATRIAE quibus nec Deus timori est NEC LEX HONORI quibus veritas oneri JUS CONTEMPTUI CRUDELITAS DELECTATIONI Itaque NEC SERVANT PRAELATI JUSTITIAM nec subditi disciplinam Et ecce Dominus gladium suum vibravit aroum suum tetendit et paravit illum ostendeâ— deincâ—ps populo hinc iram indignationeÌ„ immissiones insuper per Angelos malos quibus traditi sunt anno uno diâ— uno igne simul et gladio puniendi The King groaning and sighing for this calamity that was ready to fall upon his people demanded of the Monks Whether if they repented of their sins upon his admonition to them God would not pardon them and remove his judgements as he did from the Ninivites They replied That God would by no means receive them into his favour because the heart of this people was hardned and their eyes blinded and their ears deafned that they would not hear reproof nor understand admonition nor be terrified with threatnings nor provoked with his late benefits The King thereupon demanded Whether God would be angry for ever Wheâ—her he would be any more intreated and when they might hope for a release of so great calamities To which they replyed That if a green tree cut in the midst and carried a great space from the stock could without any help reunite it self to the root and grow again and bring â—orth fruit then might the remission of such evils be hoped for The veritie of which Prophecy add our Historians the Englishmen experimentally felt namely That England should be an habitation of strangers and a Domination of Foreiners because a little space after scarce any Englishman was either a King a Duke Bishop or Abbot neither was there any hope also of the end of this miseâ—y King Edward after his relation of this Vâ—sion to the Nobles and Prelates then about him yielded up the Ghost and died without issue on Epiphany Eve An. 1066. and was solemnly interred the next day in Westminster Abbey the royal line of the Saxon Kings ending in him which had continued from Cerdic the first King of the West-Saxons for 571. years without interruâ—tion except by some Danish Usurpers who for the Sins of the English reigned for some years over them with rigour and were soon cut off by death CHAPTER 6. Comprising the Historical Passages relating to the Parliamentary Councils Lawes Liberties Properties Rights Government of England Anno 1066. under the Short reign of the Usurper King Harold till the Coronation of King William the First falsly surnamed The Conquerour though never claiming the Crown by Conquest but Title KIng Edward deceasing without any issue of his body to succeed him refusing all carnal copulation with his Queen either out of a vowed virginity as most Historians conclude or out of a detestation of Earl Godwins Trayterous race quod Rex Religiosus de genere proditoris haeredes qui sibi succederent corrupto semine Regio nolueâ—rit procreari as Ingulphus Matthew Wâ—stminster and others record thereby exposed the kingdom for a prey to the ambitious Pretenders aspiring after it Upon which consideration praesentiebant plures in ejus morte desolationem Patriae Plebis exterminium totius Angliae Nobilitatis excidium finem libertatis honoris ruinam as Abbot Ailred informs us The English Prelates and Nobles being then all assembled at Westminster to the solemn consecration of the Abbey were much perplexed and the generality of the people exceedingly grieved at his death For although he were Vir propter morum simplicitatem parum Imperio idoneus yet he was Deo devotus ideoque ab eo directus Denique eo regnante nullus tumultus domesticus qui non cito comprimeretur nullum bellum forinsecus omnia domi forisque quieta omnia tranquilla quod eo magis stupendum
first That the Parliamentary Council wherein this Charter was made and ratified by common consent and this exemption and tenth granted was principally called to resist the invading plundering Danes 2ly That this King and Council in those times of Invasion and necessiâ—y were so far from taking away the Lands and Tithes of the Church for defence of the Realm or from imposing new unnâ—ual Taxes and Contributions on the Clergy for that end that they granted them more Lands and Tithes than formerly and exempted them from all former ordinary Taxes and Contributions that they might more cheerfully and frequently pour â—orâ—h prayers to God for them as the best means of defence and security against these forein invading enemies Mr. Selden recites another Charter of this King of the same year different from it in month and place out of the Chartularies of Abbington Abbey to the same effect made by Parliamentary consent of that time per consilium saâ—ubre cum Episcopis Comiâ—ibus ac cunctâ—s Optimatibus meis which Charâ—er is sâ—bscribed by this King and his two Sons with some Bishops and Abbots ratified with their signs of the Cross and this annexed curse Si quis verò minuere velmutare nostram donationem praesumpserit noscat se ante tribunal Christi redditurum rationem nisi prius satisfactione emendaverit usual in such Charters Afâ—er which this King going to Rome carried Alfred his youngest Son thither with him whom he most loved to be educated by Pope Leo where continuing a year he caused him to be crowned King by the Pope and returning into his Country married Iudith the King of France his Daughter bringing Alfred and her with him into England In the Kings absence in forein parts Alstan Bishop of Sherburne Eandulfe Earl of Somerset and certain other Nobles making a Conspiracie with Ethelbald the Kings eldest Son concluded he should never be received into the Kingdom upon his return from Rome for two Causes One for that he had caused his youngest son Alfred to be crowned King at Rome excluding thereby as it were his eldest Son and others from the Right of the Kingdom Another for that contemning all the wâ—men of England he had married thâ— Daâ—ghâ—er of the Kiâ—g of Fraâ—ceâ— an alien et contra morem et Statuta Regum West-Saxonum and against the use and Statuâ—es of the Kings of the West-Saxons called Juâ—ith the King of France his Daughter wâ—om he lately espâ—used Queen and caused her to sit by his side at the Table as he â—easted For the West-Saxons permitâ—ed not the Kings Wife to sit by the King at the Table nor yet â—o be calâ—ed Queen but the Kings Wife Which Infamy arose 〈◊〉 Eadburga Daughter of King Oâ—fa Queen of the sâ—me Natâ—on who destroyed her Husband King Brithrâ—â—ic with poison and sitting by the King was wont to accuse all â—he Nobles of the Realm to him who thereupon depâ—ived them of lâ—fe or banished them the Realmâ— whom she câ—uld not accusâ— she used to kill wâ—th poison Thereforeâ— for this mis-doing of the Qâ—â—en they all conjured and swore that they would never permit a King to reign over them who should be guilty in the premises Wâ—eâ—eupon King Aethelulfe returning peaceably from Rome his Son Aethelbald with his Complices attempted to bring their conceived wickedness to effect in excluding him from his own Realm and Crown But Almighty God would not permit it for lest peradventure a more than civil war should arise betwâ—â—n the Father and tâ—e Son the Conspiracie of all the Bishops and Nobles ceased though the King Clemency who divided the Kingdom of the West-Saxons formerly undivided with his Son so that the East paâ—t of the Realm should go to his Son Ethelbald and the West-part remain to the Father And when tota Regni Nobiliras all the Nobility of the Realm and the whole Naâ—ion of the West-Saxons would havâ— fought for the King thrust his Son Ethelbald from the right of the Kingdom and 〈◊〉 him and his Complices out of the Realm qui tantum facinus perpeâ—rare ausi sunt Regem à regno â—ropâ—io reâ—ellerent which Wigorniensis Anno 855. â—â—leâ— Facinus et inauditum omnibus saeculis ante infortunium if the Father would have permitted them to do it He out of the nobleness of his mind satisfiâ—d his Sons desire so that where the Father ought to have reigned by the just judgement of God there the obstinâ—te and wicked Son reigned The King Aethelulfe before the death of Egbert his father was ordained Bishop of Winchester but his Father dying he was made King by the Prelatesâ— Nobles and People much against his will cum non esset alius de Regio genere qui regnare debuisset because there was none other of the Royal Race who ought to reign Haeredibus aliis deficientibus poâ—â—modum necessitate compulsus gubernacula Regni in se suscepit as Bromton and others expresse it At his death Anno 857. he did by his will lest his Sons should fall out between themselves after his decease give the kingdom of Kent with Sussex and Essâ—x to Ethelbert his second son and left the kingdom of the West-Saxons to his eldest son Aethelbald then he devised certain sums of Money to his Daughter Kindred Nobles and a constant annuity for ever for meat dâ—ink and cloths to one poor man or pilgrim out of every 10 Hides of his Land 300 marks of mony to be sent yearly to Rome to be spent there in Oyl for Lamps Almes which sums I never find paid by his Successors as he prescribed by his Will and Charter too because not confirmed by his great Parliamentary Councils of Prelates and Nobles as his forcited Charter and Peter-pence likewise granted by him were upon this occasion as some record that he being in Rome and seeing there outlawed men doing penance in bonds of Iron purchased of the Pope thaâ— Englishmen after that time should never out of their Country do penance in Bonds About the year of our Lord 867. Osbrith King of Northumberland as Bromton records residing at York as he returned from hunting went into the house of one of his Nobles called Bruern Bocard to eat who was then gone to the Sea-coasts to defend it the Ports against Theeves and Pirates as he was accustomed His Lady being extraordinarily beautifull entertained him very honorably at dinner The K. enamored with her beauty after dinner taking her by the hand leads her into her Chamber saying he would speak with her in private and there violently ravished her against her will which done he presently returned to York but the Lady abode at her house weeping and lamenting the deeds of the King whereby she lost her former colour and beauty Her Husband returning and finding her in this sad condition inquired the cause thereof wherewiâ—h she fully acâ—uainting him he thereupon cheered her up with comfortable words saying that he would not love
if our Monkish Historians may bee credited frustrated this design For though the Queen and her Complices out of their transcendent malice which O that some of late times had not overmuch imitated Inimicitias quas viventi ingesserunt in mortuum protelantes sepelierunt â—um fine Regio honore apud Warhamâ— ut sicut vitam ejus extinxerant ita et nomen ejus extinguerent hic vero compertum est contra divinam providentiam non sufficere pravum cor hominis et inscrutabile Quem enim perfidi terris abjicerant Deus coelo gloriosè suscepit et memoriae aeternae insignivit eum Dominus cujus mentionem Proditores obnubulare studuerant But mark the sad sequel of this prodigious Regicide Proditione Gentis suae perfidae thus registred by Henry Huntindon an impartial Historian Inde Dominus iterum ad iram provocatus est et plus solito irritatus Genti pessimae malum inextricabile conferre cogitavit et quod facere paraverat non distulit Veneruntque Dani et operuerunt Angliam quasinubes coeli To which William of Malmsbury subjoyns Creditumque et celebritèr vulgatumâ— quod propter Elfridae in Edwardum insolentiam multo post tempore tota patria servitutem infremuisset Barbaricam Take the summ of his Reign Murther Saintship in these words of Abbot Ethelred Translato ad coelestia Regna Rege Eadgaroâ— in reâ—no terreno filius ejus Edwardus successit Qui injuste ab impâ—â—s interfectus tum 〈…〉 tum ob mortis 〈◊〉 tatem Sancti Nomen et Meritum Deo donante promeruit being afterward translated to Shaftsbury and there honourably enshrined King Edward being thus treacherously murdered on the 17th day of April Anno 978. when he had reigned only 3. years and 8. moneths by hereditary Succession thereupon on the 8. of May 979. his half-brother Ethelred was crowned King at Kingston by both the Archbishops Dunstan and Oswald and ten Bishops more in the presence of the Nobles much against Dunstans will And although Ethelred so much lamented his Brothers murder being then but a child of ten years old not active to promote this Treacherous plot and so detesting it that his Mother Elfrida in a rage whipped him for it with candles for want of a rod which made him abhor candles all his life yet Dunstan full of a propheticall Spirit at the very time of his Coronation told him that he and his Posterity together with the whole kingdom should suffer grievous tribulation all his reign using these words then unto him Beâ—ause thou hast aspired to the Kingdom by the death of thy Brother whom thy Mother murdered therefore hear the word of the Lord Thus saith the Lord The Sword and Bloud shall not depart from thy House nor from the Nation but shall rage against thee all the days of thy Life slaying thy séed until thy Kingdom shall be translated to another Realm and Nation whose Customs and Language that Nation over which thou reignest knoweth not quâ— eos in ulâ—imâ—m redâ—gat servitutem who shaâ—â— reduce them into the extremest Bondage for conspiring with thy ignominious Mother against the Bloud of thy Brother Neither shaâ—â— thy fin nor the sin of thy Mother Nor the sin of those who were privy to her wicked Counsell that they might stretch out an hand against the Lords anointed to slay him be expiated but by a long Revenge and much effusion of bloud Which accordingly came to pass and let all others whom it concerns most nearly with our whole English Nation now seriously reminde it This Prophecie was presently after seconded with a prodigious Cloud spread and seen over all England sundry nights which appeared sometimes bloudy other times fiery and then changing it self into divers sort of flashings and colours vanished about the morning The very next year following the barbarous Danes invaded England burnt Southampton killing and carrying away Prisoners almost all the Inhabitants thereof after which they infested and wasted the Isle of Teneth and City of West-Chester invading England every year with new forces til they had laid the whole kingdom desolate expelled King Ethelred with his Queen and Children into foreign patts and possessed themselves both of the Crown aud Realm as absolute Soveraigns And here before I proceed further I cannot but take special Notice of Gods admirable retaliating Justice inflicted upon some of our Saxon usurping Regicides and their Posterities worthy our saddest contemplation King Edgar as I touched before injuriously usurped upon his elder Brother King Edwyn and by force of arms deprived him of half his Crown and kingdom at first and of his whole Realm if not life too at last But within few years after by Gods avenging hand his best beloved eldest Son and heir King Edward to whom he bequeathed the Crown at his death was first opposed in his Succession and soon after most treacheâ—ously butchered by his own Queen and younger Son who invaded the Crown by his slaughter King Edgar treacherously slew Earl Ethelwold as you have read to espouse his wife Elfreda Crown her for his best beloved Queen who no doubt was consenting to if not the contriver of his murder as he was hunting in Worel Forest. And she to requite this murder kills his own Son and heir King Edward as he came from hunting in a Forest not very far distant from the same place Elfere Earl of Mercia the Queens chief Counseller and Instrument to murther and dethrone King Edward whom he stabbed to death with his own hands as Malmesbury records though to expiate this crime he soon after honourably translated his Corps from Warham to Shaftsbury-Minster yet by Gods avenging wrath about a year after his whole body was eaten up of Lice and Worms so that he died most miserably Queen Alfrida the chief Plotter of this murder soon after the fact was struck with such horror of conscience for this bloudy Regicide that to pacifie the pangs thereof and expiate the guilt of his crying bloud she built two Monasteries at Almesbury and Warwel and casting off her royal robes and State entred into the later of them where she afflicted her self with sackcloth fasting weeping and severe penance unto the day of her death bewailing this bloudy crime all the remainder of her life The whole English Nation who were either consenters to or overgreat connivers at their Soveraigns Murther which they never publikely questioned nor revenged were not only stricken consumed with all sorts of Plagues and strange diseases but uncessantly invaded oppressed spoiled captivated conquered murderated and almost quite extirpated by the barbarous Danes who usurped the Soveraignty over them for three Generations being made a spectacle of divine Justice both to Angels and Man As for King Ethelred himself though then an infant he purchased nothing else by his Brothers blood but a Crown of Thorns and Cares living in perpetual warrs cares fears wants distresses being crossed in all his designs warrs by
treacherie of Earl Godwin and his son Harold Which how fatal it proved to them both by Gods avenging Justice you shall hear in its due place and what divine vengeance it drew at last on the whole English Nation religious and judicious Mr. Iohn Fox informes us in these words This cruel fact of Godwin and his men against the innocent Normans whether it came of himself or of the Kings setting on seemeth to me to be the cause why the justice of God did shortly after avenge the quarrel of these Normans in conquering and subduing the English Nation by William the Conquerour and the Normans which came with him For so just and right it was that as the Normans coming with a natural English Prince were murdered of English men so afterwards the Englishmen should be slain and conquered by the Normans coming with a forein King being none of their natural Country After the bâ—nishment of Queen Emma out of and murder of Prince Alfred in England Harde-Cnute delaying the time in Denmark and deferring his coming inâ—o England thereupon Harold formerly King only of â—he Mercians and Northumbrians that he might râ—ign over all England in the year 1037. A Principibâ—s et omni Populo Rex eligitâ—râ— was elected King by all the Nobles and People Harde-Cnutus verò quia in Denmarchia mansâ—rat et ad Anglian ut rogabatur venire distulit penitus abjicitur as Florentius Wigorniensis Simeon Dunelmensis Hoveden Bromton Radulphus de Diceto and others inform us After which King Harold degenerating from Cnute his Father in all things took no care at all either of military or civil affairs nor of his own Courtly honour doing only his own will and contrary to his royal estate going more willingly on foot of which he was so swift that he was named Harefoot than riding on Horseback In his dayes there were rendred and paid to 16 Ships from every Port not In-land Towns 8. marks of Silver as in the time of his Father as Henry Huntindon records to which Iohn Speed subjoynes This Dane seeing his hazards prevented sought to secure himself and wâ—th 16 Ships of the Danish Fleet kept the Seas which continued ever in a readiness and wafted from port to port to the maintenance whereof he charged the English with great payments to their no little grudge and reviling whereby he lost the love of his Subjects before it hâ—d taken root in their hearts Neither held he long those disloyal courses for that his speedy death did cut off the infamy of a longer life he dying at Oxford where he was elected King without wife or children to survive his person or revive his name when he had reigned only 4. years and as many moneths Anno 1040. Upon the death of Harold Proceres tam Anglorum quam Danorum in unum concordantes sententiam the Nobâ—es both of the English and Danes assembling together in a Parliamentary Council and concording in one opinion sent Embassadours to Harde-Cnute then at Bruges in Flanders visiting Queen Emma his Mother where he had made great preparation of ships and land-forces to recover the Crown of England which belonged to him both by birth and compact from his brother Harold beseeching him to make hast into England and to take possession of the Crown thereof Whereupon he immediately consenting to the Counsel of the Nobles came speedily into England with 60 as some or 40 ships as others write furnished with Danish Souldiers and Mariners where he was recâ—ived with great joy elected King both by the English and Danes and solemnly crowned at London by Elnothus Archbishop of Canterbury Soon after he commanded Alfric Archbishop of Yorke Earl Godwin and others to digg up the interred corps of his brother King Harold out of his grave in London and his head to be cut off by the hangman and then both head and corps to be thrown into the Common sink and after that into the Thames And that partly in revenge of the injuries done by him to his Mother Queen Emma in banishing and spoiling her of her money and jewels against all right and justice and partly for his unjust invasion of the Crown of England but in truth as a just retaliation of his barbarous cruelty to Prince Alfred and his Normans For whose treacherous inhumane slaughter King Harde-Cnute deprived Alfred Bishop of Worcester of his Bishoprick whose hands were said to have been in Alfreds bloud And for which murder he likewise looked with an evil eye upon Earl Godwin compelling him to an Oath of Purgation touching the same Whereupon Godwin by his own Oath and the Oaths of most of the Nobles of the Realm his compurgators sworeâ— though most falsly That Prince Alfreds eyes were not put out nor he murdered as aforesaid by his Counsel or consent but what was done therein was only by the command of King Harold which he durst not resist Notwithstanding which Oath to purchase his peace with Harde-Cnute he presented him with a most rich and royal present to wit with a Ship whose stern was of gold with 80 Souldiers placed therein all uniformly and richly suited having on their heads gilt Burgonets on their armes bracelets of Gold on their bodies Habergeons Swords Battel-axes Targets and other arms after the Danish fashion all richly gilt with gilt bosses and darts in their hands Which Present though it pacified the Kings indignation yet it prevented not Gods avenging justice on him afterwards for Alfreds bloud thus partly avenged on Harolds carcasse which was cast into the Thames and mangled according to Hard-Cnutes command and lay floting on the water sundry dayes till a Fisherman in compassion took up his corps and buried it privately in St. Clements Danes Soon after Harde-Cnute in the second year of his reign commanded 8. Marks to be paid to every Mariner Some write 20. others 30. marks to every Shipwright of his Danish Navy besides a vast sum of money to his Land-Army Hujus anno secundo redditus est Census Exercitui Dacorum scilicet 21000 lib. 89 lib. Et posteà sunt redditae 32. puppibus 11000 lib. 48. lib. writes Henry Huntindon Tributum inexorabile et importabile Angliae imposuit ut Classiariis suis per singulas nâ—ves viginâ—i â—ac triginti marcas ex pollicito pensitaret Quod dum importune per Angliam exigitur duo infestius hoc munus exequentes a Wigorniae Civibus extincti sunt as Will of Malmsbury expresseth it Hic etiam contra omnem spem octo Marcas unicuique remigi Classis suae de importabili tributo Angliae solvi fecit So Bromton Which â—lorentius Wigorniensis Hoveden Simeon Dunelmensis Matthew Westminster Polychronicon Caxton Fabian Holinshed Grafton and Speed thus more at large relate Anno 1040. Octo Marcas unicuique suae classis Remigi et 12. unicuique gubernatori de tota Anglia praecepit dependi Tributum videlicet tam grave ut
at all For tâ—e Crown of England being held not as patrimonial but in succession by remotion which is a succeeding to anothers place it was not in the power of King Edward to collate the same by any dispositive and Testamentary Will the right descending to the next of blood only by the Laws and Custom of the Kingdom For the successor is not saâ—d to be the Heir of the King but of the Kingdom which makes him so and cannot be put from it by any Act of his Predecessors 9. That the Nobilities Clergies and peoples free-Election hath been usually most endeavoured and sought aâ—ter by our Kings â—especially Intruders as their best and surest Title To these Legal I shall only subjoyn some Political and Theological Observations naturally flowing from the premised Histories of King Edward Harold and William not unsuitable to nor unseasonable for the most serious thoughts and saddest contemplations of the present age considering the revolutions and postures of our publike affairs 1. That it is very unsafe and perillous for Princes or States to intrust the Military and Civil power of the Realm in the hands of any one potent ambitious or covetous person who will be apt to abuse them to the peoples oppression the kingdoms perturbation and his Sovereigns affront or danger as is evident by Earl Godwin and his Sons 2. That devout pious soft-natured Princes are aptest to be abused and their people to be oppressed by evil Officers 3. That it is very dangerous and pernicious to heditary kingdoms for their King to die without any certain known and declared right Heirs or Successors to their Crowns yea an occasion of many wars and revolutions as is evident by King Edwards death without iâ—sue or declared right heir 4. That right heirs to Crowns who are of tender years weak judgement or impotent in Frienâ—s and Purse are easily and frequently put by their rights by bold active and powerfull Intruders as Edgar Atheling was both by Haroâ—d and William successively Yet this is remarkable in both these Invaders of his royal Right 1. That Harold who first dethroned him to make him some kind of recompence and please the Nobles of his party created Edgar Earl of Oxford and held him in special favour 2 ly That King Willam the first to whom he submitted himself and did homage and fealty used him very honourably and entertained him in his Court not only at first buâ— even after he had twice taken up armes against him joyning first with the English Nobilitie then with the Danes and Scots against his interest For Edgar coming to him into Normandy Anno 1066. out of Scotland where he lived some years where nihil ad praesens commodi nihil ad futurum spei praeter quotidianam stipem nactus esset he not only pardoned his fore-past offences but magno donativo donatus est pluribusque annis in Curia manens Libram Argenti quotidie in stipendio accipiebat writes Malmesb. receiving a great donaâ—iâ—e from him and a pound of silver for a stipend every day and continuing many years in his Court. After which Anno 1089. He went into Apulia to the Holy wars by King Williams licence with 200 Souldiers and many Ships whence returning after the death of Robert son of Godwin and the loss of his best Souldiers he received many benefits from the Emperours both of Greece and Germany who endeavoured to retain him in their Courts for the greatness of his birth but he contemning all their proffers out of a desire to enjoy his Native Country returned into England and there lived all Kings Williams reign In the year 1091. Wil. Rufus going into Normandy to take it by force from his brother Robert deprived Edgar of the honour which his Brother with whom he sided had conferred upon him and banished him out of Normandy whereupon he went into Scotland where by his means a peace being made between VVilliam Rufus and Malcholm king of Scots he was again reconciled to Edgar by Earl Roberts means returned into England being in so great favour with the king that in the year 1097. He sent him into Scotland with an Army Ut in ea consobrinum suum Eadgarum Malcholmi Regis filium patruo suo Dufenoldo qui regnum invaserat expulso Regem constitueret Whence returning into England he lived there till after the reign of king Henry the first betaking himself in his old age to a retired life in the Country as Malmesbury thus records Angliam rediit ubi diverso fortunae ludioro rotatus nunc remotus tacitus canos suo in agro consumit Where most probably he died in peace since I find no mention of his death No less than 4 successive kings permitting this right heir to their Crowns to live both in their Courts and Kingdom of England in peace and security such waâ— the Christian Generosity Charity and Piety of that age without reputing it High Treason for any to relieve or converse with him as the Charity of some Saints in this Iron age would have adjudged it had they lived in those times who have quite forgotten this Gospel Lesson of our Savior they then practised But I say unto you love your Enemies do good to those that hate you c. Wherefore if thine enemy huâ—ger give him meat if he thirst give him drink c. Bâ— not overcome of evil but overcome evil with goodness 5. That base carnal fears and cowardize oft cause both Prelates Nobles and People to desert their own best interest and lawfull Princes and to act vote and submit to meer unrighteous Usurpers against their primitive resolutions judgements Consciences as here in the case of Edgar and Rich. 3. since 6. That Generals puffed up with victorious successes and having the command of the Land and Sea Forces in their power are apt to aspire after the royal Crown and Soveraignty and forcibly to usurp it upon the next occasionâ— even with the disinheriting of the right heir and hazard of the whole Realm of which Harold is a most pregnant example 7. That ambitious aspirers after the royal Crown and Throne will make no conscience to violate all sacred and civil Oathes Obligations Contracts and find out any evasions to elude them rather than goe without themâ— or part with them when injuriously usurped â—y them and will adventure to crown themselves with their own hands than not wear the Diadem witnesse Harold 8. That Usurpers of Crowns without right though they Court the people with Coronation Oaths and fair promises of good Laws Liberty Immunity from all Taxes and Grievances yet usually prove the greatest Tyrants and Oppressors to them of all others as Harold and William in some sort did That Invaders of Crowns and Soveraign power without any right title or colour of Justice being once in possession will never part with them to those who have better right upon any verbal Treaties but rather
