Camp But that which he adds in the eighth Chapter of his Third Book is not to be omitted That all Generals who Encamp their Armies for any time as the Romans did frequently whole Summers and whole Winters the first whereof were called Aestiva and the last Hâ—berna should have a provident care and should make it their great work that not only fuel fodder and water be supplied near hand but that all manner of necessaries for back and belly and all munitions may be brought safely and without â—â—peach of an enemy to their quarters To which effect if there be not fortified places all along the Country through which these provisions are to be transported then some ought to be builded one whereof should second another these Vegetius calls Castles Castâ—lla Castâ—lla what a Diminutive as he tells us from Castra The Ancients either in their own Territories or in those of their Conquests did even so as is practised to this day and that was They built Forts Towers Sconces and Castles in these places where it was thoâ—ght they might be For what use built most useful either for the preservation of the Country from the sudden irruptions of ill affected neighbours or to put such a restraint oâ— the Inhabitants themselves as to keep them from rebelâ—ion for this purpose long and strong Walls were sometimes built with excessive cost and labour we may yet see some reliques of Severus walls built for the safety of the Britains from the Incursions of the Scots and Picts The Castles which they intended to keep constantly guarded were for most part built round of thick and strong walls to resist the battery of the Ram and if they had Curtains these were â—â—anked a l'antique with round Turrets These Castella the Romans called also Burga I know not whether they borrowed Burg a Latinâ— and a German word signifieth a Fort. the word from the Germans or the Germans from them for the old Dutch word Burg yet in use signifying a Strength Hold Fort or Castle many of them were built by the Romans in Germany and some of them are to be seen at this day The Governours of these Castles or Forts were called Custâ—des Magistri Burgorum which at first were only committed to them during the pleasure of the Consuls and Emperours afterwards by the liberality and bounty of Princes these Keepers were made hereditary Governours and long after the Castles and Burgs themselves with many fair lands belonging to them were given to them and their heirs in property for ever to hold them in Vaâ—â—alage Hence comes the name of Castâ—lâ—â—ns a title of great honour and profit in Poland Castellan where they enjoy it but for life the King having the disposaâ— oâ— it afterward Hence the title of Burggrave in Germany which in the language of that Country is of greater honour than the title oâ— an Earl which in Dutch is simply Grave And that dignity of â—urggrave to this day is there very honourable and kept by the greatest Princes of the German Empire as an addition and that no Burggrave small one to the rest of their great Titles as the Elector of Brandenburg is the hereditary Burggrave of Nuremburg In process oâ— time Villages Hamlets and little Towns were built besides these Burgs many whereof are become great and famous Cities which keep yet their denomination from the Burg or Castle besides which they were at first edified such as Strasburg Augsburg Nuremburg Wirtsburg Lunenburg Neramburg Haâ—burg and many others And as at the first building these Castles or Burgs the Keepers were called Magistri Burgâ—rum so to this day the principal Magistrates and Mayors of Cities are called Bâ—rgomasters The Roman Soldiers having finished the fortification of their Camp are next to be lodged within it I am afraid it will not contain them all yet let us see how Polybius will accommodate his Consular Army for we have done with Vegetius It was the duty of that Tribune whole lot or turn it was to officiate for the Legion to go before no doubt with a guard and some Centurions with him to take up ground for the Camp and to measure out all the several quarters of it Which that you may the better comprehend we shall divide the Roman Camp into two but not equal parts these were called the upper and the lower Division of the Roman Camp into two parts parts in the upper lodged the Consul the Treasurer the Legates the Evocati of the Romans and Extraordinaries of the Allies the lodgings of the Tribunes and Prâ—fecti were also there and in it was the Market-place and a large place to receive strangers In the lower part of the Camp were quartered all the four Legions of the Romans and Allies in several Maniples and all the Troops of Horse of both the one and the other The Tribune who measur'd the Camp first chose ground for the Prâ—tâ—rium Pratâ—rium or Consuls Pavilion that is the Consuls Pavilions and Tents and allow'd for it two hundred foot square the superficial measure whereof was eight Italian miles for multiply two hundred by two hundred the product will be forty thousand foot and these make eight miles and no doubt himself his friends servants and baggage might be well enough accommodated in such a compass of ground That ground was marked with a white flag and all the other quarters with red ones And here be pleased to observe that the Romans keeping constantly one way of Castrametation they were so well acquainted with it that no sooner any of the Army saw by the white flag where the Consul was to lodge but every one knew how to go straight to that quarter that was design'd for him As well saith Polybius as Citizens know how to go to their houses after they enter any of the Ports Upon both hands of the Prâ—tâ—rian were the quarters of the Treasurer and Legates for the first were allowed two hundred foot in length and a hundred in depth for each Legate a hundred foot long and fifty deep To the Foot of the Evâ—cati of the Romans Lipsius and Terduzzi and the Who were quarter'd in the upper part of the Roman Camp Siâ—ur de Prâ—issack following him allow eighty foot in length and two hundred thirty eight in breadth and to the Horse of the Evocati eighty foot in length and a hundred twenty five in breadth perhaps they gather this out of Polybius but I am very sure notwithstanding any of their assertions to the contrary the number of the Evocati being uncertain for they were voluntary sometimes Evocati more sometimes fewer and so not definite one and the same measure of ground could not always and at all times be allowed to them But all these being thus quarter'd on both sides of the Pratâ—rium there was a street of one hundred foot broad which traverst the breadth of the Camp the name whereof is forgot between which Street and the
he making alt they all take up their several distances behind him till he who is File-leader turn himself about on that same ground he stood on and then all turn likewise so that all the File faceth to the Rear in that same order that before the Counter-march it fac'd to the Van by this means the Body loseth ground in the Rear and therefore our Modern Drillers when they command the Macedonian counter-march they say By the Right or Left hand Countermarch and lose ground in the Rear or gain ground in the Van which is all one thing The Laconian is when the Batallion is commanded to take up as much ground in the Rear as it possess'd before and is done thus The File-leader Lacedemonian turns just where he stands and marcheth as many foot behind the Rear-man as the Body at its due distance should possess all who follow him turn not about till their Leaders go by them and so the Bringer up doth only turn himself without any further motion The Modern word of Command for this is Counter-march to the Right and Left hand and gain ground in the Rear The Persian is when the Batallion keeps the same ground it had but with this difference that the Leader stands where the Bringer up was and the Persian Rear-man where the Leader stood It is done thus The Leader advanceth three steps and then turns and marcheth to the Rear and all who follow him turn not till they come to that place to which he advanced and then they face about and take up the same ground they formerly possest The word of Command for this is Counter-march to the Right or Left hand and keep your ground It is also called the Chorâ—an Counter-march because Oâ— Choraean as the Chorus useth to sing and dance all together so here all the Ranks move at once and keeping that same measure and distance in turning resembles a Dance But indeed all these Counter-marches as most of all evolutions are better and sooner illustrated nay demonstrated by a Body of Souldiers in the Field than they can be either by words or figures on Paper Philip King of Macedon Father of the Great Alexander put down the first of these Counter-marches which was his own Countrey one and with good reason for it hath a show of flying at least of retiring being a Body of sixteen deep as the Macedonian Phalanx was by that Counter-march lost in the Rear where the Enemy is suppos'd to be one hundred and twelve foot of ground one foot being allowed for every Rank to stand on and six All three of small use foot of distance between the Ranks at least it loseth one hundred and six foot And truly I think the hazard were small if all the three several Counter-marches were for ever banish'd out of all Armies except those of our Enemies It is true I never saw any of them used in sight of an Enemy for if they be practis'd then I am confident confusion would follow them which is but too ready to appear in any Army though never so well order'd when it is unexpectedly