Selected quad for the lemma: daughter_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
daughter_n	lady_n	margaret_n	marry_v	9,209	5	10.0208	5	false

Text snippets containing the quad

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A16832	A defence of the gouernment established in the Church of Englande for ecclesiasticall matters Contayning an aunswere vnto a treatise called, The learned discourse of eccl. gouernment, otherwise intituled, A briefe and plaine declaration concerning the desires of all the faithfull ministers that haue, and do seeke for the discipline and reformation of the Church of Englande. Comprehending likewise an aunswere to the arguments in a treatise named The iudgement of a most reuerend and learned man from beyond the seas, &c. Aunsvvering also to the argumentes of Caluine, Beza, and Danæus, with other our reuerend learned brethren, besides Cænaiis and Bodinus, both for the regiment of women, and in defence of her Maiestie, and of all other Christian princes supreme gouernment in ecclesiasticall causes ... Aunsvvered by Iohn Bridges Deane of Sarum.	Bridges, John, d. 1618.	1587 (1587)	STC 3734; ESTC S106910	1,530,757	1,400

to her children And againe 105. a. the kingdome of the Burgundians is the first section from Gondengus alias Gondochius or Gondebundus vntill Clotildis placed in matrimonie to Clodoueus vnto whom succeded heyres suruiuing Gondebaldus and Gondesigillus But to Gondebaldus succeeded Sigisimundus who beeing slayne the scepter of the kingdom came to Clotildis and to her posteritie But whē as vnto Clotildis and vnto her posteritie succeeded a great many children the kingdome of Burgundie flewe among them with doubtfull fethers which must needes fall out that at the length the kingdome of Burgundie should come to the last suruiuer which should be only called the Monarch of the Gaules And all this fell out after Pharamundus about the time of Clodoueus who was the first Frenche king that was Christened by the meanes of this his wife Clotildis frō whose issue succéeded the line of the Merouingians of Meroueus grand-father to Clodoueus and by affinitie as Aimonius witnesseth that is through title of kindred by his wife the successor of Clodio Pharamundus son so that againe all the line of the Merouingians came by the woman Which line of the Merouingians continued till Charles Martell the Father of Pipine and Grandfather to Charles the great In whose stocke both Burgundie and the regiment of all Fraunce continued vntill the time of Hughe Capete who gaue the same vnto his brother it being not long before abased by Lotharius from the state of a kingdome to a dukedome for his contumelious striking of an Arch-bishop But now sayth Caenalis after that the inheritaunce of the Burgundian dukedome came to the French kinges ye shall scarse finde concerning the race of the Princes of the Burgundians where ye may safely fixe your foote euen vntill the time of S. Loyes and that chiefely by reason of women S. Loyes had Agnes or Agnet his daughter Duchesse of Burgundie whom not long time after Lewes surnamed Hutin succeding married Philip surnamed the fayre married Margaret ennobled by the ftocke of Burgundie Then followed Ioane giuen in mariage to Philip the long Whom straight-way followed Blanch Duches of Burgundie ioyned in mariage to Charles the fayrer that succeeded Philip the long After whome Philip of Valoys following married Ioane Duchesse of Burgundie This Philip gotte the crowne of France from Edwarde the 3. King of Englande By whose meanes this Salike law against the inheritance of the female was first vnder the name of Pharamunde deuised Vppon pretence as the fame went that a certaine Queene of France cast her fancie on a Butcher as Iohannes Methensis witnesseth and married him For detestation of which fact they made the Salike lawe that no woman should after that inherite the kingdome of Fraunce And although Gaguinus to defeate king Edwardes title alleage that euerie one of the thrée sonnes of Philip the faire both Lewes Hutin and Philip the long Charles the fayre had all issue besides the other daughters that he mentioneth of Philip le Beau yet sithe it is apparant that of none of all those issued any heyres male or female how could Philip of Valoys pretende from his Vncle Philip S. Lewes sonne which Philip was Father to Isabel Edwarde the thirde his mother to bereaue Isabell and her sonne Edwarde of this right but vnder pretence only of this deuised lawe Which lawe as we haue séene by Caenalis owne confession taking no place in Burgundie the Burgundians and the Frankes following one condition of inheritaunce it followeth that this lawe Salike is but a méere deuise and that in searching the practise wée finde all cleane contrarie And as the inheritance of Burgundie went thus vntill that time that this deuise was hatched so hath it gone since For although Caenalis when he commeth to Charles Carolese or rather Careles which last was flaine by the Switzers sayth who when hee wanted an heyre male by the vertue of the Salike lawe the Dukedome of Burgundie came to the kinges of Fraunce euen vntill this day I much maruell what face Caenalis durst so constantly auouch this thing sithe all Christendome knoweth that although the French King scambled for his share and gotte a parte thereof in that time of hauocke yet Maximilian the Emperour marying afterwarde the daughter