publications for the common liberty weale and Benefit of the Nation I commend both them and thee to Gods tuition and benediction WILLIAM PRYNNE Lincolns Inne December 6. 1656. A Seasonable Legal and Historical Vindication of the good old Fundamental Liberties Rights and Laws of England Chapter 3. Section 4. Comprehending a brief Collection of all the most observable Parliamentary Councils Synods Conventions Publique Contests Debates Wars Historical Proceedings Passages Records relating to the fundamental Liberties Franchises Rights Customs and Government of the People under our English Saxon Kings from the year of our Lord 600 till the death of King Edmund Ironside and reign of Cnute the Danish King Anno Dom. 1017. with some brief Observations on and from the same IN the former Section I have presented you with a general brief Account of our first English Saxon Christian Kings limited Power and Prerogative being obliged to govern their English-Saxon Subjects not arbitrarily but justly according to their known Laws and totally disabled to alter repeal any old or enact any new Laws to impose any publique Taxes Tallages Imposts Customs whatsoever on their people upon any real or pretended necessity to mâ—ke any War Peace or to alienate the Lands or ancient Revenues of their Crowns to any pious publique or private uses whatsoever without the common consent of their Nobles and Wisemen in general Parliamentary Councils together with a Summary of the Laws of Ethelbert the first Christian Saxon King wholly pretermitting the Names Acts Kingdoms of our first Pagan Saxon Usurpers rather than lawfull Kings who though many and great in their generations were veâ—y speedily brought to nothing their Kingdoms begun erected by blood conquest and meer power of the Sword standing not long unshaken by civil wars among themselves each King envying his equals greatness and seeking to inlarge his own Dominions upon the next In which Combustions few or none of them came to the Grave in due time but were either slain in war or treacherously murdered in Peace or expelled their Realms by or forced to resign their Crowns to others after all their former prosperous successes and reigns wholly spent in Wars Troubles Seditions Rebellions Rapines affording nothing worthy memory for their peoples good the Kingdoms settlement or imitation of Posterity Whence Henry Huntindon in the close of the 2 Book of his Histories p. 320 hath this Observation concerning them very seasonable for our present times Vide igitur Lector perpende quanta Nomina quam cito ad nihilum devenerint Attende quaeso stude cum nihil hic duâ—et ut adjuiras tibi regnum substantiam illam quae non deficiet Nomen illud honorem qui non pertransibit monimentum illud claritatem quae nullis saeculis veterascet Hoc praemeditare summae prudentiae est acquirere summae caliditatis adipisci summae faelicitaâ—is I shall now in this Section proceed in my intended Chonological Method to their next succeeding Christian Saxon Kings reigns in England till the reign of King Cnute the Dane Anno Domini 1017. It is recorded of Aethelbert the first Christian Saxon King of Kent that keeping the Feaâ—t of our Saviours Nativity at Canterbury with his Queen Ead bald his Son Arch-Bishop Augustine and the Nobles of the Land he there held a Parliamâ—ntary Council with them on the 5. of Ianuary in the year of our Lord 605. Which Thomas Sprot thus expresseth in the Language of his age rather than of that Convocato ibidem communi Concilio tam Cleri quam Populi die quinto â—anuarii he did then and there Omnium singulorum approbatione consensu as he relates or cum consensu Venerabâ—lis Archie â—iscopi Augustini Ac Principum meorum cum Aedbaldi filii mei aliorumque Nobilium optimatum meorum Consilio as his Charters reciâ—e give grant and confirm to the Church of St. Peter and Paul in Canterbury for ever sundry Lands pretious Utensils Privileges and Immunities by his Charters made and ratified in this Council In which it is most probable he likewise made those Iudicial Decrees and Laws with the advice of his Wise men for the beneâ—it of his people in his own Country Saxon Language Which our venerable Beda William of Malmesbury Huntandon Bromton and others mention only in the general and Bishop Enulph hath registred to posterity in his famous manuscript intituled Textus Rosfensis of which I have given you some account before Section 3. p. 50 51 52. on which you may reflect In the year of Christ 627 Paulinus perswading Edwin King of Northumberland to bâ—come a Christian to avod eternal torments and to be made a partaker of the Kongdom of Heaven The King answered That he was both willing and â—ught to receive the faith which he taught but he ought first to confer with his Friends Princes and Counsellors concerning it thâ—â— so if they concurred in juâ—gement with â—im â—â—ey might all be bapâ—ized together Assembling therefore his Wisemen and advising with them he â—emanded severally of them all What that Doctrine which they never heard of till then and that new worship of God which was preached by Paulinus seemed to tâ—em To whom Coyfi the chief of the Priests presently answered Do thou consider O King what that Religion is which is now preached to us I profess unto thee that which I have most certainly learned that the Religion we have hitherto imbraced hath no virtue at all in it whereupon it remains that if those new things which are now preached unto us shall appear to thee upon examination to be better and stronger than our Religion let us hasten to embrace them without any delay To whose wise perswasions and words Another of the Kings Nobles giving his Assent spake something concerning the brevity and incertainty of this life and of their ignorance and incertainty of that life which is to come concluding That if this new Doctrine brought any thing to them more certain than that they formerly imbraced it ought to be deservedly followed The rest of the Elders and Kings Counsellors prosecuting the like things by Divine admonition Coyfi added that he desired to hear Paulinus preaching concerning God more diligently than before which when he had done by the Kings command he cryed out having heard his preaching I heretofore understood that what we worshipped was nothing because by how much the more diligently I sought the truth in that worship the less I found it But now I openly professe that in this preaching the truth shines forth which is able to give unto us the gifts of eternal life salvation and happiness Whereupon O King I advise thee that the Temples and Altars we have consecrated without any fruit or benefit we should now presenâ—ly execrate and burn Upon â—his without more debate the King openly gave his assent to the preaching of Paulinus renouncing Idolatry confessed â—hat he did imbrace the faith of
per contumaciam plurimorum machinamentis simulationis sine ullâ consideratione rationis periculosâ— dissipata essent nisi auctoritate Literarum testimonio Cyrographorum aeternae memoriae inserta sint Quapropter Ego Ethelbaldus Rex Merciorum pro amore caelestis patriae hanâ— donationem me vivente concedo Ut omnia Monasteria Ecclesiae Regni mei A publicis vectigalibus ab omnibus operibus oneribusque absolvantur nisi in instructionibus Arcium vel Ponâ—ium quae nulli unquam possint laxari as Ingulph renders it or as other Copies nisi sola quae communiter fruenda sint omnique populo edicto Râ—gis facienda jubentur id est instructionibus Pontium vel necessariis defensionibus Arcium contra â—ostes non sunt renuenda Sed nec hoc praetermittendum est cum necessarium constat Ecclesiis Dei. Praeterea habeant famuli Dei propriam Libertatem in proficuis Sylvarum in fructu Agrorum in captura piscium nec munuscula praebeant Regi vel Principibus nisi voluntaria sed liberi Domino serviant in contemplatione pacificâ per totum regnum meum usque in aevum Sed cunctas rribulationes quae nocere vel impedire possint in Domo Dei omnibus Principibus sub meâ potestate degentibus demittere auferre praecipio Quatenus sublimitas Regni mei prosperis successibus polleat in â—erris meritorum manipuli multipliciter maturescant in coelis Qui vero haec benigna mentis intentione at que in-laesâ cogitatione custodierit aeternâ claritate coronetur ornetur glorificetur Si quis hoc quod absit cujuslibet personae tyrannica cupiditate instinctus contrà hanc donationis charâ—ulam saeculari potentiâ fretus venire nititur sit sub Anathemate Iudae Proditoris Domini nostri Jesu Christi Ad confirmandum verò hoc nostrae beneficentiae munus Hi Teâ—â—es adfuerunt Nostri Magistrarus Optimates et Duces fidelissimique amici concesserunt et scripseruut Then follow the subscriptions of the King Bishops and Nobles with Ego his statutis consentiens subscripsi confirmandoque signum crucis aravi In this Council amongst other Synodal Decrees subscribed by the Bishops It was decreed That the Feasts of St. Gregory the Pope and St. Augustine the English Apostle should be perpetually observed with greatest solemnity King Ethelbald with his Nobles being there present and approving it In the year of Grace 752. Cuthred king of the West-Saxons being unable to endure the proud Exactions and insolencies of king Ethelbald for vindicaâ—â—on of his own and his peoples Liberty from his oppressions raised an Army and fought a bloody Battâ—l wiâ—h him at Beorford where through Gods assiâ—â—ance who giveth grace to the Humble and resisteth the Proud he routed him and his whole Army and after An. 755. slew him in a second battel he disdaining to fly by the Treachery of Bernred his Captain the chief Author of his death King Cuthred deceasing Sigibert his kinsman who succeeded him growing insolent and proud by his Preâ—ecessors great successes became intollerable to his Subiects treating them very ill in every kind Depraving or altering the Laws of his Ancestors for his own private Luere and exercising exactions and cruelties upon his Subjects setting aside all Laws Whereupon his â—aithfull Counsellor Earl Cumbra ovingly admonishing him to govern his people more mildly and justly that so he might become amiable to God and men he was so incensed with him that he commanded him most wickedly to be slain and became more cruel and Tyrannical to his people than befâ—re The Peâ—râ— and Commons hereupon seeing their Laws and Liberties thus violated and their Estates and Lives every day in danger being incensed into fury assembâ—â—ng themselves together did all unamimously rise up in Arms against him and upon mature prudent deliberation by the unanimous consent of all expelled him the Kingdom for his Tyranny and mis-governmenr Upon which Sigebert flying into the woods for shelter like a forlorn person was there slain by Cumbra his Swine-herd in revenge of his Masters murder Florentius Wigorniensis relates that after his expulsion from the Realm by the Nobles for the multitude of his unjust deeds Kenulphus allotted him the County of Hampshire for his maintenance until he slew Earl Cumbra such was the Charity and Humanity of those times even to an expelled deposed Tyrannical King now quite out of date with whom Ethelwerdus Hist. l. 2. c. 17. and Polychronicon l. 5. c. 24. accord Some of our Historians especially Eâ—helwerdus and Wigorniensis relate that Kenulphus usurped the Crown by meer force of Arms first drawing the Nobles and People to rise up against and expell Sigebert for his exorbitant actions and the multitude of his unjust deeds and then usurping the Throne being not of the blood Royal as Malmesbury relates though of a Noble family But they all unanimously record that he came to a miserable end upon this occasion When he had reigned 31 years with honour and good success being puffed up therewith and fearing lest Kinearâ—us Sigiberts Brother who began to be potent should revenge his Brothers death upon him and dispossess him or his posterity of the Crown he banished and compelled him to depart his Kingdom Who thereupon giving way to the time voluntarily sled out of his Dominions But soon after secretly drawing together through private Conventicles a band of desperate men he found an opportunity to fall upon Kenulphus when he went with a few followers to visit his Paramore at Merton where he besetting the House round slew the King with all his followers The fame of which Act coming to his Nobles and Souldiers not far from the place They upon Exhortation of Esric the chiefest of them not to let pass the death of their Lord unrevenged to their notorious and perpetual infamy furiously â—ncountred Keneardus and his Complices and notwithstanding all their fair promises of Mony preferments to them and all intreaties after a sharp bloody incounter put them all to the sword with the loss of some of their own lives Ecce quomodo Dei Iustitia non solum futuro saeculo verum etiam in isto digna meritis manifesto judicio recompensat c. Add Henry Huntindon Roger Hoveden Iohn Bromton Malmesbury and others as a Corollary to this History of Sigibert and Kenulphus Which all Traitors Tyrants and Usurpers treading in their exorbitant footsâ—eps may do well advisedly to consider In the year of our Lord 758. The people of the Realm of Mâ—rcia rising up against their King Bernred because he governed them not by just Laws but by Tyranny aâ—â—embled all together in one as well Noble as Ignoble and Offa being their Captain tâ—ey expelled him out of the Kingdom and thenâ— by the unanimous consent of all as well Clergy as people they crowned Offa King This Bernred as Malmesbuâ—y Speeâ— and Simeon Dunelmensis write treacherously murâ—hered King Ethelbald his Soveraign
violence of the King they importuned the Archbishop that he would consent to the Kings will upon this condition that the King should relinquish the difference which he had raised between the Pope and Archbishop by his Messengers and should restore to the said Father all the power and dignity which belonged to the said Primates See according to the authority which his Predecessors most amply enjoyed in former time But if the King could not do this that he should then restore the mony and Land which he exacted of the Archbishop to him again Upon this condition therefore the said reverend Father gave his assent But nothing of the aforesaid condition was performed For three whole years after the said agreement he remained deprived of the power which his predecessors and himself had before that difference over Suthmenstre as well in pasture mony vestments as obedience which belonged to the Metrapolitical See But after the death of King Kenulf when Beornulf reigned the said Archbishop Wulfred invited Abbess Kenedrytha Heir and Daughter of King Kenulf to the foresaid Council whither â—hen she came the Archbishop complained in the audience of all the Council of the injuries and troubles offered and done to him and to Christs Church by her Father and required reparation from her if it were Iust Then all the Council found it to be Iustice et hoc unanimi consenâ—u Decreviâ— and Decreed it by a unanimous consent That all those things which â—er Father had takâ—n away from the Archbishop she ought justly to restore unto him and to give him so much â—gâ—in for reparation And moreover should restore all the use or profit the foresaid Father had lost in so long a space which she humbly promised to do It seemed good therefore to king Beornulf with his Wisemen for friendship sake most diligently to make a reconciliation and amends for the said Lands between the heirs of King Kenulf and the Archbishop and becaâ—se this pleased the king and he humbly intreated it out of Love and Friendship to the King the Archbishop conâ—ented thereto â—or â—he heirs of the said king Kenulf often desired to have the said Father to be their Patron and intercessor And they intreated him with humble devotion that for a full reconciliation he would receive in four places one hundred Hides of Land to wit Herges and Herfording Land Wamdeloa and Gedding Then the Archbishop for the love of God and the amiable friendship of Beornulf consenred to this accord upon this condition that the foresaid Abbess should deliver to the said Archbishop the foresaid Lands of one hundred Hides with the Books which the English call Landâ—oâ— and with the same liberty which he had before for a perpetual inheriâ—nace Whereupon king Beornulf with the testimony of the whole Council proclaimed it to be altogether free But this Agreement was not all this time ratified because after these things the promise remained unfulfilled for 12 Moneths for three Hides or tenements of the foresaid Lands were detained and the Books of 47 tenements to wit the Book of Bockland the Book of Wambelea and also the Book of Herfocding land But in the year following she the said Ahbess desired a Conference with the foresaid Archbishop who at that time was in the Country of the Wicii at a place called Ostaveshlen where he held a Council where when she had found the man of God she confessed her folly in delaying her former agreement upon which the Archbishop with great sweetness shewed that he was altogether free from the foresaid agreement and that of her part there were many things wanting which she ought to have restored but she being brought before the Councilâ— greatly blushing humbly promised that she would restore all those things that were wanting and with a willing mind restored to the Archbishop the Books of certain Lands which before she had not promised with the Lands adjudged to him as Sir Henry Spelmans Margent supplies the defect in the same Council She likewise added thereto a farm of 4 tenements in Hevgam for his favour likewise She gave to the Archbishop 30 Hide land or tenements in Cumbe with a Book of the said Lands that a firm and stable friendship and accord might remain between all the heirs of King Kenulf and the Archbishop To all which things the Archbishop gave his consent upon this Condition that the names of the afore said Lands should be rased quite out of the Ancient Privileges which belong to Wincelcumbe lest in after times some controversie should be raised De hoc quod Synodall authoritate decretum est et signo crucis firmatum concerning this which was ended by authority of the Council and confirmed with the sign of the Câ—oss By this and the precedent Councils of Clovesho it is apdarent first That the Injustice Rapine and oppression of our Saxon Kings themselves was then examined and redressed in and by our Parliamentary Councils 2ly That Tittles to Lands Jurisdictions Privileges unjustly taken from the Church and other men by our kings or other great persons and complaints touching the same were usually heard determined and redressed in the great Parliamentary Councils of that Age upon complaints made thereof and that to and before the whole Council not to any private Committees not then in use 3ly That restitution reparations and damages in such Cases were usually awarded in such Parliamentary Councils not only against the Kings Parties that did the wrong but likewise against their heirs as here against Abbess Cenedritha Daugher and heir to king Kenulph After the decease of her father the Tort Feasor 4ly That the same cause and complaint was revived continued ended in succeeding that rested undecided and unrecompensed in former Councils 5ly That Agreements Exchanges and Judgements given upon Complaints in Parliamentary Councils were conclusive and final to the Parties and their Heirs 6ly That Injuries done by the power of our Kings or great Men in one Parliamentary Council as in dividing the Archbishoprick of Canterbury c. were examined redressed by another subsequent Council 7ly That Parliamentary Councils in that Age were very frequently held at least once or twice a year if not interrupted by wars and that usually at Clovesho according to the Decree of the Council of Heartford under Archbishop Theodor That the Bishops once a year should assemble together in a Council at Clovesho as Gervasius Doroberniensis records there being 4 Councils there and elsewhere held in King Beornulfs 4 years reign I find another Council held at Clovesho in the year 824 the 3. of the Calends of November under Beornulf King of Mercians and Wulfred Archbishop of Canterbury where this King which all his Bishops and Abbots and all the Princes Nobles and many most wise men were assembled together Amongst other businesses debated therein there was a sute between Heabere Bishop of Worcester and the Nuns of Berclea concerning the inheritance of Aethelfrick Son of Aethelmund
tortured them to discover where their Treasures were broke up all the Tombs pillaged and burnt the Abby with all the Edifices thereof leaving it a meer ruinous heap then marching on laying all the Country waste before them with fire and Sword sparing neither person age nor sex they cast down burnt destroyed and levelled to the Ground the goodly Monasteries of Bradney Peterborough Huntingdon Ely with sundry others murthering as well all the Monks as Nuns therein which their merciless Swords after they had first polluted them To avoid whose barbarous rape Ebba Abbess of Coldingham and her Nuns by her example and perswasion cut off their upper Lips and Noses to deform themselves to their lascivious eyes which bloody Spectacle preserved their Chastity from their Lust but not their Monasterie or bodies from their Cruelty they burning them and their Nunnery to Ashes After which the same year Inguar and Hubba marched against St. Edmund who in the year 855. was chosen King of the East-Saxons Ab omnibus Regionis illius magnatibus et populis by all the Noblesâ— and People of that Realm being sprung from the antient Royal blood of the Saxons and compelled to take the Government on him much against his will being then but 13 years old and consecrated King by Bishop Humbert in the Royal Town called Bury The reason of their malice to this King as some of our Historians write was this that he was maliciously accused to have murthered their Father Lothbroc driven by a sudden storm in a small boat into England as he was hawking at Fowl by this Kings Faulkoner who having murthered himself out of meer malice was by judgement of the Knights and Lawyers banished the Realm and put alone into Lothbrocs Boat without Oâ—re or Sails for murthering him and so sent to Sea being driven in it into Denmark to excuse himself he maliciouslie accused the King of this Murther to these his Sons Who thereupon invaded England with an Army to revenge their Fathers death And the Reason why they at this time so extraordinarily prevailed aâ—d over-run the Land was the Civil Discords Wars and Emulations amongst the Saxon kings who either out of Malice or Ambition to advance their own Dominion or base unworthy fears would rather induce these common Enemies to over-run them than assist one another against them which William of Malmesburie thus expresseth Meminerit interea lector quod interim Reges Merciorum et Northanimbrorum captata occasione â—dventus Danorum quorum bellis Ethelredus iâ—sudabat a servitio West-Saxonum respirantes dominaâ—ionem suam penè asseruerant Ardebant ergo cunctae saevis popularibus provinciae unusquisque Regum inimicos magis in suis sedibus sustinere quam compatrioâ—is Laborantibus opem porrigere curabat Ita dum maluit vindicare quam praevenire injuriam socordiâ suâ exanguem reddiderunt Patriam Dani sine obstaculo succressere dum et provincialibus timor incresceret et proxima quaeq victoria per additamentum Captiâ—orum instrumentum sequentis fieret c. Northanimbri jamdudâ—m civilibus dissentionibus â—luctuantes adventante hoste correxerunt discordiam Itaque Osbirthum Regem quem expulerant in solium reformaâ—tes magnosque moliti paratus obviam procâ—dunt sed facilè pulsi infra Urbem Eboracum se includunt quâ mox à victoribus succensâ cum laxos crines effusior flamma produceret tota depascens maenia ipsi quoque conflagrati patriam ossibus texêre suis Mercii non semel obtriti obsidatu miserias suas levaverunt At vero Ethelredus multis laboribus infractus obiit Orientalium Anglorum pagi cum urbibus et vicis à praedonibus possessi Rex eorum sanctus Edmundus ab eisdem interemptust Anno Dominicae Incarnationis 870. 12 Calendas Decembris temporaneae mortis compendio regnum emit aeternum The manner of King Edmunds Martyrdom Historians thus relate An. 870. Hinguar King of the Danes invading King Edmunds Realm with a great Power sent a Messenger to King Edmund to demand the half of his Treasure and Wealth and that he should hold his Realm under him threatning otherwise to waste his Kingdom and extirpaâ—e him and his Pâ—ople Sed nimis fraudulentèr Hinguar thesauros exigebat qui Clementissimi Regis caput potius quam pecuntas sitiebat writes Matthew Westminster Where upon Bishop Humbeâ—t advising him to fly â—rom the Danes who approached with their forces towards him to save his life The King wisheâ— Would to God that I might preserve the lives of my Subjects for whom I desire to lay down my life for this is my chiâ—fest wish that I may not survive my faithfull Subjects and most dear friends which this Cruâ—l Pirate hath thâ—evishly slain neither will I stain my glory by slâ—ght who never yet sustained the reproaches of Waâ—re The Heavenly King also is my Witness that no fear of the Barbarians shall separate me from the Love of Christ whether living or dead Then turning to the Messenger of Hinguar he said Thou art worthy to suffer the punishment of death being wâ—t with the blood of my people But imitating the example of my Christ If it should so happen I am not afraid willingly to die for them Return therefore speedily to thy Master and carry my answers to him Although thou takest away my Treasures and riches whiâ—h the Divine Clemency hath given me by thy power yet thou shalt never subject me to thy infidelity for it is an honest thing to defend perpetual liberty together with purity of Religion for which also if there be need we think it not unprofitable to die Therfore as thy proud cruâ—lâ—y hath begun after the servants slaughter cut thou the Kings throatâ— because the King of Kings seeing these things will translate me into Heaven there to reign eternally The Messenger departing the King commanded his Souldiers to run to their Arms aâ—firmingâ— that it was a worthy thing to fight both for their Faith and Country leâ—t they shouâ—d prove deâ—erâ—ers of their Realm and betrayers of the people And being incouraged by Bishop Humbert his Nobles and fellow Souldiers he marched against the Enemy and near Thedford fought a bloody battel with the Danes from morning to night the place being all dyed red with the blood of the slain Aâ— which grievoâ—â—â—ight King Edmund was much grieved not only for the great slaughter of his own Soâ—ldiors â—ightâ—ing for their Country native liberty the faith of Iesus Christ so alreâ—dy â—rouned with Mâ—rtyrdome But likewise for the death of the Barbarous Infidels sent down to Hell in great numbers which he overmuch lamented After which battel retiring to Hegelsdun with his forces that were left he immutably resolved in his mind never to fight battel with the Enemies more saying only this that it was necessary that he alone should die for the People and not the whole Nation perish Soon after Hinguars Army being recruted by the access of Hubba to
