a citie called Anagona The third day wee departed about the Westerne point of the Iland about 12 or 14 leagues from Santa Cruz into a Baie which is right agaynst the house of one Petro de Souses in which Baie we came to an anker the 5 day where we heard that our Admirall had bene there at an anker 7 dayes before vs and was gone thence to an Iland called Gomera whereupon wee set saile presently to seeke him The 6 day we came to an anker against the towne of Gomera where we found our Admirall which was very ioyfull of our comming and we also of his sight In the sayd road we found Edward Cooke in a tall ship and a shippe of the Coppersmiths of London which the Portugals had trecherously surprised in the Baie of Santa Cruz vpon the coast of Barbarie which ship we left there all spoiled Our General marchants bought in the said towne for our prouision 14 buts of wine which cost 15 duckats a but which were offred vs at Santa Cruz in Tenerif for 8,9 and 10 duckats The 9 day we departed from this road to another Baie about 3 leagues off and there tooke in fresh water so the 10 day we set saile towards Cape Blanke which is on the coast of Guinea The 12 day we fell into a Baie to the Eastward of Cape Pargos which is 35 leagues from Cape Blanke But hauing no knowledge of that coast we went with Cape Blanke and at the fall of the land we sounded and had 16 fadome water two leagues from the shore The land is very lowe and white sand Upon the fall of the sayd coast beware how you borow in 12 or 10 fadome for within 2 or 3 casts of the lead you may be on ground The 17 day we set saile from Cape Blanke directing our course South and by East South among and fo fell into a Baie to the Eastward of Cape Verde about 16 leagues and about sixe leagues from the shore The sayd land seemed vnto vs as if it had bene a great number of shippes vnder saile being in deed nothing els but the land which was full of Hammoks some high some lowe with high trees on them We bare with the said land till we were within 3 leagues of the shore and then we sounded and found 28 fadome water blacke vase This day we saw much fish in sundry sculs swimming with their noses with the brim of the water Passing along this coast we might see two small round hils seeming to vs about a league one from the other which is the Cape and betweene them are great store of trees and in all our dayes sailing we saw no land so high as the said two hils The 19 day we came to an anker at the Cape in a roade fast by the Westermost side of two hils in 10 fadome of water where you may ride in fiue or sixe fadome for the ground is faire and alwayes you shall haue the winde off the shore And as soone as we were all at an anker our Generall came aboord vs and with him the master of the Admirall whose name was William Bars and with them the captaine of the Uiceadmirall whose name was master Edward Fenner and Robert Curtise the master and dined aboord of vs being in the George wherein was Captaine Iohn Heiwood and Iohn Smith of Hampton master and there we concluded to goe aland which was halfe a mile from vs and by the counsell of William Bats both Captaine and marchants and diuers of the companie went without armour for he sayd that although the people were blacke and naked yet they were ciuill so that hee would needs giue the venter without the consent of the rest to go without weapon Thus they rowed to shore where we being in the shippe might see a great companie of Negros naked walking to and fro by the sea side where the landing place was waiting for the comming of our men who came too soone and landed to their losse as it fell out afterwards There went a shore the Admirals skiffe and the May Flowers boate and in them the number of 20 persons or thereabouts as M. George Fenner the Generall his brother M. Edward Fenner Thomas Valentine Iohn Worme and Francis Leigh marchants Iohn Haward William Bats Nicholas Day Iohn Tomson and others At their comming to the shore there were 100 Negros or vpward with their bowes and arrowes our Captaines and merchants talked with them according to the vse of the country the one demanded pledges of the other they were content to deliuer 3 of their Negros for 5 of our men Our 5 mens names were these Iohn Haward Wil. Bats Nich. Day Ioh. Tomson Iohn Curtise these were deliuered them and we receiued 3 Negros into our Admirals skiffe Our men being a shore among the Negros began to talke with them declaring what ware and marchandize we had as woollen cloth linnen cloth iron cheese other things The Negros answered againe they had ciuet muske gold and graines which pleased our captaines and marchants very well Then the Negros desired to haue a sight of some of our wares to the which our marchants were content and forthwith sent aboord one of the boats for part of their marchandise and in the meane time while the boate went to the ship our fiue men were walking on the shore with the Negros and our Generall and marchants staied in the other boat by the sea side hauing the 3 Negros with them Our boate then came againe and brought iron and other marchandize with bread wine and cheese which they gaue vnto them Then two of the Negros which were the pledges made themselues sicke desiring to goe a shore promising to send other two for them Captaine Haiward perceiuing that our men had let the Negros come a shore asked what they meant and doubting the worst began to drawe toward the boate and two or three of the Negros folowed him And when hee came to the boate they began to stay him and he made signes vnto them that hee would fetch them more drinke and bread notwithstanding when he was entering into the boate one of them caught him by the breeches and would haue staied him but hee sprang from him and leapt into the boate and as soone as hee was in one of the Negros a shore beganne to blow a pipe and presently the other Negro that was in our boate sitting on the boates side and master Wormes sword by him suddenly drew the sword out of the scabberd and cast himselfe into the Sea and swamme a shore and presently the Negros laied handes on our men that were on shore and tooke three of them with great violence and tore all their apparell from their backes and left them nothing to couer them and many of them shot so thicke at our men in our boates that they could scarse set hand to any Oare to rowe from the shore
the riuer beginneth to be fresh thou shalt sayle in the midst of the riuer and thou shalt leaue the isle on the starreboord which is on the right hand and here the riuer is not past a quarter of a league broad and hath 20 and 30 fathoms water And towards the South shore there is a ledge of Isles all couered with trees and they end ouer against the point of the Isle of Orleans And the poynt of the isle of Orleans toward the Northeast is in 47 degrees and one terce of a degree And the Isle of Orleans is a fayre Isle all couered with trees euen vnto the riuers side and it is about 5 leagues long and a league and an halfe broade And on the North shore there is another Riuer which falleth into the mayne Riuer at the ende of the Island and Shippes may very well passe there From the middest of the Isle vnto Canada the Riuer runneth West and from the place of Canada vnto France-Roy the riuer turneth West Southwest and from the West ende of the Isle to Canada is but one league and vnto France-Roy 4 leagues And when thou art come to the end of the Isle thou shalt see a great Riuer which falleth fifteene or twenty fathoms downe from a rocke and maketh a terrible noyse The Fort of France-roy stands in 47 degrees and one sixt part of a degree The extension of all these lands vpon iust occasion is called New France For it is as good and as temperate as France and in the same latitude And the reason wherefore it is colder in the Winter is because the fresh Riuer is naturally more colde then the Sea and it is also broad and deepe and in some places it is halfe a league and aboue in breadth And also because the land is not tylled nor full of people and is all full of Woods which is the cause of colde because there is not store of fire nor cattel And the sunne hath his Meridian as high as the Meridian at Rochel and it is noone here when the Sunne is at South Southwest at Rochel And here the north starre by the compasse standeth Northnortheast And when at Rochel it is noone it is but halfe an houre pass nine at France-Roy From the sayde place vnto the Ocean sea and the coast of New France is not aboue 50 leagues distance And from the entrance of Norumbega vnto Florida are 300 leagues and from this place of France-Roy to Hochelaga are about 80 leagues and vnto y e Isle of Rasus 30 leagues And I doubt not but Norumbega entreth into the riuer of Canada and vnto the Sea of Saguenay And from the Fort of France-Roy vntil a man come foorth of the Grande Bay is not aboue 230 leagues And the course is Northeast and West Southwest not aboue 5 degrees and ⅓ difference and reckon 16 leagues and an halfe to a degree By the nature of the climate the lands toward Hochelaga are still better and better and more fruitfull And this land is fitte for Figges and Peares And I thinke that golde and siluer will be found here according as the people of the countrey say These landes lye ouer against Tartarie and I doubt not but that they stretch toward Asia according to the roundnesse of the world And therefore it were good to haue a small Shippe of 70 tunnes to discouer the coast of New France on the backe side of Florida for I haue bene at a Bay as farre as 42 degrees betweene Norumbega and Florida and I haue not searched the ende thereof and I knowe not whether it passe through And in all these Countreys there are okes and bortz ashes elmes arables trees of life pines prussetrees ceders great wallnut trees and wilde nuts hasel-trees wilde peare trees wilde grapes and there haue bene found redde plummes And very faire corne groweth there and peason grow of their owne accord gooseberries and strawberries And there are goodly Forrests wherein men may hunt And there are great store of stagges deere porkepicks and the Sauages say there bee Unicornes Fowle there are in abundance as bustards wilde geese cranes turtle doues rauens crowes and many other birds All things which are sowen there are not past 2. or 3. dayes in comming vp out of the ground I haue tolde in one eare of corne an hundred and twenty graines like the corne of France And ye neede not to sowe your Wheate vntill March and it will be ripe in the middest of August The waters are better and perfecter then in France And if the Countrey were tilled and replenished with people it would be as hotte as Rochel And the reason why it snoweth there oftener then in France is because it raineth there but seldome for the raine is conuerted into snowes All things aboue mentioned are true Iohn Alphonse made this Voyage with Monsieur Roberual There is a pardon to be seene fo◠the pardoning of Monsieur de Sain◠terre Lieutenant of the sayd Monsieur de Roberual◠giuen in Canada in the presence of the sayde Iohn Alphonse The Voyage of Iohn Francis de la Roche knight Lord of Roberual to the Countries of Canada Saguenai and Hochelaga with three tall Ships and two hundred persons both men women and children begun in April 1542. In which parts he remayned the same summer and all the next winter SIr Iohn Francis de la Roche knight lord of Roberual appoynted by the king as his Lieutenant general in the countreis of Canada Saguenay and Hochelaga furnished 3. tall Ships chiefly at the kings cost And hauing in his fleete 200. persons aswel men as women accompanied with diuers gentlemen of qualitie as namely with Monsieur Saine-terre his lieutenāt l'Espiney his Ensigne captain Guine-court Monsieu◠Noire fontaine Dieu lamont Frote la Brosse Francis de Mire la Salle and Roieze and Iohn Alfonse of Xanctoigne an excellent pilot set sayle from Rochel the 16. of April 1542. The same day about noone we came athwart of Chefe de boys where we were enforced to stay the night following On Munday the seuenteenth of the sayde Moneth wee departed from Chefe deboys The winde serued vs notably for a time but within fewe dayes it came quite contrary which hindered our iourney for a long space For wee were suddenly enforced to turne backe and to seeke Harborough in Belle Isle on the coast of Bretaigne where wee stayed so long and had such contrary weather by the way that wee could not reach Newfound lande vntill the seuenth of Iune The eight of this Moneth wee entred into the Rode of Saint Iohn where wee founde seuenteene Shippes of fishers While wee made somewhat long abode heere Iaques Cartier and his company returning from Canada whither hee was sent with fiue sayles the yeere before arriued in the very same Harbour Who after hee had done his duetie to our Generall tolde him that hee had brought certaine
Master Lane Master Candish Master Hariot and twentie others in the new pinnesse Captaine Amadas Captaine Clarke with ten others in a shipboat Francis Brooke and Iohn White in another ship-boate passed ouer the water from Wococon to the maine land victualled for eight dayes in which voyage we first discouered the townes of Pomeiok Aquascogoc and Secotan and also the great lake called by the Sauages Paquipe with diuers other places and so returned with that discouery to our Fleete The 12. we came to the Towne of Pomeiok The 13. we passed by water to Aquascogok The 15. we came to Secotan and were well entertained there of the Sauages The 16. wee returned thence and one of our boates with the Admirall was sent to Aquascogok to demaund a siluer cup which one of the Sauages had stollen from vs and not receiuing it according to his promise wee burnt and spoyled their corne and Towne all the people being fled The 18. we returned from the discouery of Secotan and the same day câ—me aboord our Fleete ryding at Wococon The 21. our Fleete ankering at Wococon we wayed anker for Hatoraske The 27. our Fleete ankered at Hatorask and there we rested The 29. Granginâ— brother to king Wingina came aboord the Admirall and Mantâ—â— with him The 2. the Admirall was sent to Weapomeiok The 5. M. Iohn Arundell was sent for England The 25. our Generall wayed anker and set saile for England About the 31. he tooke a Spanish ship of 300. tunne richly loaden boording her with a beaâ— made with boards of chests which sell asunder and sunke at the ships side assoone as euer he and his men were out of it The 10. of September by foule weather the Generall then shipped in the prize iust sight of the Tyger The 6. the Tyger fell with the Landes end and the same day came to anker at Falmouth The 18. the Generall came with the prize to Plymmouth and was courteously receiued by 〈◊〉 of hs his worshipfull friends The names of those as well Gentlemen as others that remained one whole yeere in Virginia vnder the Gouernement of Master Ralph Lane MAster Philip Amadas Admirall of the countrey Master Hariot Master Acton Master Edward Stafford Thomas Luddington Master Maruyn Master Gardiner Captaine Vaughan Master Kendall Master Prideox Robert Holecroft Rise Courtney Master Hugh Rogers Master Thomas Haruie Master Snelling Master Anthony Russe Master Allyne Master Michael Polison Iohn Cage Thomas Parre William Randes Gefferey Churchman William Farthow Iohn Taylor Philip Robyns Thomas Philips Valentine Beale Thomas Foxe Darby Glande Edward Nugen Edward Kelley Iohn Gostigo Erasmus Cless Edward Ketcheman Iohn Linsey Thomas Rottenbury Roger Deane Iohn Harris Francis Norris Matthew Lyne Edward Kettell Thomas Wisse Robert Biscombe William Backhouse William White Henry Potkin Dennis Barnes Ioseph Borges Dougham Gannes William Tenche Randall Latham Thomas Hulme Walter Mill. Richard Gilbert Steuen Pomarie Iohn Brocke Bennet Harrie Iames Steuenion Charles Steuenson Christopher Lowde Ieremie Man Iames Mason Dauid Salter Richard Ireland Thomas Bookener William Philips Randall Mayne Iames Skinner George Eseuen Iohn Chandeler Philip Blunt Richard Poore Robert Yong. Marmaduke Constable Thomas Hesket William Wasse Iohn Feuer Daniel Thomas Taylor Richard Humfrey Iohn Wright Gabriel North. Benneâ— Chappell Richard Sarc Iames Lacie Smolkin Thomas Smart Robert Iohn Euans Roger Large Humfrey Garden Francis Whitton Rowland Griffyn William Millard Iohn Twit Edward Seclemore Iohn Anwike Christopher Marshall Dauid Williams Nicholas Swabber Edward Chipping Siluester Beching Vincent Cheyne Hance Walters Edward Barecombe Thomas Skeuelabs William Walters An extract of Master Ralph Lanes letter to M. Richard Hakluyt Esquire and another Gentleman of the middle Temple from Virginia IN the meane while you shall vnderstand that since Sir Richard Greenuils departure from vs as also before we haue discouered the maine to be the goodliest soyle vnder the cope of heauen so abounding with sweete trees that bring such sundry rich and pleasant gummes grapes of such greatnesse yet wilde as France Spaine nor Italie haue no greater so many sorts of Apothecarie drugs such seuerall kindes of flaxe one kind like silke the same gathered of a grasse as common there as grasse is here And now within these few dayes we haue sound here Maiz or or Guinie wheate whose eare yeeldeth corne for bread 400. vpon one eare and the Cane maketh very good and perfect sugar also Terra Samia otherwise Terra sigillara Besides that it is the goodliest and most pleasing Territorie of the world for the continent is of an huge and vnknowen greatnesse and very well peopled and towned though sauagely and the climate to wholsome that wee had not one sicke since we touched the land here To conclude if Virginia had â—ut horses and kine in some reasonable proportion I dare asâ—â—â—â— my selfe being inhabited with English no realme in Christendome were comparable to it For this already we finde that what commodities soeuer Spaine France Italy or the East partes doe yeeld vnto vs in wiues of all sortes in oyles in flaxe in rosens pitch frakensence corrans sugers and such like these parts doe abound with the growth of them all but being Sauages that possesse the land they know no vse of the same And sundry other rich commodities that no parts of the world be they West or East Indies haue here wee finde great abundance of The people naturally are most curteous and very desirous to haue clothes but especially of course cloth rather then silke course canuas they also like well of but copper caryeth the price of all so it be made red Thus good M. Hakluyt and M.H. I haue ioyned you both in one letter of remembrance as two that I loue dearely well and commending me most heartily to you both I commit you to the tuition of the Almightie From the new Fort in Virginia this third of September 1585. Your most assured friend RALPH LANE An account of the particularities of the imployments of the English men left in Virginia by Sir Richard Greeneuill vnder the charge of Master Ralph Lane Generall of the same from the 17. of August 1585. vntill the 18. of Iune 1586. at which time they departed the Countrey sent and directed to Sir Walter Ralegh THat I may proceede with order in this discourse I thinke it requisite to diuide it into two parts The first shall declare the particularities of such parts of the Countrey within the maine as our weake number and supply of things necessarie did inable vs to enter into the discouery of The second part shall set downe the reasons generally mouing vs to resolue on our departure at the instant with the Generall Sir Francis Drake and our common request for passage with him when the barkes pinnesses and boates with the Masters and Mariners meant by him to bee left in the Countrey for the supply of such as for a further time meant to haue stayed there were caryed away with tempest and
fish to be taken with hookes and nets also we stayed on shore and fowled Here sir Iohn Hawkins was extreme sicke which his sicknes began vpon newes of the taking of the Francis The 18 day wee weyed and stoode North and by East into a letter sound which sir Francis in his barge discouered the night before and ankored in 13 fadoms hauing hie steepe hils on either side some league distant from our first â—iding The 12 in the morning we weied and set sayle into the sea due South through a small sâ—reit but without danger and then stode West and by North for S. Iuan de Puerto rico and in the after noone left the 3 small Islands called The passages to the Southward of vs and that night came vp to the Eastermost end of S. Iohn where sir Iohn Hawkins departed this life â—pon whose decease sir Thomas Baskcruil presently went into the Garland At 2 of the clocke we came to anker at the estermost side of the chiefe towne called Puerto rico in a sandie bay 2 miles off â—here we receiued from their forts and places where they planted Ordinance some 28 great shot the last of whiâ—h strake the admâ—rall through the misâ—n and the last but â—ne strake through her quarter into the sterage the Generall being there at supper and strake the stoole from vndâ—r him but hurt him not but hurt at the same table sir Nicholas Clifford M. Browne captaine Stratford with one or two more Sir Nicholas Clifford and master Browne died of their hurts Then wee set sayle and stood to the Eastward and at midnight tacked about to the West and in the morning came to an anker before the point without the towne a little to the Westwards by the 3 Islands The 13 we rode still vntill night when in the beginning with twenty fiue pinnesses boats and shallops manned and furnished with fire-workes and small shot wee went into the rode within the great castels and in despite of them fired the fiue Zabras or frigats all ships of two hundreth tunnes the piece or more quite burning the Rere admirall downe to the water which was the greatest shippe of them all and also mightily spoiled the admirall and viceadmirall notwithstanding the castles and ships gaue vs a hundreth eightie and fiue great shot besides small shot abundance They had also sunke a great shippe in the mouth of the chanell and rafted it ouer with hâ—r mastes almost to the very fortes and castles so as they thought it impregnable The frigats had in each of them twenty pieces of brasse and a hundreth barrels of powder Their chiefe lading that they brought thither was silke oyle and wine The treasure which they went to fetch which was brought thither in a ship called the Vigonia was conueyed into the strongest and surest castell of defence being as one of the prisoners câ—nfessed three millions of ducats or fiue and thirty tunnes of siluer Also they had sent all the women children and vnable persons into the woods and left none but souldiers and fighting men in the towne The fight on our side was resolute hote and dangerous wherein wee lost some forty or fifty men and sâ— many were hurt There was also great death of the Spaniards aboord the frigats with burning drowning and killing and besides some taken prisoners The 14 we rode stil being within shot of the vttermost castell but they fearing the neâ—t night we would come in againe began to warpe vp the other 4 frigats beginning first with the Admirall which whether by chance or their owne willes wee saw to sinke and as wee suppose so did they with all the rest or else by stealth got vp farther within their chiefest forces The 15 also we rode still and at afternoone wee espied a carauell comming from the castell point but before our pinnesses could fetch her vp she ranne on shore where our boates could noâ— come at her because of the breach and also many of the Islandâ—rs came downe to guard her with shot The beginning of this night we weyed and stoode one houre to the East and then tacked about to the West The 16 being Sunday and the 17 also we were becalmed The 18 we ankered a little to the Southward of the Southwest point of the Island giuing the point a birth because of a shoald of sand that lieth some two cables length off there we rode iâ— foure fiue and siâ—e fadomes faire white sand where wee set vp more pinnesses washed our ships and refreshed our men on shore Here the Generall tooke a pinnesse of Hispaniola with diuers letters signifying that two Englishmen of warre had done great hurt along their Island The 20 the Generall rowed to the Pheniâ— the Delighâ— and the carâ—uell and caused them to wey and anker right against the mouth of a fresh riuer in two fâ—domes water in ozie sâ—nd to the Southward of the other ships some league or more The Generall went into this riuer three or fouâ—e leagues vp and tooke horses in the countrey Sir Thomas Baskeruil rowed vp the riuer and stayed there all night and went vp into the land three or foure leagues The 23 wee discharged a barker called the Pulpit and burnt her and at three of â—he clocke that afternoone when we were ready to set saile there came aboord â—he Defiance our Admiral a Spaniard with his wife who feared some great torment for not hauing repaâ—red to the towne according to the Generals commandement of that Island who had commanded that all able men of the fleete should repaire to the towne to defend it against vs. Then we stood againe West and by North because of a ledge of rocks that lie sunke 4 or 5 leagues off the Southside of the Island The 25 we stood away Southwest and saw Mona being a lowe flat Island betweene Hispaniola and S. Iuan de Puerto rico That day the Exchange of captaine Winter spent her boulâ—sprite and in the beginning of the night the Phenix was sent backe to seeke â—er which by Gods help that night met with her and kept her company vntil the neâ—t morning then taking in a small table from her for a towe but by 9 that morning she spent her maine mast and split her foreyard breaking also her tow so as they were faine to saue some trifles out of her and the men and to sinke the hull Then we stood away South and South and by West aâ—ter the fleete and the 26 in the morning had sight of the fleete againe The 29 we had sight of the Island called Curâ—çao within 8 leagues of the mâ—ineâ— and on the Northwest side came to an anker in very deepe water hard aboord the shore without any danger but the Generall weyed presently and stoode away Northwest by the West and Northnorthwest for the maine and that night saw Aruba being somewhat a lesse Island then the other we left it some three leagues to the Southward
addeth more as he thinketh the thing is worth and the Portugales must not stand with them too strickt for if they doe then they will haue no more trade with them For they disdaine to be refused when they thinke that they haue offered ynough for they be a peeuish people and haue dealt so of a long time and by this trade the Portugals change their commodities into gold and cary it to the Castle of Mozambique which is in an Island not farre distant from the firme land of Cafraria on the coast of Ethiopia and is distant from India 2800. miles Now to returne to my voyage when I came to Ormus I found there Master Francis Berettin of Venice and we fraighted a bark together to goe for Basora for 70. duckets and with vs there went other Marchants which did ease our fraight and very commodiously wee came to Basora and there we stayed 40. dayes for prouiding a Carouan of barks to go to Babylon because they vse not to goe two or 3. barkes at once but 25. or 30. because in the night they cannot go but must make them fast to the banks of the riuer and then we must make a very good strong guard and be wel prouided of armor for respect safegard of our goods because the number of theeues is great that come to spoile and rob the marchants And when we depart for Babylon we goe a litle with our saile and the voyage is 38. or 40. dayes long but we were 50. dayes on it When we came to Babylon we stayed there 4. moneths vntil the Carouan was ready to go ouer the wildernes or desert for Alepo in this citie we were 6. Marchants that accompanied together fiue Venetians and a Portugal whose names were as followeth Messer Florinasa with one of his kinsmen Messer Andrea de Polo◠the Portugal M. Francis Berettin and I and so wee furnished our selues with victuals and beanes for our horses for 40. dayes and wee bought horses and mules for that they bee very good cheape there I my selfe bought a horse there for 11. akens and solde him after in Alepo for 30. duckets Also we bought a Tent which did vs very great pleasure we had also amongst vs 32. Camels laden with marchandise for the which we paid 2. duckets for euery camels lading and for euery 10. camels they made 11 for so is their vse and custome We take also with vs 3. men to serue vs in the voyage which are vsed to goe in those voyages for fiue Dd. a man and are bound to serue vs to Alepo so that we passed very well without any trouble when the camels cried out to rest our pauilion was the first that was erected The Carouan maketh but small iourneis about 20. miles a day they set forwards euery morning before day two houres and about two in the afternoone they sit downe We had great good hap in our voyage for that it rained For which cause we neuer wanted water but euery day found good water so that we could not take any hurt for want of water Yet we caried a camel laden alwayes with water for euery good respect that might chance in the desert so that wee had no want neither of one thing nor other that was to bee had in the countrey For wee came very well furnished of euery thing and euery day we eat fresh mutton because there came many shepheards with vs with their flocks who kept those sheepe that we bought in Babylon and euery marchant marked his sheepe with his owne marke and we gaue the shepheards a Medin which is two pence of our money for the keeping and feeding our sheep on the way and for killing of them And beside the Medin they haue the heads the skinnes and the intrals of euery sheepe they kil We sixe bought 20. sheepe and when we came to Alepo we had 7. aliue of them And in the Carouan they vse this order that the marchants doe lende flesh one to another because they will not cary raw flesh with them but pleasure one another by lending one one day and another another day From Babylon to Alepo is 40. dayes iourney of the which they make 36. dayes ouer the wildernes in which 36. dayes they neither see house trees nor people that inhabite it but onely a plaine and no signe of any way in the world The pilots go before and the Carouan followeth after And when they sit downe all the Carouan vnladeth and sitteth downe for they know the stations where the wells are I say in 36. dayes we passe ouer the wildernesse For when wee depart from Babylon two dayes we passe by villages inhabited vntil we haue passed the riuer Euphrates And then within two dayes of Alepo we haue villages inhabited In this Carouan there goeth alway a Captaine that doth Iustice vnto all men and euery night they keepe watch about the Carouan and comming to Alepo we went to Tripoli whereas Master Florin and Master Andrea Polo and I with a Frier went and hired a barke to goe with vs to Ierusalem Departing from Tripolie we arriued at Iaffa from which place in a day and halfe we went to Ierusalem and we gaue order to our barke to tary for vs vntill our returne Wee stayed in Ierusalem 14. dayes to visite those holy places from whence we returned to Iaffa and from Iaffa to Tripolie and there wee shipped our selues in a ship of Venice called the Bagazzana And by the helpe of the diuine power we arriued safely in Venice the fift of Nouember 1581. If there be any that hath any desire to goe into those partes of India let him not be astonied at the troubles that I haue passed because I was intangled in many things for that I went very poore frō Venice with 1200. duckets imployed in marchandize and when I came to Tripolie I fell sicke in the house of Master Regaly Oratio and this man sent away my goods with a small Carouan that went from Tripolie to Alepo and the Carouan was robd and all my goods lost sauing foure chests of glasses which cost me 200. duckets of which glasses I found many broken because the theeues thinking it had bene other marchandize brake them vp and seeing they were glasses they let them all alone And with this onely stocke I aduentured to goe into the Indies And thus with change and rechange and by diligence in my voyage God did blesse and helpe mee so that I got a good stocke I will not be vnmindfull to put them in remembrance that haue a desire to goe into those parts how they shall keepe their goods and giue them to their heires at the time of their death and howe this may be done very securely In all the cities that the Portugales haue in the Indies there is a house called the schoole of Sancta misericordia comissaria the gouernours whereof if you giue them for their paines will take a