and heyre obteyned by her the right and title of that inheritance By which it is most cleare that these two estates of France and Burgundie the one following in inheritance the condition of the other that as Burgundie notwithstanding any Salike lawe admitteth the inheritance of the woman so should France also Yea and by reason of this house of Burgundie hath title come by the woman also euen to the crowne of Fraunce The which Caenalis himselfe can not denie For sayth he fol. 106. a. speaking of Philip the long whom he calleth the Brother he should say the sonne of Philip the faire he succeded his elder brother Lewes surnamed Hutin that is as some interpret it troublesome or brawling vnto whom Margaret the sister of Robert Duke of Burgundie was maried Of whom Hutine begat Ioane which Ioane was maried vnto the Earle of Eureux and to the king of Nauarre Whereupon controuersie arose betweene the Duke of Burgundie and Philip he meaneth Philip of Valoys which of a regent was created king about the yeare 1316. by reason of which Ioan the Scepter was staide to be diuolued to the Duke of Burgundie brother of Ioan. But the lawe Salike directlie withstood this sentence How beit the mariage of Ioan daughter of Philip whome the Duke of Burgundie tooke to his wife brake off that strife But because this Ioane Hutines daughter had no issue Edwarde therefore came still before the Duke of Burgundie And yet had this Duke carried it away euen by affinitie for all the lawe Salike had not the matter béene otherwise composed And Caenalis reckoning vp the Genealogie of the Earles of Burgundie comming from Otto he sayth Otto begat Ioane the French Queene and Queene of Nauarre the Ladie of the countrye Palatine of Burgundie whom Philip the French king chose to his wife of which mariage issued Lewes the french King and his 2. sonne Philip Earle Palatine of Burgundie c. Ioane had daughter Elisa or Elisabeth maried to Robert Duke of Burgundie about the yeare 1306. Lewes the French king and of Nauarre begat the Earle of Poyters Palatin of Burgundie and Lorde of Salinople not long after French king This Philip of whom we haue spoken begat Margaret enriched with a triple Earledome of Flaunders of Artoys and of Burgundie c. Thus doth Caenalis in prosecuting these pedegrées of these Princes declare withall what inheritances also came to them with women that vnto the French king besides Britanie diuerse other Prouinces by mariages of the heires female Yea what title to the French crowne himself had Pipine but on the mothers side As Caenalis is faine to confesse though he would turne

the matter from title to election that he came by the mothers bloud of the Frankes fol. 68. of whose progenie sayth Volateranus Lib. 3. fol. 17. b. Pipine therefore the King in the yeare 751. beganne the seconde progenie among the French of whom wee must speake a fewe thinges taking his beginning from his auncestors for they boast of his kindred from the french kinges For Ambertus being a great man begat of Hitildis the daughter of Clotarius the 8. Herkenoalde the Father of Pipine who had Grimoalde the father of an other Herkenolde of whom was begotten the other Pipine surnamed the short of his short stature c. This Pipine begat Charles Martell who had issue Pipine that was made king the Father of the Emperour Charles the great So that all this boasting that Volaterane speaketh of came of the mother And likewise for Hughe Capete sayth Caenalis Fol. 110. This one function I haue chosen to my self that out of the most certaine Chronicles of Bochet I might set before mine eyes the most renowmed progenie of Hugh Capete running downe from Pharamunde by Pipine to wit vnto whome the race of the royall stocke is deuolued the feminine sexe comming betweene And this is the order of this generation Of Pipine the short was begotten Charles the great of whō came Lewes surnamed the godly from whence out of this generation came Lewes of Bauier king of the Germaines From the Bauarian proceded Carlomanne who of his bodie begat Arnulphus the Emperour From Arnulphus sprange his daughter Luigarde Who being ioyned in matrimonie to the Duke Odo brought forth Henrie which married Mawde the daughter of the Emperour Lewes Neuerthelesse Henrie married an other wife the widdowe of Conradus called Placida or Placentia From whence came Otto the first Emperour of that name and Bruno Bishop of Colayne and Gerberga the noble wife of the french king Lewes the fourth From whom issued Aigunda ioyned in marriage to Hugh surnamed the great which by the title of Earle obteyned the royall Citie of Paris Of which matrimonie issued our Hughe Capete And from hence it clearely appeareth that Hughe of whome at this present wee speake was by lynage a Caroline a Merouingian and also a Troian Sicambrian Of whom the Sicambrians also had their name of Cambria a most wise woman the king of Britaines daughter as Lazius de Migrationibus gentium discoursing vppon the Cymmerians from whence the Frankes came doth witnesse Fol. 83. Thus doth Caenalis himselfe fetche the pedegrée of the royall bloud of all these houses euen for Hugh Capete still from the mother And the like beeing shewed also in Meroueus that came to the Crowne by the right of affinitie vnto Clodio the sonne of Pharamunde all affinitie consisting by right of mariage it followeth that all the translations from the right line that euer haue béene in