and executing sundry of his people against Law without any lawfull tryal by their Peeres or Uerdict and Iudgement by a sworn Iury or upon in sufficient evidence or for Crimes not Capital by the Laws The names of these Iudges with their several offences you may read at large in Horn. Had those pretended Judges of a neâ— edition who of late arraigned condemned executed the King Nobles Gentlemen and Freemen of England in strange new arbitrary Courts of high Iustice without any legal Indictment and Tryal by a sworn Jury of their peers and many of them for offences not Capital by any known Lawes or Statutes of the Realm and upon very slender evidence lived in this Iust Kings reign they might justly fear he would have hanged them all up as Murtherers and Capital Malefactors as well as these 44 Judges not altogether so peccant in this kind as they this form of tryal by sworn Juries of their Peers then in use being since confirmed by the Great Charters of King Iohn and King Henry the 3 some hundreds of subsâ—quent Statutes and the Peâ—iâ—ion of Right not known in Alfreds days I find in the Prâ—face to King Alfreds Laws of which Laws Abbot Ethelred gives this â—rue encomium Leges Christianissimas scripsit promulgavit in quibus fides ejus et devotio in deum solliciâ—udo in subditoâ— misericordia in pauperes Iusticia ciâ—ca omâ—es cunctis legentibus pateâ— this observable passage That the Apostles elders assembled in a Synod at Jerusalem Acts 15. in their Epistle to the Churches of the Gentiles to abstain from things offered unto Idols added this Summary of all Laws And what ye would not to be done to your selves that doe ye not to others from which one precept it sufficiently appeareth unicuique ex aequo jus esse reddendum that right or Law is of Iustice to be rendred to every one neither will there be need of any other Law or Law-book whatsoever iâ— he who sits Iudge upon others shall only remember this that he would not himself should pronounce any other sentence against others than what he would should be pasâ—ed against himself in their Case But when the Gospel was propagated many Nations and amongst them the English embraced the faith of Gods word there were then held some Assemblies and Councils of Bishops and other most illustrious Wise men throughout the World and likewise in Eâ—gland and these being throughly instructed by Gods mercy dâ—d now first of all Impose a pecuniary Mulct upon Offenders and without any Divine Offence delegated the Office of exacting it to Magistrates leave being first granted Only on a Traitor and Deserâ—er of his Lord or King they decreed that this Milder punishment by pecuniary Mulcts was not to be inâ—licted because they thought just that such a man was not at all to be spared both because God would have Contemners of him unworthy of all mercy and likewise because Christ did not at all compassionate them who put him to death but appointed the King to be honoured above all others These therefore in many Councils singulorum scelerum paenas constituerunâ— ordained the punishments of every kind of offences and commitâ—â—â— them to writing From whence it is apparent First That all capital coporal and pecuniary Mulcts and penalties for any civil or Ecclesiastical offences whatsoever inflicted on the Subjects of this Realm in that and all former ages since they embraced the Gospel were only such as were particularly defined and prescribed by their Parliamentary Councils and the Laws therein enacted and not left arbitrary to the King Judges or Magistrates as it appears by â—he forecited passages of Beda Malmesbury Huntindon and Bromton concerning King Ethelberts Laws part 2. p. 50. by the Laws of King Ina Lex 2 3 4 6 7 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 21 22 25 26 27 30 31 32 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 46 47 48 49 54 57 58 64 73 75 76 80. more specially by the Laws of King Alfred himself Lex 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 12 13 14 15 17 20 21 24 25 26 27 28 29 30â— 31 32 33 34 35 38 39 40 41 42 44 45 46 48 51. with the Laws of our other Saxon kings prescribing parâ—icular fines pecuniary corporal and capital punishments for all sorts of offences and injuries to avoid all arbitrary proceedings and censures in such Cases 2ly That no imprisonment Corporal Capital or pecuniary Mulcts or punishments whatsoever justly might or legally ought to be then inflicted upon any Malefactors or Trespassers whatsoever but when where and for such offences only as the known Parliamentary and common Laws then in force particularly warranted and prescribed which penalties and Laws could not be altered nor abrogated but by Parliamentary Councils only 3ly That Common right and Justice were then to be equally dispensed to all men by our Kings Judges and other Magistâ—ates according to the Laws then established in such sort as they would have them administred to themselves in the like Caâ—es 4ly That â—ilfull Traitors and Deserters of their lawfull Lords Soveraigns were not to be spared or pardoned by â—he Laws of God or Men nor yet punished only with fines but put to death without Mercy Wâ—eâ—ce â—his Law was then enacted by king Alfred and his Wisemen Lex 4. Si â—uis vel â—er â—e veâ— suscepâ—am vel suspectam â—eâ—sonam De morte Regis tractet vitae suae reus sit et omnium quae habebit and â—f any fought or drew any weapon in the Kings house and was apprehended sit in arbitrio Regis sit vita sit mors sicuâ— ei condonare voluerit Lex 8. because it might endanger the kings person This king Alfred made two special Laws for securing even Leets and Inferiour Courts of Iustice from armed violence and distuâ—bances by fighting which I shall recite Lex 41. Si quis coram Aldermanno Regis pugnet In publico emendet Weram Witam sicut rectum sit supra hoc CXX â— ad Witam Lex 42. Si quis Folemot id est populi placitum Armorum exercitione turbabit emendet Aldermanno CXX s. Witae id est foris factuâ—ae What Fines and punishments then do they deserve who not only fight before and disturb Aldermen and Leets with their Armes but even disturb fight and use their Armes against our Aldermen themselves yea all the Aldermen Peersâ— and Great men of the Realm assembled in the highest greatest Parliamentary Councils and over-awe impriâ—on secure seclude and forcibly dissolve them at their pleasures as some of late times have done beyond all former Presidents During the reign of this Noble king Alfred Gythro the Dane sometimes stiled Godrin or Guthurn Anno 878. with an invincible Army running over all the Coaâ—â—s of England waâ—â—ing the Country and depopulating all sacâ—ed places wheresoeâ—er he came quicquid in auro et argento rapere potest Militibâ—s
confidimus quod pax nostra melior erit quam antea fuit As these passages demonstrate the proceedings of the Parliamenrary Councils in that Age unknown to most for which end I have transcribed them at large so they clearly prove that Theeves or Felons much lesse other English Freemen could not be imprisoned killed put to death fined or ransommed but by special Acts and Laws made in General Parliamentary Councils nor any Laws made enacted or altered in such Coâ—ncils but by the Kings Royal Assent thereto who then frequently summoned thâ—m and all the Members of them by writ and nomination without the Peoples Election Henry de Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae l. 1. c. 5. anâ— some other fabulous Authors relate that in the eighth year of King Aethelstans reign Olaus King of Denmark Golanus King of Norwey and the Duke of Normandy with 8 Dukes and 5 hundred thousand Souldiers arived in England bringing with them out of Africa A Giant called Colybrand the strongest and most famous at that time throughout the World Whereupon King Aethelstan hearing of their comming Congregavit Magnates assembled his Noblemen at Winchester to advice with them how they might resist the Enemies and fight with them in Battel Thaâ— whiles king Aethelstan vacaret tali Coneilio et congregatione poâ—uli sui in Wintonia the foresaid kings came upon him with their Army and besieged him Cum Baronia sua with his Batons in that City for two years space Neither durst the English fight with them by reason of their multitude and Power In the mean time they made this Agreement that king Aethelstan should find out one Champion to fight a single Duel with Colybrand that in all future times the Realm of England should be held of the King of Denmark under a Tribute and if Colybrand were conquered by Aethelstans Champion rhen Olaus should forfeit and disclaim the Realm of England for him and his Heirs for ever and no King of Denmark should afterwards lay claim to the Realm of England nor yet molest it That the king in near one whole years space could not find out a Champion to encounter Colybrand whereupon he and his Nobles were very much troubled At lasâ— God by an Angel from Heaven directed the King to find out Guy of Warwick comming thither as a Pilgrim who undertook to encounter Colybrand and after a sharp battel with him in the view of both kings and their Armies cut off one of his hands and after that his head By which Victory the whole Land of England enjoyed the unviolated privilege of rest and Liberty from the Danish king untill Cnute king of Denmark gained the Realm of England from Edmund Ironside But this Relation being contrary to the truth of History and the Stream of all our Historiographers I shall repute it meerly fabulous though I could not well omit it for that Relation it hath to this my Theame anâ— precedent Propositions William of Malmesbury and others out of him record that Elfrid a Noble man who opposed Aethelstans Title to the Crown though in vain intended to have seized on him at Winchester and put out his eyes but his Treason being discovered before it came to the Accomplishment he was taken and sent to Rome to purge himself by Oath where before the Altar of St. Peter and Pope Iohn the 10 th he abjured the fact and thereupon fell suddainly down dead to the Earth and being carried from before the Altar by his Servants to the English School he there died within three daies after Upon this the Poâ—e â—ent to â—he king to advise what he should do with him and â—hether he should allow him burial with other Christiaâ— Câ—rps The king hereupon assembling a Council of his Nobles to advise about it Optimates Regionis â— the Nobles of the Realm with a great Company of Elfrids kindred earnestly requested of the King with great humility that his body might be committed to Christian Burial The King consenting to their Request acquainted the Pope therewith who granted him Christian Burial though unworthy Hereupon the Nobles adjudged all his Lands and Possessions great and small to the King who by their consent granted and confirmed them all to the Abby of Malmesbury by his Charter wherin he recites Sciant Sapientes regionis Nostrae non has praefatas terras me injustè Rapuisse Rapinamque Deo Dedicasse sed sic eas accepi Quemadmodum judicaverunt omnes Optimates Regni Anglorum Insuper et Apostolicus Papa Romanae Ecclesiae Johannes After which reciting the Treachery perjury and death of Elfred with his Condescention to his Nobles and friends request aforesaid he concludes thus Et sic Adjudicata est mihi tota possessio ejus in magnis et modicis Sed et haec Apicibus praenotamus literarum ne quamdin Christianitas regnat aboleatur unde mihi praefata possessio quam Deo et Sancto Peiro dedi donatur nec Justius novi quam Deo et sancto Peiro hanc possessionem dare qâ—i aemulum meum in conspectu omnium cadere fecerunt et mihi prosperitatem Regni largiti sunt To which Malmesbury subjoyns In his Verbis Regis sapientiam et pietatem ejus in Dei rebus suspicere par est Sapientiam eo quod animadverterat juvenis presertim non esse Dei Gratiosum de Rapinâ Holocaustum Pietatem eo quod Munus ultione divinâ— collatum Deo potissimum non ingratus rependeret From whence I shall only observe that Elsrid being a Pâ—er of the Realm dying perjured as aâ—oresaid was adâ—udged to forfeiâ— all his Lands for Treason after his death only by his Peers in a Parliamentary Council and that iâ— the king had seized on them without their judgâ—ment it had been an unjust Rapine by his own Confession but being legally confiscated to him by their Judgement it was no Rapine but Iustice for him to seizeâ— and Piety to dispose of them at his pleasure to this Church What Churches and Monasteries he built and repaired throughout the Realm What Lands he restored to St. Augustines Church at Canterbury on the day of his Coronation by the Assent of his Bishops and Nobles though long detained from it and how he gave the Lands of Folcastan in Kent eâ—cheated by the Danes destruction of the Nunnery there to Christ-church in Canterbury you may read in the Marginal Authors William of Malmesbury informs us that Baldwin Earl of Flanders sent Embasâ—adour by Hugh King of France to King Ethelstan to demand his Sister for his Wife brought over with him divers rich presents and Reliques Amongst others the Sword of Constantine the Great the Lance of Charls the Great and one of the 4 Nails that pierced our Saviours body set in plates of Gold A piece of our Saviours Cross inclosed in a Christal Case c. all which he presented to the King and Lady cum in Conventu Procerum apud Abindonium proci postulata
secretly about him ript up the Kings bowels and slew him with it which the Knights and Souldiers perceiving rushed all upon the Thief and with their Swords and Knives chopped all his flâ—sh and bones into small pieces Some â—istorians write that he slew some of the Kings followers likewise and wounded more of them and so escaped in the midst of the Tumult Sicque clarum regalis Convivii principium nebulosus rerum Gestarum exitus terminavit Communi ergo decretum Concilio It was thereupon decreed by a Common Council that his Body should be interred in Glastonbury Abby Abbot Ethelred gives this Encomium of him Erat autem patâ—is Edwardi in omnibus imitabitor homo simplex rectus et timens Deum et usque ad sinem vitae suae permanens in innocentiâ suâ Edred his Brother succeeded him the same year in the Throne and was crowned King at Kingston by Odo Archbishop of Canterbury Edwin and Edgar King Edmunds Sons being put by because of their Infancy quia tepugnante legiâ—iâ—â â—tate paâ—ri succedere non valebant as Matthew Westminster renders the reason No sooner was he crowned but entring into Northumberland with a great army he subdued the rebellious Northumberlanders who refused to bear the yoak of his government reducing them all under his obedience Wherupon Wulstan Arcâ—bishop of York and all the Nobles of the Northumberlanders swore fealty to King Edred which they did not long observe After which King Edred enâ—red with Banners displayed into Scoâ—land whereupon the Scots strucken with a fear without any resistance or war swore homage and fealty to him as to their true Lord as well as the Northumberlanders which Oath they soon violated For no sooner was Edred returned with his Army into the Southern parts but Anlaff who was chasâ—d out of Northumberland returning thither again with a great Fleet was joyfully received by the Norâ—humberlanâ—â—râ— â—nd restored by them to the Throne of the Kingdom which he kept by force near four years But in the fourth year the Northumberlanders using their accustomed treachery aud disloyalty chased away their King Anlaff and received Hirc or Eâ—icus sâ—n of Harald â—or their king who held the kingdom but a short time for the People of the Country not long enduring any king as they haâ— lightly received Hirc for their kingâ— so in the third â—ear of hiâ— Reign they as lightly rejected himâ— and calling king Eâ—red to them of their own accord receiâ—ed him again for their Soveraign and sâ—t him in 〈…〉 others relate That king Edred Anno 948 was so incensed with the Northumberlanders for their treachery towards him in chusing Hirc for their king against their Oath of Allegiance sworn to him that he wasted all Norshumberland with fire and sword and famine et penè ex hominibus delevit But some of the Northumberlanders in his return from thence sallying out of York with their forces cut off some of the Rear of his Army ar Cesterford wherwith king Edred was so enraged that he resolved presently to return et totam illam terram penitus desere and ututterly to destroy all that Country Which the Northumberlanders hearing they were so terrified that they rejected their new King Hirc and received Edred for their Soveraign satisfying the King with Honors and the Damages and Wrongs they had done unto him with Gifts and no small Sums of Mony These treacherous Rebellious Northumberlanders after Edred and Hirc had no particular King at all to rule over them but only Dukes whose names and successions with their Treachery towards and Rebellions against them you may read at leisure in Roger Hoveden who subjoyns the History of them immediately to this relation This King Edred about the year 951. close imprisoned Wulstan Archbishop of York in Withaubrig and suspended him from his Archbishoprick near a whole year for certain causes of which he had been frequently accused to him but especially for countenancing and harbouring the rebellious perjured Northumberlanders and the Danes a Heathen people who not only sought to destroy his Native Country but also to root out Christian Religion for which he deserved a thousand deaths and exciting them both against his Soveraign King Edred contrary to their Oath and for killing the Citizens of Thetford in a tumultuous manner in revenge of the death of Abbot Adelm whom they had causelesly murdered Norwithstanding all which about a year after he was enlarged and restored to his Bishoprick Malmesbury and Abbot Ethâ—lred record of king Edred that he made his Palace altogether a School of Virtues obeying Dunstans Counsels in all things et Justissimis Legibus subdiâ—os Regens and governed his Subjects by most just Laws I read only of one Great Parliamentary Council held under King Edred and that was at London in the year 948. in the Feast of the Virgin Maries Nativity Cui Universi Magnates Regni per Regium edictum Summoniti tam Archiepiscopi Episcopi Abbates quam Caeteri totius Regni Proceres Optimates Londini convenissent ad tractandum de negotiis publicis totius Regni as Ingulphus and others record In which Parliamentary Council when all the publike affairs were finished which as it seems concerned the making and carrying on of that war against the Rebellious Treacherous Northumberlanders who brake their faith with King Edred and set up a King of the Danish race as aforesaid the King in the presence and by the consent of them all restored granted and re-confirmed by his Charter dictated by Abbot Turketulus heretofore his Chancellour all the Lands and Liberties formerly granted by Kings and others to the Abbey of Croyland with sundry Mannors then given to it by Turketulus himself wherein amongst other Liberties he granted to the Monks quod sint quiâ—ti soluti ab omni Scotto Geldo auxiliis Vicecomitum Hydagio ab Secta in Schiris Wapuntakis Hundredis Thrichingis omnibus omnibus aliis curis saeculi oneribus universis This Charter was subscribed and ratified with the sign of the Cross by all the Archbishops Bishops Abbots aâ—d Nobles who gave both their Counsels and Assents thereto as their subscriptiâ—ns testifie that â—o it might be firm and perpetual In the beginning of which Charter this King to shew that he held his Crown only from and under God thus stiles himself Ego Edredus Rex terrenus sub imperiali potentia Regis saeculorum aeternique Principis Magnae Britanniae gerens Imperium c. About the year of Christ 950 Nogui a Welsh King being overmuch incensed with one Arcoit wasted his Lands and with too much fury violated the Sanctuary to which he sled Whereupon Pater Bishop of Landaâ—fe assembled all the Clerks of his Diocess in a Synod to punish this Sacrilege and breach of Sanctuary Which the King hearing of desired pardon of the Bishop and whole Synod for these offences in the Church of Mainnon restoring all
his Predecessors and defrauded the Kingdom of them They adde hereunto that King Edrid had committed all his chief Houshold-stuff Plate Records and tâ—e Treasures of all the Realm with all the Magazines he had gotten to Dunstans custody and laid â—hem up in â—he Monastery at Glastonbury yea he committed his Kingdom body and Soul unto him So as all was wholly in Dunstans power who alone managed all the publick affairs of the Realm and exercised Regal Authority And when King Edred in his sicknesse demanded all his Housholdstuff Jewels Monies and Treasures from him Dunstan pretending to fetch them before he returned with them Dustan heard a voice as our Monkish Writers fable that Edred was dead in the Lord and thereupon detained them in his and his Monks custody being unwilling to part with them to young King Edwin his Successor whereupon he seised on them by force as of righâ— belonging to him and expelled Dunstan with his Monks And so much the rather because Dunstan presumed most impudently and violently to rush into his Bed-chamber and pull him out forcibly thence on the very day of his Coronation contrary to all Christian and Princely â—odesty from the embraces of his beautifull and beloved Alfgina which some Monks and these Historians report to be his lawfull wife â—not his Concubine and not content therewith he excited Odo Archbishop of Canterbury publickly to divorce her from him some say for consanguinity only and others for other Reasons Whereupon the king betaking himself to his Concubines Odo suspended him from the Church excommunicated all his Concubines caused one of them whom the king best affected to be violently fetched out of the Court with armed Men branded her in the forehead with an hot Iron and then banished her into Ireland After which she returning into England Odo apprehended her the second time and cut off her Sinews at the Hock-bone All which intollerable Affronts so incensed Edwin that he banished and spoyled Dunstan with his Monks as aforesaid and threatned Odo with severe punishments none others in the Realm but these daring then to oppose him hereupon they formerly and then bearing the greatest sway by way of revenge and to preveut Edwins further fury against them stirred up the Mercians and Northumbrians to reject him and that in a tumultuous manner by force of Arme in which Uproar Edgar gained possession of half his Kingdom Matthew Parker and Sir Henry Spelman out of him subjoyns that by these civil dissentions raised between King Edwin and his Brother Edgar they much weakned the forces of the Realm in many set Battels fought between them till at last Edgar getting the better Convocato ad Branfordiam Regni concilio Fratris Edwini acta et decreta rescendit Assemblong a Council at Brandford he repealed all the Acts and Decrees of his Brother King Edwin restored to the Churches and Monasteries the Treasures he had taken from them recalled Dunstan from his former banishment and made him first Bishop of Worcester then of London and last of all of Canterbury Henry de Knyghton a Canon of the Abbey of Leicester relates out of the History of Leicester Abbey That Edwin being expulsed and shamefully thrust out of his kingdom for his evil life and exorbitant actions done against the Church the Monarchy of England continued void above a year Whereupon many murders and wickednesses were committed and infinite mischiefs happened amonst the people for want of Government until holy men both of the Clergy and People deeply affected therewith humbled themselves and uncessantly repented of their sins and prayed day and night to God that he would hear them and mercifully relieve them in so great necessity giving them such a King who might govern the Realm of England in such sort as might redound to the honour of God and profit of the Realm That God beholding their prayers from on high in the night silence this voice was heard from God That they should crown Edgar King though but then a youth who rejoyced with this Divine Oracle most likely by the Monks and Dunstans Legerdemain the Divine Oracle that uttered it speedily advanced Edgar to be King being but 16 years old and so he was elected and crowned King by a divine Oracle which never hapned to any King of England in former times Upon Edgars Coronation and Dunstans restitution An. 959. K. Edwin reigning in a decayed Estate living in little Esteem and wiâ—hout being desired for very grieâ— thereof as some write he died after he had for 4 years space Libidinosiè simul Tyrannicè lustfully and also Tyrannically depressed the Realm of England Others aâ—firm that he was deprived both of his Life and Kingdom by the Rebellion of his Subjects But his Monkish Oâ—posiâ—es record that he was taken away by an untimely Death by Gods Iust Iudgement in the year of our Lord 959. Whereupon his Brother Edgar ab omni populo electus being elected king by all the people united the kingdom into one and obtained the intire Monarchy of the Realm the kings of Cumberland Scotland and Wales â— voluntarily submitting and doing homage to him without any effusion of blood or war King Edgar About the year of our Lord 963. contrived the death of Earl Ethelwald who as some Authors aver against his trust had cheated him of Elfrida only Daughter of Ordgarus Duke of Devonshire the Paragon of her Sex by disparaging her beauty to the king and marrying her to himself After which the king being extraordinarily ravished with the true reporr and sight of her transcendent beauty thereupon as Bromtons Chronicle relates statim post octo dies Rex Parliamentum suum apud Sarisberiam convocavit Ubi cunctis suis Proceribus congregatis de custodia terrae Northumbriae qualiter contra ingressum Danorum melius posset custodiri tractaverunt inter quos Ethelwolfus ad Custodiam Eboraci patriae adjacentis in illo erat Concilio deputatus A clear Evidence That Matters of defence against Common Enemies and Guardians of the Sea-coasts against the Danes Invasions were then debated and setled by the King and his Nobles in Parl. then usually summoned by our Kings for that end Hereupon Earl Ethelwolfe travelling through the Forrest of Werewell towards his new VVardship was there cruelly assaulâ—ed and murdered by some unknown armed perâ—ons there placed in ambuscado by the king as was commonly reported and as some relate by king Edgar himself who shot him through with an Arrow as they were there hunting together The slain Earls Bastard-Son being â—here present beholding his dead Corps the king demanded of him how such a hunting pleased him who answered very well my Lord and King for that which pleaseâ—h you ought not to displease me which answer â—o pacified this kings swelling mind that he loved no person more entirely all his life than this Young man Tyrannici facti offensam in Patrem sedulitate Regiâ in filium allevans writes