attack'd by an Enemy in the Rear If the Grecians had been acquainted with our great Guns nay even with our Muskets which kill at a greater distance by far than Darts or Arrows and against which their Defensive Arms would not have been proof they would have found that an Enemy a good way from their Rear would have render'd their best Counter-marches both unfeasible and dangerous All the good I suppose that is intended by a Counter-march is to place the very same men and Ranks with their faces to the Rear in that very same order they were with their faces to the Front And truly if Captains be careful to place their best men in the Front their next best in the Rear and make middle men of the third and rank every man according to his worth and dignity as they should do but too many of them are negligent in this it will be needless to hazard a Counter-march but with much ease and with one word of Command and that is By the Right or Left hand about an Enemy may be fac'd in the Rear without danger of any confusion or disorder I have seen some very punctual Officers and Drill-masters who have taken much pains to teach new beginners all these three sorts of Counter-marches and have made them practise their lessons very exactly yet for all that I could never in my own Judgement have a better opinion of Counter-marches than they say some Physicians have of Cucumbers which they first order to be well corrected and prepar'd with Vinegar Oyl Pepper and I know not what else and then advise to throw them out of doors or over the Windows In exercising Bodies the first care is to make Ranks and Files keep that distance that is allowed by the Prince or General who commands the Army for he may do in that according to his pleasure The Grecian Foot had a three-fold distance the first was of six foot and this Aelian will have to be in exercisings and marches between File and File as well as Rank and Rank but assuredly there was not so good reason for the one as there was for the other in regard all the heavy arm'd Foot cartying long Pikes required six foot in their march between Rank and Rank for the conveniency of their Pikes but there was no need of so much between File and File as Distances of the Foot any man at first view may easily comprehend The second distance was of three foot between Rank and Rank as also between File and File and this was when they were drawn up and stood in Battel with their Pikes order'd and their posture at this distance was called Densatio The third was of one foot and a half between both Files and Ranks and that was when they were either to give or receive a charge and it was call'd Constipatiâ— In that posture having presented their Pikes with their left foot formost their Targets touch'd one another and so their Phalange look'd like a Brazen Wall as Lucius Aemilius the Roman Consul spoke of that wherewith King Persâ—â—s fac'd him at the Battel of Pidna where they fought for the Soveraignty of the Kingdom of Macedon The Grecian Horse were marshall'd in several figures and of their distance I can say nothing nor doth Aelian help me in it at all Of these several figures of Horse Troops I shall speak in the next Chapter but one And Of the Horse then my Reader will perhaps believe with me that the Square Battels probably kept that distance that Troops have done since and that both the Rhombus and the Wedge required a greater distance when they were commanded by a motion either to the Right or Left hand to change the posture or the place wherein they stood and I conceive when either of them was to charge the Horse men were obliged to â—err
suitable to so many Guns The Author tells us that King Henry view'd this mighty Army of his near the City of Metz where he saith it was drawn up in Battalia but he forgot A great oversight to inform us here of two very considerable points the one of what altitude or depth both the Foot and Horse were the second what distances were kept or order'd to be kept between the several Files and Ranks both of Horse and Foot and how great the Intervals were between the several Batallions and Bodies as well of the Cavalry as the Infantry for thereby we should have been able not only to have made a probable conjecture but determinately to have known how much ground the whole Army took up in longitude but there are others who are guilty of this neglect as well as this Author of ours who hath fail'd in this With these indeed formidable Forces did the French King intend to defie and fight within the Bowels of the German Empire Charles the Fifth a greater and braver Prince than whom though he had not been elected Emperour of the Romans either for propriety and large extent of Patrimonial Dominions or for personal Courage and Prudence the Western World had not seen since the time of Charles the Great But whilest this Magnanimous King is viewing and exceedingly pleasing himself Henry views his army with the sight of his gallant Army a beggarly and contemptible crew of some Souldiers some Soujats and Grooms and some Countrey Clowns in sight of this great Prince his Nobility in splendid equipage and of his whole Batallions charg'd those who were appointed to guard the Baggage and in spite of the King then in his greatest strength carried a rich and considerable And receives an affront booty into Theonville an Imperial Garrison not far from the place Nor was this affront done so publickly to so powerful an Army at all reveng'd only some Light Horse were sent before the Town to vapour and brave the Imperialists who fail'd not to sally out and skirmish with the French from which bickering neither party carried away any thing but blows And at length Henry's great preparations came to nothing for the two German Princes having not without some stain to their Honour made their Peace with the Emperour without the French Kings privity he was glad to return and defend his own Territories against Charles who was horribly incens'd against him for offering to assist his Rebels for so he call'd those Electors against his Lawful Authority As this French Army which I think so much represented the Phalange Conclusion vanish'd so the Macedonian Phalanx it self on which Aelian bestows the Titles and Epithets of Invincible Inexpugnable and Irresistable after it had in Philips and his Son Alexanders time given the Law to the Eastern World and after their deaths had been kept up by Alexanders Successors and Great Captains the space of one hundred and sixty years yielded to fate and was brought to nothing in Perseus his time and Macedon it self reduced to a Province by the Romans of whose Legions Art and Order of War we are in the next place to take a view PALLAS ARMATA Military Essays ON THE ANCIENT ROMAN ART of WAR BOOK II. CHAP. I. Of the Ancient Roman Government and Militia in General THE hand of Heaven which cast the Empire of the best part of the known World into the lap of the Romans was the more visible in that before they came to any great progress of Conquest and after too their State was Inward Diseases of the Roman State obnoxious to those difficulties which might have render'd it not only incapable to overcome its Enemies but subject to be a prey to any of its Neighbours And of these any who have perus'd their Histories may if they please with me observe them which follow First Their frequent change of Government as from Kings to Consulâ— First then to Consuls joyn'd with Tribunes of the People from these to a Decemvirate from that to Military Tribunes invested with Consular Authority from them to Consuls again from these to a Triumvirate and from that to Emperours Secondly The almost continual â—arrs and debates between the Senate and Second the People not only concerning the â—ex 〈…〉 and division of Lands but even about the Supreme Power of the Governament it self in which the Commons ever gain'd ground and at the long-run obtain'd the principal points and marks of the Soveraignty those were the 〈…〉 of Magistrates yea of the Consuls making and repeating Laws power of Life and Death and the last Appeal Thirdly The constantly Seditious Orations and Practices of the Tribunes Third of the People whereby they publickly obstructed many times the Levies of Souldiers and the pursuance of many Victories gain'd against their Neighbours Whilest the State was yet in its Infancy all those alterations and contentions proceeding from an inward disease of State could not choose but exceedingly weaken it in the undertaking any great action abroad But Fourthly Their Cruelty and Ingratitude to their own Citizens and Captains Fourth who had done them the best and greatest services some whereof I shall instance in in another place few of them all escaping a severe censure enough to withdraw any generous Spirit from a desire to serve them Fifthly Their frequent making Dictators almost upon every sudden apprehension Fifth of fear or supposed danger an Office so unlimited having power to do and command what they pleas'd without comptrol appeal or â—ear to be question'd after their time expired that it is a wonder none of them prevented Julius Câ—sar in usurping the Soveraignty Sixthly Their making two Consuls of equal authority the very fuel of discord Sixth at home and of most dangerous consequence abroad when a powerful Enemy necessitated them to joyn their Forces Take some Instances In one of the Wars against the Volscians Lucius Furius was joyn'd in equal Command with Marcus Furius Camillus that famous Roman who freed his Countrey from the Invasion of the Gauls in this War young Lucius would needs fight sore against old Camillus his advice and well beaten â—e was and had been utterly routed if the old man had not waited hiâ— opportunity and come to his rescue with the Triariâ— Fabius the Dictator nick-nam'd the Cunctator had Minutius joyn'd in equal command with him who would needs with the half of the Army fight Hanâ—â—bal whether the Dictator would or not The Carthaginian beats him and had made an end of him and perhaps of the War too if old Fabius had not parted the fray But the Romans escap'd not so easily at Cannae for there Terentius Varro in spite of his Colleague Paulus Aemilius fought with the same Hannibal where both of them receiv'd such an overthrow that if he who gave it them had follow'd Maharbal's advice and immediately marched he might in all probability have din'd the fifth day after in the Capitol and for