Persians Moscouites and there is no nation that they seeke for to trouble except ours wherefore it were contrary to all iustice and reason that they should suffer all nations to trade with them and to forbid vs. But now I haue as great liberty as any other nation except it be to go out of the countrey which thing as yet I desire not But I thinke hereafter and before it be long if I shall be desirous to go from hence that they wil not deny me licence Before we might be suffered to come out of prison I was forced to put in suerties for 2000 pardaus not to depart from hence without licence of the viceroy otherwise except this we haue as much libertie as any other nation for I haue our goods againe haue taken an house in the chiefest streete in the towne called the Rue dreâ—ie where we sell our goods There were two causes which moued the captaine of Ormus to imprison vs afterwards to send vs hither The first was because Michael Stropene had accused vs of many matters which were most false And the second was for that M. Drake at his being at Maluco caused two pieces of his ordinance to be shot at a gallion of the kings of Portugall as they say But of these things I did not know at Ormus and in the ship that we were sent in came the chiefest iustice in Ormus who was called Aueador generall of that place he had beene there three yeeres so that now his time was expired which Aueador is a great friend to the captaine of Ormus who certaine dayes after our comming from thence sent for mee into his chamber and there beganne to demaund of me many things to the which I answered and amongst the rest he said that Master Drake was sent out of England with many ships and came to Maluco and there laded cloues and finding a gallion there of the kings of Portugall hee caused two pieces of his greatest ordinance to be shot at the same and so perceiuing that this did greatly grieue them I asked if they would be reuenged of me for that which M. Drake had done To the which he answered No although his meaning was to the contrary He said moreouer that the cause why the captaine of Ormus did send me for Goa was for that the Uiceroy would vnderstand of mee what newes there was of Don Antonio and whether he were in England yea or no and that it might be all for the best that I was sent hither the which I trust in God wil so fall out although contrary to his expectation for had it not pleased God to put into the minds of the archbishop and other two Padres or Iesuits of S. Pauls colledge to stand our friends we might haue rotted in prison The archbishop is a very good man who hath two yong men to his seruantes the one of them was borne at Hamborough and is called Bernard Borgers and the other was borne at Enchuyâ—en whose name is Iohn Linscot who did vs great pleasure for by them the archbishop was many times put in minde of vs. And the two good fathers of S. Paul who trauelled very much for vs the one of them is called Padre Marke who was borne in Bruges in Flanders and the other was borne in Wilshire in England and is called Padre Thomas Steuens Also I chanced to finde here a young man who was borne in Antwerpe but the most part of his bringing vp hath beene in London his name is Francis de Rea and with him it was my hap to be acquainted in Aleppo who also hath done me great pleasure here In the prison at Ormus we remained many dayes also we lay a long time at sea comming hither and forthwith at our arriuall here were caried to prison and the next day after were seâ—â— for before the Aueador who is the chiefest iustice to be examined and when we were examined he presently sent vs backe againe to prison And after our being here in prison 13 daies Iames Storie went into the monastery of S. Paul where he remaineth and is made one of the company which life he liketh very well And vpon S. Thomas day which was 22 dayes after our arriuall here I came out of prison and the next day after came out Ralph Fitch and William Bets. If these troubles had not chanced I had beene in possibility to haue made as good a voyage as euer any man made with so much money Many of our things I haue solde very well both here and at Ormus in prison notwithstanding the capâ—aine willed me if I would to sell what I could before we imbarked so with officers I went diuers times out of the castle in the morning and solde things and at night returned againe to the prison and all things that I solde they did write and at our imbarking from thence the captain gaue order that I should deliuer all my mony with the goods into the hands of the scriuano or purser of the ship which I did and the scriuano made a remembrance which he left there with the captaine that my selfe and the rest with money goods he should deliuer into the hands of the Aueador generall of India but at our arriuall here the Aueador would neither meddle with goods nor money for that he could not proue any thing against vs wherefore the goods remained in the ship 9 or 10 daies after our arriuall and then for that the ship was to saile from thence the scriuano sent the goods on shore and here they remained a day and a night and no body to receiue them In the end they suffered this bringer to receiue them who came with me from Ormus and put them into an house which he had hired for me where they remained foure or fiue daies But afterward when they should deliuer the money it was concluded by the iustice that both the money and goods should be deliuered into the positors hands where they remained fourteene dayes after my comming out of prison At my being in Aleppo I bought a fountaine of siluer and gilt sixe kniues sixe spoones and one forke trimmed with corall for fiue and twentie chekins which the captaine of Ormus did take and payed for the same twentie pardaos which is one hundred larines and was worth there or here one hundred chekins Also he had fiue emrauds set in golde which were woorth fiue hundred or sixe hundred crownes and payed for the same an hundred pardaos Also he had nineteene and a halfe pikes of cloth which cost in London twenty shillings the pike and was worth 9 or 10 crownes the pike and he payed for the same twelue larines a pike Also he had two pieces of greene Kersies which were worth foure and twentie pardaos the piece and payd for them sixteene pardaos a piece besides diuers other trifles that the officers and others had in the like order and some for nothing at all
put straight to sea whom all the fleet followed sauing three and thirty which being in the riuer further then he and at the entrance out of the same finding the winde and tide too hard against them were inforced to cast ancre there for that night amongst whom by good fortune was the Foresight and in her sir Edward Norris And the night folowing Generall Norris being driuen from the rest of the Fleet by a great storme for all that day was the greatest storme we had all the time we were out came againe into the Ilands but not without great perill he being forced to trust to a Spanish Fisher-man who was taken two dayes bâ—fore at sea to bring him in The next morning he called a council of as many as he found there holding the purpose he had concluded with sir Francis Drake the day before and directed all their courses for England tarying there all that day to water and helpe such with victuallâ— as were left in wonderfull distrâ—sse by hauing the victuals that came last caried away the day before to sea The next day he set saile and the 10 day after which was the 2 of Iuly came into Plimmouth where he found sir Francis Drake and all the Queens ships with many of the others but not all for the Fleet was dispersed into other harbors some led by a desire of returning froÌ„ whence they came and some being possessed of the hulks sought other Ports from their Generals â—ie where they might make their priuate commoditie of them as they haue done to their great aduantage Presently vpon their arriuall there the Generals dissolued all the armie sauing 8 companies which are yet held together giuing euery souldier fiue shillings in money and the armes hee bare to make money of which was more then could by any means be due vnto them for they were not in seruice three moneths in which time they had their victuals which no man will value at lâ—sse then halfe their pay for such is the allowance in her maiesties ships to her mariners so as there remained but 10 shillings a moneth more to be paid for which there was not any priuate man but had apparel and furniture to his owne vse so as euery common souldier discharged receiued more in money victuals apparell and furniture then his pay did amount vnto Notwithstanding there be euen in the same place where those things haue passed that either do not or will not conceiue the souldiers estate by comparing their pouertie and the shortnesse of the time together but lay some iniuries vpoÌ„ the Generals and the action Where and by the way but especially here in London I find there haue bene some false prophets gone before vs telling strange tales For as our countrey doeth bring foorth many gallant men who desirous of honour doe put themselues into the actions thereof so doeth it many more dull spirited who though their thoughts reach not so high as others yet doe they listen how other mens acts doe passe and either beleeuing what any man will report vnto them are willingly caried away into errors or tied to some greater mans faith become secretaries against a noted trueth The one sort of these doe take their opinions from the high-way side or at the furthest goe no further theÌ„ Pauls to enquire what hath bene done in this voiage where if they meet with any whose capacitie before their going out could not make them liue nor their valour maintaine their reputation and who went onely for spoile complaining on the hardnesse and misery thereof they thinke they are bound to giue credite to these honest men who were parties therein and in very charitie become of their opinions The others to make good the faction they are entred into if they see any of those malecontents as euery iourney yeeldeth some doe runne vnto them like tempting spirits to confirme them in their humour with assurance that they foresaw before our going out what would become thereof Be ye not therefore too credulous in beleeuing euery report for you see there haue bene many more beholders of these things that haue passed then actors in the same who by their experience not hauing the knowledge of the ordinarie wants of the warre haue thought that to lie hard not to haue their meat well dressed to drinke sometimes water to watch much or to see men die and be slaine was a miserable thing and not hauing so giuen their mindes to the seruice as they are any thing instructed thereby doe for want of better matter discourse ordinarily of these things whereas the iourney if they had with that iudgement seene into it which their places required hath giuen them far more honorable purpose and argument of discourse These mens discontentments and mislikings before our comming home haue made mee labour thus much to instruct you in the certaintie of euery thing because I would not willingly haue you miscaried in the iudgements of them wherein you shall giue me leaue somewhat to dilate vpon a question which I onely touched in the beginning of my letter namely whether it bee more expedient for our â—state to maintain an offensiue war against the king of Spaine in the Low countries or as in this iourney to offend him in his neerer territories seeing the grounds of arguing thereof are taken from the experience which the actions of this iourney haue giuen vs. There is no good subiect that wil make questioÌ„ whether it be behoofeful for vs to hold friendship with these neighbours of ours or no aswell in respect of the infinite proportion of their shipping which must stand either with vs or against vs as of the commoditie of their harbors especially that of Vlishing by the fauour whereof our Nauie may continually keepe the Narrow seas and which would harbour a greater Fleete agaynst vs then the Spaniard shall need to annoy vs withall who being now distressed by our common enemie I thinke it most expedient for our safetie to defend them and if it may be to giue them a reentrie into that they haue oâ— late yeeres lost vnto him The one without doubt her maiestie may do without difficultie and in so honorable sort as he shal neuer be able to dispossesse her or them of any the townes they now hold But if any man thinke that the Spaniard may be expelled from thence more speedily or conueniently by keeping an armie there then by sending one against him into his owne countrey let him foresee of how many men and continuall supplies that armie must consist and what intollerable expenses it requireth And let him thinke by the example of the duke of Alua when the prince of Orenge had his great armie agaynst him and of Don Iuan when the States had their mightie assembly against him how this wise enemie with whom we are to deale may but by prolonging to fight with vs leaue vs occasions enough for our armie within few moneths to mutine and
so made captiues Thus at the seuen dayes end we twelue Englishmen the twelue French and the twenty Spaniards were all conducted toward Marocco with nine hundred souldiers horsemen and fotmen and in two dayes iourney we came to the riuer of Fez where we lodged all night being prouided of tents The next day we went to a towne called Salle and lay without the towne in tents From thence we trauelled almost an hundred miles without finding any towne but euery night we came to fresh water which was partly running water and sometime raine water So we came at last within three miles of the city of Marocco where we pitched our tents and there we matte with a carrier which did trauell in the countrey for the English marchants and by him we sent word vnto them of our estate and they returned the next day vnto vs a Moore which brought vs victuals being at that instant very feeble and hungry and withall sent vs a letter with pen inke and paper willing vs to write vnto them what ship it was that was cast away and how many and what men there were aliue For said they we would knowe with speed for to morow is the kings court and therefore we would know for that you should come into the citie like captiues But for all that we were carried in as captiues and with ropes about our neckes as well English as the French and Spaniards And so we were carried before the king and when we came before him he did commit vs all to ward where wâ—e lay 15 dayes in close prison and in the end we were cleared by the English Marchants to their great charges for our deliuerance cost them 700 ounces euery ounce in that country contayning â—wo shillings And when we came out of prison we went to the Alfandica where we continued eight weekes with the English marchants At the end of which time being well apparelled by the bountie of our marchants we were conueyed downe by the space of eight dayes iourney to S. Cruz where the English ships road where we tooke shipping about the 20 of March two in the Anne Francis of London and fiue more of vs fiue dayes after in the Expedition of London and two more in a Flemish flie-boat and one in the Mary Edward also of London other two of our number died in the countrey of the bloodie-fluxe the one at our first imprisonment at Marocco whose name was George Hancock and the other at S. Cruz whose name was Robert Swancon whose death was hastened by eating of rootes and other vnnaturall things to slake their raging hunger in our trauaile and by our hard and cold lodging in the open fields without tents Thus of fiftie persons through the rashnesse of an vnskilfull Master ten onely suruiued of vs and after a thousand miseries returned home poore sicke and feeble into our countrey Richard Iohnson William Williams Carpenter Iohn Durham Abraham Rouse Iohn Matthewes Thomas Henmore Iohn Siluester Thomas Whiting William Church Iohn Fox The letters of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie sent by one Laurence Aldersey vnto the Emperour of Aethiopia 1597. Inuictissimo potentissimóque Abassenorum regi magnóque vtriusque Aethiopiae imperatori c. ELizabetha dei gratia Angliae Franciae Hiberniae regina fidei defensor c. summo ac potentissimo AEthiopiae imperatori salutem Quod ab omnibus qui vbiuìs terrarum ac gentium sunt regibus principibusque praestari par aequum est vt quanquà m maximo locorum interuallo dissiti moribus ac legibus discrepantes communem tamen generis humani societatem tueri conseruare mutuaque vt occasio ferret charitatis beneuolentiae officia velint exercere in eo nos de vestra fide atque humanitate spem certissimam concipientes huic subito nostro Laurentio Alderseio in regnum vestrum proficiscenti hasce literas nostras quibus nostra erga vos beneuolentia testata sit illum hinc profectuÌ„ esse conster potissimùm vobis indicandas dedimus Qui cùm orbis terrarum perscrutandi cognoscendique studio permotus multis antehà c regionibus peragratis iam tandem in eas regiones quae vestrae ditionis sunt longum periculosumque iter instituat cùm ipse existimauit tum nos etiam sumus in eadem opinione ad incolumitatem suam atque etìam ad gratiam apud vos plurimum illi profuturum si diplomate nostro munitus beneuolenâ—iae nostrae profectionis hinc suae testimonium ad vos deferret Nam cum summus ille mundi conditor rectorque praepotens deus regibus principibusque qui suam vicem gerunt orbem terrarum suis cuique finibus pro rata portione designatis regendum atque administrandum dederit eoque munere ius quoddam inter eos fraternae necessitudinis aeternumque foedus ab illis colendum sanxerit non erit vt arbitramur ingratum vobis cùm beneuolentiae nostrae significationem tà m immensa maris ac terrarum spatia transgressam ab vltima Britannia ad vos in Aethiopiam perferri intellexeritis Nobisque rursùs ericiucundum cùm subditorum nostrorum praedicatione ab ipsis Nili fontibus ab ijs regionibus quae solis cursum definiunt fama vestri nominis ad nos recurret Erit igitur humanitatis vestrae huic subdito nostro eam largiri gratiam vt in ditionem vestram sub presidio ac tutela vestri nominis intrare ibique saluus incolumis manere possit quod ipsum etiam ab aliis principibus per quorum regiones illi transeundum erit magnoperè petimus nobisque ipsis illud honoris causa tributum existimabimus neque tamèn maiorem hac in re gratiam postulamus quà m vicissìm omnium principum subditis omniumque gentium hominibus ad nos commeantibus liberrimè concedimus Datum Londini quinto die Nouembris anno regni nostri tricesimo nono annoque Dom. 1597. The same in English To the most inuincible and puissant king of the Abassens the mightie Emperour of Aethiopia the higher and the lower ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith c. To the most high and mightie Emperour of Aethiopia greeting Whereas it is a matter requisite and well beseeming all kings and princes of what lands or nations soeuer be they neuer so much disseuered in place or differing in customes and lawes to maintaine and preserue the common societie of mankinde and as occasion shall be offered to performe mutuall duties of charitie and beneuolence we for that cause conceiuing most vndoubted hope of your princely fidelity and courtesie haue giuen vnto this our subiect Laurence Aldersey intending to trauell into your dominions these our letters to be deliuered without faile vnto your Highnesse to the end they may be a testimony of our good will towards you and of our saide subiect his departure from England Who after his trauels in many forren
perceiue about a mile from vs a certaine place cleare from any yce to the which with an easie breath of wind which our God sent vs we bent our selues And furthermore hee prouided better for vs then we deserued or hoped for for when we were in the foresaid cleare place he sent vs a fresh gale at West or at West Southwest which set vs cleare without all the yce And further he added more for he sent vs so pleasant a day as the like we had not of a long time before as after punishment consolation Thus we ioyfull wights being at libertie tooke in all our sailes and lay a hull praysing God for our deliuerance and slayed to gather together our Fleete which once being done we seeing that none of them had any great hurt neither any of them wanted sauing onely they of whom I spake before and the ship which was lost then at the last wee hoised our sailes and lay bulting off and on till such time as it would please God to take away the yce that wee might get into the Straights And as we thus lay off and on we came by a marueilous huge mountaine of yce which surpassed all the rest that euer we saw for we iudged it to be neere fourescore fathomes aboue water and we thought it to be a ground for any thing that we could perceiue being there nine score fathoms deepe and of compasse about halfe a mile Also the fift of Iuly there fell a hidious fogge and mist that continued till the nineteenth of the same so that one shippe could not see another Therefore we were faine to beare a small sayle and to obserue the time but there ran such a current of a tide that it set vs to the Northwest of the Queenes foreland the backside of all the Straights where through the contagious fogge hauing no sight either of Sunne or Starre we scarce knew where we were In this fogge the tenth of Iuly we lost the company of the Uiceadmirall the Anne Francis the Busie of Bridgewater and the Francis of Foy. The 16. day one of our small Barkes named the Gabriel was sent by our Generall to beare in with the land to discrie it where being on land they met with the people of the Countrey which seemed very humane and ciuill and offered to traffike with our men profering them foules and skins for kniues and other trifles whose courtesie caused vs to thinke that they had small conuersation with other of the Straights Then we bare backe againe to goe with the Queenes foreland and the eighteenth day wee came by two Islands whereon we went on shore and found where the people had bene but we saw none of them This day wee were againe in the yce and like to be in as great perill as we were at the first For through the darknesse and obscuritie of the foggie mist we were almost run on rocks and Islands before we saw them But God euen miraculously prouided for vs opening the fogges that we might see clearely both where and in what danger we presently were and also the way to escape or els without faile we had ruinously runne vpon the rocks When we knew perfectly our instant case wee cast about to get againe on Sea-bord which God be thanked by night we obtained and praised God The cleare conâ—inued scarce an houre but the fogge fell againe as thicke as euer it was Then the Rearadmirall and the Beare got themselues cleare without danger of yce and rocks strooke their sailes and lay a hull staying to haue the rest of the Fleete come forth which as yet had not found the right way to cleare themselues from the danger of rockes and yce vntill the next morning at what time the Rearadmirall discharged certaine warning pieces to giue notice that she had escaped and that the rest by following of her might set themselus free which they did that day Then hauing gathered our selues togither we proceeded on our purposed voyage bearing off and keeping our selues distant from the coast till the 19. day of Iuly at which time the fogges brake vp and dispersed so that we might plainely and clearely behold the pleasant ayre which so long had bene taken from vs by the obscuritie of the foggie mists and after that time we were not much encombred therewith vntill we had left the confines of the Countrey Then we espying a fayre sound supposed it to goe into the Straights betweene the Queenes foreland and Iackmans sound which proued as we imagined For our Generall sent forth againe the Gabriel to discouer it who passed through with much difficulty for there ran such an extreme current of a tide with such a horrible gulfe that with a fresh gale of wind they were scarce able to stemme it yet at the length with great trauaile they passed it and came to the Straights where they met with the Thomas Allen the Thomas of Ipswich and the Busse of Bridgewater who altogether aduentured to beare into the yce againe to see if they could obtaine their wished Port. But they were so incombred that with much difficultie they were able to get out againe yet at the last they escaping the Thomas Allen and the Gabriel â—are in with the Westerne shore where they found harbour and there moared their ships vntill the fourth of August at which time they came to vs in the Countesse of Warwicks sound The Thomas of Ipswich caught a great leake which caused her to cast againe to Seabord and so was mended We sailed along still by the coast vntill we came to the Queenes foreland at the point whereof we met with part of the gulfe aforesayd which place or gulfe as some of our Masters doe credibly report doeth flow nine houres and ebs but three At that point wee discouered certaine lands Southward which neither time nor opportunitie would serue to search Then being come to the mouth of the Straights we met with the Anne Francis who had laine bulting vp and downe euer since her departure alone neuer finding any of her company We met then also the Francis of Foy with whom againe we intended to venture and get in but the yce was yet so thicke that we were compelled againe to retyre and get vs on Sea-bord There fell also the same day being the 26. of Iuly such an horrible snow that it lay a foot thick vpon the hatches which frose as it fell We had also at other times diuers cruell stormes both of snow and haile which manifestly declared the distemperature of the Countrey yet for all that wee were so many times repulsed and put backe from our purpose knowing that lingering delay was not profitable for vs but hurtfull to our voyage we mutually consented to our valiant Generall once againe to giue the onset The 28. day therefore of the same Iuly we assayed and with little trouble God be praysed we passed the dangers by day light Then