â—hrough all the Counties of the Realm diligently to search and inquire how his Laws Statutes Ordinances were kept and observed by his Princes Great Men and Oâ—ficers lest the Poorer sort of people should suffer prejudice or be oppressed by the Greater Richer And whether his Iudges or Iustices judged uprightly according to the Laws or injured any through Bribery Malice or Partiality Violati Iuris severus Ulâ—or being a severe Revenger of his violated Laws sparing neiâ—â—er Rich nor Poor but judgiâ—g him justly according to the quality of his transgâ—ession In hoc Justitiae in ilâ—o fortitâ—dinis in utrâ—que Reipublicae Regni utilitatibus consulens as Wiliam of Malmesbury and Flor. of Worcester reporâ— of him Et ideo tempore suo latrones nulli fuerunt nec aliquis qui Guerram vel turbationem in Regno movere aâ—debat Merito ergo non infirma inter Anglos fama est nullum nec ejus nec superioris aetatis Regem in Anglia recto aequabili judicio Edgaro comparandum He being Flos et Decus anâ—ecessorâ—m Regum non minus memorabils Anglis quam Romulus Romanis Cyrus Persis Alex. Macedoniis Arsaces Parthis Carolus Magnus Francis â— as Malmesbury Abbot Ethelred Florentius VVigorniensis Simeon Dunelmensis Henry Huntindon Matthew VVestminster and others record of him who are much more copious in his prayses Mr. Fox closeth up his Encomiums of him with this Speech As I see many things in this worthy Prince to be commended so this one thing in him I cannot but lament to see him like a Phoenix to fly alone that of all his Posterity so few there be that seâ—k to keep him company Towards the end of his Reign the Welchmen moving some rebellioâ— â—e thereupon assembled a mighty Army to suppress and prevent it wherewith he entring into the Country of Glamorgan sharply punished the Ringleaders thereof But his Souldiers doing great harm in plundering the Country lading themselves with spoyls the King out of his bounty commanded them to restore to the People all the spoyls they had gotten and more especially St. Ellutus Bell that was hanged about an Horses neck whereby he purchased singular love and honor from the Inhabitants At length afâ—er he had reigned thus 16 years and two months in great tranquillity and honor totum regnum sanctis legibus strenue gubernantem as Endmerus relaâ—es of him he died happâ—â—y oâ— Tuesday the 8 of Iuly Anno 975. Nec potuit malè mori qui benè vixerat qui tot Ecclesias Deo fundaverat qui tot bona perennia brevi tempore statuerat as Henry Arch-Deacon of Huntingdon observes who bestowed this honourable Epitaph on him remembred also by others Auctor opum vindex scelerum largitor honorum Sceptifer Edgarus Reâ—na supeâ—na petit Hic alter Solomâ—â— legum Pater Orâ—ita Pacis Quod caruit bellis claruit inde magis Tempâ—a 〈…〉 dedit â—gros Nequitiae lapsum justiciaeque locum Novit enim Regno veâ—um pâ—rquirere â—aâ—â—o Immensum modico perpetuumque brevi Immediately after his death Res et spes Anglorum retro sâ—blapsae sunt totins Regni status eâ—t perturbatus et post â—empus laetitiae quod iâ—â—ius â—empore vigebat pacificè caepit tribulatio unâ—ique advenire as Malmesbury Wigorniensis Hoveden Simeon Dunelmensis and Bromton observe such an incomparabâ—e loâ—s was the death of so just pious and prudent a King to the whole Nation qui juâ—entutis vitia poâ—â—ea mâ—gnis virtutibâ—s delevit when most others do quite contrary King Edgar at the time of his decease leaving behind him two Sons by two venters Edward his eldest Son by Queen Ethelfleda his first Wife then but 12. years old and Ethelred his second Son by his second Queen Elfreda then not much above 7. years of age 〈◊〉 arose â—â—reâ—t contention amongst the Nobles of the Realm about choosing of a new King â—or Queen 〈◊〉 wiâ—h Aâ—feâ—us Duke of Mercia and many other Nobles siding with the maried Secular Priests against the Mâ—nkish Clergy combined to advance â—oung Ethelredâ— electing him unanimously for their King disavowing Edwarâ— as illegitimaâ—e and begotâ—en of an harlâ—â— before mariage as Malmesbury de Gestis Regum l. 2. c. 8. Osburn in the life of Dunstan Nicholas Trivet Iohannis Parisiâ—nsis Vincentius Antoninus Matthew Pâ—rker in the Life of Archbishop Dunstan Mr. Fox and others repute him though Ingulphus Huntindon Hoveden Mat Westminsteâ— Florentius Wigornensis Bromton Abbot Ethelred Simeon Dunelmensis Radulphus Cistrensis and the generality of our modern Historians repute him Edgars lawfull Son and right heir to the Crown Whereupon the most of the Nobles elected him to succeed unto his Father The two Archbishops Dunstan and Oswald with all the Bishops Abbots and Clergy of the Monkish faction holding their new-gotten States dangerous and their footing unsure if in the nonage of the King their Opposites should rule all under him as they imagined they would if Ethlred were elected by themâ— thereupon abetted the Title of Edward as altogether wrought to their mould and treading in his Fathers footsteps lawfully begotten in the nuptial bed of Queen Ethelfleda right heir to his Father and by him dâ—signed to succeed him Their claimes thus banded amongst the Nobles Duustan and Oswald foreseeing the danger prudently assembled all the Bishops Abbots and Nobles together in a Great Council to debate their rights and settle the title Where Archbishop Dunstâ—n as â—ome write comming in with his Cross and Banner dum consecrâ—tionis ejus â—empore nonnulli Patriae Optimates resistere voluissent noâ—â—taying â—or further debating de Iure presenâ—ed Prince Edward in the midâ—t of them de Facto for their Lawfull King as his Father had declared him at his death Upon which the Major part of the Council being Clergymen electedâ— anointed and consecraâ—ed Edward for their King Quibusdam Optimatum murmurantibus some of the Noâ—les of â—he contrary party murmuring at it especially Qâ—een Elfrida who thought to advance her young Son to the Throne that so she might rule all things and reign under the colour of his name as Dunstan and the Monkish Clergy did under the colour of King Edwards whose Counsels and admonitions he diligently followed in all things and judgements acted by him During the Interregnum and banding of these two parties about the right of the Crown and immediately after Edwards coronation there arose great controversies tumults and civil Warrs between the Monkish Clergy and maried Secular Prâ—ests and the Nobles siding with both parties The marieâ— Priests presently upon Edgars death complained to Queen Elfrida Elfere and the Nobles That they were unjustly expelled out of their Churches by the Monks and their prevailing party alleging that it would be a very great and miserable dishonour to the Nation and shame to them ut novus advena veteres colonos migrare compelleret hoc nec Deo gratum â—utari qui veterum habitationem concessiâ—set nec alicui probo homini
qui sibi idem timere possâ—t quod aliis praejudicio accedisse cerneret Hereupon many clamours and tumults arising among the pâ—ople they went to Archbishop Dunstan Praecipue Proceribus ut Laicorum est succlamantibus praejudicium c. but especially to the Nobles as the manner of Laymen is crying out unto them that the Sâ—culâ—r Clergy were prejudged and suffered unjustly being expelled their aâ—tient posessions without cause that they ought to be more mildly dealt with and restored to their Rights Dunstan giving a deaf ear to these their just complaints many of the Princes and Nobles thereupon in a tumultuous manner expulsed the Abbots and Monks out of the Monasteries wherâ—in King Edgar had placed them and brought in the maried Clerks with their wives in their places as at â—irst Among oâ—hers Alfere Earl of Mercia gathering great forces and using much insolence overturned almoâ—t all the Monasteries King Edgar and Bishop Ethelwold had bâ—ilt in the Province of Mercia quorundam Potentum assensu et factione placing maried Priests in them This they did magnis occaecati muneribus by the maried Clergy as Hoveden Simeon Dunelmensis Florentius Wigorniensis and our Monkish Historians asâ—ert To which Abbot Ingulphus subjoyns Cujus Regis Edwarâ—i sancta simplicitate et innocentia tà m abusa est factio Tyrannorum peâ— Reginae favorem et potentiam praecipue roborata quod per Merciam Monachis de quibusdâ—m Monasteriis ejectis Clerici sâ—nt inducti Qui statim Monasteriorum maneria Ducibus terrae distribuebant ut sic in suas partes obligati eos contra Monachos defensarent â—unc de Monasterio Eveshamensi Monâ—chis expulsisâ— Clerici fueâ—unt introducti Terraeque Tyranni de terris Ecclesiae praemiati sunt quibus Regina cum novercali neâ—uitia stans cum Clericisâ— in Regis opprobrium favebat Cum Monaâ—his Rex et sancti Episcopi persistebant Sed Tyranni fulti Reginae favore et potentia super Monachos triumphabant The Monks on the contrary to secure their intereâ—t by like Bribes and means as is most probable though our Monkish Historians conceal it stiâ—red up Ethelwin Duke of the East-English and Brithnorth Earl of Essex men of great dread and power to aâ—â—ear in their quarrel and resist â—he opposite party Qui in Synodo constituti who assembled together in a Synod or Council for that end protested That they would never indure the Monks should be cast out of the Realm who held up all Religion in the Kingdom After which they raised a mighty Army defending with great valour the Monasteries of the Eastern English keeping the Monks in possession of them This fire between the Monks and maried Priests thus blown from a spark to a flame was feared to mount higher if not timely quenched Wherefore by mediation of Wise men arms being laid aside the causâ— was referred to be heard and decided between them in a Great Council of the whole Kingdom For which end there was a famous Council summoned and held at Winchester which some Historians antedate in Edgars life others place in the Interregnum after his death but the series of Story and most judicious Antiquaries evince it to be after Edwards Coronation Anno 975. In this Great Council the King and Archbishop Dunstan sitting in their Thrones as chief Judges of the Controversie in the East-End of the Hall of the Refectory of Winchester Abby near the wall wherein there was a Crucifix immured just behind themâ— Duces cum torius Regni Magnatibus the Dukes with alâ— the Nobâ—es of the Realm and the expulsed maried Clerks standing on the left side of the Refectory and pleading for themselves that they might be restored and Oswald Archbishop of York Athelwold Bishop of Winchester with the Monks standing all together on the right side of the Hall pleading for their continuance in their Churches as they Author of the old Manuscript Chronicle of Winchester Abby relates though he misdates the time of this Council as hâ—lâ— Anno 968. After much debate the Nobles of the Realm fearing they should be overcome by dâ—spute 〈…〉 Monks promising reformation of life on the Clergies behalf most humbly intreated the King and Archbishop That they might be readmitted into Monasteries out of which they had been ejected With whose prayers tears sigâ—s the moâ—â— meâ—ciâ—uâ— King being much moved was in a great streight ruminating in his minâ— what he should doe in this business At last purposing and being about to grant pardon to the Clerks upon hope of their amendment and to give them leave to return to the Monasteries and Churches whence they had been expelled When he was ready to pronounce this his definitive Sentence there was this divine Voice uttered by the Crâ—â—ifix iâ—â—he Wâ—ll Cum plurium jam Suffragiis de Presbyteris restituendis decernebatur as Mâ—â—â—hew Parker relates it Absiâ— ut hoc 〈◊〉 c. God forbid that this should be done God forbid it should be done You have judged well once you would change â—gain not well Which articulate voice only the King and Archbishop who were the Judges of â—he cause heard if the Chronicle of Winchester may be credited when as another Monk relates it was heard by all present At which voice they being both astonied fell to the ground on their faces but all the rest hearing only the â—ound of the Voice as of a great Thunder fell down flat to the Earth very much affrighted Some write that both sides by Dunstans policy appealed to the resolution of the Crucifix in this case in which Dunstan had placed a man with a Trunk in the wall behind the Image who uttered this voice in and by the mouth of the Rood which is most probable Soon after he King and Dunstan heard this second voice from the Crucifix Arise be not afraid because this day Righteousnesse and Peace have kissed each other in the Monks In memory of this cheating Oracle and Monkish fable of which Huntindon Hoveden Wigorniensis Ranulâ—us Cistrensis Fabian and other old Monasâ—ical â—â—storians make no mention and Malmsbuâ—y slightly relates it as An hear-say the Monks of Winchester ingraved these Verses over the head of this Crucifix in their Refectory Humano more Crux praesens edidit-ore Coelitus effaâ—a quae prospicis hic subarata writing the words forcited under this Distick as then uttered by the Crucifix which asserted before all That Dunstans way was true Wherewith the Clerks and their Abettors were quite confounded and put to silence Sed adhuc non sedatis animis c. But the Nobles and Clerks minds being not as yet quieted by this Oracle a clear evidence they suspected it as counterfeit our Historians inform us there were three more great Councils soon after held to settle this Conâ—roversie between the married Priests and Monks The first at Kerling Kerding or Cerding or Kirking as it is variously stiled Anno 977. which Wigorn. and Hoveden stile Magna Synodus without recording
censerent faciendum Si maneant plus a Civibus cavendum quam ab Hostibus forsitan enim crucibus suis novi domini gratiam mercarentur eâ— cerâ—è occidi ab hoâ—te â—iâ—uâ—atur fortunae prodi a Cive addicetur Ignaviae Si ad exteras gentes â—â—giunt gloriae fore dispendium si ad notas metuendum ne cum fortuna colerent animum Plaerosque enim probos et illustres viros hac occasione caesos experiendum tamen sortem et tentandum pectus Richardi Ducis Normannorum qui si Sororem et Nepotes non ingrato animo susceperit se quoque non aspernanter protecturum Vadabitur enim mihi meam salutem conjugi et liberis impensus favor Quod si ille adversum pedem contulerit non deerit mihi animus plaâ—è non deerit hic gloriosè occumbere quà m illic ignominiosè vivere Hereupon he sends Emma his Queen and her children in the moneth of August into Normandy accompanied with the Bishop of Durham and Abbot of Burgh where they are joyfully received by Duke Richard who invites Ethelred himself to honour his Court with his presence who thereupon in Ianuary following passeth over into Normandy and there solaceth his miseries with the curteous entertainment he there found King Swane in the mean time provokes invaded England with ruines and slaughters playes the absolute Tyrant commands Provisions to be abundantly provided for his Army and Navy et Tributum fere importabile solvi praecepit and likewiâ—e commanded an insupportable Tribute to be paid And the like in all things Earl Turkell the Dane commanded to be paid to his Navy lying at Greenwich hired by King Ethelred to defend the English from Foreiners yet both of them as often as they pleased preyed upon and pillaged the Country besides first polling the inhabitants of their goods and then banishing them Provincialium substantiae prius abreptae mox proscriptiones factae In this sad oppressed condition under their New Soveraign to whom they had submitted themselves both Nobles and people knew not what to do Haesitabatur totis urbibus quid fieret si pararetur rebellio assertorem non haberent si eligeretur subjectio placido rectore carerenâ— Ita privatae et publicae opes ad naves cum obsidibus deportabantur Quo evidenter apparet Swanum naturalem et legitimum non esse Dominum sed atrocissimum Tyrannum â—s Malmesbury Matthew Westminster and others record But God who is propitious to people in their greatest extremities suffered not England to lye long fluctuating in so many calamities For this barbarous Tyrant Swane after innumerable evils and cruelties perpetrated in England and elsewhere added this to the heap of his further damnation that he Exacted a great Tribute out of the Town of St. Edmondsbury Anno 1014. which none ever before presumed to doe since it was given to the Church wherein the body of the precious Martyr St. Edmond lieth intombed all the lands thereof being exempted from Tributes Beginning to vex the possessions of the Church and threatning to burn the Town and destroy all the Monks unless they speedily paid him the Tribute he exacted and using reproachfull speeches against St. Edmond as having no holiness in him he was suddenly struck dead and ended his life on the Feast of the Purification of the blessed Virgin Anno 1014. Our Monkish Historians record That on the Evening of the day whereon he held a general Court at Geâ—gnesburgh â—eiâ—erating his menaces against the Town and ready to put them in execution for not paying the Tribute demanded he saw St. Edmond comming alone armed against him whiles he was invironed in the midst of his Danish Troops whereupon he presently cried out with great affright and a lowd voice Help O fellow Souldiers help behold St. Edmond comes to slay me and whiles he was thus speaking being grievously wounded with a spear by the Saint he fell off from his horse and continued in great torment till night and so ended his life with a miserable death Swane being dead the whole Navy and Nation of the Danes Elected and made Cnute his son their King and Lord Majores Natu totius Angliae The Nobles and Senators of all England â—iking nothing â—eâ—s than bondage especially under such new tyrannizing forein Intruders thinking it now or never the time to shake ofâ— their new yoak pronounced their Natural Lord to be dearer to them than any Foreiner Si 〈◊〉 se quam consueverat ageret Whereupon with unanimous consent and great joy and speed they sent mâ—ssengers into Normandy to Ethelred to inform him Nullum eo libentius se in Regem recepturos si ipse vel rectius gubernare vel mitius eos tractare vellet quam prius tractaverat and to hasten his return unto them Who thereupon presently sent over his son Edward qui fidem Principum favorâ—mque vulgi praesens specularetur who together with his Embassadors assured both the Nobles and Commons of the English Nation That he would for time to come be their mild and devout Lord consent to their wills in all things acquiesce in their Counsels and if he had offended in any kinde he would reform it according as they should think â—it and with a ready mind pardon whatsoever had beed contemptuously or disgraceâ—ully spoken or acted by them agaiâ—st him or his if they would all unanimously receive him again as their King into the Kingdom To which they all gave a favourable and satisfactory answer Whereupon a plenary reconciliation was ratified between them on both sides both bâ— words and comâ—act Moreover The Nobles unanimously and fréely agreed and voted That they would never more admit a Danish King into England to reign over them Theâ—e things concâ—uded King Ethelred speedily returns into England where he was honourably and joyfully received by the English And that he might seem to caâ—t off his former sloathfulness he hastned to raise an Army against Cnute who remaining with hiâ— Navy in Lindesey made an agreement with the inhabitants exacting men and horses from them that he might surprise Ethelred at unawares and threatning grievously to punish all such as revolted from him But Cnute being taken in his own craft Ethelred marching thither with a strong army before he was proâ—ided to receive him fled from thence with his Hostages Army and Navy to Sandwich whereupon Ethelred depopulated all Lindesey wasting the Country wiâ—h fire and sword slaying all the Inhabitants as Traitors to him and â—heir Naâ—ive Country Cnute â— by way of revenge humano et divino Iure contempto in insontes grassatus cuts oâ—f the hands and ears and â—â—its the Noses of all the most Noble and beautiful Hostages throughout England given to his father and so dismissing them sailed into Denmark to settle his affairs and augment his forces resolving to return the year following After his departure King Ethelred this very yearâ— Super haec omnia mala Classi quae
apud Greenwic â—acuiâ— Tributum quod erat 30. millia librarum pendi mandavit to wit to the Fleet under Turkell the Dane who instead of defending did but help to pillage and oppress the English Huntindon wriâ—es it was but 21 thousand pounds and Bromton aversâ— that it was Cnute not Ethelred who commanded it to be paid to his Navy Soon after which the Sea rising higher than it was accustomed drowned an innumerable Company of Villages people and cattel After Cnutes departure King Ethelred summoned a Parliamentaty Council at Oxford Anno 1015. both of the Danes and English Malmsbury expressly stiles it MAGNUM CONCILIUM Wigorniensis Hovedâ—n Sim. Dunelmensis MAGNUM PLACITUM Matthew Westminster and others MAGNVM COLLOQUIUM our later English Historians a Great Council and Parliament The King by the ill advise of that Arch Traytor Duke Edric at this Great Council commanded some Nobleâ— of the Danes to be sodenly and secretly slain quasi de Regia proditione notatos ac perfidiae apud se insimulatos the chiefest of them were Sygeforth and Morcar whom Edric treacherously invited to his chamber and there making them drunk caused his armed guards there placed secretly to murder them which they did Hereupon their Servants endeavouring to revenge their Lords deaths being digniores et potentiores ex Scovengensibus they were repulâ—ed wiâ—h arms and forced to slye into the Tower of St. Frideswides Church for safety whence when they could not be forcibly expelled they were all there burnt together The King presently seised upon their lands and goods the chief cause of their murder as some conceived and sent the relict of Sygeforth a very Noble beautifull and vertuous Lady prisoner to Malmsbury whither Edmond the Kings base Son as some affirm posâ—ed without his fathers privity and being enamored with her beauty first carnally abused then afterward maried her and by her advice forcibly invaded and seised upon the Lands of her husband and Morcar which were very great and the Earldom of Northumberland which his father denied him upon his request Whereupon all the Inhabitants of that County readily submitted to him Whiles these things were acting Cnute having setled his affairs in Denmark and made a League with his neighbour Kings recruiâ—ed his Army and Navy and returned into England with a resolution either to win it or to lose his life in the attempt Ariving first at Sandwich and sailing thence to the West he pillaged Dorsetshire Somersetshire and Wiltshire filling all places with slaughters and plunders King Ethelred lying then sick at Cosham his son Edmond Ironside and Duke Edric raised an Army against Cnute but when both their forces were united to fight him the old perfidious Traytor Edric endeavoured by all means to betray Edmond to the Danes or treacherously to slay him which being discovered to Edmond thereupon they severed their forces from each other and gave place to the Enemies without giving them battel Not long after Edric inticing to him 40 of the Kings ships furnished with Danish Mariners and Souldiers openly revolted and went with them to Cnute subjecting himself to his dominion as his Soveraign by whose example all West-Sex submitted to him as their Kihg delivering him hostages for their fidelity resigning up all their arms to him and providing both horse and arms for his Danish Army The Mercians offred themselves alone to resist the Danes but through the Kings sloathfulness the business of war received delay and the enemies proceeded in their rapines without opposition In the year 1016. King Cnute and treacherous Duke Edric came with 200 sail of ships into the river of Thames whence they marched by land with a great Army of horse and foot and invaded Mercia in an hostile manner burning all the Towns and Villages and slaying all the men they met with in Warwickshire and other places whereupon King Ethelred as Huntindon Wigorniensis and others record made an Edict Ut quicunque Anglorum sanus esset secum in bello procederet That every Englishman who was in health should go with him in battel against the Danes An innumerable multitude of people upon this assembled together to assist him But when his and his son Edmonds forces were conjoyned in one body the King was informed that some of his auxiliaries were ready to betray and deliver him up to the enemies unless he took care to prevent it and save himself and as some write the Mercians refused to â—ight with the VVest-Saxons and Danes whereupon the expedition was given over and every man returned to his own home After this Edmund Ironside raised a greater Army than before against Cnute and sent Messengers to King Ethelred to London to raise as many men as possible he could and speedily to come and joyn with him against the Danes but he for fear of being betrayed to the Enemy presently dismissed the Army without fighting and returned to London Hereupon Edâ— Ironside went into Northumberland where some imagined he would raise a greater Army against Cnute the Dane but he and Vhâ—red Earl of Northumberland instead of incountring Cnute wasted the Counties of Stafford Shrewsbury and Leicester because they would not go forth to fight against the Danes Army in defence of their Country and King Cnute on the other side wasting with fire and sword the Counties of Buckingham Bedford Huntindon Northampton Lincoln Nottingham and after that Northumberland Which Edmond being informed of returned to London to his Father and Earl Uhtred returning home being compelled by necessity repaired to Cnute and submitted himself to him with all the Northumbrians making a Peace with him and giving him hostages for performance thereof and for his and their fidelity Not long after Uhtred and Turketel Earls of Northumberland were both treacherously slain by Turebrand a Dane by Cnutes command or Commission Which done Cnute made one Hirc some stile him Egric Earl of Northumberland in his place and then returned with all his army to his Ships in triumph a little before the feast of Easter with a very great booty Not long after King Ethelred born to troubles and mischief after manifold labours vexations treacheries and incessant tribulations ended his wretched life in London where he died May 9th Anno 1016. being there buried in St Pauls Church finding rest in his Grave by death which he could never find in hiâ— Throne all his life having attaineâ— it by Treachery â—nd his Brothers Soveraigns murder whose Ghost as Malmesbury and others writeâ— did perpetually vex and haunt him all his râ—ign and made him so subject to and fearfull of plots and treacheries that he knew not whom to trust nor ever deemed himself secure even in the midst of his oft raised Armies Nobles People though ready to adventure theiâ— Lives for his defence I have related these Passages of the Danish warsâ— and invasions during Ethelreds reign more largely than I intended 1. Because on the Englishmens parts they were meerly defensive