any man say that the Imperial Pikemen lost this Battel to the Emperour I suppose none but Brancatio and Master Lupton Moncounter was lost for many reasons too tedious to insert here whereof the great number of Pikes was none And what a madness is it in these two Antipike-men to speak of Dreux for there they who lost the honour of the Battel of Dâ—â—ux day that is the Prince of Conde and the Admiral of France had few or no Pikes at all and succeeded accordingly for the Duke of Guise after a long and doubtful fight Marshal St. Andre being kill'd and the Constable taken routed their Foot with his Cavalry so the having Pikes gain'd the Royalists the honour of the day for the Switzers though with huge loss kept the field and the want of Pikes lost it to the Protestants These are Brancatio his Instances to prove the insufficiency of the Pike and what little reason Mr. Lupton had to make use of them upon the others authority is cleared I hope by my answers which I thought fit to give lest I might have seem'd to have undervalued Mr. Lupton as Terduzzi hath done his Countryman Brancatio who deigns not almost to afford one of his Arguments a reply It rests now that I give an answer to both of them who draw an argument against the Pike because the Turk useth it not but rejecteth it as unserviceable To this first I say that the Turk glories that his Batallions resemble the Macedonian Want of Pikes in the Tuâ—ks Army a defect Phalanges and therefore by this assertion he approves of the Pike which was the Macedonian weapon But I confess it is his vanity to say so for the staff which many of his men carry is rather a Javelin than a Pike But next I aver that the Grand Signiors want of Pikes is a defect in his Militia which no Prince or State is bound to imitate And assuredly if Selimus his Cannon had not terrified the Persian Horses in the Caldâ—ran Plains he would have repented Instanced that he had no Batallions of Pikes to withstand the furious and reiterated Charges of Sophi Ismael and his resolute Cavalry And if the Treason of some Mamaluck Captains had not assisted that same Turk against Campson Gaurus Sultan of Egypt where he was almost born down by the fury of the Mamaluck Horsemen the want of Pikes had lost him his Army and it may be a great part of his Empire But I will let these two Gentlemen see the Turk beaten with Pikemen in Asia two several times Tâ—chel sirnamed Cusâ—lbas or Redhead by Nation a Persian having but very few Horse armed all his Foot who were Turk beaten with Pikemen but Country-people and newly levied with long Pikes One of Bajazets Beglerbegs Basha Taragio meets him at the River Sangar where Techâ—l beat back and broke the Turks Horse with his â—ong Pikes and obtain'd the victory Not long after that Techel meets with Hali Basha at Mount Oliga with whom he fought long and at length by the couragious managing of his long Pikes he forced the Turkish Horse to run out of the field in which skuffle the Basha himself was kilâ—'d I am afraid it hath been pure malice in these two Gentlemen to conceive the Great Actions of the Switzers arm'd with Pikes Charles Duke of Burgundy Beside Milan great Victories obtain'd by the Switzers by no other weapon than the Pike Ignorance it could not be in Brancatio since some of them were the actions of his own time nor in Lupton who might have read them in Modern History They overthrew Charles of Burgundy in three several Battels and he was a very Warlike Prince They marched three miles out of Millain to attack a Martial King Francis the first lodg'd in a well fortified Camp environ'd with a well order'd Infantry a numerous Cavalry and a huge Train of Artillery they stormed his Retrenchment took some of his Cannon fought till night parted them renewed the Battel next morning very bâ—times fought long with doubtful success the event whereof might have prov'd fatal to the French King if the stout Venetian General Alviano had not come upon the Spur with three thousand Horse to the rescue and then the Switzers retir'd in good order back to Milan in spite of both French and Venetians Aâ— Novara they forc'd the French to retire two miles from the Town ten thousand of them follow the next day and fight At Novara with the French two hours and observe it that they were principally resisted by the German Batallions of Pikes who stoutly fighting were kill'd every man of them the Switzers obtain'd an absolute Victory they kill'd many of the French and Gascon Foot in their flight for they did not fight they chaced the French Cavalry out of the field who could not be detain'd by the Duke of Trimoville and Trivultio both of them great Captains these the Switzers for want of Horse could not pursue but they took two and twenty pieces of Artillery with an infinite Booty and so returned to Novara An Action even in the Heroick times almost beyond belief You may read these stories at large both in Guicciardini and Giovio At Meaux on the River Marne the Prince of Condâ— and the Admiral of At Meaux on the River Marne France had well near surpriz'd Charles the Ninth King of France and his Mother Catherine de Medici great were the fears of the Court where there were none to defend it but eight or nine hundred Gentlemen arm'd only with Swords But there arrived in a good time six thousand Switzers who had come from their own Country and they after three hours refreshment couragiously undertook to bring the King and Queen in safety to the Louvre which was ten Leagues distant from thence and performed it in their march they chose the most open and Champain fields presenting their Pikes on all Quarters where ever the enemy offer'd to Charge and came to Paris with the loss only of thirty men who being weary had fallen behind Let now Master Lupton tell us out of Brancatio that Pikemen cannot make way or pursue an enemy that they cannot force a Guard Street or Passage and cannot make an assault or use diligence on a March or do other feats of War All these great and memorable actions were performed by the Switzers arm'd offensively only with Pikes and Swords without Harqâ—ebusses Muskets or any Fire-guns without Cavalry or Artillery which is enough though nothing more could be said to confute both Brancatio and Lupton They both knew that it is a capricious humour to take away a thing that hath been used unless there be reasons given either against the thing it self or the bad use of it and this both of them think they have done how sufficiently let the Reader judg yet they have not done all unless they give us something in the room of the Pike since they have taken it from us And
this both of them promise to do and you shall see how they perform it Brancatio admits no Foot but Harquebusiers Musquets being rare when he Brancatio his Engin instead of the Pike wrote I doubt not but if he were alive now he would call them Musqueteers as Mr. Lupton doth and by that name we shall call them hereafter Terduzzi tells us that his Countryman Brancatio undertakes to teach Princes an invention how their Musqueteers shall march in an open field or a razed Champain either in Squadrons or man by man without running any hazard to be routed or over-run by any Cavalry be it never so strong much less shall they be in danger of any Batallions of Pikes But Brancatio tells us not in his whole Book what this invention is but keeps it up as a secret as that to use his own words which deserves only to be whisper'd in the ear of some great Prince I am afraid he never met with that Prince in his life-time who courted him for that secret and therefore it is more than probable the secret hath dy'd with him Terduzzi tells us that after he had read this in Brancatio his Book he troubled his brain two or three nights in conjecturing what this invention or secret might be At first he imagin'd it must be a Machine made with flanks for defence of the Musqueteer and to move some way or other as the Musqueteers advanced or retired and so to his thinking should be a moving or ambulatory Citadel But he found he had not hit right when he read in Brancatio that the invention is a most easie thing to make but most difficult to imitate unless the order of it be explain'd by the Author himself and withal he calls it in the singular Number a piece of Armour now Brancatio acknowledgeth no Arms but Sword or Harquebusse for Foot hence Terduzzi concludes the invention must be some kind Cannot be well conjectured of Defensive arms and yet no great Engine or Machine While Terduzzi is thus puzled an Italian Gentleman told him that Brancatio had show'd him one of them and said it was a Pike with a certain Iron-triangle in the middle of it which being cast on the ground any way always one of the angles should stand up but when the Pike was fix'd all the three