night falling on the face of the earth wee hulled in the cleare til the chearefull light of the day had chased away the noysome darkenesse of the night at which time we set forward towards our wished Port by the 30. day wee obteined our expected desire where we found the Iudith and the Michael which brought no smal ioy vnto the General and great consolation to the heauie hearts of those wearied wights The 30. day of Iuly we brought our ships into the Countesse of Warwicks sound and moared them namely these ships The Admirall the Rearadmiral the Francis of Foy the Beare Armenel the Salomon and the Busse of Bridgewater which being done our Generall commaunded vs all to come a shore vpon the Countesses Iland where he set his Miners to worke vpon the Mine giuing charge with expedition to dispatch with their lading Our Generall himselfe accompanied with his Gentlemen diuers times made rodes into sundry partes of the Countrey as well to finde new Mines as also to finde out and see the people of the Countrey He found out one Mine vpon an Island by Beares sound and named it the Countesse of Sussex Island One other was found in Winters Fornace with diuers others to which the ships were sent sunderly to be laden In the same rodes he mette with diuers of the people of the Countrey at sundry times as once at a place called Dauids sound who shot at our men and very desperately gaue them the onset being not aboue three or foure in number there being of our Countrey men aboue a dosen but seeing themselues not able to preuaile they tooke themselues to flight whom our men pursued but being not vsed to such craggie cliffes they soone lost the sight of them and so in vaine returned We also saw of them at Beares sound both by Sea and land in great companies but they would at all times keepe the water betweene them and vs. And if any of our ships chanced to be in the sound as they came diuers times because the Harbor was not very good the ship laded and departed againe then so long as any ships were in sight the people would not be seene But when as they perceiued the ships to be gone they would not only shew themselues standing vpon high cliffes and call vs to come ouer vnto them but also would come in their Botes very neere to vs as it were to brag at vs whereof our Generall hauing aduertisement sent for the Captaines and Gentlemen of the Ships to accompany and attend vpon him with the Captaine also of the Anne Francis who was but the night before come vnto vs. For they and the Fleebote hauing lost vs the 26. day in the great snowe put into an harbour in the Queenes foreland where they found good Oare wherewith they laded themselues and came to seeke the Generall so that now we had all our Shippes sauing one Barke which was lost and the Thomas of Ipswich who compelled by what furie I knowe not forsooke our company and returned home without lading Our Generall accompanied with his Gentlemen of whom I spake came all together to the Countesse of Sussex Island neere to Beares sound where he manned out certaine Pinnisses and went ouer to the people who perceiuing his arriuall fledde away with all speede and in haste left certaine dartes and other engines behinde them which we found but the people we could not finde The next morning our Generall perceiuing certaine of them in botes vpon the Sea gaue chase to them in a Pinnesse vnder saile with a fresh gale of winde but could by no meanes come neere vnto them for the longer he sailed the further off he was from them which well shewed their cunning and actiuitie Thus time wearing away and the day of our departure approching our Generall commaunded vs to lade with all expedition that we might be againe on Seaboard with our ships for whilest we were in the Countrey we were in continual danger of freezing in for often snow and haile often falling the water was so much frosen and congealed in the night that in the morning we could scarce row our botes or Pinnesses especially in Diers sound which is a calme and still water which caused our Generall to make the more haste so that by the 30. day of August we were all laden and made all things ready to depart But before I proceede any further herein to shew what fortune befell at our departure I will turne my penne a litle to M. Captaine Fenton and those Gentlemen which should haue inhabited all the yeere in those Countries whose valiant mindes were much to be commended For doubtlesse they had done as they intended if lucke had not withstoode their willingnesse For the Barke Dionyse which was lost had in her much of their house which was prepared and should haue bene builded for them with many other implements Also the Thomas of Ipswich which had most of their prouision in her came not into the Streights at all neither did we see her since the day we were separated in the great snow of which I spake before For these causes hauing not their house nor yet prouision they were disappointed of their preâ—ence to tarie and therefore laded their ships and so came away with vs. But before we tooke shipping we builded a litle house in the Countesse of Warwicks Island and garnished it with many kinds of trifles as Pinnes Points Laces Glasses Rombes Babes on horsebacke and on foote with innumerable other such fansies and toyes thereby to allure and entice the people to some familiaritie against other yeeres Thus hauing finished all things we departed the Countrey as I sayd before but because the Busse had not lading enough in her she put into Beares sound to take in a little more In the meane while the Admirall and the rest without at Sea stayed for her And that night fell such an outragious tempest beating on our ships with such vehement rigor that anchor and cable auailed nought for we were driuen on rockes and Islands of yce insomuch that had not the great goodnesse of God bene miraculously shewed to vs we had bene cast away euery man This danger was more doubtfull and terrible then any that preceded or went before for there was not any one shippe I thinke that escaped without damage Some lost anchor and also cables some botes some Pinnisses some anchor cables boates and Pinnisses This boystrous storme so seuered vs one from another that one shippe knewe not what was become of another The Admirall knewe not where to finde the Uiceadmirall or Rearadmirall or any other ship of our company Our Generall being on land in Beares sound could not come to his Shippe but was compelled to goe aboord the Gabriel where he continued all the way homeward for the boystrous blasts continued so extreamely and so long a time that they sent vs homewarde which was Gods
well for the bringing vp of his Shippe to the Countesses sound as also to fraight his Ship with the same Oare which he himselfe had found which vpon triall made was supposed to be very good The 23. of August the sayd Captaine mette together with the other Captaines Commissioners in counsell with the Generall aboorde the Ayde where they considered and consulted of sundry causes which being particularly registred by the Notarie were appoynted where and how to be done against another yeere The 24. of August the Generall with two Pinnisses and good numbers of men went to Beares sound commanding the sayde Captaine with his Pinnesse to attend the seruice to see if he could encounter or apprehend any of the people for sundry times they shewed themselues busie thereabouts sometimes with seuen or eyght Boates in one company as though they minded to encounter with our company which were working there at the Mines in no great numbers But when they perceiued any of our Shippes to ryde in that roade being belike more amazed at the countenance of a Shippe and a more number of men they did neuer shewe themselues againe there at all Wherefore our men sought with their Pinnisses to compasse about the Iland where they did vse supposing there suddenly to intercept some of them But before our men could come neere hauing belike some watch in the toppe of the mountaines they conueyed themselues priuily away and left as it should seeme one of their great dartes behinde them for haste which we found neere to a place of their caues and housing Therefore though our Generall were very desirous to haue taken some of them to haue brought into England they being now growen more wary by their former losses would not at any time come within our dangers About midnight of the same day the captaine of the Anne Francis departed thence and set his course ouer the streights towards Haâ—tons Hedland being about 15. leagues ouer and returned aboord his Shippe the 25. of August to the great comfort of his company who long expected his comming where hee found his Shippes ready rigged and loden Wherefore he departed from thence againe the next morning towards the Countesses sound where he arriued the 28. of the same By the way he set his Miners ashore at Beares sound for the better dispatch and gathering the Ore togither for that some of the ships were behind hand with their fraight the time of the yeere passing suddenly away The thirtith of August the Anne Francis was brought aground and had 8. great leakes mended which she had receiued by meanes of the rocks and yce This day the Masons finished a house which Captaine Fenton caused to be made of lyme and stone vpon the Countesse of Warwickes Island to the ende we might proue against the next yeere whither the snow could ouerwhelme it the frost breake it vp or the people dismember the same And the better to allure those brutish and vnciuill people to courtesie against other times of our comming we left therein diuers of our Countrey toyes as belles and kniues wherein they specially delight one for the necessary vse and the other for the great pleasure thereof Also pictures of men and women in lead men on horsebacke looking glasses whistles and pipes Also in the house was made an Ouen and bread left baked therein for them to see and taste We buried the timber of our pretended fort Also here we sowed pease corne and other graine to proue the fruitfulnesse of the soyle against the next yeere Master Wolfall on Winters Fornace preached a godly sermon which being ended he celebrated also a Communion vpon the land at the partaking whereof was the Captaine of the Anne Francis and many other Gentlemen and Souldiers Mariners and Miners with him The celebration of the diuine mystery was the first signe seale and confirmation of Christs name death and passion euer knowen in these quarters The said M. Wolfall made sermons and celebrated the Communion at sundry other times in seuerall and sundry ships because the whole company could neuer meet together at any one place The Fleet now being in some good readinesse for their lading the Generall calling together the Gentlemen and Captaines to consult told them that he was very desirous that some further discouery should be attempted and that he would not onely by Gods helpe bring home his Ships laden with Ore but also meant to bring some certificate of a further discouery of the Countrey which thing to bring to passe hauing sometime therein consulted they found very hard and almost inuincible And considering that already they had spent sometime in searching out the trending and fashion of the mistaken straites therefore it could not be sayd but that by this voyage they haue notice of a further discouery and that the hope of the passage thereby is much furthered and encreased as appeared before in the discourse thereof Yet notwithstanding if any meanes might be further deuised the Captaines were contented and willing as the Generall shoulde appoynt and commaund to take any enterprise in hand Which after long debating was found a thing very impossible and that rather consultation was to be had of returning homeward especially for these causes following First the darke foggy mists the continuall falling snowe and stormy weather which they commonly were vexed with and now daily euer more and more increased haue no small argument of the Winters drawing neere And also the frost euery night was so hard congealed within the sound that if by euill hap they should bee long kept in with contrary winds it was greatly to be feared that they should be shut vp there fast the whole yeere which being vtterly vnprouided would be their vtter destruction Againe drinke was so scant throughout all the Fleet by meanes of the great leakage that not onely the prouision which was layd in for the habitation was wanting and wasted but also each shippes seuerall prouision spent and lost which many of our company to their great griefe found in their returne since for all the way homewards they dranke nothing but water And the great cause of this leakage and wasting was for that the great timber and seacole which lay so waighty vpon the barrels brake bruised and rotted the hoopes insunder Yet notwithstanding these reasons alleaged the Generall himselfe willing the rest of the Gentlemen and Captaines euery man to looke to his seuerall charge and lading that against a day appointed they should be all in a readinesse to set homeward went in a Pinnesse and discouered further Northward in the straights and found that by Beares sound and Halles Island the land was not firme as it was first supposed but all broken Islands in maner of an Archipelagus and so with other secret intelligence to himselfe he returned to the Fleet. Where presently vpon his arriuall at the Countesses sound he began to take order for their returning homeward and
first caused certaine Articles to be proclaimed for the better keeping of orders and courses in their returne which Articles were deliuered to euery Captaine The Fleetes returning homeward HAuing now receiued Articles and directions for our returne homewards all other things being in forwardnesse and in good order the last day of August the whole Fleete departed from the Câ—untesses sound excepting the Iudith and the Anne Francis who stayed for the taking in â—f fresh water and came the next day and mette the Fleete lying off and on athwart Beares sound who stayed for the Generall which then was gone ashore to dispatch the two Barkes and the Busle of Bridgewater for their loading whereby to get the companies and other things aboâ—rd The Captaine of the Anne Francis hauing most part of his company ashore the first of September went alâ—o to Beares sound in his Pinnesse to fetch his men aboord but the wind grewe so great immediatly vpon their landing that the shippes at Sea were in great danger and some oâ— them forciâ—ly puâ— from their ankers and greatly feared to be vtterly lost as the Hopewell wherein was Captaine Carew and others who could not tell on which side their danger was mâ—st for hâ—uing mightie rockes threatning on the one side and driuing Islands of cutting yce on the other side they greatly feared to make shipwracke the yce driuing so neere them that it touched theâ—r bolt-sprit And by meanes of the Sea that was growne so hie they wâ—re not able to put to sea wiâ—h their small Pinnesses to recouer their shippes And againe the shippes were not able to carrie or lie athwart for them by meanes of tâ—e outragious windes and swelâ—ing sâ—as The Generall wilâ—ed the Captaine of the Anne Francis with his company for that night to lodge aboord the Busse of Bridgewater and went himselfe with the râ—st of his men aboord the Barâ—es But their numbers were so great and the prouision of the Barkes so scant that they pestered one another exceedingly They had great hope that the next morning the weather would be faire whereby they might recouer their shippes But in the morning fâ—llowing it was much worse for the storme continued greater the Sea being more swollen and the Fleete gone quâ—te out of sight So that now their doubts began to grow great for the shâ—p of Bridgewater which was of greatest receit and whereof they had best hope and made most account roade so farre to leeward of the harborowes mouth that they were not able for the rockes that lay betweene the wind and them to lead it out to Sea with a saile And the Barks were already so pestered with men and so slenderly furnished with prouision that they had scarce meat for sixe dayes for such numbers The Generall in the morning departed to Sea in the Gabriel to seeke the Fleete leauing the Busse of Bridgewater and the Michael behind in Beares sound The Busse set sayle and thâ—ught by turning in the narrow channell within the harborow to get to windward but being put to leeward more by that meanes was faine to come to anker for her better safetie amongst a number of rockes and there left in great danger of euer getting forth againe The Michael set sayle to follow the Generall and could giue the Busse no reliefe although they earnestly desired the same And the Captâ—ine of the Anne Francis was left in hard election of two euils eyther to abide his fortune with the Busse of Bridgewater which was doubtfull of euer getting forth or else to bee towed in his small Pinnesse at the sterne of the Michael thorow the raging Seas for that the Barke was not able to receiue or relieue halfe his company wherein his danger was not a little perillous So after hee resolued to commit himselfe with all his company vnto that fortune of God and Sea and was dangerously towed at the sterne of the Barke for many miles vntill at length they espyed the Anne Francis vnder sayle hard vnder their Lee which was no small comfort vnto them For no doubt both these and a great number more had perished for lacke of victuals and conuenient roome in the Barks without the helpe of the sayd Ship But the honest care that the Master of the Anne Francis had of his Captaine and the good regarde of duetie towardes his Generall suffered him not to depart but honestly abode to hazard a dangerous roade all the night long notwithstanding all the stormy weather when all the Fleete besides departed And the Pinnesse came no sooner aboord the shippe and the men entred but shee presently shiuered and fell in pieces and sunke at the ships sterne with all the poore mens furniture so weake was the boat with towing and so forcible was the sea to bruise her in pieces But as God would the men were all saued At this present in this storme many of the Fleete were dangerously distressed and were seuered almâ—st all asunder Yet thanks be â—o God all the Fleete arriued safely in England about the first of October some in one place and some in another But amongst other it was most marueilous how the Bâ—sse of Bridgewater got away who being left behind the Fleete in great danger of neuer getting forth was forced to seeke a way Northward thâ—row an vnknowen chaâ—nell full of rocks vpon the backe side of Beares sound and there by good hap found â—ut a way into the North sea a very dangerous attempâ— saue that necessitieâ— which hath no law forced them to trie masteries This aforesayd North sea is the same which lyeth vpon the backe side of Frobishers sâ—raits where first the Generall himselfe in his Pinnesses and after some other of our company haue discouered as they affirme a great foreland where they would haue also a great likelihood of the greatest passage towards the South sea or Mar del Sur. The Busse of Bridgewater as she came homeward to the Southeastward of Friseland discouered a great Island in the latitude of 57 degrees and an halfe which was neuer yet found before and sailed three dayes alongst the coast the land seeming to be fruitfull full of woods and a champion Countrey There died in the whole Fleet in all this voyage not aboue forty persons which number is not great considering how many ships were in the Fleet and how strange fortunes we passed A generall and briefe description of the Countrey and condition of the people which are found in Meta Incognita HAuing now sufficiently and truly set forth the whole circumstance and particuler handling of euery occurrent in the 3. voyages of our worthy Generall Captaine Frobisher it shal not be from the purpose to speake somewhat in generall of the nature of this Countrey called Meta Incognita and the condition of the sauages there inhabiting First therefore touching the Topographical description of the place It is now found in the last voyage that Queene Elizabeths Cape being situate in latitude at
and them for vs our heires and successours by that name doe incorporate and doe erect and create as one body corporate to haue continuance for euer Moreouer vnto the sayd Adrian Gylbert and his said associats and vnto their heires and their sayd assignes for euer by name of the Colleagues of the fellowship for the discouerie of the Northwest passage we haue giuen graunted and confirmed and doe by these presents giue grant and confirme full power and authoritie from time to time and at all times hereafter to make order decree and enact constitute and ordeine and appoynt all such ordinances orders decrees lawes and actes as the sayd new corporation or body politique Colleagues of the fellowship for the discouerie of the Northwest passage shall thinke meete necessary and conuenient so that they or any of them be not contrary to the lawes of this realme and of this our present graunt And we by our Royall prerogatiue and fulnesse of our authority of our grace especiall certaine knowledge and meere motion do establish confirme ratifie all such ordinances orders decrees lawes and acts to be in so full and great power and authority as we our heires or successours may or can in any such case graunt confirme or ratifie And further for the better incouragement of our louing subiects in this discouerie we by our Royall prerogatiue and fulnesse of authority for vs our heires and successours doe giue graunt establish confirme ordeine ratifie and allow by these presents to the sayd Adrian Gylbert and to his associates and to the heires and assignes of them and euery of them for euer and to all other person or persons of our louing subiects whatsoeuer that shall hereafter trauaile sayle discouer or make voyage as aforesayd to any the Iles Mainelands Countreys or Territories whatsoeuer by vertue of this our graunt to be discouered that the heires and assignes of them and euery of them being borne within any of the Iles Mainelands and Countreys or Territories whatsoeuer before mentioned shall haue and inioy all the priuileges of free Denizens as persons natiue borne within this our Realme of England or within our allegiance for euer in such like ample maner and forme as if they were or had bene borne and personally resiant within our sayd Realme any law statute proclamation custome or vsage to the contrary hereof in any wise notwithstanding Moreouer for the consideration aforesayd by vertue hereof we giue and graunt vnto the sayd Adrian Gylbert his heires and assignes for euer free libertie licence and priuilege that during the space of fiue yeeres next and immediatly ensuing the date hereof if shall not be lawfull for any person or persons whatsoeuer to visit haunt frequent trade or make voyage to any Iles Mainlands Countreys Regions Prouinces Territories Seas Riuers Ports Bayes and Hauens nor to any other Hauens or places whatsoeuer hitherto not yet discouered by any of our subiects by vertue of this graunt to be traded vnto without the special consent and good liking of the said Adrian Gylbert his heires or assignes first had in writing And if any person or persons of the associats of the sayd Adrian his heires or assignes or any other person or persons whatsoeuer free of this discouery shall do any act or acts contrary to the tenour and true meaning hereof during the space of the sayd fiue yeeres that then the partie and parties so offending they and their heires for euer shall loose ipso facto the benefite and priuilege of this our graunt and shall stand and remaine to all intents and purposes as persons exempted out of this graunt And further by vertue hereof wee giue and graunt for vs our heires and successours at all times during the space of fiue yeers next ensuing the date hereof libertie and licence and sull authority to the sayd Adrian Gylbert and his heires and assignes that if it shall happen any one or moe in any ship or ships sayling on their sayd voyage to become mutinous sâ—diâ—ious disordered or any way virtuly to the preiudice or hinderance of the hope for the successe in the attempt or prosecuting of this discouerie or trade intended to vse or execute vpon him or them so offending such punishment correction or execution as the cause shall be â—ound in iustice to require by the verdict of twelue of the companie sworne thereunto as in such a case apperteineth That expresse mention of the certaintie of the premisses or of other gifts or graunts by vs to the sayd Adrian Gylbert and his associats before this time made is not mentioned in these presents or any other lawe act statute prouiso graunt or proclamation heretofore made or hereafter to be made to the contrary hereof in any wise notwithstanding In witnesse whereof we haue made these our Letters to bee made patenâ—s Witnesse our selfe at Westminster the sixt day of Februarie in the sixe and twenty yeere of our reigne The first voyage of M. Iohn Dauis vndertaken in Iune 1585. for the discouerie of the Northwest passage Written by M. Iohn Ianes Marchant sometimes seruant to the worshipfull Master William Sanderson CErtaine Honourable personages and worthy Gentlemen of the Court Countrey with diuers worshipful Marchants of London and of the West Countrey mooued with desire to aduance Gods glory and to seeke the good of their natiue Countrey consulting together of the likelyhood of the Discouerie of the Northwest passage which heretofore had bene attempted but vnhappily giuen ouer by accidents vnlooked for which turned the enterprisers from their principall purpose resolued after good deliberation to put downe their aduentures to prouide for necessarie shipping and a fit man to be chiefe Conductour of this so hard an enterprise The setting forth of this Action was committed by the aduenturers especially to the care of M. William Sanderson Marchant of London who was so forward therein that besides his trauaile which was not small hee became the greatest aduenturer with his purse and commended vnto the rest of the companie one M. Iohn Dauis a man very well grounded in the principles of the Arte of Nauigation for Captaine and chiefe Pilot of this exployt Thus therefore all things being put in a readines wee departed from Dartmouth the seuenth of Iune towards the discouerie of the aforesayd Northwest passage with two Barkes the one being of 50. tunnes named the Sunneshine of London and the other being 35. tunnes named the Mooneshine of Dartmouth In the Sunneshine we had 23. persons whose names are these following M. Iohn Dauis Captaine William Eston Master Richard Pope Masters mate Iohn Iane Marchant Henry Dauie gunner William Crosse boatswayne Iohn Bagge Walter Arthur Luke Adams Robert Coxworthie Iohn Ellis Iohn Kelley Edward Helman William Dicke Andrew Maddocke Thomas Hill Robert Wats Carpenter William Russell Chrstopher Gorney boy Iames Cole Francis Ridley Iohn Russell Robert Cornish Musicians The Mooneshine had 19. persons William Bruton Captaine Iohn Ellis