certain and apparent A perillous thing is acted we suffer evil things we discern worser we fear the worst of all We fight daily neither do we overcom nor yet are we vanquished yea we are overcome and yet no man vanquisheth For how are we not overcome who are wounded who are oppressed who are wearied who are distressed by forces who are spoiled by arms Neither flie we since there is none who may assault us neither do we assault since courage fails on both sides How long shall it be ere we see an end of these wonderfull things When shall there be rest from this labour tranquillity from this storm security from this fear Certainly Edmond is invincible by reason of his wonderful fortitude anâ— Cnute also is invincible by reason of fortunes favour We are broken in pieces we are slain we are dissipated we lose our dearest pledges we expose our sweet friends and alliances to death But of this labour what fruiâ— what end what price what emolument what I pray but that the souldiers being slain on both sides the Captains at last compelled by necessity may compound or verily fight alone without a Souldier Why then not now Truly while we live while we breath whiles the Army remains this might be done more profitably honestly securely I demand what insolence yea violence yea madness is this England heretofore when subjected to many Kings both flourished in glory and abounded in riches O ambition how blind is it alwaies which coveâ—ing the whole loseth the whole Why I pray doth not that now suffice two which heretofore was sufficient for five Kings But if there be in them so great a lust of domineering that Edmond disdains a Peer Cnuâ—e a Superiour PUGNENT QUAESO SOLI QUI SOLI CUPIUNT DOMINARI CERTENT PRO CORONA SOLI QUI SOLI CUPIUNT INSIGNIRI let them fight I beseech you alone who desire to domineer alone leâ— them contend for the Crown alone who desire to be crowned alone Let the Generals themselves enter into the hazard of a Duel that even by this means one of them may be vanquished lest if the Army should fight more often all being slain there should be no souldiers for them to rule over nor any who may defend the Realm against Foreiners Whiles he was about to speak more ALL THE PEOPLE shut up his Speech in the midst of his Jaws if I may so speak crying out and saying AUT PUGNENT IPSI AUT COMPONENT let them fight themselves or let them compound His Speech recorded in Bromton Henâ— de Knyghton Speed â— and others is much to the same effect though different in some expressions Matthew Westmininster brings in Edric speaking only thus to the Nobles O insensati Nobiles et armis potâ—ntes cur â—oties morimur in bello pro Regibus cum ipsi nobis morâ—entibus nec regnum obâ—ineant nec avaritiae suae finem imponant Pugnent consulto singulariter qui singulariter regnare contendâ—â—t Quae est ista regnandi libido Quod Anglia modo duobus non sufficit quae â—lim octo regibus satisfuit Itaque vel soli componant vel soli pro regno decertent PLACUIT AUTEM HAEC SENTENTIA OMNIBUS ET AD REGES PROCERUM DELATUM ARBITRIUM ILLI CONSENTIENDO APPROBANT Hereupon all the Nobles concurring in this opinion both Kings approving their Determination fought a royal single duel first on horseback then on foot in the Isle of Olerenge or Olney near Glocester in the midst of Severn in the view of both their Armies with extraordinary courage and equall success till they were both quite tyred but neither of them vanquished At last upon Cnutes motion they began to parly in a friendly manner Cnute speaking thus to Edmond Hitherto I have been covetous of thy Realm now most valiant of men I am verily more desirous of thy self whom I see art to be preferred I say not before the Realm of England but the whole world it self Denmark hath yielded to me Norwey hath subjected it self to me the King of Swedes hath given me his hand and thy admirable Valour hath more than once fructrated the force of my assaults which I believed no mortal man could have been able to sustain Wherefore although fortune hath promised that I should be every where a Conquerer yet thy admirable valour hath so allured me to favour that I above measure desire thee both for a friend and consort of my kingdome would to God that thou also maist be as desirous of me that I may reign with thee in England and thou maist reign with me in Denmark Truly if thy valour shall be united to my fortune Norway will fear and Sweden will quake France it self accustomed to warrs will tremble In brief Edmond and Cnute both consent to divide the Kingdom Edmond yielding to words who had not yielded to swords being overcome with this Oration who could not be overcome with arms whereupon laying aside their arms they run and mutually imbrace and kiss each other both Armies rejoycing and the Clergy singing Te Deum laudamus with a lowd voice Afterwards in testimony of Agreement they change clothes and Arms with each other and returning to their Armies prescribed the manner of the Agreement and Peace Wigorniensis Simeon Duâ—elmensis and Roger Hoveden add that they ratified the agreement with Oaths TRIBUTOQUE QUOD CLASSICAE MANVI PENDERETUR STATUTO and appointed a Tribute which should be paid to the Sea forces and then departed from each other The Danes returned with the great booty they had gotten to their ships with whom the Citizens of London having made a peace DATO PRECIO which they paid a prâ—ce for they permitted them there to winter The Realm was divided between them both but the Crown remained to Edmond with the City of London Essex East-England and all the Land on the Southside the River of Thames and Cnute enjoyed the North parts of England by mutual consent and agreement of all the Nobles and so this bloudy warr between them â—after 7. or 8. battels within so many moneths space ceased Soon after this fatal Agreement and partition of the Realm which made Edmond but half a Kingâ— and England half Denmark that ever trayterous Duke Edric to ingratiate himself the more with Cnute treacherously murâ—erâ—d King Edmond at Oxford of which there are 3. different relations in our Historians Some say that he corrupted the Kings Chamberlains wiâ—h gifts to murder him in his bed and that King Cnute in the first year of his Coronation caused all of them who had conspired his death by Edric's exhortation to come before him where they declared to the King the Treason they had committed against King Edmond expecting a large reward for iâ— Whereupon the King sent for the Great Men and Nobles of the Realm and made the Traitors to acknowledge their Treason before them and a great assembly of people fearing lest otherwise it should be believed that he had
foreplotted the Treason aforesaid and suborned them to execute it After their publick confession thereof he caused them all to be first drawn and then hanged for it Others write that Edric himself or his Son by his command murdered him at Oxford on St. Andâ—ews night as he was easing nature in an house of Office stabbing him into the bowels with a two-edged knife through the hole of the privy in which one of them lay in wait to murder him leaving the knife sticking in his bowels and him dead in the place And some write that he placed an Image in his Chamber with a bow and arrow ready bent which Edmond admiring at touching the spring which held the bow thus bent the arrow thereupon pierced slew him in the place That before his death was known Edric went to Edmonds wife and taking away her two young Sons from her brought and delivered them to Cnute and then saluted him saying GOD SAVE THEE SOLE KING OF ENGLAND Whereupon Cnute demanding Why he saluted him in this manner He then informed him of King Edmoâ—ds death and how he had murdered him of purpose to make him sole King of England Speed adds That he cut off his Soveraigns head â— presenting it to Cnute with these â—awning salutations All hail thou sole Monarch of England for here behold the head of thy Copartner which for thy sake I have adventured to cut off which no antient Historian mentions Upon this Cnute though ambitious enough in Soveraignty yet out of a Princely disposition sore grieved at such a disloyal treacherous act presently replyed to him I for reward of so great and meritorious a service done for me willâ— this day advance thee above all the Nobles of the Realm After which he caused his head to be cut off then fixed on an higâ— poll and placed on the highest Tower of London for the birds to prey upon Others more agreeable to the truth relate That Cnute in the first year of his reign depriving this Arch-Traitor Edric of the Dukedom of Mercia which he had many years enjoyed thereupon Edric in the feast of Christs Nativity repaired to Cnute at his Palace in London to expostulate with him about it where checking the King over-harshly he upbraided him with the many benefits he had received from him amongst which he mentioned two wherewith he specially provoked him to anger saying Most dear King you ought not to speak harshly to me nor suffer any evil to be done unto me for you had never enjoyed the Realm of England but by my means For out of love to thee I have first betrayed King Ethelred after that I deserted Edmond my proper and natural Lord and afterwards I foreplotted his death and murdered my just and true liege Lord out of my fidelity towards thee to bring the whole kingdom unto thee and dost thou so lightly vilify so great love conferred on thee for which I never received any benefit or profit from thee At which speeches Cnute changing his countenance expressing his fury by its redness presently pronounced this sentence against him saying And thou shalt deservedly die thou most perfidious Traitor seeing by thy own confession thou art guilty of Treason both against God and me who hast slain thine own Soveraign and natural King and my dear confederate Brother His bloud be upon thy head because thou hast stretched out thy hand against the Lords anointed And lest a tumult should be raised among the people he commanded him to be there presently strangled in his palace and his body to be cast through a window into the river of Thames to be devoâ—red of the fishes as some or hanged upon London walls unburied to be devoured by birds as others story At which time Duke Norman son of Duke Leofwin Captain of Edrics guard Aethelward son of Duke Agelmar and Brihtricus son of Alphege Earl of Devonshire with many others of Edrics followers were likewise slain without offence together with Edric because Cnute feared he should one time or other be circumvented by the treacheries of this old perfidious Traitor hearing his former natural Lords Ethelred and Edmond had frequently been betrayed by him quorum diutina proditione alterum vexavit alterum interfecit there being no trust to be reposed in such a Traytor to his Soveraigns Thus this inveterate Arch-Traitor to his Natural Country Kings and bloudy Regicide by Gods divine Justice received the just punishment of all his Treasons at the last instead of expected great rewards from that hand he least suspected Whence Matthew Westminster relating both the Histories of the manner of Edrics death concludes thus Sed sive sic sive aliter vitam finierit Proditor Edricus non multum ad rem pertinet quia hoc liquido constat Quod ille qui multos circumvenerat tandem est justo Deâ— Iudicio circumventus et proditionis suae meruit subire talionem And let all those who have or shall imitare him in his Treasons against his native Country Kings and Regicide seriously meditate on his tragical end and expect the self same retribution in conclusion though they escape as many years as he then did before final execution A third sort of Authors as Marianus Scotus Wigorniensis Roger Hoveden and Simeon Dunelmensis make no mention of King Edmonds murder by Edric his subordination but only that he died at London not Oxford about the Feast of St. Andrew as if he had died of a naturall death but the generality of Writers agree he was murdered at Oxford ambiguum quo casu extinctus writes Malmesbury the common fame being he was murdered by Edric as aforesaid And Bromton who recites all three opinions concludes thus Sed primus modus videliceâ— quod rex Edmundus ad requiem naturae sedens proditione dicti Edrici occisus fuit verior aliis et auâ—enticior habetur The Author of the Encomium of Emma concurring with Marianus subjoynes this Observaâ—ion touching his short reign and speedy death That God c. minding his own doctrine That a kingdom divided in it self caunot long stand and pitying the English took away Edmond lest if the Kings had continued long together they should have both lived in danger and the Realm in continual trouble His reign continued onely seven moneths in which time he fought seven or eight battels in defence of his Country People and their Liberties besides his single Duel with Câ—ute and by his untimely death the English Saxon Monarchy was devolved to the Danes who by Treachery and the Sword for three descents deprived the English Saxons of the Crown and Kingdom through divine retaliation as they had unjustly by treachery and the Sword dispossess'd and disinherited the Britons thereof about 450 yeares before as Henry Huntindon Bromton Radulphus Cistrensis Mr. Foxâ— Speed and others observe The Sinnes of the Saxons grown now to the full writes Speed and their dreggs as it were sunk to the
meis omnibus ut in proprio meo lucrentur et inde mihi serviant Et nemo cogatur ad firmae adjutorium aliquid dare nisi sponte sua velit Et si quis aliquem inde gravabit Werae suae reus sit orga Regem Lex 97. Si quis ex hac vita decedat sine distributione rerum suarum vel per incustodiamâ— vel per mortem improvisam non usurpet dominus ejus de pecunia nisi quantum ad justam Relevationem pertinet quae Anglicè vocatur Hereget sed sit secundnm dictionem ejus ipsa pecunia recte divisa uxori pueris et propinquis unicuique secundum modum qui ad eum pertinet Et sint Relevationes ità minutae sicut modus est Comitis sicut ad eum perâ—inet hoc est octo equi quatuor sellati quatuor insellati et galeae quatuor et loricae quatuor cum octo lanceis et totidem scutis et gladii quatuorâ— et CC. marcae auri Postea Thayni regis qui ei proximus sit quatuor equi duo sellati et duo insellati et duo gladii et quatuor laâ—ceae et totidem scuta et galea cum lorica sua et 50. marcae auri Et mediocris Thayni equus cum apparatu suo et arma sua vel suum Halsfang in Westsaxia in Mircenis ij l. in Estanglia ij l. Et si notus sit Regi equi duo unus cum sella et alius sine sella et unus gladius et duae lanceae et totidem scuta et 50 marcae auri Et qui minus potest det duas libras Lex 104. Et qui fugiat à Domino vel socio suo pro timiditate in Expedâ—tione navali vel terrestri per dat omne quod suum est et suam â—psius vitam et manus mittat Dominus ad terram quam ei antea dederat Et si terram haereditariam habeat ipsa in manum regis transeat Lex 105. Et qui in bello aâ—te Dominum suum ceciderit sâ—t hoc in terra sit alibi sint relevatitones condonatae et haâ— beâ—nt haeredes ejus terram sicut et pecuniam suam et rectè dividant inter se. Lex 107. Et volo ut omnis homo pacem habeat eundo ad Gemoâ—um vâ—l rediens de Gemoto id est placito nisi sit fur probatus Lex 110. Qui leges istas apostabit quas Rex modo nobis omnibus indulsit sit Dacus sit Anglus Werae suae reus sit erga regâ—m Et si secundo faciat reddat bis Weram suam Si quis addat tertio râ—us sit omnium quae habebit In the rest of his Lawes all corporal and pecuniary penalties and fines for all sorts of Offences and Crimes are reduced to a certainty and none left arbitrary and by Lex 104 105. it is evident that the Military Laws as wel as the Civil Ecclesiastical were made in and by advice and direction of the Great Councils The Chronicle of Bromton informs us that King Cnute per Chartam suam à se et haeredibus suis dedit quà m cito post in Parliamento suo apud Wintoniam when and where â—hose Laws were made coram omnibus Regni sui Magnatibus confirmavit gave and confirmed the Manors of Hornyng Ludham and Netershede to the Monastery of Cowholm in Northfolke And that one Maynard riding towards this Parliamentary Council brake his neck who had so incensed the King against Wulfriâ— and the Monks of this Monastery that he threatned to put â—hem to death What lands and privileges he gave by his Charters to St. Cuthberts Church in Durham Christs-Church in Canterbury and other Monasteries the Marginal Authors will inform us About the year 1034. King Cnute having obtained the Soveraign Dominion of England Scotland Norwey a great part of Sweden and of all Denmarke principally by the Sword through the flattery of his followers who stiled him a King of all Kings most mighty Soveraign and the like who had under his subjection Dominion not only the People and Land but the Sea likewise also by reason of his Great Dominions was so much elevated with pride of heart that he once commanded the royal Throne of his Empire to be placed on the Sea shore near the water as the Sea was flowing in upon it and then stepping up into his Throne sitting in it he spake thus to the Sea in an imperious manner as if he were absolute Sovereign of it Tu meae ditionis es c. Thou art under my Dominion and part of my Empire and the land on which I sit is mine neither is there any one in it who dares resist my command without punishment Therefore I now command thee that thou ascend and come not up upon my land nor yet presume to wet my royal robes nor the feet or Members of thy Soveraign But the Sea notwithstanding this Inhibition ascending after its accustomed manner and nature and no wayes obeying his commands wet both his feet legs and royal Robes without any revernce Whereupon the King leaping hastily out of his Throne almost over-late and retiring from the waves used these words Lâ—t all the Inhabitants of the world know that the power of Kings is but vain and frivolous and that no man is worthy the name of a King but he alone to whose beck both Heaven Earth and the Sea obey by everlasting Laws Henry de Knyghton superaddes thereto as part of his Speech which most others omit I am a Wretch and a Captive able to do nothing possessing nothing wiâ—hout his gift I commend I recommend my self to him and let him be the Gardian of debiliâ—y Amen After which King Cnute never wore his Crown upon his head but put it upon the head of the Crucifix at Winchester as most accord to the praise of the great King thereby giving a great example of humility to Kings and Conquerors who in the height of all their power can not command the Sea or least wave not to flow or wash them Henry de Knyghton conceives this to be before his pilgrimage to Rome others expresly record it was after his return from thence whose computation I here follow and therefore place it in this year In the year of our Lord 1035. King Cnute a little before his death made this partition of his kingdoms amongst his Sons Swane his son by Q. Algiva or as some affirm of a Priests wife suborned by Algiva as her own he made King of Norwey his Son Harde-Cnute by Queen Emma he caused to be crowned King of Denmark as Wigorniensis Hoveden and others write yet some gainsay it that he made his Son Harold King of England and soon after died at Shaftesbury November 12. 1035. and was buried at Winchester Immediatly after his decease the Nobles met at Oxford about the election of a new Kingâ— which our Historians thus
them on Guild-down and there seised upon Prince Alfred and retained him in close Prison when he was hastning towards London to conferr with King Harold as he had commanded And apprehending all his followers he ransacked some of them others of them he put in chains and afterwards put out their eyes some of them he tormented and punished by pulling off the skin from their heads and cutting off their hands and feet many of them he likewise commanded to be sold and slew 600 men of them at Gildeford with various and cruel deaths whose Souls are believed now to rejoyce with the Saints in Paradice seeing â—heir bodies were so cruelly slain in the fields without any fault which Queen Emma hearing of sent back her son Edward who remained with her with greatest haste into Normandy After which by the command of Earl Godwin and some others Prince Alfred being bound most straitly in chains was carried Prisoner to the Isle of Ely by ship where he no sooner arived but his eyes were most cruelly pulled out and so being led to the Monastery was delivered to the Monks to be kept where he soon after died and was there interred Some add that after Alfreds eyes were put out his belly was opened and one end of his bowels drawn out and fastened to a stake and his body pricked with sharp needles or poyneyards forced about till all his intrails were extracted in which most savage torture he ended his innocent life Ranulphus Cistrensis in his Polychronicon l. 6. c. 21. relates that Godwin used this strange cruelty towards those Normans that came over with Alfred whom he twice decimateâ— at Gildeford that he â—ipped up their bellies and fastned the ends of their guts to stakes that were reared and pyght in the ground and laid the bodies about the stakes till the last end of the guts came out The Author of the Book called Encomium Emmae and Speed out of him writes That Harold was no sooner established King but that he sought meanes how to rid Queen Emma secretly out of the way and maliciously purposing took counsel how he might train into his Hay the sons of Queen Emma that so all occasions of danger against him might at once for all be cut off Many projects propounded this lastly took effect that a Letter should be counterfeited in Queen Emma's name unto her sons Edward and Alfred â—o instigate them to attempt the Crown usurped by Harold against their right The Tenor of which Letter you may read in Speed This Letter being cunningly carried digested by Alfred as savoâ—ing of no falshood he returned answer he would come shortly over to attend his Mothers designs which Harold being informed of forelayes the coasts to apprehand him Upon his comming on shore in England Earl Godwin met him and binding his assurance with his corporal Oath became his Leige-man and guide to Queen Emma but being wrought firm for Harold treacherously led these Strangers a contrary way and lodging them at Guildford in several Companies there tithed and murthered them as aforesaid Henry Huntindon the Chroâ—icle of Bromton William Caxton in his Chronicle and another Historian mentioned by Mr. Fox record that this murther was after the death of King Harde-Cnute When the Earls and Barons of England by common assent and counsel sent into Normandy for these two Brethren Alfred and Edward intending to crown Alfred the elder Brother and to make him King of England and to this the Earls and Barons made their Oath But Earl Godwin of West-Sax sought to slay these two brethren so soon as they came into England to the intent he might make Harold his own son by Cnutes daughter or sister maried to him King as some of these affirm Others of them relate that he intended only to destroy Alfred being an Englishman by the Father but a Norman by the Mother whom he foresaw to be a person of such honour and courage that he would disdain to mary his daughter or to be swayed by him and then to mary his daughter Godith to Edward the younger Brother and to make him King as being of a more milde and simple disposition apt to be ruled by him Hereupon Godwin went to Southampton to meet with the two Brothers at their landing It fell out that the Messengers sent into Normandy found only Alfred there Edward being then gone into Hungarie to speak with his Cosen Edward the Outlaw Ironsides son When Alfred heard these Messengers tydings he thanked God and in all hast sped him to England ariving at Southampton with some of his Mothers kinred and many of his fellow-Souldiers of like age who were Normans Whereupon Godwin intimated to the Nobles of England That Alfred had brought over too great a company of Normans with him and had likewise promised the lands of the Englishmen to them and therefore it would not be safe to instirpate such a valiant and crafty Nation amongst them That these ought to undergoe exemplary punishment lest others by reason of their alliance to the King should presume to intrude themselves amongst the English And then posting to Southampton welcomed and received Alfred with much joy pretending to conduct him â—afe to London where the Barons waited for to make him King and expected his comming and so they passed forth together towards London But when they came to Guild-down Godwin said to Alfredâ— Lock round about thee on thy right hand and left and behold what a kingdom shall be subjugated to thy Dominion Upon which Alfred giving thanks to God presently promiâ—ed that if iâ— happened he should be crowned King He would constitute such Laws as should be pleasing and acceptable both to God and Man Which words were no sooner uttered but the Traytor Godwin commanded all his men to apprehend Alfred and to slay all the Normans that came with him in his company and after that to carry Alfred into the Isle of Ely and there to put out both his eys and to pull out his bowels which they accordingly executed as aforesaid And so died this innocent Alfâ—ed right heir to the Crown through the Treason of wicked Godwin When the Lords of England heard thereof and how Alfred that should have been their Kingâ— was put to deathâ— through the false Treason of Godwin against their wills 〈◊〉 were â—onderâ—ull sorrowâ—ull and wrâ—th and swore before God and Man that he should die a worser Death than did Edric which destroyed his Lord Edmond Ironside and would immediately have put him to death but that the Traytor fled and escaped into Denmark and there continued 4. yeares and more and lost all his Lands Rents Goods and Chattels in England confiscated in the mean time for this his Treason These Historians though they somewhat vary in the time and occasion of Prince Alfreds death yet they all agree in the substance of his and of his Norman Souldiers and Campanions treacherous barbarous murders by the joynt or separate