Fraunce saue onely the intrusion of Philip de Valoys to exclude Edwarde the thirde were made only by such as claimed the title of the royall bloud by right of their mothers notwithstanding the French Chronicles friuolous pretenses of election or of the Salike lawe Nowe where Caenalis would drawe the reason of this pretensed Salike lawe from a contrarietie to the lawe of nature and to the lawe of GOD in the state of a Monarchie let vs likewise sée the peyse of those his reasons Fol. 66. By which reason sayeth hée the Monarchie of the Frenche is established Which when it reacknowledgeth not a superiour it mought of his owne right make a lawe to endure for euer and publish the same beeing made If the reason hereof shall bee exacted yee shall finde that euen by the verie force of the woorde a Monarchie can not consiste and a supreme gouernement of thinges except it be in the male kinde That the Monarchicall scepter be Guerman that is to saye altogether manly hauing nothing womanish mixed with it For by the lawe of God it is apparaunt not in one place euen nature it selfe teaching vs that a woman is subiect to a man Thou shalt be vnder the power of the man sayeth the Lorde vnto the woman not so much noting her person as her sexe And out of Paule the man is the heade of the woman Howe nowe can it come to passe that the woman if shee gouerne Monarchically should not haue the supreme gouernement ouer the man If the man gouerne she shall not bee a Monarke Contrariwise if the woman retayne the chiefe Dominion to her selfe then shall not the man be the commaunder as he that is vnder the womans lawes For two can not be either of them in the whole equally the Lordes of one thing Concerning that which Caenalis sayde before that Burgundie followed the condition of Fraunce in this Salike lawe we haue shewed indéede howe they both followe one condition that is to say neither of them in their practise saue against vs haue followed this lawe And therefore by this meanes this lawe Salike is not established to endure perpetually but is broken or kept at their pleasure If they list to put backe the néerest heyre be he also neuer so muche a man or manly a man if his title come by the mother or if they like him not to raigne ouer them then out with this Salike lawe against him And if they like him though his descent be from the woman neuer so much then for sooth the lawe Salike can not holde For why then sayth Caenalis election is aboue all lawe of succession And thus euery way they shift the matter to establish as they say their Monarchie and to set vp whom it pleaseth them But if the establishment of this lawe consist of this that it was made by a Monarchie that reacknowledged no Superiour and therefore of his owne right might make a lawe to endure for euer and publish the same being made then was this lawe farre from such an establishment Pharamundus and his Frankes beeing so farre off from a Monarchie and from reacknowledging no superiour that they were ouer-come by the Romanes and tributaries to them and when Valentian forgaue them their tribute for tenne yeares space where they dwelt then in Hungarie by the Romanes licences when they denied their tribute they were expulsed from thence Laz. fol. 66. and after planted them-selues in Holland and Phrisia and from thence by little and little into Germany and to Gallia But what enfranchesing hath the French Monarchie nowe which he sayth reacknowledgeth no superiour that both it and all other neuer so high or so large a Monarchie should not alwayes reacknowledge the superioritie of the lawe of God to be aboue and ouerrule all their Salike or humane lawes Neither doth the nature of a Monarchie or supreme dominiō as here he boldely auoucheth require to consist alwayes in a man and that man to be altogether a manly or a warrelike man and admitte no feminine admixture For then not only euerie man childe

their sentence for the reducing of the Arke Yea rather than the Princes state should not be thus translated it must be conformed to that example also of the Israelites state of the ten Tribes For they as Bertram saith cap. 12. had their Sanhedrin too The policie sayth he of the ten Tribes came verie neere to the ciuil policie of the kingdome of Iuda For it had the king their head and then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chorim that is the men which were the Patriciens or noble Fathers which otherwise we said were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sarim that is Princes which made also the Synedrion and chiefe Consistorie of Iudges of that kingdome Here the Consistorie sate most commonlie at the Kings pallace such as was Iesrael in the time of Achab. It had also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Zechonium Seniors or Elders to wit Chiliarks Cēturiōs c. Either of these magistrates is so called in Nehemias That also argueth the peoples power that the witnesses suborned against Naboth are sayd to haue giuen their witnesse before all the people But that policie seemeth to bee so mixt of the Regall Aristocratical and Democraticall power that was altogether Tyrannicall as appeareth by the gestes of the Kings of the tenne Tribes True indéede those Kings for the most part of them did degenerate into a kind of Tyrants But this argument is but weake that the state was mixt with the peoples gouernment because the witnesse of the Elders was