these townes they found a pie in a cage after the maner of Castile and certaine shadowes or canopies like vnto those which are brought from China wherein were painted the Sunne the Moone and many Starres Where hauing taken the height of the pole-starre they found themselues to be in 37 degrees and ½ of Northerly latitude They departed out of this prouince and keeping still the same NORTHERLY course foureteene leagues from thence they found another prouince called The Cunames where they saw other fiue townes the greatest whereof was called Cia being so large that it conteined eight market-places the houses whereof being plaistered and painted with diuers colours were better then any which they had seene in the prouinces before mentioned the people which they heere saw they esteemed to be aboue twenty thousand persons They presented to our men many curious mantles and victuals excellently well dressed so that our men deemed this nation to be more curious and of greater ciuility and better gouernment then any other that hitherto they had seene They shewed them rich metals and the mountaines also not farre off whereout they digged them Heere our people heard of another prouince standing toward the Northwest wherevnto they purposed to goe Hauing trauelled about sixe leagues they came to the sayd prouince the people whereof were called Ameies wherin were seven very great townes conteining to their iudgement aboue thirty thousand soules They reported that one of the seuen townes was very great and faire which our men would not go to see both because it stood behinde a mountaine and also for feare of some mishappe if in case they should be separated one from another This people are like vnto their neighbours of the former prouince being as well prouided of all necessaries as they and of as good gouernment About fifteene leagues from this prouince trauelling alwayes toward the West they found a great towne called Acoma conteining aboue sixe thousand persons and situate vpon an high rocke which was aboue fifty paces hie hauing no other entrance but by a ladder or paire of staires he wen into the same rocke whereat our people maruelled not a little all the water of this towne was kept in cisternes The chiefe men of this towne came peaceably to visit the Spanyards bringing them many mantles and chamois-skinnes excellently dressed and great plenty of victuals Their corne-fields are two leagues from thence and they fetch water out of a small riuer nere thereunto to water the same on the brinks whereof they saw many great banks of Roses like those of Castile Here are many mountaines that beare shewes of mettals but they went not to see them because the Indians dwelling vpon them are many in number and very warlike Our men remained in this place three dayes vpon one of the which the inhabitants made before them a very solemne dance comming foorth in the same with gallant apparell vsing very witty sports wherewith our men were exceedingly delighted Twenty foure leagues from hence toward the West they came to a certaine prouince called by the inhabitants themselues Zuny by the Spanyards Cibola containing great numbers of Indians in which prouince Francisco Vazquez de Coronado had bene and had erected many crosses and other tokens of Christianity which remained as yet standing Heere also they found three Indian Christians which had remained there euer since the said iourny whose names were Andrew de Culiacan Gaspar de Mexico and Antonio de Guadalajara who had almost forgotten their owne language but could speake that countrey speech very well howbeit after some small conference with our men they easily vnderstood one another By these three Indians they were informed that threescore dayes iourney from this place there was a very mighty lake vpon the bankes where of stood many great and good townes and that the inhabitants of the same had plenty of golde an euident argument wherof was their wearing of golden bracelets earrings and also that after the sayd Francis Vasquez de Coronado had perfect intelligence thereof hee departed out of this prouince of Cibola to goe thither and that hauing proceeded twelue dayes iourney he began to want water and thereupon determined to returne as he did indeed with intention to make a second voyage thither at his better opportunity which afterward he performed not being preuented of his determined iourney by death Upon the newes of these riches the sayd Captaine Antony de Espcio was desirous to go thither and though some of his companions were of his opinion yet the greater part and the frier were of the contrary saying that it was now high time to returne home vnto New Biscay from whence they came to giue account of that which they had seene which the sayd greater part within few dayes put in execution leauing the captaine with nine companions onely that willingly followed him who after hee had fully certified himselfe of the riches abouesayd and of the great quantity of excellent mettals that were about that lake departed out of this prouince of Cibola with his companions and trauelling directly toward the West after hee had passed 28 leagues he foūd another very great prouince which by estimation conteined aboue 50000 soules the inhabitants whereof assoone as they vnderstood of their approch sent them word vpon paine of death to come no neerer to their townes whereto the captaine answered that their comming was in no wise to hurt them as they should well perceiue and therefore requested them not to molest him in his intended voyage and withall gaue to the messenger are ward of such things as they brought with them who there upon made so good report of our people and so appeased the troubled minds of the Indians that they granted them free accesse vnto their townes and so they went thither with 15. Indians their friends of the prouince of Cibola aforesaid and the three Mexican Indians before mentioned When they were come within a league of the first towne there came forth to meete them aboue 2000. Indians laden with victuals whom the Captaine rewarded with some things of small value which they made great accompt of and esteemed more precious then gold As they approched neere vnto the towne which was named Zaguato a great multitude of Indians came forth to meete them and among the rest their Caçiques with so great demonstration of ioy and gladnes that they cast much meale of Maiz vpon the ground for the horses to tread vpon with this triumph they entred the towne where they were very wel lodged and much made of which the Captaine did in part requite giuing to the chiefest among them hats and beads of glasse with many such trifles which he caried with him for the like purpose The said Caçiques presently gaue notice to the whole prouince of the arriual of these new guests whom they reported to bee a courteous people and such as offered
the Generall seemed not willing to returne but to proceed on his voyage and in fine it was resolued that seeing both the ships could not proceede forward as well because they had lost their necessary furnitures as also that the Santa Agatha had neede of calking because she receiued much water and was the worst furnished of the twaine that shee should returne backe to aduertize the Marques of our successe in this voyage and what hindred our proceeding and in what case wee stoode and howe wee were bereft of our necessary furniture And because the Trinitie was the swifter ship and better appointed then the other it was concluded that it should be prouided in the best maner that might be that the General should proceed on his iourney in her with such coÌ„panie as he should make choise of and that the rest should returne at their good leisure Wherefore vpon this determination we went vnder a point of this Island because it was a fit place to câ—â—ene the ship in recouering the same we spent Wednesday Thursday and Friday till noone and yet for all that wee could not wel double it vntil Easter day about noone Here we ankered very neere the shore and in a valley we found very excellent fresh water wherof we made no smal account here stayed all the Easter-holidayes to set our selues about the furnishing vp of the Trinity and after the worke was taken in hand by the two Masters which were very sufficient calkers one of which was Iuan Castiliano chiefe Pilot and the other Peruccio de Bermes they finished the same so well in fiue dayes as it was wonderfull for no man could perceiue how any droppe of water could enter into any of the seames Afterward they mended the other ship from Saturday till Munday during which time all those were shriuen that had not confessed and receiued the communion and it was resolued by charge of the confessors that all those seale-skins which they had taken from the Indians should bee restored againe and the Generall gaue charge to Francis Preciado to restore them all charging him on his conscience so to doe Thus they gathered them together and deliuered them into the hands of the fathers to bee kept vntill they returned to the place where they were to restore them After this maner on Munday before noone we tooke our leaues of the Generall Francis Vlloa and of the people that stayed with him who at our departure shed no small number of teares and we chose for our captaine in the Santa Agueda master Iuan Castiliano the chiefe pilot as well of the ship as of vs all and set saile the same day being the fift of April hauing our boat tied at our sterne till we came ouer against the cottages whence wee had taken the seale-skins From the countrey of the Christians and the port of Colima we were now distant some three hundreth leagues which is the first port where wee determined to touch at And hauing sailed a league from the Trinitie the captaine Iuan Castiliano commanded vs to salute them with three pieces of great Ordinance and she answered vs with other three and afterward we answered one another with two shot apiece We sailed on Munday Tewsday til noon with contrary wind in sight of the Island and at noone we had a fresh gale in the poupe which brought vs ouer against the cottages of the Indians where we tooke away those seal-skins there certain souldiers mariners with the father frier Antony de Melo leapt on shore with the boat carying the skins with them flung them into the sayd cottages out of which they were taken and so returned to their ship This day the weather calmed wereupon we were driuen to cast anker fearing that we should foorthwith be distressed for want of victuals if we should stay there any long time but God which is the true helper prouided better for vs then we deserued or imagined for as we rode here after midnight the Wednesday following before ten of the clocke wee had a fauourable gale of winde from the Southeast which put vs into the sea whither being driuen wee had the wind at Northwest so good and constant that in siâ—e dayes it brought vs to the cape of the point of the port of Santa Cruz for which so great blessing of God we gaue vnto him infinite thankes And here we began to allow our selues a greater proportion of victuals then wee had done before for wee had eaten very sparingly for feare lest our victuals would faile vs. Before we came to this point of the hauen of Santa Cruz by sixe or seuen leagues we saw on shore between certaine valleys diuers great smokes And hauing passed the point of this port our captaine thought it good to laâ—ch foorth into the maine Ocean yet although we ran a swift course aboue 500 whalâ—s came athwart of vs in 2 or 3 skulles within one houres space which were so huge as it was wonderfull and some of them came so neere vnto the ship that they swam vnder the same from one side to another whereupon we were in great feare lest they should doe vs some hurt but they could not because the ship had a prosperous and good winde and made much way whereby it could receiue no harme although they touched and strooke the same Among these Islands are such abundance of those weedes that if at any time wee were inforced to sayle ouer them they hindred the course of our ships They growe fourteene or fifteene fadome deepe vnder the water their tops reaching foure or fiue fadome aboue the water They are of the colour of yellow waxe their stalke groweth great proportionably This weede is much more beautifull then it is set foorth and no maruell for the naturall painter and creator thereof is most excellent This relation was taken out of that which Francis Preciado brought with him After this ship the Santa Agueda departed from the Generall Vlloa and returned backe the 5 of April she arriued in the port of Sant Iago de buena esperança the 18 of the said moneth and after she had stayed there foure or fiue dayes she departed for Acapulco howbeit vntil this present seuenteenth of May in the yeere 1540â— I haue heard no tidings nor newes of her Moreouer after the departure of the Santa Agueda for Nueua Espanna the General Francis Vlloa in the ship called the Trinitie proceeding on his dicouery coasted the land vntill he came to a point called Cabo del Enganno standing in thirty degrees and a halfe of Northerly latitude and then returned backe to Newspaine because he found the winds very contrary and his victuals failed him The relation of the nauigation and discouery which Captaine Fernando Alarchon made by the order of the right honourable Lord Don Antonio de Mendoça Vizeroy of New Spaine dated in Colima an hauen of New Spaine Chap. 1.
eight dayes iourney distant from that place but that notwithstanding there was one among them which was their companion and which had spoken with them as he mâ—t them on the way when they went to see the kingdome of Ceuola and that they told him that he were not best to goe any farther for he should find there â— fierce nation like vs and of the same qualities and making which had fought much with the people of Ceuola because they had killed a Negro of their company saying Wherefore haue yee killed him what did he to you did he take any bread from you or do you any other wrong and such like speach And they said moreouer that these people were called Christians which dwelt in a great house that many of them had oxen like those of Ceuola and other litle blacke beasts with wooll and hornes that some of them had beasts which they rode vpoÌ„ which ran very swiftly that one day before their departure from sunne rising vntill sunne sâ—tting these Christians were all day in comming thither all of them lodged in that place where others had lodged that these two met with two Christians which asked them whence they were whether they had fields sowen with corne and they told them that they dwelt in a farre country and that they had corne and that then they gaue each of them a litle cap and they gaue them another to cary to their other companions which they promisâ—d to do departed quickly When I vnderstood this I spoke againe with my company to see if any one of them would go thither but I found them vnwilling as at the first and they laid against me greater incoÌ„ueniences Then I called the old man to see if he would giue me any people to goe with me victuals to trauel through that wildernes but he laid before me many inconueniences dangers which I might incurre in that voyage shewing me the danger that there was in passing by a lord of Cumana which threatned to make warre vpon them because his people had entred into the others countrey to take a stagge and that I shoulâ— not therefore depart thence without seeing him punished And when I replied that in any wise I must needes goe to Ceuola he willed me to surcease from that purpose for they looked that that lord without al doubt would come to annoy them that therefore they could not leaue their countrey naked to goe with me and that it would be better that I would make an end of that warre betweene them and that then I might haue their company to Ceuola And vpon this point we grew to such variance that we began to grow into choler and in a rage he would haue gone out of the boat but I stayed him and with gentle speeches began to pacifie him seeing that it imported mee much to haue him my friend but for all my courtesies which I shewed him I could not alter him from his mind wherein he stil remained obstinate In this meane while I sent a man away vnto my ships to giue them knowledge of the iourney that I had determined to make After this I prayed the old man that he would fetch him backe againe because I had determined that seeing I saw no meanes to be able to go to Ceuola because I would stay no longer among those people because they should not discouer me and likewise because I meant in person to visit my ships with determination to returne againe vp the riuer carying with me other companions leaue there some which I had sicke and telling the olde man and the rest that I would returne and leauing them satisfied the best I could although they alwayes said that I went away for feare I returned downe the riuer and that way which I had gone against the streame vp the riuer in 15. dayes and an halfe I made in my returne in 2. dayes and an halfe because the streame was great and very swift In this wise going downe the riuer much people came to the banks saying Sir wherefore doe you leaue vs what discourtesie hath bin done vnto you did you not say that you would remayne continually with vs and be our Lord And turne backe againe if any man aboue the riuer hath done you any wrong we will goe with our weapons with you and kill him and such like words ful of loue kindnes Chap. 8. When they came to their shippes the Captaine named that coast La Campanna de la Cruz and builded a Chapel vnto our Lady and called the riuer El Rio de Buena Guia and returned vp the same againe when he came to Quicona and Coama the Lords of those places vsed him very courteously VPon mine arriuall at my ships I found all my people in health although very heauie for my long stay and because the current had fretted fower of their cables and that they had lost two ankers which were recouered After we had brought our ships together I caused them to bring theÌ„ into a good harbour to giue the carena to the shippe called Sanct Peter to mend all things that were needfull And here assembling all my company together I opened vnto them what knowledge I had receiued of Francis Vasquez and how it might be that in those sixeteene dayes space which I was in sayling vp the riuer he might peraduenture haue some knowlâ—dge of me and that I was minded to returne vp the riuer once againe to try if I could finde any meanes to ioyne my selfe with him and although some spake against my determination I caused al my boates to bee made ready because the ships had no need of them I caused one of them to be filled with wares of exchange with corne and other seedes with hennes cockes of Castile and departed vp the riuer leauâ—ng order that in that prouince called Campanna de la Cruz they should build an Oraâ—oâ—iâ— or Chapell and called it the Chappell of our Lady de la Buena Guia and that they should call this riuer Rio de Buena Guia because that is your Lordships Deuise I carried with me Nicolas Zamorano Pilote mayor to take the height of the pole And I departed on tuesday the fourteenth of September on wednesday I came vnto the first dwellings of the first Indians which came running to hinder my passage supposing that we had bene other people for we caâ—ied with vs a fifer a drummer and I was clad in other apparell then I went in before when they saw me fiâ—st of all and when they knew me they stayed though I could not grow vnto perfect friendship with thâ—m whereupon I gaue them some of those seedes which I brought with mee teaching them how thâ—y should sow them and after I had sayled 3 leagues my first interpretour came euen to my boat to seeke me with great ioy of whom I demanded wherefore he had left me
to beanes but is bigger and longer and much more thicke together on the stalke and when it wareth ripe the meate which filleth the rine of the cod becommeth yellow and is exceeding sweet and pleasant In this time of our being there hapned to come a Portugall to the Westerne fort with a flag of truce to whom Captaine Sampson was sent with Captaine Goring who comming to the said messenger he first asked them what nation they were they answered Englishmen hee then required to knowe if warres were betweene England and Spaine to which they answered that they knew not but if he would goe to their Generall he could best resolue him of such particulars and for his assurance of passage and repassage these Captaines made offer to ingage their credits which he resusâ—d for that he was not sent from his Gouernor Then they told him if his Gouernor did desire to take a course for the common benefit of the people and countrey his best way were to come and present himselfe vnto our noble and mercifull Gouernour sir Francis Drake whereby hee might bee assured to find fauour both for himselfe and the inhabitantes Otherwise within three dayes wee should march ouer the land and consume with fire all inhabited places and put to the sword all such liuing soules as wee shoulde chance vpon so thus much hee tooke for the conclusion of his answere and departing hee promised to returne the next day but we neuer heard more of him Upon the foure and twentieth of Nouember the Generall accâ—mpaniâ—d with the lieutenant generall and sixe hundred men marched foorth to a village twelue miles within the land called Saint Domingo where the Gouernour and the Bishoppe with all the betâ—er sort were lodged and by eight of the clocke wee came â—o it finding the place abandoned and the people fled into the mountaines so we made stand a while to ease our selues and partly to see if any would come to speake to vs. After we had well rested our selues the Generall commaunded the troupes to march away homewards in which retreat the enemie shewed themselues both horse and foote though not such force as â—urst encounter vs and so in passing sometime at the gase with them it waxed late and towards night before we could recouer home to S. Iago On Munday the sixe and twentieth of Nouember the Generall commaunded all the pinnesses with the boates to vse all diligence to imbarke the Armie into such shippes as euery man belonged The Lieutenant generall in like sort commanded Captaine Goring and Lieutenant Tucker with one hundred shot to make a stand in the market place vntill our forces were wholly imbarked the viceadmiral making stay with his pinnesse certaine boats in the harbour to bring the sayd last companie aboord the ships Also the Generall willed forthwith the gallie â—ith two pinnesses to take into them the company of Captaine Barton and the company of Captaine Bigs vnder the leading of captaine Sampson to seeke out such munition as was hidden in the ground at the towne of Praya or Playa hauing bene promised to be shewed it by a prisoner which was taken the day before The Captaines aforesayd comming to the Playa landed their men and hauing placed the troupe in their best strength Captaine Sampson tooke the prisoner and willed him to shewe that hee had promised the which he could not or at least would not but they searching all suspected places found two pieces of ordinance one of yron an other of brasse In the after noone the Generall ankered with the rest of the Fleet before the Playa comming himselfe ashore willing vs to burne the towne and make all haste aboord the which was done by sixe of the clocke the same day and our selues imbarked againe the same night and so we put off to Sea Southwest But before our departure from the towne of S. Iago wee established orders for the better gouernment of the Army euery man mustered to his captaine and othes were ministred to acknowledge her Maiestie supreme Gouernour as also euery man to doe his vttermost endeuour to aduance the seruice of the action and to yeeld due obedience vnto the directions of the Generall and his officers By this prouident counsell and laying downe this good foundation before hand all things went forward in a due course to the archieuing of our happy enterprise In all the time of our being here neither the Gouernour for the king of Spaine which is a Portugall neither the Bishop whose authoritie is great neither the inhabitants of the towne or Island euer came at vs which we expected they should haue done to intreate vs to leaue them some part of their needfull prouisions or at the least to spare the ruining of their towne at our going away The cause of this their varcasonable distrust as I doe take it was the fresh remembrance of the great wrongs they had done to old M. William Hawkins of Plimmouth in the voyage he made 4. or 5. yeeres before when as they did both breake their promise and murthered many of his man whereof I iudge you haue vnderstood therefore it is needlesse to be repeated But since they came not at vs we left written in sundry places as also in the spittle house which building was only appointed to be spared the great discontentment scorne we tooke at this their refraining to come vnto vs as also at the rude maner of killing sauage kind of handling the dead body of one of our boyes found by them stragling al alone from whom they had taken his head and heart and had stragled the other vowels about the place in a most brutish and beastly maner In reuenge whereof at our departing we consumed with fire all the houses aswell in the countrey which we saw as in the towne of S. Iago From hence putting off to the West Indies wee were not many dayes at Sea but there beganne among our people such mortalitie as in fewe dayes there were dead aboue two or three hundred men And vntill some seuen or eight dayes after our comming from S. Iago there had not died any one man of sicknesse in all the fleete the sicknesse shewed not his infection wherewith so many were stroken vntill we were departed thence and then seazed our people with extreme hot burning and continuall agues whereof very fewe escaped with life and yet those for the most part not without great alteration and decay of their wittes and strength for a long time after In some that died were plainely shewed the small spots which are often found vpon those that be infected with the plague wee were not aboue eighteene dayes in passage betweene the sight of Saint Iago aforesaid and the Island of Dominica being the first Island of the West Indies that we fell withall the same being inhabited with sauage people which goe all naked their skinne coloured with some painting of a reddish tawney very personable and handsome strong
men who doe admit litle conuersation with the Spanyards for as some of our people might vnderstand them they had a Spaniard or twaine prisoners with them neither doe I thinke that there is any safetie for any of our nation or any other to be within the limits of their commandement albeit they vsed vs very kindly for those few houres of time which wee spent with themâ— helping our folkes to fill and cary on their bare shoulders fresh water from the riuer to our ships boates and fetching from their houses great store of Tabacco as also a kind of bread which they fed on called Cassaui very white and sauourie made of the rootes of Cassaui In recompence whereof we bestowed liberall rewards of glasse coloured beades and other things which we had found at Saint Iago wherewith as it seemed they rested very greatly satisfied and shewed some sorowfull countenance when they perceiued that we would depart From hence wee went to another Island Westward of it called Saint Christophers Island wherein we spent some dayes of Christmas to refresh our sicke people and to cleanse and ayre our ships In which Island were not any people at all that we could heare of In which time by the General it was aduised and resolued with the consent of the Lieutenanâ— generall the Uice-admirall and all the rest of the Captaines to proceede to the great Islande oâ— Hispaniola aswell for that we knewe our selues then to bee in our best strength as also the ratheâ— allured thereunto by the glorious fame of the citie of S. Domingo being the ancientest and chiefâ— inhabited place in all the tract of Countrey thereabouts And so proceeding in this determination by the way we mette a small Frigat bound for the same place the which the Uice-admiralâ—u tooke and hauing duely examined the men that were in her there was one found by whom wee were aduertised the Hauen to be a barred Hauen and the shore or land thereof to bee well fortified hauing a Castle thereupon furnished with great store of Artillerie without the danger whereof was no conuenient landing place within ten English miles of the Citie to which the sayd Piâ—at tooke vpon him to conduct vs. All things being thus considered on the whole forces were commaunded in the Euening to embarke themselues in Pinnesses boats and other small barkes appoynted for this seruice Our souldiers being thus imbarked the Generall put himselfe into the barke Francis as Admirall and all this night we lay on the sea bearing small saile vntill our arriuall to the landing place which was about the breaking of the day and so we landed beeing Newyeeres day nine or ten miles to the Westwards of that braue Citie of S. Domingo for at that time nor yeâ— is knowen to vs any landing place where the sea-surge doth not threaten to ouerset a Pinnesse or boate Our Generall hauing seene vs all landed in safetie returned to his Fleete bequeathing vs to God and the good conduct of Master Carliell our Lieutenant Generall at which time being about eight of the clocke we began to march and about noone time or towards one of the clocke we approched the towne where the Gentlemen and those of the better sort being some hundred and fiftie braue horses or rather more began to present themselues but our small shot played vpon them which were so susteined with good proportion of pikes in all parts as they finding no part of our troope vnprepared to receiue them for you must vnderstand they viewed all round about they were thus driuen to giue vs leaue to proceed towards the two gates of the towne which were the next to the seaward They had manned them both and planted their ordinance for that present and sudden alarme without the gate and also some troopes of small shot in Ambuscado vpon the hie way side We diuided our whole force being some thousand or twelue hundred men into two partes â—o enterprise both the gates at one instant the Lieutenant Generall hauing openly vowed to Captaine Powel who led the troope that entred the other gate that with Gods good fauour he would not rest vntill our meeting in the market place Their ordinance had no sooner discharged vpon our neere approch and made some execution amongst vs though not much but the Lieutenant generall began forthwith to aduance both his voyce of encouragement and pace of marching the first man that was slaine with the ordinance being very neere vnto himselfe and thereupon hasted all that hee might to keepe them from the recharging of the ordinance And notwithstanding their Ambuscados we marched or rather ran so roundly in to them as pell mell wee entred the gates and gaue them more care euery man to saue himselfe by flight then reason to stand any longeâ— to their broken fight Wee forthwith repayred to the market place but to be more truely vnderstood a place of very faire spacious square ground whither also came as had bene agreed Captaine Powel with the other troope which place wâ—th some part next vnto it we strengthened with Barricados and there as the most conuenient place assured our selues the Citie being farre too spacious for so small and weary a troope to vndertake to guarde Somewhat after midnight they who had the guard of the Castle hearing vs busie about the gates of the said Castle abandoned the same some being taken prisoners and some fleeing away by the helpe of boates to the other side of the Hauen and so into the countrey The next day we quartered a litle more at large but not into the halfe part of the towne and so making substantiall trenches and planting all the ordinance that ech part was correspondent to other we held this towne the space of one moneth In the which time happened some accidents more then are well remembred for the present but amongst other things it chanced that the Generall sent on his message to the Spanyards a Negro boy with a flagge of white signifying truce as is the Spanyards ordinarie maner to doe there when they approch to speake to vs which boy vnhappily was first meete withall by some of those who had bene belonging as officers for the King in the Spanish Galley which with the Towne was lately fallen into our hands who without all order or reason contrary to that good vsage wherewith wee had intertained their messengers furiously strooke the poore boy thorow the body with one of their horsemens slaues with which wound the boy returned to the General and after hee had declared the maner of this wrongfull crueltie died foorthwith in his presence wherewith the Generall being greatly passioned commaunded the Proâ—ost Martiall to cause a couple of Friers then prisoners to be caried to the same place where the boy was stroken accompanied with sufficient guard of our souldiers and there presently to be hanged dispatching at the same instant another poore prisoner with this reason wherefore this execution was done with this