disclaiming all Danish subjection that especially for the contâ—mpts which the English had very often received from the Danes For if a Dane had met an Englishmâ—n upon any bridge the Englishman must not be so hardy to move a â—oot but stand stâ—ll till the Dane was passed quiâ—e over it And morâ—over if the Englishmen had not bowed down their heads to doe reverence to the Dâ—nâ—s they should presently have undergoâ—e great punishments and stripes Whereupon King Harde-Cnute being dead the English rising up against them drove all the Danes being then without a King and Captainâ— out of the Realm of England who speedily quâ—tting the land never returned into it afterwards And here we may justly stand still a while and contemplate the admirable retaliating justice of God upon our Danish usurping Kings and their Posterity King Cnute as you heard before caused the temporizing English Bishops Nobles and Barons assembled in a Parliamentary Council against their oaths of allegiance to King Ethelred Edmund Ironside and their heirs no less then twice one after another to renounce cast off and abjure their regall Posterity to make them incapable of the Crowne of England and settle the inheritancâ— of iâ— upon him and his Danish blood Anno 1016. and 1017. And now in little more then twenty years after all the English Prelates and Nobles assembled in Council of their own accords by a solemn Decree aâ—d Oath abjure renounce and eternally disinherit all the Danish blood-royall of the Crown of England and restore the Saxon English royall line to that soveraignty which they had formerly disclaimed such are the vicissitudes of divine â—ustice and providence worthy our observation in these wheeling times wherein we live when no man knoweth what changes of like nature one day or year may bring forth The English putting their Decree for cashiering all the Danes in execution turned the mout of all the Castles Forts Garrisons Cities Villages thâ—oughout England as well those of the Royall and Noble blood â— as the vulgar sort and forced them to depart the Realm as they had formerly banished the English Princes and Nobles Procâ—reâ— igitur Anglorum jam DACORUM DOMINIO LIBERATI The Nobles therefore of Engl. being thus freed from the Danes dominion for so much of God of his mercy and providence who is the maker of heirs thought good after the woâ—ull captivity of the English Nation to grant them some respite of deliverance in taking away the Danish Kings without any issue left behinde them who reigning here in England kept the English people in miserable subjection about the space of 28 years and from their first landing in the time of King Brictricus wasted and vexed this land for the space of 255 years their Tyranny now coming to an end by the death of Harde Cnute they thereupon assembling together in a great Council with a generall consent elected Prince Edward surnamed the Confessor the youngest and onely surviving son of King Ethelred for their King who ANNUENTE CLERO ET POPULO LONDONIIS IN REGEM ELIGITUR as Mat. Westminster relates whereupon Edward being then in Normandy where he had long lived in exile being a man of a gentle and soft spirit more appliable to other mens counsels then able to trust his own naturally so averse from all war bloodshed that he wished rather to continue all his life long in a private exiled estate then by war or blood to aspire to the Crown the Lords sent messengers to him to come over and take pâ—aceable possession of the Kingdome of England they having chosen him for their King advising him to bring with him as few Normans as he could and they would most faithfully establish him in the throne Edward though at first he much doubted what course to stear somewhat mistrusting the treachery and inconstancy of the fickle headed English yet at last upon the importunity of the messengers who informed him melius esse ut vivat gloriosus in Imperio quà m ignominiosus moriaâ—ur in exiliâ— JURE EI COMPETERE REGNUM aevo maturo laboribus defaecato scieâ—ti administrare principatum per aetatenâ— severè miserias Provinciâ—lium pro pristina aequitate temperare c. and upon putting in sufficient pledges and an oath given for his security he came into England with a small train of Normans where he was joyfully received by the Nobles and people Nec mora Gilingâ—am or rather Lâ—ndoniam â— CONGREGATO CONCILIO rationibus suis explicitis regem effecit Dominio palam ab omnibus daâ—o as Malmsbury or electus â—st in Regem ab omni populo as Huntindon and others expresse it After which on Easter day Apr 2. 1043. he was solemnly crowned King at Winchester with great pomp by Eadsi Arch-bishop of Canterbury by the unanimouâ— consent of the Archbishops Bishops Nobles Cleâ—gie and people of Englaâ—d to their great joy and content without the least opposition war or blood-shed after 25 yeares seclusion from the Crown by the Danish usurpers Our Historians generally record that Bryghtwold a Monk of Glastenbury afterwards first Bishop of Wilton when King Cnute had banished and almost extinguished thâ— whole royal issue of the English race almost pâ—st any possibility or probabiâ—ity of their restitution to the Crown which he had forcibly invaded by the sword on a certain night fell into a sâ—d deep contemplation of the forlorn condition of the royall Progeny of the English nation then almoâ—t quite deleted by the Danes and of the miserable condition of England under these forraign usurpers After which falling into a deep sleep he saw in a vision the Apostle S. Peter himself holding Prince Edward then an exile in Normandy by the hand and anointing him King in his sight who declared to him at large how holy this Edward should be that his reign should be peaceable and that it should continue for 23 years After which Bryghtwold being yet unsatisfied who should succed him and doubting of Edwards off-spring demanded of S. Petâ—r who should succeed him whereunto S. Peter returned him this answer REGNUM ANGLIAE EST REGNUM DEI ET IPSE SIBI REGES or REGEM as some render it PROVIDEBIT The Realm of England is Gods Kiâ—gdome and he himself shall provide Kings or a King for himself according to his good pleasure Yea the golden legend of King Edwards life informs us THAT HE WAS CHOSEN KING OF ENGLAND BY CONSENT OF PARLIAMENT WHILES HE WAS YET IN HIS MOTHERS WOMB as well as after Hardâ—-Cnute's death Take the relation of it in Abbot Ailreds words and of Brigâ—twolds vision likewise Cum igitur gloriosus Rex Ethelredus ex filia praeclarissimi comitis Thoreti filium suscepisset Eadmundum cognomento Ferreumlatus ex Regina autem Emma Aluredum beatus Edvardus inter Viscera materna conclusus utrique praeferiur agente â—o qui omnia operatur secundum concilium voluntatis suae qui dominatur in
act without their seeking as he did here restore Prince Edward after 25 years interruption and Aurelius Ambrosius long before to the British Crown to omit all others 6. That Crowns invaded ravished by force of armes and bloodshed are seldome long or peaceably enjoyed by the usurpers themselves or their posterity that of Curtius being an experimentall truth Non est diuâ—turna possessio in quam gladio inducimur All which we find experimentally verified in this History of King Edward his election and restitution to the Crown of England worthy our special observation King Edw. coming to the Crown was not onely very charitable to the poor humble mercifull and just towards all men but also PLURES Lâ—GES BONAS IN ANGLIA STATUIT quae pro majore paâ—te adhuc in regno tenerentur Whereupon about the year 1043. as the Chronâ—cle of Brompton William Caxton in his Chronicle and Mr. Selden inform us Earl Godwin a fugitive in Denmark for the murther of prince Alfred hearing of his piety and mercy resolved to return into England humbly to implore his mercy and grace that he might have his lands again that were confiscated having provided all things for his voyage he put to sea and arrived in Englanâ— and then posted to London UBI REX ET OMNES MAGNATES AD PARLIAMENTUM TUM FUERUNT Where the King and all the Nobles were then at a parliament here he beseeched intreated his friends kindred who were the greatest Lords of the land after the King that they would study to procure to him the Kings Grace and friendship who having thereupon taken deliberate counsel among themselves led him with them before the King to seek his Grace But so soon as the King saw him he presently appealed him of TREASON of the death of Alfred his brother and using these words unto him said THOU TRAITOUR GODVVIN â— THEE APPEAL FOR THE DEATH OF ALFRED MY BROTHER WHOM THOU HAST TRAITâ—ROUSLY SLAIN To whom Godwin excusing himself answered My Lord and King saving your Revereâ—câ— and Grace Peace Lordship I never betrayed nor yeâ— slew your Brother unde super hoc pono me IN CONSIDERATIONE CURIAE VESTRAE whence I put my sâ—lf upon the consideration and judgement of your Courâ— concerning this matter Then said the King KARISSIMI DOMINI COMITES ET BARONES TERRAE c. Most dear Lords Earls and Barons of the land who are my Liege-men now here assembled you have heard both my appeale and Godwins answer Volo quod inter Nos in iâ—ta appellatione RECTUM JUDICIUM DECERNATIS ET DEBITAM JUSTITIAM FACIATIS I will that between us in this appeale you award right Iudgement and do due Iusticâ— COMITIBUS VERO ET BARONIBUS SUPER HOC AD INVICEM TRACTANTIBUS Hereupon the Earls and Barons debating upon this businesse among themselves some among thâ—m were different in their opinions from others in doing just judgemâ—nt herein For some said that Godwin was never obliged to the King so Bromton to Alfred writes Caxâ—on by homage service or fealty and therefore HE WAS NOT HIS TRAITOUR and that he had not slain Alfred with his own hands But others said Quod Comes nec Baro nec aliquis Regi subditus BELLUM CONTRA REGEM IN APPELLATIONE SUA DE LEGE POTâ—ST VADIARE That neither the Earl nor any Baron nor any Subject to the King could by the Law wage Battel against the King in his Appeal but ought wholy to put himself in his mercy and to offer him competent amends Then Leofric Earl of Chester or Coventry as Caxton a good man towards God and the world spake and said The Earl Godwin after the King is a man of the best parentage of all England and he cannot deny but that BY HIS COUNCEL Alfred thâ— Kings Brother was slain wherefore I award as touching my parâ— that himself and his son and every of us DUODECIM COMITES the twelve Earls who are his friends and kinsmen shâ—uld go humbly before the King laden with as much gold and silver as every of us can carry between his arms offering that to him for his trespasse and submissively deprâ—cating that he woulâ— pardon all his rancour and ill-will to the Earle and receiving his homage and fealâ—y he would restore and redeliver his lands intirely to himâ— Vnto which award THEY ALL ACCORDING they all laded themselves with treasure in the manner aforesaid and gâ—ing to the King declared unto him the order and mannâ—r of their JUDGEMENT or AVVARD QUORUM CONSIDERATIONI REX CONTRADICERE NOLENS QUICQUID JUDICAVERANT PER OMNIA RATIâ—ICAVIT The King not willing to contradict them in any thing thâ—y had judged ratified the same in all things An agreement therefore being made between thâ—m in this manner the Earl presently regained all his lands The generality of our Historians as Bromâ—on confesseth deny that Godwin ever fled into Dâ—nmark or left England for the murder of Alfred they generally affâ—rming that he purged himself thereof though falsly CORAM PROCERIBUS before the Nobles in the reign of Harde-Cnute swearing with his compurgators that he never consented to his death NISI REGIA VI COACTUS but through compulsion by royall violence Recording likewise that after the death of King Harde-Cnute Prince Edward was called out of Normandy and elected King principally by the help and counsel of Earle Godwin himself who as Malmesbuâ—y and others write perswaded him to accept the Crown and precontracted with him before hâ— came into England Paciscatur ergo sibi amicitiam solidam filiis honores integros filiae matrimonium brevi futurum ut se Regem videat qui nunc vitae naufragus exul spei alterius opem implorat Utrinque fide data quicquid petebatur sacramento firmavit If there were then any such Parliament as this then held at London and such proceedings in it concerning Godwin it was most probably in the year 1043â— as I here place it And from these memorable proceedings in it we may observe 1. That there is mention onely of the King Earls and Barons present in this Parliament as members of it not of any Knights of shires Citizens or Burgesses elected by the people of which there is not one syllable 2. That the Earls and Barons in Parliament were the onely judges in that age in Parliament between the King and his Nobles subjects both in criminal and other causes there decided 3. That Peers in that age were onely tryed and judged by their Peers for treason and capitall offences 4. That appeals of Treason were then tryed in Parliament and the Earls and Barons the sole Judges of them and of what offences were Treason and what not 5. That the Bishops and Clergy in that age had no votes in matters of Treason and capitall offences 6. That the Judgement of Parliament then reâ—ted properly in the Earls and Barons not the King and that their judgement was not repealable by but obligatory to the
alia Apostolica mandata cum referrent nobis Legati interea revelavit beatus Petrusâ— c voluntatem suam esse ut restituerem locum qui dâ—itur Westmonaâ—terium c. Cumque mihi hanc visionem meisque retulisset Apostolicae literae aequalia praecepta detulâ—ssent contuli voluntatem meam cum voluntate Dei TOTIUS REGNI ELECTIONE dedi me ad restructioneÌ„ ejusdem loci Itaque DECIMARI praecepi omnem substantiam meam tam in auâ—o argento quà m in pâ—cudibus omni genere possessionum destruens veteremâ— novam à fundamento basilicam construxi From which passages and charters which I have coupled all together for their coherence in matter though differing somewhat in time I shall observe 1. That parliamentary great Councils in that age were summoned by the King upon all extraordinary occasions 2. That the Prelates Nobles and Barons of the Realm were the onely members of the grâ—at parliamentary Councils summoned onely by the Kings writs without any Knights of Burgesses that we read of elected by the people 3. That the Kings of Engl. in that age could not depart out of the Realm no not to pay their solemn vows to God nor appoint Vice-royes Guardians Officers Judges Commanders to govern or defend the Realm in their absence without the advice and consent of their Nobles in parliamentary Councils nor yet endow Monaâ—teries with any Crown-lands or Royal priviledges by their charters unless by consent and confâ—rmation of their Nobles and themselves in Parliament 4. That the Nobles and grand Councils of Engl. had then a negative voyce not onely to conclude against the King in his resolutions and intentions buâ— even in his sacred and religious vows when prejudicial dangerous mischievous to the Realm the publick peace safety 5. That Kings ought to submit to the just petitions advice desires of their Nobles Councils and people in all things which concern their safety tranquility though contrary not only to their private resolutions but vows 6. That the Nobles and Subjects of that age were very zealous both of the safety of their Kings persons the kingdoms peace and security and the hereditary succession of the Crown 7. That the Kings absence out of the Realm or death without any hereditary issue or heir is exceeding perillous and mischievous to the Realm yea the cause of many seditions tumults perturbations and ruins 8. That the sacred vows of Kings prejudicial to the Realm may and ought to be violated and dispensed with and that by the resolution of two Popes three Roman Synods and two parliamentary Councils 9. That God doth many times not onely preserve the right heirs to the Crown from the hands of bloody Tyrants and Usurpers who seek their life but likewise miraculously and unexpectedly restore them to the Crown again without war or bloodshed after many years seclusion from it by intruding armed usurpers as he did K. Edw. here after 25 years invasion of his right Aurelius Ambroâ—ius after 21 years long before 10. That right heirs to the Crown when so miraculously restored and reinthroned in their Kingdomes ought to be extraordinarily affected with and thankful bountiful and devout to God for it and their subjects likewise both in wordâ— and deeds as King Edward his Nobles and Subjects were King Henry the Emperour An. 1049. when the forementioned parliamentary Council was held about the Kings pilgrimage and Embassy to Rome warring upon Baldwin Earl of Flanders for burning his palace sent to King Edward intreating him not to suffer Baldwin to â—scape in case he should flie to sea Whereupon the King went with a great fleet to Sandwich which he there continued so long till the Emperour received from Baldwin whatever he desired Henry Huntindon and the Chronicle of Bromton relate that two Princes of the Danes Lothin and Hirling the yeare before having there taken an inestimable booty and great store of gold and silver they sailed by sea about the coast of Essâ—x pillaged it and sailing thence into Flanders there sold their prizes and returned from whence they came Which probably occasioned the kings drawing his fleet this year unto Sandwich for defence of the coast as well as the Emperours Embassy Whiles the Kings fleet lay at Sandwich Swane Earl Godwins son who formerly fled into Denmark because he could not marry Abbâ—sse Elgina â— whom he had defloured teturning into England with eight shipâ— gave out in speeches that he would from henceforth faithfully remain with the King Whereupon Earl Beorn promised him to procure from the King that his Earldome should be restored to him The Emperour and Earl Baldwin being agreed Earl Godwin and Beorne by the Kings license sailed to Pemeuse with 42 ships the rest of the Navy the King discharged and sent home retaining onely a few ships with him But being soon after informed that Osgad Clapa whom he had banished lay in Vlve with 29. ships he recalled as many of the dismissed ships as he could to encounter him Osgad having received his wife sailed with 6 of his ships inâ—o Dâ—nmark the other 23 ships sailed towards Essex having taken a great booty about the promontory of Edelfe they were all cast away in a great storm but two w ch were taken in the parts beyond the sea all the men in them put to the sword In the mean time Swane dealt very deceitâ—ully with Earle Beorne intreating him to go with him to Sandwich to make his peace with the King who considering his consanguinity went to him attended onely with three men Swane treacherously sending him to Bosâ—nham where his ships rode at anchor carried him on ship-board bound him in chains and at last slew and cast him into a pit After which two of his ships being taken by those of Hastings and brought to the King at Sandwich and 4 more of his ships being dismissed he sailed with two ships onely into Ireland till Ailred Bish. of Worcest reduced and reconciled him unto the King The same year in the moneth of Aug. the Irish pirats with 36 ships arriving in the mouth of Severn by the help of Griffin King of Sâ—uthwales burnt and pillaged many villages and put the inhabitants to the sword against whom Ailred Bish. of Worcest with few of the inhabitants of Worcester and Hereford speedily marched but the Welshmen amongst them who had promised fidelity to them â—ending presently to their K. Griffin intreating him with all possible speed to fall upon the English thereupon he and the Irish pirats assaulting the English unexpectedly early in the morning slew many of them and routed the rest King Edward in the year 1051. released the English From the heavy tribute or Danegeld which Florentius Wigorniensis and Simeon Dunelmensis thus expresse Rex Edvardus Absolvit Anglos A gravi veâ—â—igali 38. anno ex quo pater ejus Rex Athelredus Danicos solidarios solvi mandavit c. quod eis pater suus propter
and slaying such as resisted them Then marching from Severn into the confines of Somersetshire and Dorsetshire they plundered many Towns and Villagâ—s in those parts against whom a great multitude assembled out of these two Counties making head were incountred and routed by Harold many of their chief Officers and others being slain After which they returning to their ships with great booties sailed round about by the shore to Plimoâ—th Upon this King Edward speedily sent forth forty ships well victualed and furnished with choice Souldiers commanding them to watch for and resist the coming and landing of Earle Godwin who without their privity coming with a few ships undescerned out of Flanders practised pyracy and pillaged the sea-coasts of Kent and Sussex and at last came to the Isle of Weight where his two sonnes Harold and Leofric joyning their ships and Forces with his they studiously plotted how they might aveng themselves upon King Edward by sea Griffin King of VVales in the mean time by their instigation depopulating Herefordshire by land slaying many of the Countrey people who resisted him On the Kings part there were about sixty ships assembled together to oppose Harold riding at anchor the Admirals of which Navy were the Earls Odo and Ralph the Kings kinsmen neither was the King himself sloathfull in this necessity lying all night on shipboard and diligently observing the excursions of these Pyrates executing that by sage counsel which by reason of age he could not act with his hand When both Navies were drawn near together and ready to grapple with and encounter each other a thick fogge and cloud sodainly arising blinded the eyes of these furiou persons and restrained the wretched audacity of these mortals so that they could not encounter each other Godwin with his companions being forced by the winds to returne from whence they came After which Godwin and his sonnes by secret messengers drew unto their party an innumerable company of the inhabitants of Kent Essex Sussex and Surry and all the Mariners of Hastings with many Souldiers and having drawn together a very great Army out of those parts who all promised with one voice To live and dye with Godwin forbearing all plunder and depopulation after they met together taking only victuals for their Army when occasion and necessity required and alluring all they could to their party they marched with their forces first to Sandwich Which the King hearing of being then at London speedily sent messengers to all who had not revolted from him to come with all speed to his assistance who delaying overlong came not at the time appointed In the mean while Godwin comes up the Thames with his Navy and Army toward London and pitched his Tents in Souâ—hwark near the City King Edward who was then at London had assembled a great company of armed men together and no small Navy to pursue Godwin and his sonnes both by Sea and Land But because very few with the King or Godwin had courage to fight with each other and the English whose sonnes Nephews Kinsmen and Friends were with Godwin and Harold refused to fight against their own parents kinred of the Kings party thereupon some wise men on both parts diligently endeavored to make a firme peace and reconciliation between the King and Godwin and commanded the Armies and Navies to forbear fighting Godwin being aged and potent both with his favour and tongue to bow the mindes of his auditors very well purged himself from all the things objected against him The next morning Rex habens cum Primaribus suis Concilio the King taking Counsel with his Nobles restored Godwin and all his sonnes except Swane who went on Pilgrimage barefoot to Ierusalem to expiate the murder of Beorne together with the Queen his daughter to their former honours Godwin giving his Sonne VVolnoth and Hake the Son of Swane his hostages to the King for his keeping of the peace and future loyaltie to hâ—m whom the King immediatly sent into Normandy to be kept there A concord and peace being thus made and ratified the King and Nobles omni populo bonas Leges rectam justitiam promiserunt promised good Laws and râ—ght Iusticâ— to all the people then they banished Robert arch-bishop o Canterbury Willâ—am Bâ—shop of London Vlfe Bishop of Dorchester and all the other Normans who incensâ—d and gave the King evill counsel against Earle Godwin and the English and had invented unjust laws and pronounced unjust judgements against them permitting only some few Normans nominated in our Histoâ—ians whom the King loved more than the rest and who had been faithfull to him and all the people to remain in England Not long after VVilliam Bishop of London was for his goodnesse recalled and restored to his Bishoprick but Stigand was made Archbishop of Canterbury in the place of Robert and Osburne and Hugh two Normans by birth leaving their Castles here went to the King of Scots who entertained them and so the land was freed from these forreign incendiaries Normannos omnes ignominâ notatos prolata Sententia in Robertum Archiepisâ— ejusque complices quod statum regni conturbarant animum Regis in provinciales agitantes Upon this sentence denounced Robert and others of them presently fled the Realme of their own accord withoâ—t expecting any actual violence to banish and expell them From all these memorable Historical passages as we may observe the great unconstancy vicissitude and changes of earthly Princes favours worldly honours preferments and popular favour with the great inconveniencies of admitting or advancing forreigners to any places of trust or power under the King or Court so we may likewise conclude that by the Law of that Age. 1. That no Englâ—sh man ought to be condemâ—ned executed imprisoned or put to death upon any great mans bare suggestion no not by the Kings owâ— speciall command which if given ought to be disobeyed in such cases but only by and after a Legall hearing tryall and conviction of the offence 2. That the Kings of England were then sworn and obliged to govern their people by good just and wholesome Laws and Customes not by their arbitrary pleasures powers or commands 3. That the Parliamentary Councels and Nobles in that age were very carefull to defend and maintain the Liberties Rights good Laws and Customs of the people and to prevent and abolish all unjust Laws and Encroachments repugnant to them 4. That Parliamentary Conncels were then frequently summoned by the King upon all publique emergent occasions and differences and to make war and peace either at home or in forreign parts 5. That the Parliamentary Councels of that time consisted of the Earles Barons Nobles and Praelates of the Realme duly summoned to them without any mention of Knights or Burgesses elected and sent to them by the people of which there are no presidents in this Kings reign Enough to prove Modus Tenendi Parliamentum supposed to be made and observed in this age a meere