angles stood in the air which when Terduzzi had learned he look'd on it as so frivolous a piece of folly that he neither troubled himself nor us with any further discourse about it Could this Triangle be it never so great be any thing else than one of our Calthrops with these it seems Brancatio was to environ his Firemen for he says his invention was only to defend the circumference whether the Musqueteers were to carry it or some other appointed for it we know not and many more Particularities of that great secret must we want Master Lupton is not altogether so squeamish as Brancatio though we shall Mr. Luptons Musquet and Half-Pike one weapon presently find him reserv'd enough for he tells us that instead of both Musquet and Pike he would have a thing which is both a Musquet and half Pikâ— serve the Infantry He much commends this piece and praiseth the Inventer of it excessively but he gives us no perfect description of it at least not such a one as can make me who never saw it apprehend it aright He calls it a Musquet and Half-pike if so then two weapons but for most part he calls it a weapon in the singular number and therefore not two weapons He tells us by this weapon the Musqueteers are safe within the Barricado of their Steel Pallisado's for so he calls it By this the weapon should be sharp at both ends and should be used as the Swedish Feather and if so it will make but one weapon and the Musquet will make another He says this weapon may be used as a Musquet Rest but if it have no more use than that experience will make it useless And at length he assures uâ— that this weapon the Musquet-half-Pike will save a great deal of Treasure spent by Princes on Pikes Head-pieces Backs and Breasts He told us of such stuff before But good God! can a Barricado of Half-pikes defend a mans head and body so well from a shot as a Head-piece or a Corslet can And to conclude he directs all who desire to know this new weapon to go to the Artillery-Garden at London where they may be satisfied in all their Curiosities But I humbly conceive the knowledg of a weapon which he crys up to be of so general a good and can bring so universal an advantage to Princes and States should not have been confin'd within so narrow a plot of Should not be made a Secret ground as the Artillery or Military Garden And truly I think that either the Author of that invention or at least Master Lupton was oblig'd in charity to have communicated it to the Hungarians Transylvanians Polonians and Croatians to defend themselves by it from the Hereditary Enemy of Christendom and particularly to the Germans to obviate thereby the inconveniences and disadvantages which follow the great number of their Pikes the use whereof Master Lupton hath condemned Now though all along this Chapter I have shewn but small inclination to agree with Mr. Lupton for the laying aside the Pike yet in the close of his Book Soldiers should be exercised and train'd with both Musquet and Pike and this discourse we shall be good friends for he desires if the Pike be not altogether abandon'd that all who carry it may be taught the use of the Musquet likewise and this shall be my hearty desire likewise provided that all Musqueteers may be taught the use of the Pike also for I conceive it to be very fit that every Soldier be so train'd that he may as occasion offers be ready to make use of both weapons And for this I hope no discreet Commander will fall out with either Master Lupton or me CHAP. VII Of Gunpowder Artillery its General and Train IF the Chinois had the use of Guns twelve or thirteen hundred years before Guns in China the Europeans knew what a thing a Gun was as some fancy then they had Gunpowder also at that time for without this Guns were useless They talk of a King of China who being a great Enchanter had a familiar Spirit by whose help he invented Gunpowder and Artillery by the help of which he defeated the Tartars who had grievously afflicted him and this King they say liv'd not long after our Saviours Incarnation If the use of Artillery in that Country be of so old a date I think the Natives should long e're now have attain'd to such a perfection of Gunnery that thereby they might have defended themselves in their late Wars with these same Tartarians better than to have let them make a full conquest of their Kingdom neither do I remember that
for that was left in the Camp with his Legate who stay'd behind with two Legions to maintain the Siege of Gargovia It is written of Galba who was afterwards Emperour that when he was Legate in France he run on foot at the Emperour Caius his Chariot the whole time that his Army march'd their Cursion which as I have said was twenty five miles in the space of four hours Galba being then forty six years old Vegetius saith a Roman Army marched ordinarily twenty Italian miles in one day and this is verified by Caesar who calls it Vnius Diâ—â— justum Iter The just march of one day But The just March of one day if the ground were rocky Woody full of Marishes or otherwise of ill passage then they were necessitated accordingly to take their measures as well as other Nations were In Thessaly four thousand Romans who were sent but as a fore-party and were not troubled with Baggage by the Consul Martius Philippus had much ado to march fifteen miles in two days saith Livy in his Forty fourth Book But Souldiers were undoubtedly â—as'd of those insupportable burthens when this very strict Discipline became neglected and corrupted and that there were almost as many Soujats Drudges or Slaves in the Roman Armies as there were Souldiers in them As when the afterward Emperour Vespasian march'd with sixty thousand men against the Rebellious Jews Being perfectly wearied of those terrible Burthens I return to the exercises of the Roman Souldiers and these I find divided into three kinds The first is of those who were peculiarly and properly called Military Exercises the second of those duties the Souldiers owed to their Superiour Officers and the third of their work and fatigue The Exercises properly called Military were of seven sorts First To march First kind of Military Exercises or run in full Arms twenty or twenty five miles in four or five hours time Secondly To leap over Ditches Thirdly To swim Rivers at which Julius Câ—sar was excellent Fourthly to skirmish or fight with Sword and with Target heavier than ordinary ones Fifthly To lance and throw Darts and Javelines Sixthly To throw Stones at a mark either with the Hand Sling or Batton-Sling Seventhly To mount or dismount a Horse on any side in full Arms with Swords or Maces in their hands and without a Stirrup The last Vegetius forgot yet of all these sorts he hath made mention The Second kind of Exercises was of those Duties and Services the Souldiers Second kind owed and payed to their Officers and Commanders beside the publick duties they owed to the State These were to set up their Tents and Pavillions to make convenient places for their Servants Necessaries and Baggage and sometimes to empale them round about to keep all places about their Lodgings and the Streets likewise clean from mire dirt or dust and if they were to encamp for any time to lay the ground with Sand and much more of this nature These services all Souldiers were bound to perform except such who for some reasons were exempted and freed from all publick duties and were only bound to fight and wait on the Consuls Those who had no exemption were called Munifices Duty-doers There are some who say that the Triarii were free from these duties and particular services to Officers and full well it might be so since they were bound to look to the Horses of the Cavalry and therefore in Encamping were constantly quarter'd beside them as you will see in my discourse of their Castrametation But from other publick works they were not free for they fortified the Camp which both Paulus Aemilius and Câ—sar testified when they made the Triarii fortifie with Spade and Mattock while they fac'd the Enemy with the Hastati and Principes The third kind of a Roman Souldiers Exercise was work and labour which Third kind in our Modern Armies is not so unusual as Lipsius would make it as shall be demonstrated against him in its proper place Indeed there were not such creatures as Pioneers known in the old Roman Armies all was wrought by the Souldiers themselves yea some write that their Velites were not admitted to work as unworthy to be imployed in a service of so much reputation and so it seems it was a Maxime with them diametrically contrary to ours which was The greater Fatigue the greater Honour Of these publick works there were many kinds these were the Cutting Carrying and Squaring Turf and Sods Stakes and Pallisadoes for their Camps Castles Towns Forts and Sconces the fortifying all of these working and digging at the Approaches and expugnation of Forts and Towns the making and managing great Engines Mining Countermining making Retrenchments or Countermures cutting deep Ditches and Channels of a very great length building Magazines Amphitheatres and other huge and vast Edifices and all these with many more not only in time of War but of the calmest Peace when no necessity could be pretended for them and those not so much for the ornament of Countries and Provinces though that was likewise taken into consideration as to inure the Souldiers to toil and to keep them habituated to it that when they were necessitated to fatigue in earnest they might find it easie as that which was no new thing to them and they found that this labour procur'd to the