the same harbour you shall find twelue fathome very good and cleane ground or sane without eyther banks or rockes There are twelue small riuers or brookes of water which doe belong to this harbour and so doe meete all together so that the fleete may at all times prouide themselues of fresh water so much as shall serue their turnes And likewise there is in this place great store of timber to build shippes and stones to ballast shippes Also the harbour hath no danger at all in comming in but onely when the wind is Westerly which is seldome seene vpon this coast The windes which doe most blowe vpon this coast are Northerly windes and they are more dangerous and hurtfull then the Easterly windes are Within this harbour there lieth a small creeke safe from all winds that can blow This creek is about fiue hundred yards long and so many in breadth and in the entring in of this creekes mouth it is some 300. yardes broad and foure fathome and a halfe of water and entring farther in sixe fathome all oaze and muddie ground so that if a ship should chance to strike or come â—ground shee could take no harme being soft oaze also it doth ebbe and flow accorâ—ing as I haue certified your maiestie already And likewise the comming in and going out of this harbour is very good and with all kinde of weather a shippe may set saile from this place except with a Westerly wind and all this coast is very cleane where a shippe at all times may come to anker without the harbours mouth This harbour is inuironed round about with woods and at the ende of this harbour there is certaine land which is ouerflowen with water it may bee easily dryed vp and walled round about so this land will serue very well to feede cattell For that is the chiefest thing which doth belong to any citie or towne and of this pasture ground there is great want in Nombre de Dios for there is no pasture at all to breede cattell for all kinde of flesh which is spent in this place is brought from Panama so towards the South there is a very good place where the citie may be newe built on a certaine plaine ground which lieth at the foot of certaine mountaines which bee not very high and in this place there runne three little riuers of fresh water very sweete and good and here is good arable ground to till and to sow Maiz and other kinds of graine Also in this circuite there are great stones to make lyme and these stones must needes prooue very good as I doe thinke but we neuer had any triall thereof This harbour hath all things necessary to builde a citie where your maiestie may haue your armies and fleetes of shippes to ride at an anker in safetie without danger of loosing and it is a very healthfull countrey and where the citie shall be builded it is all stony ground and forasmuch as the raine water which doth fall from the mountaines may doe hurt vnto the citie there at the foote of the mountaine wee will make a great pond to receiue in all the water which doth fall from the mountaines and so from thence to goe into the sea as more at large your maiestie may see by my platforme If it would please your maiestie it were good that the citie of Nombre de Dios might bee brought and builded in this harbour it would not bee very chargeable vnto the citizens by reason that all their houses are made of timber and they may benefite themselues with the same againe and likewise with the tyles of their houses the greatest charge will bee to land timber and to cut downe the mountaine of wood If it please your maiestie that the sayd citie of Nombre de Dios should bee builded in this harbour the first thing which must be finished is to make vp this high way and so to pull downe the Church which is in Nombre Dios and the Contractation house and so newe build it in this harbour and then to command all the fleetes of shippes from time to time to come and vnlade their goods in this sayd Puerto Bello And that those marchants and factors of Spaine which are lygers in Panama and Nombre de Dios shall come to this harbour and builde anew their warehouses for receiuing of their goods So by these meanes in short time it will be greatly inhabited with people also the fleete shall not passe so many dangers as they dayly doe in Nombre de Dios neither will there so many people die as there dayly doe in Nombre de Dios and the cause thereof is that those labouring men which doe vse to vnlade those marchandize are all the whole day wading in the water vp to the armepits to bring the packs of cloth and other commodities aland for there is no landing place where there can come any boates to land any goods close to the shore so this wading and the parching of the Sunne is the cause why so many doe dye of a burning feuer There are but 60. dwelling houses in Nombre de Dios and but thirtie dwellers which doe continually dwell there and the rest doe goe to Panama after the fleete is gone and then this Towne doeth remayne desolate euery man forsaking it because it is so full of diseases In the entring in of this harbour for the more securitie thereof and defence of the towne it is needefull to build vpon the toppe of the mount which lyeth to the Northward a little fort fouresquare that will hold foure or fiue pieces of ordinance and to appoynt sixe men to watch and ward and this beeing done wee shall haue no occasion to make any more defeâ—ce by reason the countrey is full of rocks and filthy wayes and all full of woods round about the harbour And so likewise on the other side to builde a little tower in maner of a fort with eight pieces of ordinance and fiue and twenty souldiers to keepe it And this will bee of more importance because it must be builded on the towne side And a little beyond this place on the Northside there lyeth a crecke where there is a very good ankering in eight fathome water so this fort beeing builded in this place it will defend the harbour and offend the enemy and will defend the coast along and a paynt of the land which doth runne from the East to the West and reacheth to the Iland of Buena Ventura And put case that the fort which is builded on the other side doth decay or be taken by the enemy with this other fort wee may defend the citie very well if the enemy should chance to come into the harbour and bee succoured and holpen by the citizens and twentie musketters being planted vpon a mount which lyeth ouer the fort will bee sufficient to defende vs from a good many of our enemies that shoulde come to assault vs becausall the countrey is
which they must climbe called the mountaines of Capira which are of height three quarters of a league so in this place with very small store of souldiers wee can defend our selues from the fury of the enemie so these dwellers doe say that in Sommer the wayes are very good without either dirt or water The other entrance is vp the riuer of Chagre which riuers mouth lyeth eighteene leagues from Nombre de Dios to the Westwards falling into the North sea and this is the place which the citizens of Panama doe most feare for they may come vp this riuer to Venta de Cruzes and so from thence march to this citie which is but fiue leagues off So vp this riuer there goe boates and barkes which doe carry 320. Quintals waight These are they which carry the most part of the marchandize which doe come from Spaine to be transported to Peru and from Venta de Cruzes it is câ—â—â—â—o to Limaret which is three leagues off that place and the dwellers doe report that it is a very good way and if any men of warre will attempt to come into these seas they may very easily come vp this riuer as farre as Venta de Cruzes and from thence march vnto this citie and if the enemy will they may bring their pinnesses ready made in foure quartersâ— and so taken in sunder may afterwards set them together againe as it is reported that Francis Drake hath vsed it once before when he came that voyage and so he may attempt vs both by sea and land And forasmuch as the most part of these people are marchants they will not fight but onely keepe their owne persons in safetie and saue their goods as it hath bene seene heretofore in other places of these Indies So if it will please your maiesty to cause these houses to bee strongly fortified considering it standeth in a very good place if any sudden alarms shoulde happen then the citizens with their goods may get themselues to this place and so escape the terrour of the enemy and so this will be a good securitie for all the treasure which doth come from Peru. So all the Pirats and rebels which haue robbed in these parts haue gone about what they can to stoppe this passage and so by this meanes to stoppe the trade of Spaine and to set souldiers in this place for to intercept and take your maiesties treasure whereby none might be caried into Spaine Therefore it behooueth your maiestie to fortifie these places very strongly These places being fortified in this maner your maiesty shal haue al your gold and siluer brought home in safetie which commeth from Peru. And all those commodities which are laden in Spaine may come safe to this place And if perchance any rebels should rise in these parts which would rebel against your maiesty which God forbid if they should chaÌ„ce to ioyn with any of these pirats hauing this place so wel fortified Puerto Bello in y e North parts so to send some garrison your maiestie needs not to feare for here in this harbor are alwayes 10 or 12 barks of 60 or 50 tunnes apiece which do belong to this harbor So if any of these places shal be intercepted theÌ„ your maiestie hath no other place fitter then this to land your maiesties souldiers for then they haue but 18. leagues to march by land presently they may be shipped to supply these places which shal stand in most need of them In al the coast of Peru there is no harbour that hath any shipping but onely this place and the citie of Lima where there are some ships and barks The harbour being thus open without any defence a man of war may very easily come to this place as I haue certified your maiestie thorow the streits of Magellane arriue at that instant when those barks do come from Peru with your maiesties gold siluer for sometimes they bring 5 or 6 millions in those barks so the enemy may come and take al their treasure not leese one man because here is not one man to resist him therefore this place being thus fortified the treasure may be kept in the fort There is a trench made round about your maiesties houses which are builded of timber the President and Iudges did cause it to be made for that here was newes brought that there were certaine men of warre pirats coÌ„ming for these parts So this trench is thus maintained vntil such time as your maiesties pleasure is to the contrary in such wise that your souldiers may sight lying behind the trench so there is order giuen to build a platforme vpon the plaine ground and so to plant such ordinance in those places as shall be thought most conuenient If it wil please your maiestie here we may make a sconce or fort toward the land side so trench it round about and build it with stone because here is a place and al things readie for the same purpose and by this meanes the citie would be securely kept as for the sea there is no danger at al by reason that the water doth ebbe flow twise a day and then when it is ebbing water it wil be all dry muddy ground rocks so that in no wise at a low water the enemy can wade ouer the mud to come to this city and it reacheth from the Island til you come to the bridge called Paita Two leagues from this city there lieth a harbor called Perico downe to the Westward this is a very sure harbour by reason of 3. Islands which do ioyne in maner of a halfe moone they lie halfe a league from the maine the Islands do enclose the harbor round about the harbour is a very high land the Ilands are but reasonable high there is good store of fresh water also there hath neuer any ship bene cast away in this harbour for there is 7. fathome water at ful sea and 3 or 4 fathome at lower water and very good ground for their ankering and when they will trimme their ships they may hale them ashore All those ships and barks which come from Peru with gold siluer or any other kind of commodities do first come to an anker in this harbour and if they haue a contrary weather they cannot come into the harbour of Panama and for so much as the harbour hath no defence for the safegard of the ships if a man of warre should chance to come into the harbour all the barks with the treasure may be very easily taken And likewise these barks ships which do nauigate in the South seas carrie not so much as one piece of ordinance or a rapier to defend them withall From this place to Venta de Cruzes is not passing 5 leagues so that if any pinnesse should happen to arriue there no doubt but they might robbe and take al your treasure which is in those barks by
home by reason the wind was contrary to goe in with Newfoundland So the tenth day of September we arriued in safety God be thanked in Miâ—ford hauen in Wales hauing performed so long a voyage in the space of sixe moneths or somewhat lesse The voyage truely discoursed made by sir Francis Drake and sir Iohn Hawkins chiefly pretended for some speciall seruice on the Islands and maine of the West Indies with sixe of the Queenes ships and 21 other shippes and barkes containing 2500 men and boyes in the yeere 1595. In which voyage both the foresayd knights died by sicknesse WEâ— broke ground out of the sound of Plimmouth on Thursday the 28 of August and that night ankored againe in Causon bay where we rode till Friday Then we set sayle and stoode Southwest and about three of the clocke the next morning the Hope wherein sir Thomas Baskeruil went strake vpon the Edy stone and shot off a piece but after cleared herselfe wel enough On Mundâ—y at sixe of the clocke in the morning the landes end bare North-weâ—t and by North and then we stoode away Southwest and by South for the coast of Spaine The 8 of September we tooke two small Flemish fliboats bound for Barbary which we caried a while with vs and afterward dismissed them without doing them any harme only wee learned newes of them and stayed them from discrying our fleete to the enemie The 26 we saw Fortenentura being one of the Islands of the Canaries The 27 being Saturday by breake of day we had ouer-shot the chiefe towne of Grand Canaria to the Northeast and thâ—n stood about for it againe and by nine of the clocke were at anker sayâ—e before the fort to the Eastward of the towne some league At one of the clocke wee offred to land one thousand and foure hundredth men in the sandie bay betwixt the fort and the towne But by our deâ—racting of the time they had made a bulwarke in the sandie bay and planted Ordinance so that by reason thereof and the great breach of the sea that went then on shore we were not able to land without endangering our whole forces which our General would not doe There were of Spaniards horsemen and footmen some 900. which played vpon vs out of their trenches most of theâ— being shot At the time of our landing there went by commandement of our Generâ—ls within mâ—â—kâ—t shot of the shore rode there at ankor some threâ— hours the Salomon the Bonauentâ—re the â—lizabeth Constance the Phenix the Iuell the Little Iohn the Delight the Pegasus the Exchange the Francis the carauell and the two catches But when the Generall sir Fraâ—cis Drake gaue ouer the landing being in his barge the ships weighed being in some danger and stoode off againe to the great ships Then we went to the West end of the Island and there watered where captaine Grimston going vp the hill with 6 or 7 in his company was set vpon by the heâ—dmâ—n who with their dogs and staues killed the captaine and three or foure of his company therest were sore wounded the Salomons Chirurgian taken prisoner who disclosed our precended voyage as much as in him lay so as the Uiceroy sent a carauel of aduiso into the Indies vnto all such places as wee did pretend to goe to Howbeit they had intelligence from the king of all our voyage the eight of August which was three weekes before we set foorth of England as also by a Fleming that had seene all our prouisâ—on at London The 28 being Sunday at ten of the clocke at night wee set saile and stood away Southwest and Southsouthwest some 200 leagues vntil we came in the height of the Islands of Cape Verde and then more Westerly for Martinino one of the Islands of the West Indies which we saw the 27 of October but the night before we had a storme in which sir Francis with foure or fiue other ships bearing on head of the fleete was separated Then we stood for Dominica an Island full of inhabitants of the race of the Canibals not past ten leagues distant from Martinino In it grâ—weth great store of Tabacco where most of our English and Frenchmen barter kniues hatchets sawes and such like yron tooles in trucke of Tabacco Before we came to Dominica our Generall Sir Francis Drake altered his course and went for Marigalante which we had sight of the 28 day and came to an anker on the Northeast side a saker shot off the shore in 13 fatâ—omes â—ater faire sholding There the Generall went on shore in his barge and by chance met a Canoa of Dominicans to the people whereof he gaue a yellow wast coate of flanell and an hankerchiefe and they gaue him such fruits as they had and the Dominicanes rowed to Dominica againe They came thither to fetch some fruits which they sowe and plant in diuers places of that Island which they keepe like gardens The next morning by breake of day we weyed and stoode betweene the Todos Santos which are 4 or 5 little Islands betweene Guadalupe and Dominica There is nothing vpon these Islands but wood We came to the Southeast side of Guadalupe and there ankered hard aboord the shore the Southwest side of the Island is deepe water and good ankorage where that day sir Iohn Hawkins came to vs againe standing vp from the South side of Dominica There we watered washed our ships set vp our pinnesses and refreshed our souldiers on shore The 30 captaine Wignol in the Francis a barke of 35 tunnes being the sternmost of sir Iohn Hawkins fleete was chased by fiue of the king of Spaines frigats or Zabras being ships of 200 tunnes a piece which came of purpose with 3 other Zabras for the treasure of S. Iuan de Puerto rico The Francis going roome with them supposing they had bene our owne fleete was by them taken in sight of our carauel They left the Francis driuing in the sea with 3 or 4 hurt and sicke men and tooke the rest of our men into their ships as the prisoners which wee tooke at S. Iuan de Puerto rico told vs. The 4 of Nouember we began to vnlade the Richard one of our victuallers which was by the neâ—t day vnladen vnrigged and then sunken Then we stood Northwest by North and the next morning saw the Ilands of Monserrata Redonda Estazia S. Christopher and Saba The biggest of these Islands is not past 8 leagues long There is good ankorage in 8 7 and 5 fadomes water faire white sand Then we stood away Southwest and on the 8 in the morning being Saturday came to an anker some 7 or 8 leagues off within certain broken Ilands called las Virgines which haue bene accounted dangerous but we found there a very good rode had it bene for a 1000 sails of ships in 14,12 and 8 fadomes faire sand and good ankorage high Islands on either side but no fresh water that we could find here is much
weather quarter but dared not to come roome with vs although our Admirall stayed for them Assoone as we had cleered our selues of the Cape 3 of their best saylers came roome with the Salomon which was so neere the land â—hat she could not double the Cape but tacked about to the Eastward so was both a sterne and also to leeward of all our fleete But when we saw the Spaniards working the Defiance tacked about to rescue her which the Spaniâ—rds seeing hauing not forgotten the fight which she made the night before they loofed vp into the middest of their fleeâ—e againe and then all the fleete stayed vntill the Salomon came vp and so stood along for Cape S. Antonio which wee came in sight of by two in the after noone being a low cape also and to the Southwest a white sandie bay where 3 or 4 ships may very well water There is a good road to North Easterly windes there the Spaniardes began to fall a sterne That night wee stood away a glasse or two Northwest and Northnorthwest and Northeast and in the morning-watch South and in the morning had sight of Cuba about the East part of the Organes which are dangerous rocks lying 8 leagues off vpon the North part of Cuba presently assoone as you passe Cape S. Anthonie then we stood to the Eastward of the land the winde at Southsouthwest and at 6 at night had foule weather but after were becalmed all night The 5 the winde came scant The 7 we sawe a hie land like a crowne which appeareth so 13 or 14 leagues to the Westward of Hauana and another place in Cuba called The Table 8 leagues to the Eastward of the crowne The land ouer Hauana maketh two small mountaines like a womans breasts or paps Here we found no great current vntill we came to the Gulfe of Bahama The 10 we saw the Cape of Florida being but a reasonable low land and broken Ilands to the Southward of the Cape And at two in the afternoone we lost sight of the land 12 leagues to the Northward of the Cape After we had disemboqued we stood West till midnight and were in 28 degrees and then stood Northeast till the 13 at night when we were in 31 degrees And after the wind scanted with a great storme in which we lost the Bonauenture and the Little Iohn they bearing on head Then we stood with our larbord tacked Eastsoutheast The 19 we were in 29 degrees our course Eastnortheast The 21 we had a great stormie gale of winde and much raine but large And then all the rest of our fleete fell a sterne except the Hope which bare a head so that there kept no more with the Admirall but the Defiance the Aduenture and the Phenix The 28 we were in 39 degrees and stood away for Flores which the 8 of Aprill we saw and the 9 came to an anker on the Southside where we watered because the Defiance when we came in had but two buts of water We bartered with the Portugals for some fresh victuals and set here on shore at our comming away out of the Admirall our two Portugall Pilots which sir Francis Drake caried out of England with him The 10 bâ—ing Easter-â—ue at night we set saile the winde seruing vs to lie some slent in our course That night and Easter day we had much raine the winde came vp at Northeast wee beaâ—e it by some 30 lâ—agues to the Eastward then about to the West and so againe to the East and tryed and the next boord to the West On Thursday towards night being the 16 wee had sight of Coruo againe we tryed all that night and on Friday towards night we came to an anker to the Westward of the point of Santa Cruz vnder Flores but before midnight we draue and set saile the next day standing away Northeast About three of the clocke in the afternoone the winde came vp againe at North. On sunday the 19 by two of the clocke in the afternoone we had made 20 leaguâ—s an East way and then the winde came vp a good gale at Northwest and so Northeast with a flowne sheete we made the best way we could but being dispersed by bad weather we arriued about the beginning of May in the West parts of England And the last ships which came in together to Plimmouth were the Defiance the Garland the Aduenture and the Phenix A Libell of Spanish lies written by Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda Generall of the king of Spaines Armada concerning some part of the last voyage of Sir Francis Drake together with a confutation of the most notorious falsehoods therein contained and a declaration of the truth by M. Henrie Sauile Esquire and also an approbation of both by sir Thomas Baskeruil Generall of her Maiesties Armada after the decease of sir Francis Drake To the courteous Reader WHereas Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda Generall of the Spanish fleete hath by his printed letters published to the world diuerse vntruthes concerning our fleete and the Commanders thereof seeking thereby his owne glorie and our disgrace I haue taken vpon me though of many least able to confute the same the rather for that the printed copie came fiâ—st into my hands hauing my selfe bene Captaine of one of her Maiesties ships in the same voyage Take this therefore gentle Reader as a token of my dutie and loue to my countrey and countrey-men and expect onely a plaine truth as from the pen of a souldier and Nauigator Which if you take in good part you may draw me hereafter to publish some greater labour HENRY SAVILE THe true copie of a letter found at the sacking of Cadiz written by Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda Generall of the king of Spaine his Nauie in the West Indies sent vnto Doctor Peter Florez President of the contractation house for the Indies and by him put in print with priuilege wherein are declared many vntruthes and false reports tending to the disgrace of the seruice of her Maiesties Nauie and the commanders thereof lately sent to the West Indies vnder the command of sir Francis Drake and sir Iohn Hawkins Generals at the sea and sir Thomas Baskeruill Generall at land with a confutation of diuers grosse lies and vntruthes contayned in the same letter together with a short relation of the fight according to the truth Copia de vna carta que embio Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellanedaâ— General de la Armada de su Magestad embiada al Doctor Pedro Florez Presidente de la casa de la Contratacion de las Indias en que trata del sucesso de la Armada de Ynglatterra despues que partio de Panama de que fue por General Francisco Draque y de su muerte DE Cartagena di cuenta a vuestra Merced como sali del puerto de la ciudad de Lisbona en busca de la armada Ynglesa aunque por
a man sorrowe to death For true it is sir Francis Drake died of the fluxe which hee had growen vpon him eight dayes before his death and yeelded vp his spirit like a Christian to his creatour quietly in his cabbin And when the Generall shall suruey his losse he shall finde it more then the losse of the English and the most of his destroyed by the bullet but the death of Sir Francis Drake was of so great comfort vnto the Spaniard that it was thought to be a sufficient amendes although their whole fleete had beene vtterly lost Thirdly the Generall doth say of his owne credite and not by intelligence from any Indian or other that on the eleuenth of March last he met the English fleete at the I le of Pinos being fourteene good shippes who although they had the winde of him yet he set vpon them three times with all their shippes but the English fleete fled and refused to fight shooting now and then a shot but especially the Viceadmirall THis third lie of the Generall Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda whose name for the proliritie thereof may be drawen somewhat neere the length of a cable hath no colour of protection but it hath a iust proportion in measure to the lies of olde Bernardino de Mendoça his countreyman concerning the ouerthrowe of hir Maiesties Nauie in the yeere one thousand fiue hundred eightie and eight For except Don Bernaldino the Generall did purpose to winne the wheâ—stone from Don Bernardino de Mendoça the olde Spanish lyer I cannot coâ—iecture why he should write to his countrey for a truth that he chased the English Nauie with nine shippes and did three seuerall times giue the onset to the English fleete who being fourteene good shippes as he saith did flie and refuse to fight considering that the Spanish Uiceadmirall if he be liuing and many other can witnesse the contrarie who fighting like a true valiant man departed from the fight with a torne and battered shippe to saue her from sinking Neither can I imagine that there is any one in the Spanish fleete Don Bernaldino excepted that will say they were lesse then twentie sayle of shippes when they met the English fleete and the Spanish Nauie can witnesse that they receiued such store of bullets from the English fleete that they were glad to depart and in despight of them the English nauie did holde their determined course And taking a viewe of the Spanish fleete the next day their number was not aboue thirteene ships which did argue that they were either sunke or fled to harbour to saue themselues Fourthly the General saith that the English fleete fled away and left their oares for haft behind them in the sea IT was strange that they should leaue behinde them oares in the sea suhence there was not in the English fleete either Galley or Galliasse which required the vse of oares as for the oares of their ship-boates and other such small vessels they had slowed them aboord their shippes and were no impediment vnto them but most necessarie for them to vse and therefore not likely they would cast them ouerboord But it is more likely that the Generall fell into some pleasant dreanie at Sea wherein he did see a false apparition of victorie against the English and for lacke of matter did set this downe in his letter for newes of his countrey It is sinne to belie the Deuill and therefore the Generall shall haue his right the letter is so well contriued and yet with no great eloquence but with such art that there are not many more lines then there are lies which shewed that there are wonderfull and extraordinarie gifts in the Generall but I am perswaded if Don Bernaldino had thought that his letter should haue beene printed he would haue omitted many things conteined in the letter for the Doctor did vse him somewhat hardly in the wing the letter openly and more in suffering it to bee printed for friendes may like good fellowes send lies one to the other for recreation and feed their friends with some small taste thereof so it be kept close without danger to incurre the title of a lying Generall But as the matter is now handled through the simplicitie of the Doctor I cannot see but the Generall Don Bernaldino is like to carrie the title equally twixt both his shoulders Fiftly the Generall doth say in his printed letter that notwithstanding all the diligence he could vse he could not cause the English fleete to stay nor come neere them nor discharge one harquebuze or peece of artillerie but fled away as fast as they could ANd this lie also he doth not receiue by intelligence from any other but himselfe was an eye-witnesse in the action which made him bold to sende this with the rest into his countrey for current newes but herein Don Bernaldino was more bolde then wise for the torne and battered sides of his Galeons being compared with her Maiesties shippes and others that serued in that fight doe declare that his ships receiued at least two bullets for one Neither can it be concealed but his owne countreymen if any do fauour truth may easily see the losse and late reparations done vnto the kings fleete sithence they did encounter with the English Nauie whensoeuer they that remaine shall arriue in Spaine But the Generall seemeth to be a very good proficient in his profession and wareth somewhat bold treading the true steps of olde Bernardino de Mendoça and yet Mendoça was somewhat more warie in his lies for he had sometime the colour of intelligence to shadowe them but the Generall growing from boldnesse to impudencie maketh no scruple to say that the English Nauie fled as fast as they could without discharging any harquebuze or peece of artillerie when as the battered sides of his ships doe returne the lie to his face For in this conflict Don Bernaldino did behaue himselfe so valiantly that he was alwayes farthest off in the fight and had so great care of his owne person that he stoode cleare from the danger of musket or any small shot and durst not approch whereas our Generall was the foremost and so helde his place vntill by order of fight other shippes were to haue their turnes according to his former direction who wisely and politikely had so ordered his vangarde and rereward that as the manner of it was altogether strange to the Spaniarde so might they haue bene without all hope of victorie if their Generall had bene a man of any iudgement in sea-fights I knowe no reason why the English Nauie should flie from him for the Spaniarde may put all the gaine in his eye that euer he did winne from the English Peraduenture some silly nouice of our countrey meeting the Generall in Spaine and hearing a repetition of so many sillables in one name as Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda might thinke them to be wordes of