Realm against Law and right by his power and often attempted to incline the Kings minde to his Injustice At last his subtilty proceeded so farr that by fraud deceit and circumvention he banished out of the land almost all the Kings kinred and friends whom he had either brought with him or called out of Normandy as well Bishops as Clerks and Laymen of other dignities believing that all things would succeed according to his desires if the King deprived of all his friends should make use only of his Counsels But Edward dissembling all things in regard of time place and out of religion addicted himself wholly to divine duties sometimes predicting That divine Iustice would at some time or other revenge so great malice of the Earl and telling Godwin himself so much Whereupon on a certain day when the King was celebrating the Feast of Easter at Winchester as most or at Windsor as some or Hodiam as others relate which feast was famous among the people the King sitting at his royal Table at dinner the Kings Cup-bearer Harold Godwins own Son as some record bringing the Kings cup filled with Wine towards the Table striking one of his feet very hard against a stumbling block on the pavement fell almost to the ground but his other foot going straight on recovered him again and set him upright so that he had no harm nor shed any of the wine Upon which many discoursing touching this event and rejoycing that one foot helped the other Earl Godwin who customarily sate next to the King at Table being his Father-in-law laughing thereat said by way of merriment Here a brother helped a brother as some or So is a Brother helping to a Brother and one assisting another in necessity as others report his words To whom the King upon this occasion ironically answering said Thus my Brother Alfred might have assisted me had it not been for Godwins Treachery who would not permit him Which Speech of the Kings Godwin taking over-grievously was sore afraid and with a very pale and sad countenance replied I know O King I know it hath been often reported to thee that I have sought to betray thee and that thou O King dost as yet accuse and suspect me concerning the death of thy Brother Alfred neither yet doest thou think that those are to be discredited who call me either his or thy Traytor or betrayer But let thy God who is true and just and knoweth all secrets judge between us and let him never suffer this piece of bread I now hold in my hand to pass down my throat without choaking me if I be guilty of any Treason at all against thee or had ever so much as a thought to betray thee Or if I be guilty of thy Brothers death or if ever thy brother by me or my counsel was nearer to death or remoter from life And so may I safely swallow down this morsel of bread in my hand as I am guiltlesse of these facts When he had thus spoken the King blessed the piece of bread whereupon Godwin putting it into his mouth swallowed it down to the midst of his throat where it stuck so fast that he could neither get it down nor cast it up by any means till through the cooperation of divine vengeance he was so choaked with it that his breath was quite stopped his eyes turned upside down his arms grew stiff being conscious to himself of what he thus abjured and so he fell down dead under the Table Deus autem justus et verax audivit vâ—cem Proditoris et mox eodem pane strangulatus mortem praegustavit aeternam writes Radulphus de Diceto The King seeing him pale and dead and that divine judgement and vengeance had thus passed upon him said to those who stood by Dragg out of this dog this Traytor and bury him in the high way for he is unworthy of Christian burial Whereupon his Sonnes there present beholding this Spectacle drew him from under the Table into a Bedchamber ubi debitum proditoris sortitus est finem and immediately after they buried him privily in the old Monastery at Winchester without honour or solemnity Abbot Ingulphus thus briefly relates the story of this his death Anno Domini 1053. cum Godwinus Comes in mensa Regis de nâ—ce sui fratris impeteretur ille post multa Sacramenta tandem per buccellam dâ—glutiendam abjuravit buccella gustata continuo suffocatus interiit As this judgement of God upon Earl Godwin for murdering Prince Alfred right heir to the Crown and the Normans who accompanied him 17 years after the fact was most exemplary so Gods justice upon his posterity is remarkable which to omit their forementioned exiles troubles are thus epitomized by Will. Malmâ—b Godwin in his younger years had the Sister of Cnute for his wifeâ— on whom he begat a Son who having passed the first years of his childhood whiles he was riding on a horse given to him by his Grandfather in a proud childish bravado giving him the spurr and â—ains the horse carried him into the swift stream of the River of Thames where he was drowned His Mother also was slain with the stroke of a thunderbolt receiving the punishment of her cruelty who was reported to buy whole droves of slaves especially beautifull maides in England and to send them into Denmark that she might heap up riches by their deformed sale After her death he maried another wife on whom he begot Harold Swane Wulnoth Tosti Girth and Leofwin Harold after Edward was King for some Moneths and being conquered by William at Hastings lost both his life and kingdom with his two younger Brothers there slain in battel Wulnoth sent into Normandy by King Edward because his father had given him for an hostage was there detained a Prisoner without any release during all King Edwards life and being sent back into England in Williams reign continued in bonds at Sarisbury till his old age Swane of a perverse wit treacherous against his King revolted oftentimes both from his Father and his Brother Harold and becomming a Pyrate polluted the vertues of his ancestors with his maritime Robberies and murder At last going barefoot to Ierusalem in pilgrimage out of conscience to expiate the wilfull murder of his Cosen Breuno and as some say his Brother in his return thence he was circumvented and slain by the Saracens Tosti being advanced by King Edward to the Earldom of Northumberland after the death of Earl Syward ruled the County near two years which being expired he stirred up the Northumbrians to a Rebellion with the asperity of his manners for finding him solitary they chased him out of the Country not thinking â—it to slay him by reason of his Dukedom but they beheaded all his men both English and Danes and spoiled him of all his horses arms and houshold-stuff whereupon being deprived of his Earldom he went with his wife and children into Flanders and at
last invading Northumberland and joyning with the Danes against his own brother King Harold was there slain by him in battel with all his forces His daughter Queen Egitha besides her forementioned repudiation by King Edward and the imprisonment and disgraces put upon her by him for her Fathers sake was never carnally known by him as his wife out of a detestation to her Father Godwin because he would not ingender heirs to succeed him in the royal Throne out of the Race and séed of such a Traytor as many Historians assert â—ven so let all other such like perfidious Traytors their Posterities perish who imitate him and them in their Treasons Perjuries Rebellions and will not be warned nor reclaimed by his or their sad examples The same year Earl Godwin thus perished Rheese brother of Griffin King of Southwales was slain by King Edwards command and his head brought to Glocester to the King on the Vigil of Epiphany for his manifold Treasons rebellions and frequent depredations upon his English Subjects King Edward Anno 1054. commanded Sywarâ— the valiant Duke of Northumberland to invade Scotland with an Army of horse and a strong Navy to remove Mackbeoth K. of Scots to whom he had formerly given the Realm of Scotland to hold it of him and make Malcolm the King of Cumberlands Son King in his place Who thereupon entring Scotland with a puissant Army fought a set battle with Mackbeoth slew many thousands of the Scots and all the Normans who went to him out of England chased him out of Scotland then totally wasted and subdued by Syward and deprived him both of his Life and Realm Which being effected King Edward gave the Realm of Scotland to Malcolm to be held from and under himself Not long after Duke Syward being likely to die of a flux when he saw death approaching said What a shame is it that I who could not die in so many battels and warrs should be reserved to die with disgrace like a Cow Wherefore put upon me my impenetrable coat of male gird me with my sword set my helmet upon my head put my buckhandler in my left hand and my gilt battel-ax in my right hand that being the strongest of all Souldiers I may die like a Souldier Whereupon being thus armed as he commanded he said Thus it becomes a Souldier to die and not lying down in his bed like an Ox and so he most honourably gave up the Ghost But because Waltâ—of his Son was then but an inâ—ant his Earldom was given by the King to Toâ—ti son of Earl Godwin â— whose Earldom after Godwins sudden death was bestowed on Harold and Harolds Earldom given to Algarus Earl of Chester Earldoms in that age being only for life not hereditary In the year 1055. King Edward Habito Londoniae Concilio holding a Parliamentary Councill at London banished Algarus Son of Earl Leofric quia de Proditione Regis in Concilio convictus fuerat because he had been convicted in the Council of Treason against the King as Henry Huntindon Bromtons Chronicle and Hygden record Yet Florentius Wigorniensis Simeon Dunelmensis Hoveden Henry de Knyghton and others write He was banished sine culpa without any crime Whereupon passing over into Ireland he soon after repaired with 18. piratical Ships to Griffin King of Wales requesting him to give him aid against King Edward Who thereupon forthwith assembling a very great Army out of all his Realm commanded Algarus to meet him and his Army with all his forces at a certain place where uniting their forces together they entred into Herefordshire to spoil and depopulate it Against whom timorous Earl Ralph King Edwardâ— Sisters Son raising an Army and meeting them two miles from the City of Hereford commanded the English to fight on horseback contrary to their custom But when they were about to joyn battel the Earl with his French and Normans fled away first of all which the English perceiving followed their Captain in flying whom the Enemies pursuing slew four or five hundred of them and wounded many more and having gained the Victory took the City of Herford slew some of the Citizens carried away many of them captives annd having burnt and pillaged the City returned enriched with great booties The King being infoâ—med of it commanded an Army to be presently assembled out of all England which meeting together at Glousester he made valiant Earl Harold their General who devoutly obeying his commands diligently pursued Griffin and Algarus and boldly entring into the coasts of Wales encamped at Straddle But they knowing him to be a valiant man not daring to fight with him fled into South-wales Upon which Harold leaving the greatest part of his Army there commanded them manfully to resist the Enemies if there were cause and returning with the rest of the multitude to Herâ—ford he enviroâ—ed it with a broad and deep trench and fortified it with gates and barrs At last Messengers passing between them and Harold they made a firm Peace betweeâ— them Whereupon Earl Algarus his Navy returning to Chester there exacted the wages he had promised them but he repairing to the King received his Earldom from him again This same year Herman Bishop of Salisbury requested of the King and almost obtained leave to remove his See from Ramesberg to the Monastery of Malmsbury sed Rege juxta Consilium Procerum id nolente he thereupon resigned his Bishoprick went beyond the Seâ—s and took upon him the habit of a Monk but repenting of his rashness he returned into England three years after and held the Bishopricks of Salisbury and Sherborne united together till the 9th year of King William the Conqueror In the year 1057. Prince Edward son of Edmond Ironside came out of Hungary where he had long lived an Exile into England being sent for thence by his Unkle King Edward who had decreed to make him heir to the Crown after himself but he died at London soon after his return leaving onely Edgar Athelin his son very young and two daughters Margaret and Christiana under the Kings custody and tuition This same year Earl Leofric at the request of his devout Noble Countess Godina freed the City of Coventry from a most grievous dishonest servitude and heavy Tribute wherewith he had formerly oppressed the Citizens being very much offended with them which though frequently importuned by her he would remit upon no other condition but this That his Lady Godina should ride naked through the street of the City from the one end of the market to the other when the people were there assembled Which she to obtain their Liberties from this Servitude and Tribute performed covering her self so with her long fair hair that she was seen and discerned by no body Whereâ—pon the Earl her husband by his Charter exempted the Citizens of Coventry for ever from many payments which he formerly imposed and exacted from them the wisdom of which
Earl much benefited the King and people whiles he lived Algarus his son succeeding him in the Earldom of Mercia in the year 1058. was banished the second time by Kiâ—g Edward but by the assistance of Griffin King of Wales and help of the Norwâ—y fleet which beyond expectation came to assist him he suddenly recovered his Earldom again by force of which he conceived himself unjustly deprived against Law Griâ—fin King of Wales having contrary to his former league and agreement invaded infested England slain the Bishop of Hereford burnt the City â—arrowed the Country and twice assisted Earl Algarus against King Edward thereupon Anno 1063. Duke Harold by King Edwards command marched hostilely into Wales with his forces to infest Griffin who having notice of his comming took Ship and hardly escaped his hands Hereupon Harold raised a greater Army and likewise provided Ships and furniture after this his brother Tosti and he joyning their forces together by the Kings command began to depopulate Wales and invaded it both by Sea and Land whereupon the Welshmen compelled by necessity gave them Hostages and promised That they would thenceforth pay a Tribute to K. Edward as their Soveraign and banish their King Griffin whom they expelled accordingly that year and An. 1064. they cut off their King Griffins head and sent it unto Harold who presently transmitted it to K. Edward whereupon the King made Griffiâ—s Brothers Blethagent and Redwallo Kings over the Welshmen to whom he gave that land who sware Fealty to King Edward and Harold et ad imperium illorum mari terraque se fore paratos ac omnia quae prius de terra illa Regibus anterioribus fuâ—rant pensa obedienâ—er se pensuros responderunt as Wigorniensis Hoveden Simeon Dunelmensis and others record their Oath The next year Tosti Earl of Northumberland moved with envy against his Brother Harold in the Kings own presence at Winsore took Harold by the hair as he was drinking wine to the King and violently struck the Cup out of his hand using him most dishonourably all the Kings Houshold admiring at it Upon which Harold provoked to revenge taking Tosti between his arms and lifting him up on high threw and dashed him violently against the pavement At which sight the Souldiers round about ran in on all â—ides and parting the began fray perforce between these Brothers and stout Warriers severed them one from the other But the King upon this predicted that the destruction of these two Brothers was now near at hand and that their deadly feud was not long to be deferred For all the sons of the Traytor Earl Godwin were so ungracious covetous oppressive and so extremely unjust that if they had seen any fair Manner or Mansion place they would procure the owner thereof to be slain in the night withall his posterity and kinred that so they might get possession thereof for themselves Who notwithstanding which their soft and honied speeches although they were but swords did so circumvent the over-credulous simplicity of King Edward that after many enormous wickednesses committed by them he made them Râ—gni Iusticiarios Regni Rectores Dispositores both Justices Rulers and Disposers of the kingdom and likewise Generals and Admirals of his forces both by Land and Sea The many acts of Injustice committed by the sway of power and passion by Earl Godwin and his sons proportionate greatness and the Kings weakness did much blacken that bright time of Peace and made a good man not by acting but induring ill held to be a bad King Tosti after this contest and quarrel with his brother Harold departing in a rage from the Kings Court and comming to the City of Hereford where his Brother Harold had provided a great intertainment for the King slew and cut all his Servants in pieces and put either a legg arm or some other member of their bodies thus mangled into every vessel of wine meade bear and other sorts of liquors he there found wherin they lay steeping stopping up the Vessels again Which done he sent word to the King that when he came to his Farm at Hereford he should find his flesh well powdâ—red and that he would provide him sweetmeats The King being informed of this his barbarous villany and scoff commanded that he should be banished for this detestable wickedness which he abhorred Soon after Tosti departing into Northumberland about the 5. of October divers Gentlemen and others of that Country assembling together came with about 200â— armed men to York where Tosti then resided both to revenge the execrable murder of some Noble Northumberlanders servants to Goâ—patriâ— whom Queen Egitha in the cauâ—e of her brother Tosti had commanded treacherously to be slain on the 4th day of the precedent Christmass and of Gamel the son of Orâ—e and Ulfe son of Delfin whom Tosti the year before had commanded to be treacherously murdered in his chamber at York under pretext of making a Peace with them necnon pro immanitate Tributi quod de tota Northimbria injuste acceperat as also for the excessiveness of the Tribute which he had unjustly received out of all Northumberland without their common consent and grant These chasing the Earl himself out of the Country pro contuitu Ducatus occidendum non rati slew and cut off the heads of all his Servants and Courtiers as well English as Danes being above 200. on the North part of the river of Humber then breaking up his Treasury they took away all his Treasures Horses Armes houshold-stuff and all things that were his The rumor whereof being brought to the King and the Country in an uproar almost all the Northumberlanders met together and elected constituted Morchar Earl Algarus son for their Earl in the place of Tosti who marched with them into Lincolnshire Nottinghamshire and Derbyshire wasted and pillaged those Counties slew many of the Inhabitants and carryed many thousands of them away captive leaving those Counties much impoverished many years after Hereupon Harold was sent against them to revenge those injuries to prevent further mischiefs and to mediate a reconciliation between them and Tosti Upon this the Northumberlanders met Harold first at Northampton and afterwards at Oxford and although they were more in number than he yet being desirous of quietness and peace they excused the fact unto him saying Se homines liberè natos liberè educatos nullius Ducis ferociam pati pâ—sse A majoribus didicisse aut Libertatem aut Mortem c. That they being men freely born freely educated could not suffer the cruelty of any Duke That they had learned of their ancestors either to enjoy Liberty or death Therefore if the King would have them his Subjects he must set another Earl over them even Morchar who had had experience how sweetly they knâ—w to obey if they were sweetly handled But all of them unanimously refused any reconciliation at all with Tosti
whom they Outlawed together with all those who had incited him to make an unjust Law and impose an illegal Tribute upon them Harold hearing these things and minding more the Peace of the Country than his brothers profit recalled his Army and the Kiug having heard their answer confirmed Morchar for their Duke Tosti hateful to all men by the assistance of Earl Edwin was expelled out of England by the Northumberlanders and driven with his wife and children into Flanders whence returning about two years after and joyning with the Danes he entred with the Danes into Northumberland miserably harrowed the whole Country slaughtered the inhabitants and at last was there slain with most of his Souldiers by his own brother King Harold Anno 1066. King Edward as Abbot Ingulphus living in that age records Anno 1065. being burdened with old age perceiving Prince Edgar Atheling his Cosen Edwards son lately dead to be unfit for the royal throne tam corde quam corpore as well in respect of minde as body and that Earl Godwins many and wicked progeny did daily increase upon the earth set his mind upon his Cosen William Duke of Normandy et eum sibi succederâ— in Regnum Angliae voce stabili sancivit and decreed by a stable vote that he should succeed him in the Realm oâ— England For Duke William was then superiour in every battel and a triumpher against the King of France and his fame was publickly blazed abroad amongst all the Earls of Normandy who were next him being invincible in the exercise of Arms Iudex justissimus in causarum judiciâ— a most just Iudge in the judging of causes and most religious and most devout in the service of God Hereupon King Edward sent Robeâ—t Archbishop of Canterbury to him as his Legate a Lâ—tere or special Embassador illumque designatum sui regni Successorem tam debito cognationis quam merito virtutis suae Archipraesulis relaâ—u insinuavit and intimated unto him by the relation of his Archbishop that he had designed him to be the Successor of his Realm as well by the debt of kinred as by the merit of Virtue Moreover Harold the Major of the Kings Court comming into Normandy not only swore that he would conserve the Kingdom of England for Duke William afâ—er the Kings death but likewise promised upon Oath that he would take the daughter of Duke William for his wife and upon these promises returned home magnificently rewarded After which â—e subjoins Edwardi pâ—issimi Regis cujus cognatione et consanguinitate inclytus Rex noster Willelmus fundat conscientiam suam regnâ—m Angliae invadendi caeteris Regibus de Danorum sanguine quasi nullius authoritatis ad allegandum interim intermissis William of Malmsbury who flourished in oâ— near that very age thus seconds him After the death of Edward his son Edgar was Neque promptus mâ—nu neque probus ingenio Rex itaque defuncto cognato quia spes prioris erat soluta suffragii Willielmo comiti Normanniae successionem Angliae dedit Erat ille hoc munâ—re dignus praesâ—ans animi juvenis qui in supremum fastigium alacri labore excreverat Praeterea proxime consanguineus filius Roberti filius Richardi seâ—undi quem fratrem fuisse Emmae matris Edwardi non semel est quod diximus Ferunt quidam ipsum Haroldum a Rege in hoc Normanniam missum alii secretioris coâ—silii conscii invitum venti violentia illuc actum quo se tueretur invenisse commenâ—um quod quia propius vero videtur exponam Harold comming to his farm at Boseam going for his recreation into a fisher-boat and putting forth into the Sea in sport was by a sudden contrary storm arising driven with his companions into the Village of Ponthieu in France where he was stripped and bound hand and foot by the rude Country people and carried Prisoner to Guido their Earl who detained him in Prison to gain a ransom from him Whereupon Harold being of a subtil wit studying how to relieve himself by large promises procured a Messenger to inform Duke William that he was sent by the King into Normandy that what lesser Messengers had but muâ—tered touching his Succession to the Crown of England he might perform by his presence especially that he was detained in bonds by Earl Guido wherby he was hindered to deliver his message notwithstanding his appeal to him which was a great diminution to his honor and if his captivity were to be redeemed with monie he would willingly give it to him and not to Guido Upon which he was by Duke Williams command released brought by Guidâ— into Normandy and there nobly feasted by the Duke where by his valour and policy he gained great reputation with Duke William and that he might more indear himself in his favour he there voluntarily of his own accord confirmed to him the Castle of Dover which belonged to him of right and the Kingdom of England after King Edwards decease whereupon the Duke espoused him to his daughter Adeliza then a child and bestowed her whole ample portion upon Harold and then honourably dismissed him Matthew Westminster Anno 1057. relating this Story of Harolds driving into Ponthieu by storm against his will as hapning in that year and that to ingratiate himself with Duke William Post mortem Regis Edwardi ei Regnum Angliae Sacramento firmavit subjoyns thereâ—o Tradunt autem aliter alii quod videlicet Haroldus a Rege Edwardo fuerat ad hoc in Normanniam missus ut Ducem Gulihelmum in Angliam conducerâ—t qnem idem Rex Edwardus Haeredem sibi constituere cogitavit Roger de Hoved. Annal. pars prior p. 499. Radulph de Diceto Abbr. Chron. col 480 481. Eadmerus Hist. Novorum l. 1. p. 4 5. Sim. Dunel Hist. col 195. Io. Bromton in his Chronicle col 947. Hygden in his Polychron l. 6. c. 27. with others record the matter somewhat different from our other Historians That Harold after his Fathers death craving leave of King Edward to goe into Normandy to free and bring into England his Brother Wulnoth Nephew Hake there detained Hostages the King would not permit him to goe as senâ— by him but yet left him free to do what he pleased of himself therein Adding Praesentio tamen te ad nihil aliud tendere nisi in detrimentum totius Anglici regni et opprobrium tui nec enim ita novi Comitem mentis expertem ut eos aliquatenus velit concedere tibi si non praescierit in hoc magnum proficuum sui Harold notwithstanding taking ship to go into Normandy upon this occasion was driven by storm into Ponthieu and there imprisoned as aforesaid and by Duke Williams means and threats after two denials released who honourably entertaining him for some dayes to advance his own designs by him at last opened his minde thus to him Dicebat itaque Regem Edwardum quando secum invene olim juvenis in Normannia demoraretur