Souldiery both health and strength Suetonius says that Galba before he was Emperour Veteranum Tyronem militem assiduo â—pere corroboravit He strengthen'd both his old and raw Souldiers with daily work and labour And Scipio the lesser kept his Army constantly at hard work at the Siege of Great fatigue Numantia where he frequently told his Souldiers That he who would bathe his hands in the blood of his Enemies must first soil them with dirt and mire It must be observ'd that the Romans fortified their Camps with their Swords at their sides as we read in Sacred History Nehemiah did and made the Jews do when they re-built the Walls of Jerusalem We read that Corbulo a great Captain and Reformer of decay'd discipline put two of his Souldiers Severe Discipline to death because he found them working at a Rampart the one without either Sword or Dagger the other with a Dagger but without a Sword The same Corbulo being commanded by his Tyrannical Master Nero to make Peace with the Germans lest his Army should languish with idleness caus'd them to cut a Ditch three and twenty Italian miles long between the Rivers of the Maes and the Rhine for it was a rule with them That labour hardens and corroborates whereas idleness weakens and effeminates the truth whereof is taught us by experience But truly who will rightly consider the stupendous works of the Romans made by a few men and in a short time may as one observeth say they were those Gyants who as the Poets feign cast one Mountain on another so to climb up to Heaven For not to speak of their
conceiv'd his work to be For my part I incline to believe that in History it is promiscuously taken for the sound and sometimes for the Instrument one or many either Trumpets or Horns They were made use of in all Banks and Proclamations The Classicum was an Ensign of Supreme Command for by it all the emergent and occasionary orders of the General were promulgated and by it both Officers and Souldiers were call'd together to hear the Commander in chief's pleasure made known to them And hence it is like it had its derivation because by it the three Classes of Hastati Principâ—s and Triarii were call'd together to Whence â—â—â—â—d â—ts name hear those Harangues and Orations which frequently the Consuls uttered in their Tribunals or Pulpits whether they were for admonition encouragement or punishment and upon the account of this last Vegetius is to be understood of his capital animadversion Lest I forget to do it hereafter I shall in this place take occasion to tell you Badges of Soveraign power that besides this Classicum there were two other badges of Imperial power these were the Praetoriâ—m and the Bundles of Rods and Axes The Praetorium was a fair and a large high Pavilion wherein the Consul lodged and kept his Councils of War The Rods and Axes signified he had power to scourge and behead these were carried by Lictors or Sergeants whereof a Consul had twelve a Proconsul six a Legate as many a Praetor had I know not how many for it makes but little to our purpose When Scipio Pompey's Father-in-law came with his Legions out of Asia and joyn'd with him in Thessaly Pompey order'd a Praetorium to be erected for him and that he should have a Classicum I suppose a knitchel of Rod and Axes too though Caesar doth not mention the last in his Commentary As the Trumpet was of Brass so in process of time the Cornu and Buccina were made of Brass too and all the three who sounded or winded them were called Aeneatores Every Troop of Horse and every Maniple if not Aeneatores every Century of Foot had one either a Trumpet or a Horn or both I find not that these Trumpeters and Horn-blowers had any greater allowance of Wages Proviant or Fodder for either themselves or Horses than other Horse-men and Foot-men had for with the first they rode on Horse-back and with the second they marched on Foot at any time perhaps having spent much of their breath in sounding and blowing they were eased from other works of toil and labour and those were not a few Whether the Buccina was sounded or rather winded at the relief of every guard as Polybius says it was shall be spoke of in my Discourse of Guards and Rounds CHAP. IX Of the Roman Pay Proviant and Donatives IT is reported of that brave Athenian Themistocles that he affirm'd whoever would shape or form the great Monster of War rightly must begin with his Belly and therefore before we joyn our Horse and Foot together we must see how they shall be maintain'd The Romans were a frugal people till their successful Wars made their City the Treasure-house of the Worlds riches The Pay they they allow'd their Souldiers was sparing enough but Vegetius tells us not what it was I find that three hundred years after the foundation of Rome the Horse-men serv'd on their own charges they might do it the better for though their atchievements were often honourable enough yet their expeditions were but short for either upon a Victory or a Rout they hasten'd back to the City But after the Senate began to look far beyond their ancient limits wages were allow'd out of the publick Treasury for both Horse and Foot Polybius in his sixth Book informs us that a Foot Souldier Roman Wages and Proviant had the allowance of two Oboli a day both which if I mistake not make but one English Penny and a small measure of Whâ—at A Centurion had a double allowance and a Horse-man the triple of a Foot Souldiers Proviant and Wages and a measure of Barley every month for his Horse They allow'd to the Socii or Allies as much Wheat and Barley as they did to their own Souldiers but they were oblig'd to maintain themselves with their own Monies But he tells us also that what Proviant Clothes yea what Arms were given to the Roman Souldiers had rates set upon them and were defalcated from their wages Truly I should think their pay at two half-pennies a day could hardly furnish them with Meat much less Clothes and Arms Severe usage or if in that cheap world they could be furnish'd with all three at that rate they could not have much Money to seek at least very little to deposite at their Colours for this defalcation would indeed make their Pay very inconsiderable and very unproportionable to the great duty and services exacted from them But Lipsius will mend the matter presently by telling us that many times the State quit the Souldiers freely what they owed for either Arms Proviant or Clothes or if any thing was taken it was so insignificant that the Souldier parted with it pleasantly and without grumbling I do not care much to be of Lipsius his opinion though he hath not told us who were his Informers for Polybius is positively of another judgement in that place which I have cited Nor do I remember that in any other place of his History he speaks any thing of the Roman Wages Here you may observe what I told you before that in the Roman Infantry there were no other Officers properly so called but Centurions and Tribunes because all others had but the allowance of common Souldiers both in Wages and Proviant A Tribune had the quadruple of a Souldiers Pay Nor can I find that the Praefecti or Decurions of the Horse had any more allowance of either Meat or Money than other Troopers had The Grecian Pay as to the proportion of it was like the Roman a Centurion having a Souldiers double allowance a Horse-man triple and a Chiliarch quadruple But the Roman Souldiers had a greater encouragement to endure their hard Pillage fatigue than Pay and that was the Plunder and Pillage of a Countrey a besieged Town Castle or an Enemies Camp This was not due to them and many times they got no share of it in regard for most part it was brought all to the Quaestor or Treasurers quarters and sold and out of the Monies made by that sale the Army was paid their wages and the overplus was sent in to the Treasury of Rome But the Consul or General having the disposing of it all in his power very often gave it as a largess to the Army either for some good service done or to encourage them to undergo some difficult and hard piece of work to be done Neither had any man liberty to take what he could catch but all was brought to a publick heap and