they were very rich Departing thence by Cape Coadera going for Cape dela Vela at the Isle Buen aire our Fliboat was cast away some of the men lost but the most part saued Coasting all the shore from Cape de la Vela being bound for S. Martha we tooke a small frigat laden with Guiny corne the eleuenth of September she had in her money to the valew of 500 pound linnen cloth and China silke all which our General bestowed vpon his company to comfort them after their long sustained miseries Out of which frigat we had a good pilots for those coasts for our pilot that promised many things before we came thither was now absent in the Woolfe who we thinke did wilfully loose vs. Arriuing at S. Martha two leagues West from the towne in a faire bay we landed the 12 of September so marched to the towne being often times encountred by the way and in a narrow way at our descent downe a hill they had placed two cast pieces of brasse which we recouered and so entred the towne the enemie flying before vs. While we abode in this towne there came one Don Martin de Castilla a gentleman of good education and a very great traueller who knew the whole state of the West India Malucos Philippinas he had bene in China and made many relations to our Generall his purpose was to saue the towne from burning wherin he preuailed but ransome I know of none we had for this gentleman made many great protestations of great pouerty to be in that place So wee departed onely taking their ordinance and a prisoner lost there by sir Francis Drake with some reliefe of victuals Hauing stayed there al the time of Christmas we departed thence on Newyeres day with termes of great content to our General in the Spaniards great submission vnto him for they were now within a league of vs with 700 souldiers And being challenged by him to defend their towne like men of worth they did notwithstāding intreat fauour with great humilitie Whilest we were at S. Martha the Wolfe came againe vnto vs so wee shaped our course for Iamaica and missing the rode were constrained to saile round about the Isle a thing not before done In this place the Wolfe absolutely againe forsooke vs with the smal barke that we tooke at S. Iago and returned for England with hard newes of our ruine but by Gods fauourable help wee arriued in the road of Iamaica the 29 of Ianuary which is very dangerous to enter by reason of the sholds and rocks that lie before it Here we landed and marched 6 miles into the countrey where the towne standeth the people all on horsebacke made shew of great matters but did nothing Now being masters of the towne and whole Isle the people submitted themselues to our Generals mercy and here they prouided for vs great store of dried beefe and Cassaui meale a base food yet the best that the countrey yeeldeth to continue at sea This Isle is a marueilous fertil Isle is as a garden or store house for diuers parts of the maine It is full of plaine champion ground which in the rest of the Indies we haue not seene it aboundeth with beeues and Cassaui besides most pleasant fruits of diuers sorts We haue not found in the Indies a more pleasant and holsome place During the time that we remained in this Isle the captaine of the Isle came often aboord vs we hauing pledges for the security of their promise They were in fine at our Generals deuotion to dispose of al things and in all things as he pleased so that now we were as one people in one peace together Being almost ready to depart M. captaine Parker of Plimmouth came into the rode in his ships boat the second of March with whom our Generall consorted to goe for the bay of Honduras where by his perswasion we had great hope of a very good voyage And departing frō Iamaica the 6 of March we sailed to Cape de Corrientes in Cuba to looke for a barke of M. Parkers for our better strength but not finding her we went for the cape of Honduras where we purposed to entrap the watch so to sacke the towne of Truxillo but the watch discouering vs made great fires and the towne presently shot off a great piece and answered with fires Notwithstanding the next day being the 31 of March we brought our ships vnder the fort and landed our men but it was a vaine purpose for the towne is not to be taken but by exceeding multitudes for it is inuincible by nature It standeth vpon the top of a very steepe hill bordering close to the sea so enuironed with woods of such exceeding thicknes that there is no passage among the trees which if they were gone yet there is no climbing vp the hill only hauing one narrow lane to go into the towne at the end whereof is a great gate very strongly fortified so that it is not to be approched vnto so that with the losse of some few men we retired from this enterprise being altogether impossible to be atchieued by our few and weake men We departed from Truxillo the second of April and went for Puerto de Cauallos lower down in the bay stil nourishing our hope of good successe and comming thither found it reasonably fortified but wee presently preuailed and tooke it the 7 of April being the most poore and miserable place of all India Now our hopes were all frustrate and no likelihood remayning how we could by any meanes make a voiage our General reseruing vnto himselfe his silent inward impatience laboured to doe some memorable thing And in fine concluded by Rio Dolce to search with his boats some narrow passage or Isthmos for the South sea alleaging that if hee could but finde a boat there it should serue him to great purpose against which there could be no reasonable contradiction All his chiefest sea men consented hereunto but especially the Captaine of the Admirall So sayling with the ships to Cape de tres puntas in the bottome of the bay there leauing the ships well mored the tenth of Aprill he departed with his boats for Rio Dolce which in many Charts hath his passage through the land Up this riuer by many vncertaine windings we passed 30 leagues and better where we found a strong built for t a towne and diuers store-houses but for money or merchandize we found none Wee learned by the miserable people that we tooke that the South sea was 20 leagues from the nerest of that riuer and that it was 50 leagues to Guatimala 40 leagues to Sonsonate and 30 leagues to Sacatocaluca being townes which we hoped to march vnto so that now we were in worse case then before for wee were fallen sicke with the vnholsomenesse of this ayre and our victuals so wasted as that we were desperate how to recouer our countrey Whereupon with
for this containeth fortie leagues in length From this you must enter by the mouth of the riuer of Palmas vnto Santo Spirito the way is fiftie leagues you are to passe still along the cliffes As you enter on the left hand which is on the West shore vp this riuer there are many Isles lakes and small riuers and many Indians which are your enemies From Santo Spirito vnto a people which are called Los Tenbuis is fifteene leagues This is by the narrow arme whereby they passe into the riuer Parana it is the more because it is the longer way From the Tenbuis by this narrow arme vpward vnto the Quiloacas which is another nation are twentie leagues and all vp this riuer is great store of people From the Quiloacas to a place where the Spaniards now haue builded a towne are fifteene leagues From this towne vnto the people called Los Mequaretas is twentie leagues Here are many sholds which continue thirtie leagues All these thirtie leagues are sunken landes where are many Isles flats and nations which are our enemies From the Mâ—quaretas vnto the people called Mepenes are these thirtie leagues And from hence begin the coasts of the â—irme land vnto the mouth of the riuer Paraguai sauing that there are eight leagues more of sunken ground From the Mepenes vnto the mouth of the riuer of Paraguai are thirtie leagues it is a riuer that cannot be mistaken although it hath many armes and Iâ—lands and dangers it hath a marke two leagues beneath the mouth on the East side to witâ— an high land where are 7 points which we call the 7 currents and immediatly aboue these curâ—ents there is an Island as you passe vp the riuer ouer against the poynt aforâ—said standeth the mouth of Paraguai This mouth is very plaine to be found in seeking whereof a man cannot be deceiued From this mouth the riuer of Parana is diuided which is a very great riuer and it goeth vnto the towne of Piquiri which is an hundred and seuentie leagues and it runneth all this space North and South and in the way are many flats and shealds and great store of people which are a bad nation although they bee diuided From the place where these two riuers are diuided that is to say â—rom the mouth of Paraguai are sixtie leagues vnto the citie of Assumption This is a good riuer and better to sayle then all the rest of the riuers which are in this countrey And from this towne to Los Xaraes are 200. leagues very well inhabited with people of diuers natiâ—ns which serue the Spanyards THE TWO FAMOVS VOYAGES HAPPILY perfourmed round about the world by Sir Francis Drake and M. Thomas Candish Esquire together with the rest of our English voyages intended for the South Sea the kingdomes of Chili Peru the backe side of Nueua Espanna the Malucos the Philippinas the mightie Empire of China though not so happily perfourmed as the two former Whereunto are annexed certaine rare obseruations touching the present state of China and the kingdome of Coray lately inuaded by Quabacondono the last Monarch of the 66. princedomes of Iapan The famous voyage of Sir Francis Drake into the South sea and therehence about the whole Globe of the earth begun in the yeere of our Lord 1577. THe 15. day of Nouember in the yeere of our Lord 1577. M. Francis Drake with a fleete of fiue ships and barkes and to the number of 164. men gentlemen and sailers departed from Plimmouth giuing out his pretended voyage for Alexandria but the wind falling contrary hee was forced the next morning to put into Falmouth hauen in Cornewall where such and so terrible a tempest tooke vs as few men haue seene the like and was in deed so vehement that all our ships were like to haue gone to wracke but it pleased God to preserue vs from that extremitie and to afflict vs onely for that present with these two particulars The mast of our Admirall which was the Pellican was cut ouer boord for the safegard of the ship and the Marigold was driuen ashore and somewhat bruised for the repairing of which damages wee returned againe to Plimmouth and hauing recouered those harmes and brought the ships againe to good state we set forth the second time from Plimmouth and set saile the 13. day of December following The 25. day of the same moneth we fell with the Cape Cantin vpon the coast of Barbarie and coasting along the 27. day we found an Island called Mogador lying one mile distant from the maine betweene which I stand and the maine we found a very good and safe harbour for our ships to ride in as also very good entrance and voyde of any danger On this Island our Generall erected a pinnesse whereof he brought out of England with him foure already framed While these things were in doing there came to the waters side some of the inhabitants of the countrey shewing foorth their flags of truce which being seene of our Generall hee sent his ships boate to the shore to know what they would they being willing to come aboord our men left there one man of our company for a pledge and brought two of theirs aboord our ship which by signes shewed our General that the next day they would bring some prouision as sheepe capons and hennes and such like whereupon our Generall bestowed amongst them some linnen cloth and shooes and a iaueling which they very ioyfully receiued and departed for that time The next morning they failed not to come againe to the waters side and our Generall againe setting out our boate one of our men leaping ouer rashly ashore and offering friendly to imbrace them they set violent hands on him offering a dagger to his throte if hee had made any resistance and so laying him on a horse caried him away so that a man cannot be too circumspect and warie of himselfe among such miscreants Our pinnesse being finished wee departed from this place the 30. and last day of December and coasting along the shore wee did descrie not contrary to our expectation certaine Canters which were Spanish fishermen to whom we gaue chase and tooke three of them and proceeding further we met with 3. Carauels and tooke them also The 17. day of Ianuary we arriued at Cape Blanco where we found a ship riding at anchor within the Cape and but two simple Mariners in her which ship we tooke and caried her further into the harbour where we remained 4. dayes and in that space our General mustered and trayned his men on land in warlike maner to make them fit for all occasions In this place we tooke of the Fishermen such necessaries as wee wanted and they could yeeld vs and leauing heere one of our litle barkes called the Benedict wee tooke with vs one of theirs which they called Canters being of the burden of 40. tunnes or thereabouts All these things being finished
behelde many constellations in the firmament and set downe certaine newe starres raised to the Southwards All day and night wee went South and South by East among The seuenteenth day in the afternoone wee shot off three peeces of ordinance in honour of our Queenes Maiestie This day after dinner came master Maddox and Captaine Drake with others to take their leaue of master Walker as I with all my company had done before supposing him past hope of recouerie At foure of the clocke finding our selues in nineteene degrees to the Southwards of the line and cleare of the shoalds called by vs Powles wee went hence Southsouthwest all night following The 18 day being Sunday after dinner the Generall M. Maddox Captaine Parker and many other came aboord and visited M. Walker which done they dranke and departed aboord againe All this day and night we went our course Southwest by South with a franke gale The 19 day about noone the Sun was in our Zenith being declined to the Southwards 2â— degrees and 33 minutes where wee found the aire fresh and temperate as in England in Iune when a fresh gale of winde doeth blow in the heate of the day but the euening the night and the morning are more fresh and colder here then it is in England either in Iune or Iulie The first of December about sixe of the clocke in the morning wee sawe lande on the coast of Brasil in the height of 28 degrees or there abouts which bare Northwest and was eight leagues from vs very high land Wee stood in with it being much winâ—e and comming neere sound diuers Islands and seeing the Francis would not come roome nor run ahead vs wee stood in with the shore and â—oundeâ— in 30 fathom oaze three leagues off the lande bearing from the Westnorthwest to the Northnorthwest of vs and so sâ—oode still till it shoalded orderly into seuen fathom within a mile of a headland then perceiuing a breach ouer our bowe and no hope of a good harbour in that place wee bare vp roome and our Admirall after vs whom wee haled then hee tolde vs hee would seeke harbour to â—eewards requiring me to go ahead Then seeing the barke was asterne I hoised out my skiffe and set her maste and saile taking her ging and Tobias one of my Masters mates with mee and ranne before the shippe sounding in 15 fathom faire sand leauing a ledge of rockes a sea-boord of vs so the ships and the barke looffed vp vnder a headland and ankered in eight fathom halfe a mile off the lande hauing brought the headland which lyeth in 27 degrees 50 minutes Southsoutheast off them and the North land Northeast off thâ—m I stoode on with the skiffe hoping to â—inde a better harbour to leeward three leagues but it prooued not so wherefore I returned and in my way aboord I met with a rocke in the seaâ— where we landed and killed good store of fowleâ— and after I went aboord the Admirall where I presented him with fowle and returned aboord to supper In this time our boates had beene aland and found water bassasâ—e and two decayed houses as they told me and our men aboord hooked fresh-fish This night wee rode quietly The second being Sunday our masters moared our ships further into the bay We brought the South point Southeast off vs and the North land Northeast and so rid After dinner captaine Parker with my boat and company went a land and there placed pipes and made three wels In the meane time I accompanied with M. Hawkins M. Maddox M. Cotton and diuers of mine owne people landed farther within the bay and found two riuers of fresh waterâ— and a good fishing place Presently I sent aboord for my net with which at one draught we drew 600 great mullets and 5 great basses the like draugâ—â— was neuer seene with so small a net with which we went aboord giuing to the admirall 240 to the Francis 80 and the rest our company spent and gaue almighty God thanks for his great goodnesse All this while was captaine Parker and others gone into the land and fired thâ— woods which burned extremely The third day in the morning our carpenter talked without boord and the master and others tooke vp all the merchandize in the stearne sheets to the keele and there put downe a boats loding of stone and seeing the merchandize well conditioned stowed the same againe In the meanâ— time my selfe and others in our boats scraped off the wormes and washed the rudder and part of one side of our ship After dinner the master pilot and I went ashore and obserued the Sunne at noone which being past with our net we drew plenty of diuers sorts of fishes and went from that bay to the watering place from thence aboord the generall which had taken physicke and gaue them and the Francis fish for their companiesâ— and so went aboord where our company had romaged aforemast so that this afternoone we tooke in two boats more lading of stones afore mast The sixt day iâ— the morning before sixe of the clocke we saw a saile which wâ—nt towards the Southwards the admirall not hauing knowledge thereof I went aboord and certified him who appointed me to goe and bring her in and to take captaine Parker and some of the gallions meâ— into the Francis and the admirals skiffe with vs so we gaue her chase and tooke her sixe leagues to the leewards of the place we rode in Then not being able to fetch the rode againe we ankered in the sea I intending to come away in the pinnesse and leaue the Francis and the prize together being ready to depart the winde blew at South a stout gaâ—e and raine so that about sixe of the clocke we ankered in the rode where our ships rid After we had taken them and that captaine Parker and I were aboord we had much talke with them before they came to the ships and being ankered there the chiefe men were caried abord the general which was a gentleman named Don Francisco de Torre Vedra nephew to the gouernour of the riuer of Plate named Don Iohn de Torre Vedra We found and Englishman named Richard Carter borne in Limehouse who had bene out oâ— England foure and twenty yeres and hath bene nere twelue yeres dwelling in the riuer of Plate at a towne named Ascension three hundred leagues vp in the riuer whither they were now determined to go inhabit hauing two women and two yonâ— children seuen friâ—rs the rest boyes and â—ailers to the number of one and twenty persons The olde frier was had in great reuerence among the reâ—â— insomuch that they called him the Holy father He was abiding in no place but as visitour he went visiting from monastery to monastery The substance of all the speeches was that the Spanish fleet was before the streights of Magellan as they thought for they were departed sixe
little winde we could not get to her till foure of the clocke after noone then we haylâ—d her and stood in betweene the Southsouthwest and the Southwest till sixe at night that the winde was variable and foule weather Then we cast about and sounded in 23 fadome soft oaze and stood off a while Northeast and presently cast about a game and went South by East larboord tacked and Southsoutheast among all night finding at foure in the morning 15 fadome sand The 20 day about ten a clocke afore noone we went aboord the admirall viz. M. Walker the master the pilotâ— the two merchants and my selfe being directed so to doe by the Generall Upon our comming the generall was going to dinner where wee also dined with him Hauing dined the generall called vs his assistants into his cabbin and there deliuered to vs in writing two demands to be by vs considered vpon and he to haue our opinions therein The effects of the demands were these 1 Whether it was best for vs to aduenture our selues to passe the streights of Magellan or not considering the force of the enemy which we knew to be there before vs and also that our determination was there to set vp our pinnesse make yron hoops carene our ships and do all our necessary businesses for the full accomplishment of our voyage 2 If that course were not thought best which way were meetest for vs to take To the first we were of opinion that it were good to heare the opinions of captaine Hawkins captaine Drake and the two pilots which had passed the streights and knew the harbours and likest places to be fortified and inhabited or not who were called the three masters with them Their opinions were as diuers as their names as much differed as before this time they were wont vsually to doe onely they all agreed in this one point that it was impossible for vs to passe the streights without seeing and incountring with the ships although the fortification of the land did not annoy vs which being long and thorowly debated and their opinions with the three masters demanded which accorded not scant any one with other they were dismissed Then the generall receiued the opinions of vs his assistants beginning with the yoongest in authority first which when he had heard them all ouer and being set downe in writing vnder our hands he tooke deliberation till after supper to giue his determination When we had all supped then he sent for vs downe into his cabbin and deliuered in writing his determination which was to victuall and furnish our selues on this coast before he proceeded any further and named two places The riuer of Plate or S. Vincent to be chosen For the better deciphering of the riuer of Plate the commodities thereof was called before vs Richard Carter which doth dwell there who could not assure vs of any wine except we could stay foure moneths for it but other victuals plenty The riuer is shoale and dangerous the road seuen leagues from any towne or place of commodity which considered with the trechery that might from thence be vsed into the streights by sea and into Peru by land we all concluded to go to S. Vincent which place is inhabited with Portugals and where in honest sort we might conueniently haue all our businesse done With this resolution we tooke our leaues about eight a clocke at night being come aboord presently bare vp and went roome hauing all the day before beat vp the winde larboord-tacked Eastsoutheast till at night after it was a little winde all night we went North next hand The 21 day after seruice I declared vnto my company the intent of our returne to the part of S. Vincent wherewith they were well satisfied being before doubtfull that we should not proceed but returne without performance of our voyage It continued calme all day till six at night then we went Northwest by west till eight at night and then we cast about and stood off Eastsoutheast and East by south all night with a good gale The 22 day in the morning we missed the Francis which by all presumption went roome in the beginning of the night The 25 day being Christmasse day it was little winde in the forenoone till ten a clocke then it blew a â—resh gale with which wee went our course Northnortheast In the afternoone it was lesse wind yet went we our course North by east and Northnortheast and North and North by west till midnight Then being in shoaled water wee cast about and lay Southsoutheast and Southeast by south an houre and seeing our admirall came not after vs we cast about backe againe and presently met him so we went both together next hand Southsoutheast all the rest of the night This afternoone we saw the skim of fishes so thicke in the sea that it seemed a water troubled with trampling of horses which was thicke and slimy for we had taken vp some of it The 17 day of Ianuary about seuen a clocke the master M. Blaccoller and I went in our skifte and rowed and sounded round about an ile and found 16 fadoms within a stones cast harâ— aboord the shore and faire ground after we landed and found nothing but woods and bushes and strange wormes we saw a faulcon and one other small bird and therefore named it Faulcon ile it is a mile about with a rocke on the East side which lieth close to it and it is in sight without danger After we came aboord and dined at two a clocke we set saile with winde Southeast and ran in Northeast a while till the winde scanted then we went in Northnortheast till we were in seuen fadome and a halfe of water within a league of shore then we cast about and stood off Southsoutheast all night till sixe a clocke the next morning The 18 day about three a clocke afore day we saw our admirall againe and kept her compapany till day The 19 day being within a league of the Citron I le about eight a clocke afore noone we went aboord the general viz. M. Walker the master the pilot and my selfe reioycing of our good meeting who tolde me of their euill road where they lost an anker a cable and a haulser and how the day before their pinnesse was ashore on the same iland and found fowle and water there whither now they had sent their boat and pinnesse for more water where I know they had small store I also taking captaine Parker the master and M. Wilks with me went ashore and trauelled to the top of the I le which is wooded and high grasse but euill water and little on it but yoong fowle plenty and dangerous comming to them By this time I hauing set the isles and head-lands about in sight with a compasse came a small gale at Southsoutheast then our admirall shot off a piece for the boats and hence I went and dined aboord with him and