sibi interposita fide sua pollicitum fuisse quod si Rex Angliae foret Ius regni in illum Iure Haereditario transferret subdens ait tu quoque si mihi te in hoc ipso adminiculaturum sposponderis et insuper castellum Dofris cum puteâ— aquae ad opus meum te facturum sororemque tuam uni de Principibus meis dederis in uxorem te ad mâ— tâ—mpore quo nobis conveniet destinaturum nec non filiam meam in câ—njugem accepturum promiseris tunc et modo nepotem tuum et cum in Angliam venero regnaturus fratrem tuum incolumem recipies in quo regno si tuo favore confirmatus fuero spondeo quod omne quod à me rationabiliter tibi postulaveris obtinebis Hereupon Harold perceiving danger on every side and not knowing how to escape unless he condescended to Williams will in all things he thereupon consented to his requests But he that all things might be ratified bringing forth the reliques of Saints brought Harold to this That he should swear upon them that he would actually perform all things which they had agreed between them These things thus done Harold receiving his Nephew returned into his Country where he related to the King upon his demand what had happened and what hee had done Who said Did I not tell thee I knew William and that many mischiefs might happen to this kingdom in thy journey I foresee in this thy deed that great calamities will come upon our Nation which I beseech God of his infinite mercy to grant that they may not happen in my dayes Mr. Fox relating this story more briefly concludes thus Whereby it may be â—athered That King Edward was right willing that Duke William should reign after him and also it seemeth not unlike but that he had given him his promise thereunto before The same Hoveden Annalium pars posterior p. 608 609 610. reciting the Laws of King Edward confirmed by King William after he got the Crown records these passages intermixed with them That King Edward retained his Cosen Edwards son Edgar with him and nourished him for his Son and because he thought to make him his Heir he named him Adeling which we call a Little Lord. But King Edward so soon as he knew the wickednesse of his Nation and especially the pride of the Sons of Godwin of Harold who after invaded the Kingdom Estigurt Lefwin and others of his Brothers imagining that what he had purposed concerning Edgar could not possibly be stable Adoptavit Willielmum Ducem Normannorum in regnum adopted William Duke of Normandy to succeed him in the Râ—alm William I say the bastard the son of Robert his Uncle a valiant warlike and stout man Who afteâ—wardâ— by Gods assistance by vanquishing the foresaid Harold son of Godwin victoriously obtained the Reâ—lm oâ— England To which he subjoyns That Edward wanting issue sent Râ—bert Archbishop of Canterbury to his Cosen William Duke of Normandy de Regno eum constituit Haeredem and made him heir of the Kingdom yea after him he sent Earl Harold and He invaded the Realm He further Records That when King William would have altered the Laws of England presented to him upon Oath in the 4th year of his reign but in one point Universi compatriotae qui leges edixerant tristes effecti c. tandem cum prosecuti sunt deprecantes quatenus pro anima Regis Edwardi qui ei post diem suum concesserat Coronam et Regnum et cujus erant Leges that he would not alter the Laws herein whereupon he consented to their request Thomas of Walsingham thus registers the fact Edwardus Rex Anglorum prolis successione carens olim miserat Duci Robertum Archiepiscopum Cantuar. statuens illum haeredem Regni a Deo sibi attributi Sed et Haroldum ipse postmodum destinavit qui fuit maximus Comitum regni sui in honore dominatione et divitiis ut ei de Corona sua fidelitatem faceret ac Christiano more Sacramentis confirmaret Qui dum ob hoc negotii venire contenderet velificato freto Porti Pontnium appulit ubi in manus Widonis Abbatis villae S. Abvile Comitis incidit quem idem Comes captum cum suis conâ—estim in custodiam trusit Quod ut Dux comperit missis Legatis violenter illum extorsit quem aliquandiu secum moratâ— facto fidelitate de regno pluribus Sacramentis cum muneribus multis Regi remisit Denique Rex Edwardus completo termino foelicis vitae c. migravit a saeculo Cujus regnum Haroldus continuo invasit ex fidelitate pejuratus quam Duci Iuraverat Ad quem Legatos direxit protinus hortans ut ab hac vesania resipisceret fidem quam Iuramento sposponderat cum digna subjectione servareâ— Sed ille hoc non solum audire contempsit veruâ— omnem ab illo Anglorum gentem infideliter avertit c. Chronicon Iohannis Bromton Col. 945. relates That King Edward purposed to make Edgar whom he had nourished as his Son heir of England Sed ut quidam aiunt Rex gentis suae mâ—litiam et praecipuè superbiam Haroldi filii Godwini â—t aliorum divina demonstratione praevidens percepit quod proposiâ—um suum quoad ipsum Edgarum cognatum suum de regno post eum obtinendo minime potuit adimplere unde Willielmo cognato suo Normannorum Duci Regnum post eum optinendum per solennes nuncios assignavit And Col. 957. he adds Some say that King Edward before his death had appointed William to succeed him according tâ— the promise which the said King had made him when he was a young man living in Normandy that he should succeed him in the Kingdom concerning which as some write he had sent solemn Messengers to him into Normandy The like is affirmed almost in the saâ—e words by Henry de Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae l. 1. c 15. col 2238. and by Fabian Câ—xton Cambden Holinshed Grafton Speed Daniel Stow Vestegan and other modern Historians Matthew Paris in the beginning of his History of England p. 1. relates Harolds driving into Pountoisâ— by storm as he was taking his pleasure at Sea his presenting to Duke William his espousals to his daughter under age which he ratified by Oath taken upon the reliques of Saints adding Iuravit insuper se post mâ—â—tem Regis Edwardi qui jam senuit sine liberis Regnum Angliae Duci qui in Regnum jus habuit fideliter conservaturum Consummatis igitur aliquot diebus cum summa laeâ—itia amplis muneribus ditatus in Angliam reversus est Haroldus Sed cum in tuto constitueretur jactabat se laqueos evasisse Hostiles Perjurii crimen eligendo And Anno 1257. Writing of the Lay Peers of France whereof the Duke of Normandy is first he hath this passage Rex Angliae Dux est de jure Normanniae sanguinis derivatione geneali Rex ex
quia ita se mansuete ageret ut nec viles homunculos verbo laedere noscet Nam dum quâ—dam vice venatum isset et agrestis quidem stabulata illa quibus in casses cervi urgentur confudisset ille sua nobili percitus ira per Deum inquit et Matrem ejus tantundem tibi nocebo si potero Egregius animus quise regem in talibus non meminisset nec abjectae conditionis homini se posse nocere putaret Erat interea ejus apud domesticos reverentia vehemens apud exteros metus ingens fovebat profecto ejus simplicitatem Deus ut posset timeri qui nesciret irasci No wonder then if his death were much lamented by all his Subjects cum omnes et in Rege cernerent unde gauderent et in se sentirent undâ— dolerent The English Nobility were much troubled and divided in their minds and affections which were wavering touching the election of a â—it person to succeed him Fluctuabant Proceres Regni quem sibi Regem praeficerent et Rectorem Many of them favoured William Duke of Normandy as specially designed by King Edward to succeed him others of them inclined to Prince Edgar Atheling as the next and right heir to the Crown Cui de Iure debebatur Others of them favored Harold Earl Godwins son as being a person then of greatest Power and Valour in the Realm Anglia dubio favâ—re nutabat cui se Râ—ctori committeret incerta an Haraldo an Willielmo an Edgaro Nam illum pro genere proximum regno Proceribus Rex commendaverat Harold being a crafty subtil man knowing that delayes were hurtfull to those who were prepared on the very day of Epiphany whereon King Edward was buried having the command of all the Militia and forces of the Realm as General and Vice-roy to the deceased Kiug by the strength of himself and his kinred and friends invaded and seized upon the royal Crown and then presently set it upon his own head crowning himself King without any Title Right or due Election by the Nobles or Coronation by the Bishops whereby he incurred the hatred both of the English Prelates and Pope and then extorted allegâ—ance from the Nobles as William of Malmsbury Matthew Paris Ingulphus Henry Huntindon Matthew Westminster the Chronicle of Bromton Knyghton Caxton Mr. Fox Speed and some others attest But Marianus Scotus Florent Wigorniensis Roger de Hoveden Sim. Dunelm Radulfus de Diceto Eadmerus Hygden Fabian Grafton with others write in favour of Harold that King Edward before his death made him not only his General but Vice-roy and ordained that he should be King after him Whereupon A totius Angliae Primatibus ad regale culmen electus he was elected to be King by all the Nobles of Englandâ— and solemnly consecrated and crowned King by Aldred Archbishop of Yorke And so Iuxta quod ante mortem Edwardus statuerat in Regnum ei successit Haroldus writes Eadmerus That King Edward designed him for his Successor in the Crown seems very improbable because Harold himself never alleged nor pretended it in any of his Answers to Duke Williams Embassadors to him who claimed the Crown by his speciall bequest and designation in his life-time and because King Edwards hatred to Godwin and his Posterity seems inconsistent with itâ— William of Malmsbury an impartial disingaged Author living in or near that time gives us this determination of these diffrent relations Recenti adhuc regalis funeris luctu Haroldus ipso Theophaniae die extorta a Principibus fide arripuit Diadema quamvis Angli dicant a Rege concessum quod tamen magis benevolentia quam judicio allegari existimo ut illi haereditâ—tem tranâ—funderet suam cujus semper suspectam habuerat potentiam Quamvis ut non celetur veritas pro persona quam gerebat regnum prudentiae fortitudine gubernaret si legitime suscepiscet Abbot Ingulphus living at that time thus relates his intrusion into the Throne against his Oath In crastino Regii funeris Comes Haroldus conâ—ra suum statum jusjurandum contâ—mpler praestiâ—ae â—idei ac nequiter oblitus sui Sacramenâ—i Throno Râ—gio se intrusit yet adds per Archiepiscopum Eboracae Aldredum solenniter coronatus Henry Huntindon thus records it Quidem Anglorum Edgar Adeling promovere volebant in Regem Haroldus vero viribus et genere fretus Regni Diadema invasit The Chronicle of Bromton and Knyghton thus give us the story of it Sancto Edwardo rege et Confessore mâ—rtuo quidam Anglorum Magnates Edgarum Adelynge â—ilium Edwardi filii Regis Edmondi Ironside in Regem promovere moliebantur sed quia puer erat et tanto oneri minus idoneuâ— et in bursa minus refertus Haroldus Comes viribus et genere fretus Cui erat Mens astutior crumena fâ—câ—ndior et miles copiosior et pompis gloriosior sinistro omine Regnum occupavit et contra Sacramentum quod Willielmo Duci Normanniae praestiâ—erat Regni Diadema sinistro omine illico invasit et sic perjurus sancto Edwardo successiâ— juxta quod idem Edwardus ut quidam aiunt ante mortem suam statuerat promissione quam idem Rex dum juvenis in Normannia extitit dicto Willielmo de succedendo post â—um in regnum fecerat sibi super hoc postea secundum quosdam solemnes nuncios ut praemittitur destinaverat non obstante Abbot Ailred thus registers Harolds usurpation and the sad events thereof Intâ—rea Haroldus Godwini filius Regnum Angliae quod secundum fidem Sacramenti debuerat servasse Willielmo Regis Edmundi consobrino sibi nec Iure debitum nec Natura irreverenter usurpans malum quod Angliae secundum Sancti Regis oraculum Dominus praeparaverat transgressione pacti et fidei acceleravit laesione Ut autem attenuati viribus facilius ab hiis quos injustè provocaverat hostibus vinceretur suscitavit ei a parte aquilonis inimicos Haroldum cognomento Harfar Norwagenorum regem et Tostium fratrem sâ—um quem de Anglia ipse expâ—lerat c. Tho. Walsingham thus stories it Cujus regnum Haroldus continuo invasit ex fidelitate pejuraâ—us quam Duci juraverat Ad quem Legatos direxit protinus hortans ut ab hac vesania resipisceret et fidem quam juramento sposponderaâ— cum digna subjectione servaret Sed ille hoc non solum audire contempsit verum omnem ab illo Anglorum gentem infideliter avertit Hygden in his Polychronicon l. 6. c. 28. Mr Iohn Fox Acts and Monuments Vol. 1. p. 214. Mr. Cambden in his Bâ—itannia p. 145 146. Holinshed Sir Iohn Hayward Sir Richard Baker affirm the like and incline to this opinion That Harold by his might power craft policy usurped and invaded the Crown without any right against his Oath I shall summ up all their Opinions in the words of Iohn Speed After King Edwards death the Statesmen perplexed for choice of
of the Nobles and common Souldiers were so incensed that detesting the covetousness of their Prince they unanimously deparâ—ed from his service and refused to march wiâ—h him against the Normans This triumphant victory so puffed up Harold that he thought himself secure in the Throne beyond the fear or reach of any adversity and instead of a King became a TYRANT Whilst Harold with all his Land and Sea forces were thus buâ—ied in the North of England Duke VVilliam in August assembled all his Land Army and Navy consisting of 900 ships at the Port of S. Valerie to invade England in the South then wholly destitute of all Guards by Land and Navy by Sea to resist his landing And to satisfie his Souldiers and all others of the justice of his undertaking he alleged these three causes thereof which Henry de Knyghton devides into four The first was to revenge the cruel murther of his Cousin Prince Alfred King Edmunds brother and of the Normans who came with him to assist him to recover the Crown of England to which he was right heir whom Godwin and his Sons had shamefully dishonoured treacherously betrayed and barbarously murdered which fact he ascribed principally to Harold The second was because Godwin and his Sons by their cunning had injuriously banished Robert Archbishop of Canterbury Earl Odo and all the French and Normans out of England which wrong he would revenge on Harold as done principally by his means and labour The third and chief ground was because Harold falling headlong into perjury had without any right usurped the Crown and Realm of England which of due belonged unto him both by right of Kinred to and gift by King Edward his Nephew and by Harolds own solemn Oath and promise made to him in Normandy to preserve the Kingdom for his use after King Edwards death without children according to King Edwards command While Duke William with his ships and Army lay many days together at S. Valerie expecting a fair gale for England the winds being cross many of the common souldiers there lying in Tents thus muttered one to another That the man was mad who would by force invade and make another mans Country and Realm his own That God did fight against them in withdrawing the winds That his Father attempted the same thing in the same manner and was hindered and inhibited therein That it was fatal to his family that aspiring to things above their power they should find God opposite to them These speeches bruted abroad which might enfeeble the strength and abate the courage even of valiant men The Duke thereupon taking Counsel with his Senators caused the Corps of St. Valerie to be brought forth to procure a wind presently a prosperous gale filling their sayles the Duke himself first took ship and launched forth and all the rest after him then casting Anchor till the Fleet came round about him they all sailing with a gentle course landed at Hastings and Pevemsy The Duke stepping forth of the ship upon the shore one of his feet slipped so that he fell down into the mud one of his hands being filled with sand whch he interpreted as an ill omen and sinister event But one of his Souldiers who stood next him lifting him up from his fall whiles he held the mud in his hand changed this event into a better interpretation saying Most happy Duke thou already possessest England and plowest it up Behold the land is in thy hand Lift up thy self with good hope thou shalt be King of England ere long No sooner was the Army landed but the King strictly charged them to forbear pluâ—dering and take no booties seeing they ought to spare the things that should be his own nor to wrong any of their persons who should ere long become his Subjects Richard Vestegan records out of a French Historian that Duke VVilliam the same day he landed in England caused divers of his chief Officers and Friends to dine with him and chancing at dinner to talk of an Astrologer who by the conjunction of the Planets had assured him at St. Valerie That Harold should never withstand him but submit himself unto him and yeeld him faith and homage willed now that the said Astrologer should be brought unto him whom he had caused to be imbarqued for that voyage But it was told him that the Ship wherein the said Astrologer sailed was cast away at Sea anâ— he drowned in it Whereunto the Duke replyed That man was not wise who had more regard â—o the good or ill fortune of another than unto his own I am now thanks be to God come over I know not how the rest will succeed How false this Star-gazers prediction proved the sequel will manifest Duke VVilliam after his arrival rested quietly 15. days without acting any thing as if he minded nothing less than war After which to cut off all occasion or hopes of return from his Souldieâ—s he fired all his ships or as some write drew them all a shore and intrenched them as others erecting only a Castle on the shore for a retiring place for his Souldiers if need were From Pevensy he marched to Hastings where he built another Fort. Henry de Knyghton records that the first night he lodged in England in his Pavillion there came a voice unto him saying William William be thou a good man because thou shalt obtain the Crown of the Realm and shalt be King of England and when thou shalt vanquish the enemy cause a Church to be built in the same place in my name so many hundred foot in length as in number of years the seed of thy bloud shall possess the Government of the Realm of England and reign in England an 150. years But Matthew Westminster writes this voice was after the battel with Harold not before it and the subsequent words in Knyghton touching his march to London import as much Harold residing in the North after his great victory there when he deemed all his Enemies totally broken in pieces received certain intelligence that Duke William was safely arived at Pevensey with his Fleet and an innâ—merable company of valiant Horsemen Slingers Archers and Footmen whom he had hired out of all France Whereupon he presently marched with his army in great haste towards London and although he well knew that most of the valiant men in all England were slain in the two late Battels against Tosti and the Danes that many of the Nobility and Common Souldiers had quite deserted him refusing to march with him in that necssity because he permitted them not to share with him in the great booties they had won with their bloud and that half his Army wâ—re not come togetherâ— yet he resolved forthwith to march into Sussex against the Enemy and fight them with those small forces tired he then had being most of them Mercenaries and Stipendiaries except those English Noblemen Gentlâ—men and Freemen who
and presently charged the English with unspeakable violence before the third part of their army could be set in battel array as Wigorniensis Sim. Dunelmensis Radulphus de Diceto Hoveden Bromtom and others write One Taillefer running before the rest slew three English Ensigns one after another and then was slain himself before the rest of the Souldiers encountred The English by reason of the narrownesse of the place were unable to bring up above one third part of their men to fight in an orderly manner For which cause and out of hatred to Harold many of them deserted both the field and him and very few continued with him with a constant heart Yet the battel was so manfully fought by Harold and the English remaining with him with various successe sometimes one side prevailing sometimes the other that in continued from the third hour of the day even till dark night The English stood so thick and close together and fought so valiantly that the Norman assailants could no waies break their array and were upon the point to recoyl Which William perceiving politickly sounded a Retreat the Normans retiring in good order the English supposing them to flie and themselves to be Masters of the field thereupon began disorderly to pursue them breaking their ranks and files but on a sudden the Normans having their wished opportunity charged them afresh being scattered and disordered so as they were not able to recover their battel and so were beaten down and slain on every side none of them by flight seeking to escape the field but to maintain their honour in arms chusing rather manfully to dye fighting in the cause and defence of their Country than to foâ—sakâ— their Kings Standard Who performing the Office both of an expert Commander and valiant Souldier all the day after many wounds received and fighting very manfully was at last slain with an arrow shot through his brain in at his left eye and falling dead from his horse to the ground was slain under his own Standard when he had reigned only 9. Moneths and S. dayes and his two Brothers Girth and Leofwin with most of the English Nobility Gentry there present were slain together with him Upon Harolds death most of the common mercenary Souldiers fled being without that head for whom they fought and were pursued and slain by the Normans till night Sed generosi malentes mori quam probrose fugere videntes exhaeredationem suam imminere et jugum intolerabile donec nox certamen divideret in certamine immota pectora praebentes prestiâ—erunt pulchram mortem pro patria ultione meruere Some of our Historians write that there were slain of the English in this battel no lesse than sixty thousand nine hundred twenty four men which could not be if Harolds Army were so small as some report it the Normans losing not above six thousand in the fight Eadmerus Roger de Hoveden Simeon Dunelmensis Radulphus de Dicâ—to Bromton and others ascribe this Victory only to a divine Miracle and Gods Justice upon Harold for his detestable perjury from the Testimony of the French who were present in it De hoâ— praelio testantur adhuc Franci qui interfuerunt quoniam licet varius casus hinc inde extiterit tamen tanta strages et fuga Normannorum fuit ut victoria quâ potiti sunt vero et absque dubio soli miraculo Dei ascribenda sit qui puniendo per hanc iniquum perjurii scelus Haroldi ostendit se non dominum esse volentem iniquitatem Which Abbot Ailred thus seconds Gulielmus Dei judicio to which Harold appealed ipsum Haroldum Regno simul et vita privavit for invading the Crown against right and his Oath belonging to William jure consanguinitatis antiquae inter ipsum et Edwardum conventionis The most of our Historians do the like Thomas of Walsingham imputes the great slaughter of the English in this battel by the Normans as a just Judgement of God upon them for their treacherous murder of Prince Alfred and the Normans that came with him Referuntur illo conflictu pugnae multa millia Anglorum corruisse Christo illis vicem reddente ob Aluredi fratris Edwardi Râ—gis necem ab eis injuste perpetratus With whom Mr. Iohn Fox concurrs in his forecited passage and Duke Williams Speech to his Souldiers before the battel implies as much he making it the chief ground of his invading England This battel writes Abbot Ailred Anglicae Libertati finem dedit initium Servituti to which Malmsbury subjoyns Illa dies fuit fatalis Anglis funestum excidium dulcis patriae pro novorum dominorum commutatione Hanc autem regni subversionem sanguinis redundantis effusionem cometa ingens sanguinea atque crinita in exordio illâ—us anni apparens minace fulgore praeâ—ignavit unde quidam Anno millesimo sexageno quoque seno Anglorum metae flammas sensere Cometâ— Quod Regni mutationem magnam populi Stragem multam terrâ—e miseriam portendit Ut enim Philosophi dicunt quo dirigit crinem illiâ— diriget et discrimen as Abbot Ingulphus Mat. Westminster Matthew Paris Huntindon Hoveden Wigornienfis Simeon Dunelmensis Hygden Knyghton and others observe In this Battel Duke William had three Horses slain under him and often acknowledged that Gods divine hand did more protect him than mans seeing his Enemy amidst so many showers of darts and arrows which they shot against him could not draw so much as one drop of hiâ— bloud though they frequently hit him with them Morcar and Edwin Earls of Yorkeshire and Cheshire Harolds Brother-in-laws withdrawing themselves and their forces from their battel either for want of room to fight as was pretended or rather for former discontents retreated to London where consulting with Alfred Archbishop of York and other Peers and with the Citizens and Mariners of London they all resolved to crown and set up Edgar Atheling the true heir for their King promising to march under him with all their forces against Duke William and to try another field for which end they posted abroad Messengers to levy new forces and raise up the hearts of the dejected English from a despairing fear But before Edgars Coronation whiles many were preparing themselves for a new battel Morcar and Edwyn whom this fearful estate of their native Conntry would not disswade or restrain from disloyalty and ambition to gain the Crown to themselves as some record secretly hindered that noble and prudent design by withdrawing themselves from Edgar and marched home with all their forces and their Sister Algitha or Agatha Harolds wife into Northumberland conjecturing out of their simplicity that Duke William would never come so farr Upon their departure though the rest of the Nobles would still have elected and crowned Edgar King if the Bishops would have assented thereunto yet the Prelates struck with the fear of the Popes thunderbolt from abroad