giuen before the people for what witnes in so waightie a iudgement should not rather be giuen before the people than in secret or in priuate But may we not better finde fault with those wicked Elders which gaue that iudgement And yet what difference betwéene these among the Israelites and those among the Iewes that by al meanes sought the murthering of the prophet Ieremie And if such good Elders came in the time while they say whatsoeuer the persons were their state was intier and according to the first and auncient institution whereunto our Breth would haue our state translated might not we feare also that when these Seniors should become such Princes that might peraduenture breake out into such parts Which least they shuld do how they might be repressed or rather preuented wold be better thought on before they were put in possession especiallie of the estate which is here so expreslie by Caluine and our Brethren chalenged that they should be admitted vnto As for the state of the regiment following in the time of the Iewes captiuitie afterward vntill Christs comming was more disturbed And yet Bertram telleth cap. 13. that first Darius Artaxer●es Longimanus permitted to the Iewes some part of their former power whereby Esdras did so againe let in order the ciuil policy that in the place of a king it had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pechah that is a presidēt prouinciall that gouerned Iurie vnder the direction of the Persian Monarke and of him he was sent thether As appeareth out of the storie occasion of sending Zerubbabel Ezr. 3. 4. out of Nehe. 5.14 In the second place they had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sarim that is Princes which are oftē 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chorim that is Patritiās And somtimes also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ari aueth that is the Princes of the Fathers or of the families and these made the Synedriō of the 70. Thirdly it had their ordinary Iudges the Chiliarks Centurions c. which were not onely called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iekonim that is Seniors or Elders c. In the 4. place it had the assembly and iudgement of al the Citizens this kind of assemblie is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Kaalah Gedolah that is the great company or great gathering together Thus were all these orders retained so wel as that troubled and tributary state would permit it Ouer whom in all their assemblies iudgements stil were much more thā before the Leuites the prefects gouernours of thē Of which State saith Bertram in the same Chap pag 69. To conclude if euer that Policie of Magistrates and Iudges which our Thalmudistes doo recorde had place verelie it is to be referred to the processe of this time For they tell that the chiefe Senate of the Hebrues to wit of the 70. the power which they had of the sword or putting to death which they had in the greater causes such as were of the Tribe of the high Priest of a false Prophet and of Treason they communicated the same to three twentie headmen c. Whereby it appeareth what great authoritie they still reteined or had then moste of all hauing no King among them And in the next page he saith The Presidents prouinciall excelled in greatest authoritie insomuch that they had the chiefe gouernment as it appeareth by those things which Nehemias did To proue Nehemias had chiefe auth that last fact of his dooth argue wherein he reioyceth that he had banished a certaine man of the posteritie of Ioiada the sonne of Eliazib the chiefe Priest because he had married the daughter of Sanballat the Horonite to proue also that he had the cheefest gouernment in that he had rebuked he had cōmanded to be excommunicated to be beaten with roddes and to be made bald in token of greatest reproch the residue of the Iewes that had married women strangers Iosephus chap. 11. in the 7. booke of the Iewes antiquities doth so touch the foresaid story that he saith the elders of Ierusalem that is the chiefe Magistrates and the synedrion it selfe decreed commaunded Manasses the brother of the high Priest Iaddi to sende away and put from him his wife an alien borne that is a Samaritan the daughter of Samballat c. Such auth had this synedrion albeitnot so called among them vnder Nehemias Iaddi the high Priest but Bart. saith in the page following of the state declining after Nehemias Neuerthelesse it might be that Iaddus and the other Guides of the Iewes didde choose one of the Tribe of Iuda that shoulde beare the principalitie in the chiefe Synedrion howbeit rather for name-sake than indeed when as all things depended on the high Bishops And on this sort continued the State till the time of the Macchabees in whose time saith Bertram pa. 79. Yea Ionathas that he might the better reteine safe and sound 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the vse of their own lawes and state of their owne power he sent Ambassadours to Rome and to Lacaedemonia which should renue the league with the Romanes and the Lacaedemonians But that their auncient policie was restored appeareth in this that the Ambassadours expresselie signified to the Romanes that they were sent of Ionathas the high Priest and of the Nation of the Iewes also by the verie superscription of the letters which by the same Ambassadours he sent vnto Lacaedemonia which was endited in