by conversion or facing to the Rear by themselves and the other two Batallions in that same manner were to second them What I have said of one Legion is spoken of all the four of a Consular Army the two Roman Legions and the two of the Allies But in Polybius his description of the march of a Consular Army there arise Some difficulties and doubts concerning the march of the Baggage to me some difficulties which Lipsius hath not at all clear'd nay nor spoken â—f though he speak enough of that which may be well enough understood without him As first consider how it can be imagin'd that the ground would always allow the Romans to march in the order I last spoke of that is every great Batallion of a Legion to have its Baggage in the Van of it For by such Not at all clear'd by Polybius or any other a March in a Countrey full of Hedges Ditches and Inclosures it is not possible but their Legions would be wonderfully embarass'd with their Servants Horses and Baggage neither could the three Batallions of every Legion or of all the three upon the attack of an Enemy make their evolutions from among their Baggage so dextrously and readily but they might by an active pursuer be brought to inextricable difficulties I am therefore of opinion that Time hath robb'd us of a page or two of Polybius his Writings which would have explain'd this and have made us know his own sense better than either Lipsius or Tâ—rduzzi doth The last of these two doth wonderfully please himself in affirming that an Army should always march in that very order wherein he who commands it resolves to fight Here he fights with his own shadow for I suppose none will deny that an Army should march in Batallions great Bodies Brigades and Squadrons yea all in Breast if the ground will permit it But if not then I hope Terduzzi will permit a General to march in such Bodies small or great as with conveniency he can But what if I deny to Terduzzi the thing it self for I dare aver never Roman Chieftain intended to fight an Enemy in that order as Polybius makes the Consular Army to march For who will fancy the Hastati fought with their Baggage before them or that the Principes advanced to the relief of the Hastati through their own Waggons and Carts But grant him all he says to be true what is that to the thing in question which is whether the ordering the Baggage to march between the several Batallions of a Legion was conducible to obtain the great and main end and scope of all Armies which is to overcome an Enemy And since I think it was not I am still of the opinion that Polybius his right meaning is not yet fully elucidated to us either by himself or any other person whatsoever And I will deal yet more freely I do not well or rather not at all understand Roman Souldiers carried all their own Baggage what is meant by the Baggage of the several Batallions of Hastati Principes and Triarii for what belonged to the Souldiers was carried on their own backs if all be true that we have told you formerly except their Tents and their Hand-mills and these I think might with little loss have taken their hazard in the Rear of every Legion nay of the whole Army if the Enemy was expected in the Van or they might securely enough have been sent to the Van if the Enemy was in the Rear So as still Polybius his dividing the Baggage of a Legion into three parts and putting a third before every Batallion is mysterious to me Lipsius stands gazing and admiring at the excellent order of the Roman march and crys out Mira eorum hic Providentia Dispositio Their Providence and Order here saith he was wonderful But I wonder much more that this Order of theirs did not sometime bring mischief upon them For first you are to believe that the daring Romans for most part sought their Enemies who in that case could not but be in their Van either marching to mete them or marching away from them If the Enemy marched to meet them the Roman Baggage either before the Legion it self or between the several Bodies of it could not but give them those inevitable embarasses and inconveniences whereof I have spoken If an Enemy marched from them why did so prudent a people as the Romans were make their own Baggage a hinderance to them in overtaking that Enemy in whose pursuit they marched For let any man consider it right the Great Baggage that is the Artillery Engines and Machines or the stuff whereof they were to be made their spare Arms the Shops where and Utensils wherewith they were made the Consuls Pavilions and great Baggage the Treasurers train of Moneys and Proviant and many times of Plunder would take up so much ground between the several Legions and Troops that without these hinderances a Consular Army might have joyn'd an Enemy in less time by half then it could do with them which Caesars speedy march from Gâ—rgâ—via after the Aeduans without Baggage did sufficiently demonstrate What advantages the Nervians proposed to themselves by the manner of the March of the Roman Baggage between Legions and sure these advantages had been greater if every Batallion of a Legion had had its Baggage in the Van of it will be known to any who will attentivâ—â—y read Câ—sars Second Book of the Gallick Waâ— for they having learn'd how the Romans us'd to march resolv'd to set upon his first Legion whilest its Baggage gave a stop to the â—est to come up to its assistance Câ—sar who was as happy as prudent and as prudent as fortunate learn'd their design by his Spies and presently alter'd the manner of his Countries March He commands his Cavalry to set forward and after it six Legions and after them the Baggage of his whole Army and in the Rear-guard two Legions more If he had not done so he might have receiv'd a notable yea an indelible affront from that stout and warlike Nation which as it was left him not the Field without a very bloody resistance Nor was this the only time Câ—sar did so though it is the only time mention'd by Lipsius and Terduzzi for when he advanc'd with four Legions against the Bellâ—vaci he caus'd three Legions to march first then the Baggage which his fourth Legion followed Perhaps he practis'd this more frequently though it is not often mentioned And in all his Retreats he ever sent his whole Baggage to the Van of his Army Thus you see Great Câ—sar who lived long after Polybius did not tye himself so strictly to the custome of the Roman March but he both could and did alter it according as he thought it stood with the conveniency of his affairs and so should all prudent Captains do But I cannot get one view of the Velites in all this March and here our Authors
every one what the eternal hath ordain'd for them Nor did Polybius know what was reveal'd to Nebuchadnezzar in that dream which Daniel interpreted to him that the Persians Daniel Ch. 2. should subdue the Assyrians the Grecians should ruine the Persians and the Romans should put a period to the Macedonian Monarchy There was no stop to be made to the current of the Victories of the Romans whom the Almighty had pre-ordain'd to become Masters of the World That there is such an All-ruling Providence was not unknown to the wiser Heathens though they being in a mist did not see with so clear eyes as we who are illuminated by the brighter rays of Gods own word and for all that I think few Divines can express in fewer words the omnipotency and unbounded power of the most high than a Pagan Poet did when he wrote Sic ait immensa est finemque potentia coeli Ovid's Met. Non habet quicquid superi voluere peractum est Heav'ns power hath no limits hence we see All done infallibly what Gods decree If Polybius had liv'd in our days he might have seen the hand of Heaven distributing Victory to speak with reverence and submission to the Almighties pleasure more partially than he either heard it was awarded in the Hannibalian or saw it given in the third Punick War of the first whereof he writes when he falls upon this discourse with us He might have seen men of one Nation arm'd alike following one and the same method of War and for any thing I know of equal Courage both parties inflam'd the one with Loyal zeal the other with rebellious rage acting their parts very highly on the bloody stage of War he might have seen I say the best of Soveraign Kings King Charles the First lose his Crown and Life and have his head chopp'd off with an Ax when the worst of Subjects and greatest of Rebels had his deck'd with Bays Or if Polybius had liv'd but one age longer than he did he might have seen the Roman Legions which he so much commends cutting one anothers Throats all Countrey-men all men of equal Courage and Conduct arm'd alike using one and the same Art and Discipline of War embruing their hands in one anothers blood and those who fought for the State and Liberty of their Countrey overthrown kill'd murther'd and massacred and their Enemies almost ador'd for their success in a bad cause and he might have either seen or heard of Pompeys Head ignominiously struck off and Caesars crown'd Caesar and Pompey with Laurels And if Polybius had been an eye-witness of the prodigious success Gustavus Adolphus the Great King of Sweden had in Germany in the year 1630. when he invaded the Roman Empire and how he took Cities Forts and Castles more Emperour Ferdinand the Second for their number and more considerable for their Strength Beauty and Riches in the space of six months and made a greater progress in his Conquests in less than two years time than Hannibal did in Italy the whole eighteen years he stay'd in it If I say he had seen this he had never attributed Victory to the goodness of Arms the cunning of the Art or exactness of the Discipline of War for he would have seen the Emperour Ferdinand the Seconds Generals wise And his Generals couragious experienced vigilant as well and as much as either the King himself or any of his great Captains Besides both Wallenstein Duke of Friedland and Count Tili had that which Polybius himself requires in a General that was they were fortunate Their great Victories over the Kings of Bohemia and Denmark Bethlem Gabor the Duke of Brunswick the Marquesses of Baden and Durlach and the famous Earl of Mansfield being yet fresh in memory And if Polybius had seen any disparity of Arms or Armour or of Horses either for their number or their goodness in this German War he had seen the Emperours Armies have the odds by much neither was the difference of the manner of their War or Ratio Belli so considerable as to cast the Scales so far as that Martial King did in so short a time Nor was Hannibals discent into Italy with few more than twenty thousand men more hazardous than the Kings landing in Germany with eight or ten thousand at most was justly thought to be What was it then would Polybius have said that carried Victory whose wings Ferdinands Generals and Armies thought they had clipp'd over to the Sweed what else but the hand of the Almighty who when that Emperour was very fair to have reduced Germany to an absolute Monarchy said to him and the whole house of