master Walker master Shawe master Ieffries the master the masters mate and the pilot to whom I shewed that I was desirous to goe backe to seeke our admirall whereunto the master pilot and masters mate answered directly that wee could not fetch the ile where wee left them and to meete them in going backe it was very vnlikely and to vs dangerous many wayes aswell for falling into the laps of the Spaniards as to be put on a lee shoare whereupon all the rest aduised me to stand off into the sea whereunto I assented remembring withal that time spent consumed victuall and howe long wee had beaten vp and downe in the same bay before to get in with calmes and contrary windes Thus wee concluded that M. Walker should set downe each mans opinion and wee set to ouâ— handes and from hencefoorth hee to keepe a Register of all our proceeding as M. Maddox did abord the Admirall The first day of February wee went East by south and East southeast with a stoute gale and went the same course the 3.4 and 5. dayes following The 5. day about 10. a clocke in the forenoone M. Walker died who had bene weake and sicke of the bloodie flixe 6. dayes wee tooke a view of his things and prised them and heaued him ouer bord and shot a peece for his knell The 14. day I called into my cabbin the two marchants the Master and the Pilot shewing them our wants of victuals and other necessaries whereupon they and I concluded that it was best for vs to returne to our countrey with as litle losse of time and expense of victuals as might be being without hope of reliefe vpon this coast and yet to keepe the coast of Brasil to friend for feare of extremitie The 17. day in the morning hauing much raiue wee saued aboue two tunne of water of which we were very glad The 18. day I obserued the variation of the compasse which varied one point and a halfe to the Southwards by our ordinary compasse of London The second day of March the Master Pilot I agreed to fetch the yle of Fernando Loronha From the 3. day to the 10. day we went West and by South and ran in for the shoare The 10. day we saw the land which was sandie hilles with woods on it The 11. day seeking to goe a shoare wee sawe foure men which weaued to vs with a white shirt and we weaued to them with a flagge of truce At length one of them swamme to our boatâ— side and there lay in the Sea talking with vs almost an houre in the ende being partly perswaded by Pinto who talked with them in the Indian-tongue and partly entised with such trifles as I shewed him hee came into our Skiffe and called to his companions on shoare who came abord swimming wee deliuered them certaine barricos to fetch vs them full of fresh water after there came downe 40. Indians boyes women and men and with them a French boy but the former Indians deceiued vs of our barricos Whereupon Pinto and Russell swamme a shoare to seeke water but found none The same day wee sailed to a place where boats might land I went a land in my Skiffe and found the Indians and Frenchmen which were with mee the day before and they brought our three barricos full of fresh water for whâ—â—â— I rewarded them with some trifles In the meane time our boat went ashoare and one men with some of the Indians brought vs twentie barricos more of fresh water and I my selfe went to shoare and brought 23. hennes of India The 12. day betimes in the morning wee manned our boat and Skiffe and â—ooke some trifling things to shoare and barricos at our first arriuall the rude Indians stocked together wading to the Skiffe wherein I was begging and wondering about vs First I caused them to fetch 27. barricos of water whom I rewarded with small bells c. In the meane time they brought hens to me wading to the Skiffe for I kept my selfe alwayes afleat and for their hens I gaue them a knife and a smal looking glasse All this while M. Blackcoller our Pilot Thomas Russel Mâ—rkâ— Thawgâ—â—s were still on shoare and would not tarry abord In the ende fearing some treacherie because all the Indians were slipped on shoare from mee I called our men away and suddenly they layed handes on our men ashoare and with their bowes shot thicke at vs in the boats and waded into the water to vs laying hands on our Skiffe yet God of his mercie deliuered vs from their hands with the losse of fiue men slaine and others hurt Thus we got abord with 40. hens ducks turkies and parrats and three hogsheads of water and I caried a Frenchman abord with mee named Iaques Humfrey who was by chance in the boat with me when this fray began The 17. day we tooke three sharks in the morning From that day to the first of April wee went our course sometime with raine and sometime with variable windes so til the 4. of April which day we saw 4. birds with long tailes which houered about the ship and in the afternoone we saw and tooke vp many weedes which draue thickâ— in the sea which we iudged to be driuen with the East windes from the yles of Cape verde From this day till the 11. day we went our course sometime Northeast sometime Northwest according to the winds vpon this 11. day George Coxe one of our Carpenters hauing the night before broken vp the hold and stolâ—e wine and drunken himselfe drunke being taken in the roome lept ouerbord out of the beake head and so drowned himselfe The 12. day wee spied our foremast to be perished in the hownes and durst not beare our foretop saile vpon it but went hence with our sailes next hand North all day and night From hence to the 20. day we went Northeast and by North. This day I obserued the variation of the compasse and I noted that the South point of the compasse caried more then halfe a point to the Westwards The 25. day of May wee went betweene the East northeast and the Northeast with a small gale till fiue a clocke in the afternoone then had we sight of land which rose ragged to the Northwards like broken land we bring about fiue leagues off that yle bare Northeast by North of vs and the Northermost part bare North by East of vs with a rocke a sea bord we then sounded and had fiftie and fiue fadome grey sand and maze great store in it so wee stood in Northeast till eight a clocke and then be helde it againe being within foure leagues of it bearing as before but wee coulde not make it for some thought it to bee the foreland of Fontenay some iudged it the yle of Vssanâ—â— then we sounded againe in 55. fadome browne sand and little maze in it at eight a clocke at night we
to passe the said streights of Magellan were two ships of Genoa which comming as farre as the mouth of the streights were by a mightie storme driuen backe againe and one of them whose mastâ—r was called Pancaldo put into the riuer of Plate and was cast away about Buenos Aeres where to this day part of the said ship is to be seene and some of the men are yet liuing in the riuer among the Spaniards and the other ship returned to Genoa againe Also there was a bishop of Placencia in Spaine who couering riches set foorth a fleet of foure sailes to passe the streights and so to goe for the Malucos and getting license of the Emperour he sent his said 4 ships toward the streights which had very faire windes till they came thither but being entered 20 leagues within the streights a storme of Westerly windes tooke them droue 3 of them on shore the fourth backe into the sea which the storme being past returned into the streights to seeke for his consorts found many men going on the shores side but the ships were beaten all to pieces So they on land called vnto the ship but the captaine therof considering that his ship was but little that he had but small store of victuals would not go to them on shore but proceeded on his voyage passed the streights And because he was alone he would not saile to the Malucos but went for the coast of Peru to the citie of Lima where the ship remaineth vnto this day The men of the other three ships which were left in the streights being to the number of two hundred and fiftie whose Captaine being kinsman to the bishop of Placencia was called Queros were neuer heard of vntill this present day it being fortie yeres since they were left there A yeare after this certaine marchants of the Groine in Galicia set foorth other three ships which ships also came to the streights mouth where one of them was cast away with all the men and the other two returned for Spaine Also I haue had intelligence of certaine Portugall ships which being come to the mouth of the Streights lost two of their Pinnesses which they sent to discouer the land and then returned back And after these two French ships were sent from the riuer of Ienero by Monsieur de Villegagnon but being come to the latitude of 45. degrees they were driuen backe by a storme of contrary winds After all this the gouernour of Chili called Don Garcia de Mendoça sonne to the Marques of Cannette determining to discouer the sayd Streights from the South sea sent from Chili two ships vnder the conduct of a captaine called Latherelio but the danger to seeke these Streights by the South sea is more then by the North sea because all the stormes of the North sea come from the land but in the South sea all the windes and stormes come off the sea and force the ships to run vpon the lee-shore insomuch that the sayd two ships were cast away in fiftie degrees The seeking of these Streights of Magellan is so dangerous and the voyage so troublesome that it seemeth a matter almost impossible to be perfourmed insomuch that for the space of thirty yeeres no man made account thereof vntill of late one Francis Drake an Englishman of whom I hâ—ue before spoken seeing hee could doe no good on the maine lande of the West Indies to benâ—fit himselfe because of the galleys of Cartagena that kept the coast determined to seeke the Sâ—reights of Magellan and to passe into the South sea And so hauing prouided two ships and three pinnesses in England he proceeded on his voyage and comming to the Islandes of Cape Verde tooke a Portugal shippe laden with wine the Pilot whereof beeing a Portugal called Nuno da Sylâ—a hee caried along with him who was a great helpe and furtherance vnto him in his voyage And this which I shall here say I had in writing of the Portugal pilot himselfe From the Islands of Cape Verde the sayd Francis Drake sailed vnto Port Sant Iulian where he wintered and there also hee put to death a gentleman of his company because hee wouldâ— haue returned home This port I take to bee accursed for that Magellan likewise put some to death there for the like offence This Francis Drake putting out of the sayd port entred the Streights and within twelue dayes gotte into the South sea And two dayes after there arose such a storme of Westerly windes which are vsuall in those parts that he lost his pinnesse and his Uiceadmirall master Iohn Winter was driuen backe againe into the Streights who passing many dangers returned home into England But Francis Drake himselfe ranne with this storme into seuen and fifty degrees of Southerly latitude where hee found an Island with a good harborough and fresh water and stayed at the same Island two moneths to repayre his ships and then the weather beeing faire he proceeded on his voyage and came to the coast of Chili to an Island called La Mocha where hee went on shore and talked with the Indians but when hee would haue returned vnto his boate they shotte their arrowes at him and killed two of his men and hee himselfe was wounded in the face Going from thence hee passed by the â—owne of Concepcion not knowing the place and so to Valparizo which is the port of Sant Iago where hee found a ship laden with a kind of victuals and wine and had in her besides threescore thousand pâ—zos of gold euery pezo being worth eight shillings sterling and taking this ship with him hee went from thence to another pâ—rt called Coquimbo where seeing many cattell on the land he sent presently some of his men with calieuers to kill of the sayd cattell but being espied of the Spaniards that dwelt in the towne they sent twelue horsemen to see what they were that killed their cattell for they knew them not and comming neere vnto them the Englishmen fled to their boates but the horsemen ouertooke one of them who had a halbard in his hand whom the Spaniards thought to haue taken but hee with his halbard killing one of their horses was himselfe runne through with a lance and so the Spaniards carried him dead with them into the towne The next day the newes came to Sant Iago that they were Englishmen and how they had taken the shippe out of the harbour of Valparizo whereupon they of Sant Iago sent a Post by land to giue warning vnto them of Peru. Howbeit by reason that the countrey betweene this place and Peru is not inhabited for the space of two hundreth leagues and many huge and colde mountaines couered with snowe he in the way the Poste was so long in perfourmance of this iourney that captaine Drake was vpon the coast of Peru a moneth before the sayd Poste came thither neither could they send any newes by
haue any great summe wherefore euery shippe carieth his bill of custome that the king may see it All this treasure that captaine Drake tooke was merchants and other mens goods sauing one hundred and eighty thousand pezos of the kings He had also out of this ship good store of victuals with other necessaries which were to bee caried for Panamá and was fiue dayes taking out of such things as hee needed This done he sayled from hence to the coast of Nueua Espanna without going to Panamá Surely this was a great plague of God iustly inflicted vpon vs for our sinnes for the taking of these ships is an especiall cause of all the dangerous warres that are likely to ensue betweene Spaine and England Now the ships that were sent by the Uiceroy of Peru from Lima after Francis Drake arriued at Cape Sant Francisco twenty dayes after hee had taken the foresayd shippe and had intelligence by a ship comming from Panamá which they met at the sayd cape that Francis Drake had taken the ship with siluer and was not gone for Panamá Whereupon the captaine of the three ships thinking that captaine Drake had bene gone for the Streights of Magellan directed his course that way to seeke him Captaine Drake carried from the coast of Peru eight hundreth sixty sixe thousand pezos of siluer which is as much as right hundred sixty sixe quintals at 100 pound weight the quintal euery quintal bâ—ing worth one thousand and two hundreth ducats of Spaine all which summe amounteth to a million and thirtie nine thousand and two hundreth ducats Besides this siluer hee caried away a hundred thousand pezos of gold that is ten quintals each quintal being valued at a thousand fiue hundreth Spanish ducats which last summe amounteth to an hundreth and fifty thousand ducats ouer and besides the treasure in the sayd ship which was vncustomed the value whereof I cannot learne consisting of pearles precious stones reals of plate and other things of great worth With all this purchase he sayled toward Nueua Espanna and at an Island lying before that coast called The Island of Cano hee discharged all things out of his shippe and graued her and remained there ten dayes From thence hee went along the coast of Nueua Espanna where hee tooke certaine ships laden with spices silkes and veluets but no golde nor siluer for there was none to bee had on this coast And here at Guatulco he set on shore his Portugal-pilot which he tooke at one of the Islands of Cape Verde But what course he kept from this coast till he came into England I know not of certaineâ—y and therefore I will not meddle therewithall The foresayd three ships which were sent in pursuit of captaine Drake returned backe againe to Lima without doing of ought All which notwithstanding the Uiceroy of Peru determined to send two ships to the Streights of Magellan either to meete with captaine Drake there or else to see if they could fortifie the sayd Streights against such ships as might afterward attempt to passe through the same And albeit this was thought a most dangerous voyage and impossible to be perfourmed by reason of the sholds on that side of the Streights yet sent he forth the two said ships The Admirall being a ship of an hundreth tunnes and the other of eighty tunnes hauing one hundreth and twenty men in them both sayled from Lima vnder the conduct of Pedro Sarmiento who was then accompted the best nauigator in all Peru. These ships after their departure touching on the coast to take in victuals were nine moneths before they came to the latitude of the Streights and there were they encountred with a cruel storme but Pedro Sarmiento being a man of good courage bare in with the land in this storme in a night hee was put into the streits not knowing how nor which way and the other ship running farther into the sea sayled to 58 degrees of Southerly latitude The storme being past this other shippe found many Islands neere vnto the main land and so returned with faire weather all along the shore neither could they find any other way to enter the Streights but onely that which Magellan discouered notwithstanding that others affirme the contrary saying that the Streights be full of Islands to the Southwards but they may be decâ—iued for if there be any other Streight it is beyond 58 degrees and hath neuer bene seene of any man for this ship was farthest to the Southwards of all that euer I heard of for Francis Drake being driuen by tempest no farther then 57 degrees could not know so much as this other which ship from hence returned backe to Lima. But Pedro Sarmiento entred the Streights where his men falling into a mutinie would haue returned to Lima whereupon hanging one of them he proceeded on his voyage for Spaine Where being arriued he told the king that there were two narrow places in the Streights where he might build a forte and that there was a very good countrey abounding with great store of riches and other necessaries and very well inhabited with Indians Upon whose wordes and for that there were more ships making ready in England to passe the sayd Streights the king sent Diego Flores de Valdez with 23 ships and 3500 men and a new gouernour to Chili with fiue hundred old souldiers newly come out of Flanders These ships had the hardest hap of any that euer went out of Spaine since the Indias were first discouered for that before they could get cleere of the coast of Spaine a storme tooke them and cast away fiue of them and aboue eight hundred men and the residue of the fleete put into Cadiz Notwithstanding which hard successe the king sent them word that they should proceede and so they did with sixteene sailes only for two other of their ships were so shaken with the storme that they could not goe foorth In these sixteene saile of ships Pedro Sarmiento was sent to be gouernour in the streights he caried with him all kind of artificers to build forts and other necessaries with great store of Ordinance and munition This fleete because it set late foorth wintered on the coast of Brasil in the riuer of Ienero Winter being past they set sayle from hence and about the height of 42 degrees they had such a storme that Diego Flores was faine to beate it vp and downe about 22 dayes in which storme was sunke one of his best ships and in her three hundred men and twenty women that went to inhabite the streights and most part of the munition that should haue bene left in the streights were all cast away In the ende the storme grew so intollerable that the ships not being able to endure it any longer were constrained to put backe againe vnto an Island called Santa Catelina and there he found a barke wherein were certaine friers going for the riuer of Plate which friers told him of two
Laudonnieres consultation with his companâ— where it might be besâ— for them to plant Gold and siluer found at the riuer of May. Iune the 29. The Vale of Laudonniere An Hermaphrodite They began their planting with prayer to God In Florida they couer their houses with Palme leaues The forme of the Fort Caroline The West side The South side High building is not good for this Countrey Note Caroline The first voyage twentie leagues Ten leagues further Mayrra a king rich in golde and siluer The second voyage King Molloua Olata Ouae Vtina a great king Fiue of sixe pound weight of siluer Fortie kings vassals to Vtina King Potanou An exceeding rich place Large plates of gold and siluer Some paint their faces with blacke and some with red King Malica Tapistry made of small reede They lappe mosse about their woundes and vse it instead of napkins A ceremonie to call to mind the death of their ancesters slaine by their enemies The returne of their ships toward France the 28. of Iuly The ceremonie which they vse before they got to warrâ— Sâ—reutiouâ— followed with fiue hundreth Indians Consultation before they assault their enemies Now they vse their enemies which they take in warrâ— King Omoloa Their maner of triumph Athore Excellent Pumpions A wonderfull lightning the 29. of August King Serranay King Allimacany The Sauages thinke the lightning to be discharging of the Christians Ordinance Laudonniere vsed the present occasion to his profite A wonderfull heate Fiftie cart load of fish dead in the Riuer with this heat The thirde voyage the tenth of September Mayarqua a place 80. leagues vp the Riuer of May. King Potanou The Indians maner of war Two hundreth Indians A village inclosed with trees Vtina getteth the victory of Potanou by the helpe of the French Siluer and gold and painted skinnes La Roquettes conspiracie Monsieuâ— de Genre Gieures message to Laudoniere in the Souldiers name His answere A dangerous practise against the Captaine and his Lieutenant Laudonniers sicknesse Laudonniers Apothecarieâ— The Master of the fire-works Captaine Boâ—rdeâ— arrâ—ued in Florida the 4. of September The 4. voyage the 7. of Nouember Hostaqua a village One of his Barks stolne away by his Mariners The â—illage of Sarauahi Another of his Barks stolne away by two Carpenters One of these Mariners named Francis Iean betrayed his own countrey men to the Spaniards and brought them into Florida A Saw-mill necessary here The third sâ—â—â—tion By Peru the French meaneâ—the coast of Carthagenâ— and Nombre de Dios. The captaines charge at his setting forth Laudonniere kept 15. dayes prisoner by his owne souldiers Trenchant a skilful piloâ— Cassaui bread made of roots Baracou a village in the Isle of Iamaica The cape of Tiburon The gouernor of Iamaica takeÌ„ Malgualire â— kinde of vessell that will saile forward and backward The Cape of S. Anthony in Cuba Hauana The channell of Bahama King Patica The returne of part of Laudonnieres seditions souldiers Laudonnieres oration to his mutinous souldiers The sentence of death Execution The continuation of the history New coÌ„quests subiect to rebellions and mutinies Laudonniere setteth things in order after his returne one of prison to the fort Reparation of the West side of the fort King Marracou King Onathaqua King Mathiaca Two Spanyards brought vnto Laudonniere by the Sauages Calos a place vpon y e Flats called The Martyres neere the Cape of Florida The King of Calos Great quaÌ„titie of golde and siluer Plates of gold as broad as a sawcer One of these Spanyards names was Martin Gomes King Oathcaqua or Houathca Sarrope an Island Abuâ—dance of Dates A root of great price to make bread of The greatest victory among the Floridians The situation of Calos Cannaueral in 28 degrees The Floridians great traitours and dissemblers Nicolas Masson otherwise called Nicolas Barre King Audustas great humanity Pearles burned Peter Martyr writeth cap. 1. decad 7. that the like flocks of pigeons are in the Isles of the Lucayos The widow of King Hioacaia or Hiâ—oâ—â—acara This queeneâ— name was Nâ— Cubacaniâ— The fift voyage vp the riuer of May. Mathiaqua The discouery of a mighty lake on the one side whereof no land can be seene The Isle of Edelano An excellent worke of nature Eneguape Chilily Patica Coya The king of Hostaqua or Oustaca able to bring three or foure thousaÌ„d Sauages to the field The mouÌ„taine of Apalatci There is a mine of golde or rich coper in the mountaine of Apalatci Peter Gamby slaine The village of Edelano Gold siluer Vtina sendeth to Laudonniere for his helpe A good note Three hundred Indians A lake three leagues distaÌ„t from the village of Potanou Iawa signifieth their Priest or Magician Potanou accoÌ„panied with two thousand Indians The prediction of the Magician found true Vtina hath 18 or 20 kings to his â—assals A custome of the Indians to leaue their houses for 3 or 4 moneths and to liue in the woods They looke for succour oâ—â— of France by the end of April at the vttermost Extreme famine for sixe weekes space Promise broken Two hogs-heads of rosen The vile nature of the Indians A cruell answere of the Sauages Pinocke a certaine kinde of fruit as bigge as cheries Astina â— king Vtina taken prisoner in his village by â—audonn â—re and 50 of his soldiers Fiue or sixe hundred Indians The deepe dissembling of the Indians The Indians kill all the men prisoners that they take in warre The election of a new king The hatred among the Sauage kings of Florida Note Note Rootes Esquine New corne by the end of May in Florida The village of Enecaque A little greene fruite that groweth in the riuers as big as cheries The I le of Edelano Two Carpenters killed for gathering the Indians maiz The village Athore Nia Cubacani a Queene Patica a village Desire of reuenge rooted in the sauages A necessarie admonition The Floridians subtilâ—â—â—â— A certaine signe of warre An alley of 3 or 4 hundred paces long A skirmish betwene the Sauages and the French A second fresh charge of Sauages The Floridians maner of fight The Floridians chiefe fearâ— Two flaine Two twenty wounded Prayer and thanke vnto God for their deliuerance The village Serauabi The village Emoloa The riuer of Iâ—acana called by Ribault y e riuer of Somme Courtesie and liberalitie the best meanes to deale with the sauages Most artificiall mattes The beating downe of the houses without the fort the Palisade The cause why the French lost Florida Eight kings Laâ—doâ—â—â—ers friends and alâ—ice The principall scope of planters in strange countreys Florida a rich countrey Aug. 1565. M. Iohn Hawkins y e English Generall Sheepe and poultrie carried into Florida An aduantage wisely taken The French mistrussed that the Englishmen would plant in Florida Siluer found in Florida Note The great importance of this enterprise The great humanity and bounty of Master Iohn Hawkins to the French The departure of the English Generall August â— The
Morequito â—â—â—â—cuted The towne of Carapana to the port of Guiana Some â—ew Spaniards are now scared in Dissequebe The riuer of Capuri Iohn Hampton captaine of the Minion vnder sir Iohn Hawkins in his voiage to S. Iuan de Vlluâ— The bay â—â— Guanipa Baremâ— A woonder â—â— confluence of streames The riuer of the Red crossâ— Two nations of the Tiuitiuas called Ciawani and Waraweete A description of the mighty riuer of Orenoque or Baraquan What maner of people the Tiuitiuas are The Arwacas on the South side of Oâ—enoque The port of the Ciawani A riuer called The great Amana They are in fiue degrees A most beautifull countrey The riuer of Lagartos or Crocodileâ— Two canoâ—â— taken Three Spanyards eâ—caped The Spanish golde fineâ—s baskâ—â— other things taken The richest mines defended with the â—hite â—par The Spaniards diueâ—â—â—â— lies A notablâ— course of iustice They come on ground with their gally Two branches of the riuer Oreâ—oque â—oparimaca The towne of Arowocay The great breadth of the riuer Orenoque They enter the riuer Orenoque which ruâ—neth East and West The yland of Iwana The yle of Ocaywita The yle of Putapayma Steelâ—-orâ— The plaines oâ— Sayma sâ—â—eâ—ching to Cumaná and the Caracas Aroras a blackâ— people vsing venemous arrowes Thâ— iâ—â—ce of garlike good against oâ—dinary poyson Speedy drinking to â—â— auoyded of â—uch as are woâ—nded with poysoned arrowâ— The yle of Manoripano The prouince of Aromaia The yle of Murrecotima The valley of Amariocapana Orejones are the gentlemen of Peru. Lop de Gâ—mar Hist. gen cap. 119. The towne of Macâ—reguâ—rai Orotona betweene 4. and 5. degrees of Northerly latitude The yle of Caiama They arriue at the mouth of the riuer Caroli Wanuretona Cassipagotos Eparagotos and Arawagotos there mighty nations seateâ— on a lake at the head of the riuer Caroli A great siluer Mine Amnatapoi â— townâ—â— The strange ouerfals of Caroli A most beautifull country Abundance of minerall Sparre Cassipa a great lake The riuer of Arui The riuers of Atoica and Caora Ewaipanoma a strange headlesse nation The riuer Casnero The Winter of Guiana Meta Pato Cassanar Papâ—mâ—â—â—â— The Isle of Baraquan Orenoque a miâ—htâ— riuer by whiâ—â— Peru Nueuo reyno Popaian may be inuaded Canuri They returne The last conserâ—â— of siâ— Walter Ralegh with â—oâ—â—awar whose sonne he brought into England Counsell to be followed in other conquests Macureguarai first towne of Guiana and of rich and apparelled people Francis Sparrow The lake at Manoa Most rich gold ore The lake of Cassipa Guiana on the Southside Mâ—nâ— Oiâ—nâ— Great fisheâ— called Manati most excellenâ— meate Emeria Winicaporâ— A mighty cataract or ouer-fall of water Diamonds â— other precious stones Wacâ—rima The port of Toparimaca A reheaâ—â—â—â— descâ—iption oâ— all the naâ—ion and riuers â—ound in â—hiâ— discoueriâ— Pedâ—o dâ— Ciâ—â—â— Great riches Exceeding coÌ„mendation of the riuer of Oreâ—oque The holsomenesse of the countrey Gold Bâ—asâ—l wood Excelleâ—t dyes Cotton silke Balsamum gummes and pepper The short easie and commodious nauigation to Guiana 1595. Indians with high shâ—ulders 1591. Paracoâ— Pericles * In Iune 1596 They fall with the Canary Isles Cape Verde A â—oâ—able â—â—â—â—â—â—â—ion Thâ—y ankâ—â—â—â— the mouth oâ— Arrowarâ— siâ—â— aâ—â— in one deg 40. mâ—â—uteâ— A sea oâ— fresâ— water The Iaos a mightie nation Ferdinâ—ndo the Indian pilots of sir Walter Ralegh Brasil wood Unseasonable weather about the Isle of Oncaiarie â—ow the nation of the Iaos marke themselues to be knowen from other people Port Howard otherwise called Gowateri From Cape Câ—cyl to Raleanâ— 200. leagueaâ— Dessekebe called The brother os Orenâ—que The great laâ—â— whereon Manoa or El Doâ—â—do standeth In September This Spaniard vnderstandeth the Guianian languageâ— and is reuâ—â—ted a very sufficient man Francis Sparrow taken prisoner They anker within Raleana or Orenoque Spanish Paganisme Her Maiesâ—iâ— Muchikeri the name of the Prouince where Macarigueray the first towne oâ— Guiana is situate Parime an Inland sea of salt water They haue â—â—â—ment heads like dogs and liue all the day tâ—â—e in the sea they speake the Châ—ribes language A sudden assalt of the Spaniards by the Indians A Rancheria or village planted vp the Spaniardes at a Port of Topiawary Topiawarie his sonne The common lyes of the Spaniardes The small â—orces of Ximenes This transplanting of Indians is worthy oâ— consideration The Port of Tomarimacko The poâ—â—e of Carapana Carapana â— great Lord bordering vpon Guiana craneth her Maiesties protecâ—ion Warâ—arimagoto one of the Emperour of Guiaâ—a his chief Captaines vp in armes againâ—â— the Spaniardes The chanel of Raleana or Orenoque very large good They meete with these Pinnesse A good cauâ—at The Isle of Tabago Most dangerous Canibalâ— Her Maiestie * So called after the name of the right honourable the Earle of Estes The riuer of Amana by which Sir Walter Ralegh first entred called vp Diego de Ordas Viapari and by Baâ—th de Casaâ— Iuia-Pâ—ri M. Beniamin Wood bound for The South seâ— Cape Blanco The Island of Sal. 36 sailes of Flemmings at Maio for 〈◊〉 Cape Cecil in 3 degrees and a halfe The riuer of Wiapoucou almost in 4 degrees North. Cawo The 7 Islands Aramatto a great towne The Caribes of Wias tractable people Chiana a riuer and bay The Carenes Maware Marawinne a riuer Marrac a towne Quiparia a towne of the Caribes Macirâ—ia a towne A rich countrey Bowes handled with golde Pitch to trim shippes The riuer of Cusse-winne Marawinne Sewramo Coritine riuer The great lake Perâ—ma They bring their shippes vp to the Mawranamo Great store of golde in Wiaâ—â— Passing good drinke made of maiz The commodities of Wiana Theâ—â—ost captaine Leigh in y e Ioan of London El Pongo The second voyage of M. William Haukins to Brasil A king of Brasil brought into England A fort built 〈◊〉 Brasil by the English Mines of gold and siluer newly discouered at S. Vincent The voyage to S. Vincent worth three for one outward only In what maner a voyage to S. Vincent with a ship of 70. or 80. tunnes is to made Iohn Leitoaâ—â— M. Stephen Hare was Captaine in this voyage The yle of S. Sebastian The yle of S. Câ—telina They arriuâ— at Santosâ— The yle of Alcatraâ—zas or Pelicaâ—â—â— Their lading of sugars Leaks in tâ—â— Miâ—ion made by woâ—mâ—s * Whose namâ— was Sâ—ephen Hare Their departure from Santos Some part of Peru but 12. dayes iourney from Santos The Portugaleâ— â—orbidden to vse their mines The yle of Alcaâ—rarzaâ— or Pelicaneâ— dangerous for rocks Wine solde 〈◊〉 an excessiue rate A rich trade from the riuer of Ienero by the riuer of Plate into Peru c. The shortnesse of the râ—â—â—râ—e of thâ— voyage to Peru. This rich trade was begunne in the yere 1595. The voyaâ—â— of Angola in Africa Gaâ—ne of tâ—â— thousand ducats for the laying out oâ— one thousanâ—â— A trade oâ— buying Negrâ— in Angola Broad cloâ—â— excellently well solde â—ineger â—â—â—eâ— Taffaâ—â—â—s â—eluets A shippe with 80 tunnes of wine taken Another pâ—ize
Master the rest Mariners The 7. of Iune the Captaine and the Master drewe out a proportion for the continuance of our victuals The 8. day the wind being at Southwest and West southwest we put in for Falmouth where we remained vntil the 13. The 13. the wind blew at North and being faire weather we departed The 14. with contrary wind we were forced to put into Silley The 15. wee departed thence hauing the wind North and by East moderate and faire weather The 16. wee were driuen backe againe and were constrained to arriue at newe Grymiby in Silley here the winde remained contrary 12. dayes and in that space the Captaine the Master and I went about all the Ilands and the Captaine did plat out and describe the situation of all the Ilands rocks and harboroughs to the exact vse of Nauigation with lines and scale thereunto conuenient The 28. in Gods name we departed the wind being Easterly but calme The first of Iuly wee sawe great store of Porposes The Master called for an harping yron and shot twise or thrise sometimes he missed and at last shot one and stâ—ooke him in the side and wound him into the ship when we had him aboord the Master sayd it was a Darlie head The 2. we had some of the fish sodden and it did eat as sweete as any mutton The 3. wee had more in sight and the Master went to shoote at them but they were so great that they burst our yrons and we lost both fish yrons pastime and all yet neuerthelesse the Master shot at them with a pike and had welnigh gotten one but he was so strong that he burst off the barres of the pike and went away then he tooke the boat-hooke and hit one with that but all would not preuaile so at length we let them alone The 6. we saw a very great Whale and euery day we saw whales continually The 16. 17. and 18. we saw great store of Whales The 19. of Iuly we fell into a great whirling and brustling of a tyde setting to the Northwards and sayling about halfe a league wee came into a very calme Sea which bent to the Southsouthwest Here we heard a mighty great roaring of the Sea as if it had bene the breach of some shoare the ayre being so foggie and full of thicke mist that we could not see the one ship from the other being a very small distance asunder so the Captaine and the Master being in distrust how the tyde might set them caused the Mooneshine to hoyse out her boate and to sound but they could not finde ground in 300. fathoms and better Then the Captaine Master and I went towards the breach to see what it should be giuing charge to our gunners that at euery glasse they should shoote off a musket-shot to the intent we might keepe our selues from loosing them Then comming nere to the breach we met many Ilands of yce floting which had quickly compassed vs about then we went vpon some of them and did perceiue that all the roaring which we heard was caused onely by the rowling of this yce together Our companie seeing vs not to returne according to our appoyntment left off shooting muskets and began to shoote falkonets for they feared some mishap had befallen vs but before night we came aboord againe with our boat laden with yce which made very good fresh water Then wee bent our course toward the North hoping by that meanes to double the land The 20. as we sayled along the coast the fogge brake vp and we discouered the land which was the most deformed rockie and mountainous land that euer we saw The first sight whereof did shew as if it had bene in forme of a sugar-loafe standing to our sight aboue the cloudes for that it did shew ouer the fogge like a white liste in the skie the tops altogether couered with snow and the shoare beset with yce a league off into the Sea making such yrkesome noyse as that it seemed to be the true patterne of desolation and after the same our Captaine named it The land of Desolaâ—ion The 21. the winde came Northerly and ouerblew so that we were constrained to bend our course South againe for we perceiued that we were runne into a very deepe Bay where wee were almost compassed with yce for we saw very much toward the Northnortheast West and Southwest and this day and this night wee cleared our selues of the yce running Southsouthwest along the shoare Upon Thursday being the 2â— of this moneth about three of the clocke in the morning wee hoysed out our boate and the Captaine with sixe saylers went towards the shoare thinking to â—ind a landing place for the night before we did perceiue the coast to be voyde of yce to our iudgement and the same night wee were all perswaded that we had seene a Canoa rowing along the shoare but afterwards we fell in some doubt of it but we had no great reason so to doe The Captaine rowing towards the shoare willed the Master to beare in with the land after him and before he came neere the shoare by the space of a league or about two miles hee found so much yce that hee could not get to land by any meanes Here our mariners put to their lines to see if they could get any fish because there were so many seales vpon the coast and the birds did beate vpon the water but all was in vaine The water about this place was very blacke and thicke like to a filthy standing poole we sounded and had ground in 120. fathoms While the Captaine was rowing to the shoare our men sawe woods vpon the rocks like to the rocks of Newfoundland but I could not discerne them yet it might be so very well for we had wood floting vpon the coast euery day and the Mooneshine tooke vp a tree at Sea not farre from the coast being sixtie foote of length and foureteene handfuls about hauing the roote vpon it After this the Captaine came aboord the weather being very calme and faire we bent our course toward the South with intent to double the land The 23. we coasted the land which did lie Eastnortheast and Westsouthwest The 24. the winde being very faire at East we coasted the land which did lie East and West not being able to come neere the shoare by reason of the great quantitie of yce At this place because the weather was somewhat colde by reason of the yce and the better to encourage our men their allowance was increased the captaine and the master tooke order that euery messe being fiue persons should haue halfe a pound of bread and a kan of beere euery morning to breakfast The weather was not very colde but the aire was moderate like to our April-weather in England when the winde came from the land or the ice it was somewhat colde but when it came off the sea it was very hote
impayred neither doe we passe the frozen seas which yeelde sundry extreme dangers but haue a temperate climate at all times of the yeere to serue our turnes And lastly there neede no delayes by the way for taking in of fresh water and fewell a thing vsually done in long iournies because as I sayd aboue the voyage is not long and the fresh waters taken in there our men here in England at their returne home haue found so wholsome and sweete that they haue made choise to drinke it before our beere and ale Behold heere good countreymen the manifold benefits commodities and pleasures heretofore vnknowen by Gods especiall blessing not onely reueiled vnto vs but also as it were infused into our bosomes who though hitherto like dormice haue stumbered in ignorance thereof being like the cats that are loth for their prey to wet their feet yet if now therefore at the last we would awake and with willing mindes setting friuolous imaginations aside become industrious instruments to our selues questionlesse we should not only hereby set forth the glory of our heauenly father but also easily attaine to the end of all good purposes that may be wished or desired And may it not much encourage vs to hope for good successe in the countrey of these Sauages being a naked kinde of people voyde of the knowledge of the discipline of warre seeing that a noble man being but a subiect in this realme in the time of our king Henry the second by name Strangbow then earle of Chepstow in South Wales by himselfe and his allies and assistants at their owne proper charges passed ouer into Ireland and there made conquest of the now countrey and then kingdome of Lynester at which time it was very populous and strong which History our owne chronicles do witnesse And why should we be dismayed more then were the Spanyards who haue bene able within these few yeeres to conquer possesse and enioy so large a trace of the earth in the West Indies as is betweene the two tropikes of Cancer and Capricorne not onely in the maine firme land of America which is 47. degrees in latitude from South to North and doth containe 2820. English miles at the least that the king of Spaine hath there in actuall possession besides many goodly and rich Islands as Hispaniola now called S. Domingo Cuba Iamaica and diuers other which are both beautifull and full of treasure not speaking any whit at all how large the said land is from East to West which in some places is accounted to be 1500. English miles at the least from East to West betweene the one Sea and the other Or why should our noble nation be dismaid more then was Vasques Nunnes de Valboa a priuate gentleman of Spaine who with the number of 70. Spaniards at Tichiri gaue an ouerthrow vnto that mighty king Chemacchus hauing an armie of an hundred Canoas and 5000. men and the said Vasques Nunnes not long after with his small number did put to flight king Chiapes his whole armie Likewise Hernando Cortes being also but a priuate gentleman of Spaine after his departure from the Islands of Cuba and Acuzâ—â—il and entring into the firme of America had many most victorious triumphant conquests as that at Cyntla where being accompanied with lesse then 500. Spanish footmen thirteene horsemen and sixe pieces of Ordinance only he ouerthrew 40000. Indians The same Cortes with his sayd number of Spanyards tooke prisoner that mighty Emperour Mutezâ—ma in his most chiefe and famous citie of Mexico which at that instant had in it aboue the number of 50000. Indians at the least and in short time after obteined not onely the quiet possession of the said citie but also of his whole Empire And in like maner in the Countrey of Peru which the king of Spaine hath now in actuall possession Francisco Pysarro with the onely ayd of Diego de Almagro and Hernando Luche being all three but priuate gentlemen was the principall person that first attempted discouerie and conquest of the large and rich countrey of Peru which through the ayd of the almighty he brought to passe and atchieued in the Tambo of Caxamalca which is a large place of ground enclosed with walles in which place he tooke the great and mightie prince Atabalipa prisoner amidst the number of 60000. Indians his subiects which were euer before that day accounted to bee a warlike kind of people which his great victorie it pleased God to grant vnto him in the yeere of our Lord God 1533. he not hauing in his company aboue the number of 210. Spanyards wherof there were not past threescore horsemen in all after the taking of which prince Atabalipa he offered vnto Pyzarro for his ransome to fill a great large hall full of gold and siluer and such golde and siluer vessels as they then vsed euen as high as a man might reach with his arme And the sayd prince caused the same hall to be marked round about at the sayd height which ransome Pyzarro granted to accept And after when as this mighty prince had sent to his vassals subiects to bring in gold and siluer for the filling of the hall as aforesaid as namely to the cities or townes of Quito Paciacama and Cusco as also to the Calao of Lima in which towne as their owne writers doe affirme they found a large and faire house all slated and couered with gold and when as the said hall was not yet a quarter ful a mutinie arose amongst the Spanyards in which it was commonly giuen out that the said prince had politikely offered this great ransome vnder pretence to raise a much more mightie power whereby the Spanyards should be taken slaine and ouerthrowen whereupon they grew to this resolution to put the sayd prince to death and to make partition of the golde and siluer already brought in which they presently put in execution And comming to make perfect Inueutorie of the same as wel for the Emperour then king of Spaine his fift part as otherwise there was found to be already brought in into the sayd hall the number of 132425. pound weight of siluer and in golde the number of 1828125. pezos which was a riches neuer before that nor since seene of any man together of which there did appertaine to the Emperour for his fift part of golde 365625. pezos and for his fift part of siluer 26485. pound waight and to euery horseman eight thousand pezos of gold and 67. pound waight of siluer Euery souldiour had 4550. pezos of gold and 280. pound waight of siluer Euery Captaine had some 30000. some 20000. pezos of gold and siluer proportionally answerable to their degrees and calling according to the rate agreed vpon amongst them Francis Pizarro as their generall according to his decree and calling proportionally had more then any of the rest ouer and besides the massie table of gold which Atabalipa had in his Litter which waighed 25000.
pezos of gold neuer were there before that day souldiours so rich in so small a time and with so little danger And in this iourney for want of yron they did shooe their horses some with gold and some with siluer This is to bee seene in the generall historie of the West Indies where as the doings of Pizarro and the conquest of Peru is more at large setforth To this may I adde the great discoueries and conquests which the princes of Portugall haue made round about the West the South and the East parts of Africa and also at Calicut and in the East Indies and in America at Brasile and elsewhere in sundry Islands in fortifying peopling and planting all along the sayd coastes and Islands euer as they discouered which being rightly weyed and considered doth minister iust cause of incouragement to our Countreymen not to account it so hard and difficult a thing for the subiects of this noble realme of England to discouer people plant and possesse the like goodly lands and rich countreys not farre from vs but neere adioyning offring themselues vnto vs as is aforesayd which haue neuer yet heretofore bene in the actuall possession of any other Christian prince then the princes of this Realme All which as I thinke should not a little animate and encourage vs to looke out and aduenture abroad vnderstanding what large Countreys and Islands the Portugals with their small number haue within these few yeeres discouered peopled and plâ—nted some part whereof I haue thought it not amisse briefly in particular to name both the Townes Countreys Islands so neere as I could vpon the sudden call them to remembrance for the rest I doe referre the Reader to the histories where more at large the same is to be seene First they did winne and conquere from the princes of Barbary the Island of Geisera towne of Arzala not past an 140. mile distant from their Metropolitane chiefe city of Fessâ— and after that they wonne also from the said princes the townes of Tanger Ceuta Mazigam Azamor and Azaffi all alongst the Sea coasts And in the yeere of our Lord 1455. Alouis de Cadomosta a Gentleman Uenetian was hee that first discouered for their vse Cape Verd with the Islâ—nds adioyning of which he then peopled and planted those of Bonauista and Sant Iago discouering also the riuer Senega otherwise called Niger and Cape Roxo Sierra Leone and in a few yeeres after they did discouer the coast of Guinea and there peopled and built the castleof Mina then discouered they further to the countreys of Melegetres Benin and Congo with the Ilands of Principe da Nobon S. Matthewe and S. Thomas vnder the Equinoctiall line which they propled and built in the said Island of S. Thomas the hauen towne or port of Pauosan After that about the yeere of our Lord 1494. one Bartholomew Dias was sent foorth who was the first man that discouered and doubled that great and large Cape called de Bon Esperanze passing the currents that run vpon the said coast on the Southeast part of Africa between the said maine land the Island of S. Laurence otherwise called of the antients Madagascar he discouered to y e harbor named the Riuer of y e Infant After that since the yeere of our Lord God 1497. and before the ful accomplishment of the yeere of Christ 1510. through the trauailes and discoueries of Vasques de Gama Peter Aluares Thomas Lopes Andrew Corsalc Iohn de Empoli Peter Sintra Sancho de Toar and that noble and worthy gentleman Alonso de Albuquerque they did discouer people and plant at Ceffala being vpon the East side of Africa in the twenty degrees of latitude of the south Pole and direct West from the Iland of S. Laurence at which port of Ceffala diuers doe affirme that king Salomon did fetch his gold as also vpon the said East side of Africa they did afterward discouer people and plant at Mozambique Quiolâ— Monbaza and Melinde two degrees of Southerly latitude and so vp to the streight of Babel-Mandell at the entring of the red sea all vpon the East coast of Africa from whence they put off at the Cape of Guarda Fu and past the great gulfe of Arabia and the Indian Sea East to Sinus Persicus and the Island of Ormus and so passing the large and great riuer Indus where he hath his fall into the maine Ocean in 23. degrees and an halfe vnder the tropike of Cancer of Septentrional latitude they made their course againe directly towards the South and began to discouer people and plant vpon the West side of the hither India at Goa Mangalor Cananor Calecut and Cochin and the Island of Zeilam And here I thinke good to remember to you that after their planting vpon this coast their forces grew so great that they were able to compell all the Moores the subiectes of the mightie Emperour of the Turkes to pay tribute vnto them euer as they passed the gulfe of Arabia from the port of Mecca in Arabia Foelix where Mahomet lieth buried or any of the other portes of the sayd land euer as they passed to and from the hauens of Cochin Calecut and Cananor and by their martiall maner of discipline practised in those partes the great and mightie prince the Sophie Emperour of the Persians and professed enemie to the Turke came to the knowledge and vse of the Caliuer shot and to enterlace and ioyne footemen with his horsemen sithence which time the Persians haue growen to that strength and force that they haue giuen many mightie and great ouerthrowes to the Turke to the great quiet of all Christendome And from the Island of Zeilam aforesayd they also discouered more East in passing the gulfe of Bengala and so pâ—ssed the notable and famous riuer of Ganges where hee hath his fall into the maine Ocean vnder the tropike of Cancer and to the Cape of Malaca and vnto the great and large Islands of Sumatra Iaua maior Iaua minor Mindanao Palobane Celebes Gilolo Tidore Mathin Borneo Machian Terenate and all other the Islands of Molucques and Spiceries and so East alongst the coasts of Cathaia to the portes of China Zaiton and Quinsay and to the Island of Zipango and Iapan siâ—uate in the East in 37. degrees of Septemerionall latitude and in 195. of longitâ—de These are their noble and worthie discoueries Here also is not to bee forgotten that in the yere of our Lord 1501. that famous and worthy gentleman Americus Vespucius did discouer people and plant to their vse the holdes and forts which they haue in Brasill of whom he being but a priuate gentleman the whole countrey or firme land of the West Indies is commonly called and knowen by the name of America I doe greatly doubt least I seeme ouer tedious in the recitall of the particular discoueries and conquests of the East and West Indies wherein I was the more bold to vrge the patience
a plaine marsh they stayed expecting the comming of the Spaniards according to their promise to furnish vs with victuals who keeping their olde custome for periurie and breach of promise came not whereupon our Generall fired the woods thereabout and so retired to our Fort which the same day was fired also and each man came aboord to be ready to set saile the next morning The 29. day wee set saile from Saint Iohns being many of vs stung before vpon shoare with the Muskitos but the same night wee tooke a Spanish Frigat which was forsaken by the Spaniards vpon the sight of vs and the next day in the morning very early we tooke another Frigat with good and rich fraight and diuers Spaniards of account in her which afterwards wee rausomed for good round summes and landed them in S. Iohns The 26. day our Lieutenant Master Ralph Lane went in one of the Frigats which we had taken to Roxo bay vpon the Southwest side of Saint Iohns to fetch salt being thither conducted by a Spanish Pilot as soone as hee arriued there hee landed with his men to the number of 20. and intrenched himselfe vpon the sandes immediatly compassing one of their salte hils within the trench who being seene of the Spaniards there came downe towardes him two or three troopes of horsemen and fooâ—nen who gaue him the looking and gazing on but durst not come neere him to offer any resistance so that Master Lane maugre their troopes caryed their salte aboord and laded his Friâ—at and so returned againe to our fleete the 29. day which road at S. Germans Bay The same day we all departed and the next day arriued in the Iland of Hispaniola Iune THe 1. day of Iune we anchored at Isabella on the North side of Hispaniola The 3. day of Iune the Gouernour of Isabella and Captaine of the Port de Plata being certified by the reports of sundry Spaniards who had beene well intertained aboord our shippes by our Generall that in our fleete were many braue and gallant Gentlemen who greatly desired to see the Gouernour aforesayd he thereupon sent gentle commendations to our Generall promising within few dayes to come to him in person which he perfourmed accordingly The 5. day the aforesayd Gouernour accompanied with a lusty Fryer and twenty other Spaniards with their seruants and Negroes came dowâ—e to the Sea side where our ships road at anker who being seene our Generall manned immediatly the most part of his boates with the chiefe men of our Fleete euery man appointed and furnished in the best sort at the landing of our Generall the Spanish gouernour receiued him very courteously and the Spanish Gentlemen saluted our English Gentlemen and their inferiour sort did also salute our Souldiers and Sea men liking our men and likewise their qualities although at the first they seemed to stand in feare of vs and of so many of our boates whereof they desired that all might not land their men yet in the end the courtesies that passed on both sides were so great that all feare and mistrust on the Spaniards part was abandoned In the meane time while our English Generall and the Spanish Gouernour discoursed betwixt them of diuers mattersâ— as of the state of the Countrey the multitude of the Townes and people and the commodities of the Iland our men prouided two banquetting houses couered with greene boughes the one for the Gentlemen the other for the seruaunts and a sumptuous banquet was brought in serued by vs all in plate with the sound of trumpets and consort of musicke wherwith the Spaniards were more then delighted Which banquet being ended the Spaniardes inrecompence of our courtesie caused a great heard of white buls and kyne to be brought together from the mountaines and appoynted for euery Gentleman and Captaine that would ride a horse ready sadled and then singled out three of the best of them to bee hunted by horsemen after their maner so that the pastime grewe very pleasant for the space of three houres wherein all three of the beasts were killed whereof one tooke the Sea and there was slaine with a musket After this sport many rare presents and gifts were giuen and bestowed on both parts and the next day wee played the Marchants in bargaining with them by way of trucke and exchange of diuers of their commodities as horses mares kine buls goates swine sheepe bull-hides sugar ginger pearle tabacco and such like commodities of the Iland The 7. day we departed with great good will from the Spaniards from the Iland of Hispaniola but the wiser sort doe impute this great shew of friendship and courtesie vsed towards vs by the Spaniards rather to the force that wee were of and the vigilancie and watchfulnesse that was amongst vs then to any heartie good will or sure friendly intertainement for doubtlesse if they â—â—d bene stronger then wee wee might haue looked for no better curtesie at their handes then Master Iohn Hankins receiued at Saint Iohn de Vllua or Iohn Oxnam â—eere the streights of Dariene and diuers others of our Countrymen in other places The 8. day we ankred at a small Iland to take Seales which in that place wee vnderstood to haue bene in great quâ—ntitie where the Generall and certaine others with him in the pinnesse were in very great danger to haue beene all cast away but by the helpe of God they escaped the hasard and returned aboord the Admirall in safetie The 9. day we arriued and landed in the I le of Caycos in which Iland we searched for saltepondes vpon the aduertisment and information of a Portugall who indeede abused our Generall and vs deseruing a haster for his hire if it had so pleased vs. The 12. we ankered at Guanima and landed The 15. and 16. we ankered and landed at Cyguateo The 20. we fell with the maine of Florida The 23. we were in great danger of a wracke on a breath called the Cape of Feare The 24. we came to anker in a harbour where wee caught in one tyde so much fish as would haue yeelded vs twentie pounds in London this was our first landing in Florida The 26. we came to anker at Wocokon The 29. wee weighed anker to bring the Tyger into the harbour where through the vnskilfulnesse of the Master whose name was Fernando the Admirall strooke on ground and sunke The 3. we sent word of our arriuing at Wococon to Wingina at Roanoak The 6. M. Iohn Arundel was sent to the maine and Manteo with him and Captaine Aubry and Captaine Boniten the same day were sent to Croatoan where they found two of our men left there with 30 other by Captaine Reymond some 20. dayes before The 8. Captaine Aubry and Captaine Boniten returned with two of our men found by them to vs at Wocokon The 11. day the Generall accompanied in his Tilt boate with Master Iohn Arundell Master Stukeley and diuers other Gentlemen