Austria Non plus ultra Go no further Titus Livius had read without all question this comparison of Polybius Another comparison of Titus Livius whereof I have spoken enough and it may be hath taken from it a hint to start another question which is this If the great Alexander after his return from India and his subduing so many Nations in little more than ten years time had made a step over to Italy what the issue of the War between him Voided by himself and the Romans would have been And gives his Sentence that infallibly his Countrey men would have beaten that Great Conquerour Paola Paruta a Paruta not satisfied with Livius Noble Venetian and a Procurator of St. Mark refutes Livius his arguments and concludes that the Macedonian would have over-master'd the Romans But in steps a third an Author of no small reputation the renown'd Sir Walter Raleigh Nor Sir Walter Raleigh who will give the prize to neither Macedonian nor Roman but to his own English It will not be denied but the English Nation did admirable feats in France which was indeed the Stage on which Caesar acted his most martial exploits under Edward the Third King of England and his Son the Black Prince as also under Henry the Fifth while he liv'd and after his death under his Valiant Brothers But Paruta refutes Livius yet I have seen none that opposeth Sir Walter and I am sure I shall not because I am not so much beholding to the Grecians and Romans as to the English But those who are curious to read the reasons of all the three may find those of Livy in his ninth Book of his first Decad those of Paruta in the second Chapter of his Political Discourses and those of Raleigh in the first Chapter of the fifth Book of the first part of his History of the World But to return to Livy's question I shall tell my opinion and that is lawful Strong presumptions against Livius his opinion enough for me to do and it is this Since Hannibal as Polybius confesseth carried not much above twenty thousand men over the Alps of all that great Army that he brought out of Spain and with them durst invade the Roman Seignories in Italy it self when Rome was Mistress of Sicily and
since their first footing in Germany have had Swedish Train of Artillery the reputation to be the most exactly composed and conducted by the most experimented Artists of any in Christendom And no doubt but their Artillery helpt them much to take so deep a footing in Germany that they have not been since expell'd out of it though that hath been much endeavour'd When the late King of Sweden invaded Poland in the year 1655 the perfidy of the Polonians was such that they deliver'd almost that whole Kingdom into his hands But after they had returned to their Duties and that the Swede was at Zamoiskie in the year 1657. it was by the help of his Artillery whereof John Casimir was destitute that the Swedish King traversed much of the length of Poland in spite of eighty thousand Polonians crost the Weichsell and join'd with Ragoski and after he was forc'd to part with the Transylvanian being invited to come nearer home by the King of Denmarks unseasonable declaration of a War against him he came out of Poland and Prussia too with a very inconsiderable ill appointed and harass'd Army without any loss at all meerly by the advantage he had of his Train of Artillery Sweden furnisheth abundance of both Copper and Iron whereof great Guns Sweden abounds in all things necessary for a Train and Hand-guns are made and by art and industry that Country hath as much Saltpeter as any Kingdom can have and it being full of Woods it cannot want Coal for making Powder whereof they make such abundance as they are able not only to serve themselves but to help their neighbours and friends They also make within the Kingdom greater store of Arms both for offence and defence than they have use for I have seen some little Towns in Sweden wherein few other Artificers were to be found but Armourers and Gunsmiths These advantages encourage them to entertain full and well appointed Trains of Artillery He who commands in chief over the Artillery is called by the English General or Master of the Ordnance by the French Grand Maistre del Artillerie Great Master of the Artillery by the Germans General fetz Eugmeister which is General Overseer and Master of the Munitions for the Field a term very proper because he hath not only the inspection of the Ordnance but of the Munitions of War such are the Guns greater and lesser all manner of Arms A General of the Artillery and Weapons all Materials belonging to Smiths and Carpenters Powder Match Bullets Granado's for Pot-pieces and to be cast by the hand store of Instruments and Utensils for Artificers Shops Bridges or Materials for them Boats or Materials for them to be made and join'd quickly for passing unfordable waters all kind of Instruments for working in Fortification or Approaches such as Spades Mattocks Pickaxes and Shovels In Scotland we call this great Officer the General of the Artillery The Ancients though they wanted Fire-guns yet they had their great Artillery those were their great Machines and Engines whereof I have formerly spoken and they had likewise a Master of their Artillery who had the inspection of it which I have also made appear in the fourth Chapter of the Roman Militia But since the Invention His Trust of Gunpowder the Charge of General of the Artillery hath been look'd on as most honourable as it indeed deserves to be and with none more than with us in Scotland and was always confer'd by our Kings on persons of eminent note and quality James the Fifth King of Scotland made the Gentleman who had married his Mother Margaret Daughter to Henry the Seventh King of England Lord of Meffen and General of the Artillery of Scotland As Lesly Bishop of Rosse that active and loyal servant to his Mistress Queen Mary tells us in the Ninth Book of his History in these words In hisce Comitiis Rex His Charge honourable in Scotland Henricum Stuartum Reginae Maritum confirmavit Dominum Meffensem ac eundem omnium bellicorum Tormentorum praefectum quod munus apud nos est longe honorificum munifice constituit The King saith he in this Parliament confirmed Henry Stuart the Queens Husband Lord Meffen and bountifully made him General of the Artillery which Charge with us is most honourable He who bears this Office in either Kingdom Republick or Army ought to His Qualifications be a person of good Endowments but if you take his description from some notional writers you may justly conclude there is not such a man below the Moon Indeed I shall tell you there are two qualifications absolutely necessary for him these are to be a good Mathematician and to be something if not right much experimented in all the points of the Gunners Art he must be of a good judgment and a very ready dispatch The rest of his parts and abilities which some require in him alone I think he may divide among those who are under his His great Command command and authority who truly are right many as the Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance two Colonels if not more Lieutenant-Colonels Captains and Gentlemen of the Ordnance Master Gunner and all inferior Gunners Conductors and Comptrollers Engineers the Clerk of the Fortification Master of the Mines and Mineers under him Master of the Artificial Fires and his Conductors and Petardeers those who have a care of the Tools for Fortification for intrenching and approaching the Master of the Pioneers in some Armies and all his Pioneers the Master of the Batteries and all under him for to the General of the Artilleries direction and inspection belongs the Entrenching the Camp the making the Approaches Redoubts Batteries Zaps Galleries and Mines and other works at Sieges of Towns and Castles He hath also his own Commissary Quarter-master Waggon-master Minister and Chyrurgeon If then you will consider that he and all those under him are to have pay and wages and what a â—ast sum of money is spent in maintenance of this Train and how much Powder match and Ball may be spent in an active War you may conclude that Achilles Terduzzi the Italian Engineer The vast expence of a Train whom I have often mention'd spoke within bounds and but modestly enough when he said he conceiv'd the fourth part of the Treasure of an Army was spent on the Train of Artillery I think it something strange to read in Bockler the German Architect that it is of late condescended on by the greatest Practitioners of Artillery in Germany that for an Army of forty thousand men whereof thirty two thousand should Thirty Pieces of Ordnance thought lately a sufficient Train for an Army of forty thousand men be foot and eight thousand Horse thirty Pieces of Ordnance are enough either to besiege a strong place or to attack an enemy though never so advantageously lodged For the last I shall be easily induced to believe it but for the first part of his affirmative I
our first Parents had not rebell'd against their Creator their posterity had enjoy'd an everlasting peace and so such a person as we now speak of had been very unnecessary But I assure my self never man except Adam when he was in the state of perfection was endued with these gifts wherewith some Notional Authors wil have a Captain General to be qualified He must say A Notional description of a Captain General they be pious towards God just towards man and loyal to his Master He must be very affable very wise of a sudden and quick apprehension of a solid judgment and happy memory He must be very severe in his command and yet very merciful He must be liberal and free from all manner of Avarice painful magnanimous and couragious and in one word endued with all the Moral Vertues He ought to be an old Practitioner in the Military Art and well experimented in all its parts and duties Perhaps you may think this enough but Polybius in his Ninth Book requires more for he will have his General to be both an Astrologer and a Geometer If you will tell me where or in what region of the habitable world all these qualifications shall be found in one person Eris mihi magnus Apollo That he who is intrusted with the supreme Command of Royal Armies one or more and with the whole Militia of a State should be an accomplisht person The charge of a Generalissimo is of the highest nature and if it be possible such a one as we have describ'd will not be readily denied since it is a Command of the highest nature the greatest honour and deepest consequence that can be confer'd on any single person of what quality â—r degree soever for he is intrusted not only with the lives of those that are in Arms under his Command but with the defence of the whole Country Towns Forts and Castles with the honour welfare and standing of the Prince and State and with the lives and properties of all their Subjects The loss of his Army or Armies by his negligence inadvertency rashness or cowardice may occasion the loss of all these or make them run a very great hazard by his indiscretion much more by his treachery he may in one moment of time lose the lives and liberties of many thousands make numbers of women widows children fatherless and fathers childless he may lose the honour and beauty of a whole Province yea of a whole Kingdom all which he was bound by his office and charge to preserve The consideration of these things mov'd most of the ancient Kings and Emperours A Prince to manage his Wars in person and those of latter times likewise to manage their Wars and lead their Armies in person Those who laid the foundation of the first four Monarchies did so as in the Assâ—rian Nimrod Belus Ninus and Semiramis and when their posterity did it not their Empire was in the wain and ended with Sardanapalus who hid himself from the sight of men among his women Cyrus led his Armies himself so did some of his Successors but when others of them staid at home and sent their Lieutenants abroad the Persian Monarchy decay'd and became a prey to the Great Alexander who manag'd his Wars in person and so did those great Captains of his who cut out Kingdoms to themselves out of their Masters Conquests but their Successors lost them by sitting idle at home and employing their Generals abroad Many Roman Emperours after Augustus went to their Wars in person whereby they preserv'd their Imperial Dignity but when others imployed their Lieutenants though many of these were excellent men and often victorious the Empire was torn in pieces The Kings of Leon Navarr Castile Portugal and Arragon after the destruction of the Gothish Monarchy in Spain went to the field in person and recover'd Many Instances to prove it those Kingdoms out of the hands of the Saracens When the Kings of France of the Merovingian and Carolomannian race kept within their Palaces and suffer'd the Majors thereof to govern their Armies they lost their Kingdoms and Crowns Our Kings of Scotland and England used mostly to manage their Wars themselves the Emperour Charles the Fifth led his greatest Armies himself and for most part was always victorious for his loss at Algiers occasion'd by the visible hand of Heaven and his forced Retreats from Inspruck and the Siege of Metz were but small blemishes in the beautiful and fair Map of his victorious raign But since his time his Successors the Kings of Spain have sate at home and entrusted their Armies to their Generals and we see that their wide and far stretcht Monarchy has been since that Emperours time in a constant decadency All the Kings and Emperours of the Ottoman race went in person to the Wars till Selimus the second changed that custom and since that time none of them have done actions by their Bashas comparable to those of their Ancestors In our own days the Emperour Ferdinand the Second intrusted the managing his War against Gustavus Adolphus to his Generals Wallenstein Tily and Pappenheim all brave and great Captains yet that Martial King being in person on the head of his Armies prevailed over them all We may perceive the great odds of managing a War by a Prince in his own person and by his Captain General by taking a view of the actions of two Brothers both of them excellent Princes these were the Emperour Charles the Actions of two Brothers compar'd Fifth of whom I but just now spoke and Ferdinand the First King of the Romans Hungaria and Bohemia The first as I have already said led his most considerable Armies himself the second staid constantly at home and sent his Captain Generals to manage his Wars of greatest importance mark the issue Ferdinand lost three Royal Armies each of them composed of a well appointed Cavalry Infantry and Train of Artillery one of them at Esâ—câ—hiâ— under Cazzianer another at Buda under Rocandolf and the third at Pesth under Joachiâ—â— Marquess of Brandenburg all three were wofully and shamefully lost without fighting And if any think that the misfortune of all the three or any one of them could not have been prevented by the Princes own presence I shall answer that undoubtedly it had and my reason is this because that which lost them all was the irresolution of the Generals who durst neither fight nor retire in time as being shie and wary to hazard that which was not their owâ—â— whereas Ferdinand if he had been present would quickly have resolv'd either on the one or the other and consequently would have either retir'd in time and sav'd all his three Armies or have fought and by that means been victorious or would have been beaten with more glory to himself and mischief to his insolent enemy And this is more particularly clear in that Army commanded by Rocandolf who after multitudes of Infidels were already arrived
A Doubled Batallion men as the file doth The way to marshal it is this The men you have to order their number being known double on paper for you will I suppose find that more easie than to double their number really in the field Then extract the square-root of that double number and that must be the number of men for your rank and the half of that must be the number of men for your file As by example you are to marshal 3200 men the number of ancient Regiments in a Doubled Batallion double them and say you have 6400 extract the square root of 6400 you will find it to be 80 for 80 multiplied by 80 produceth 6400 and so you must marshal your 3200 men 80 in rank and 40 being the half of 80 your file must consist of 40 men for multiply 80 by 40 the Product is 3200. Take an example of a number that is not square and let your men be 2500 double these and so they are 5000 look for the squarefoot of 5000 you will not find it exactly because it is not a square number and therefore you are to take the nearest and that will be 71 for 71 multiplied in it self produceth 5041 and that is 41 more than the double number of your men let therefore your rank be of 71 men the half whereof should be the number of your file this you cannot do exactly because 71 is an odd number you must therefore take 35 and that is the half of 70 and so make your file to consist of 35 men and you will be near right for 71 being multiplied by 35 produceth 2485 which wants but 15 of your number of 2500. We read that the Spaniards used these Batallions in the times of old but now they do not A Batallion of a large front is that in which there are many more men in the rank than in file These Batallions may be form'd easily and they are those Batallions of a large front which are now universally used but the square root men will needs give us a rule for it which is of a harder digestion than the practice of the thing it self Yet I shall tell you what it is you shall divide your whole men by that number of which you intend your front shall consist and the Quotient of that Division shall be the number of your file as by example you are to marshal a 1000 men and you intend they shall be 50 in rank divide the 1000 by 50 the Quotient is 20 and so your 1000 men shall be 50 in rank and 20 in file But if you intend to have a 100 in front you divide a 1000 by a 100 and the Quotient will be 10 and so your Batallion hath a 100 in front and 10 in file for a 100 multiplied by 10 produceth a 1000. We may safely conclude 10000 men may be marshal'd in this form of Batallion with the half of this Arithmetick and is daily practised For at this time all Bodies of Foot drawn up either ten or six deep and Bodies of Horse three deep are Batallions of large fronts and are marshal'd very well by those who neither know or ever did hear of a square-root But let me add to these Theoretical marshallings of a Batallion square both of men and ground let the number of your men be what it will And thus Make first as many men in file as in rank and then you have a Battallion square of men In the next place allow no more distance between your ranks than you do between your files and then your Batallion is square of ground likewise As for example you are to draw up 2500 men extract the root of that number A Batallion square of men and square of ground likewise you will find it to be 50 for 50 multiplied in it self produceth 2500 and therefore your rank must consist of 50 men and your file of 50 men and consequently you have a Batallion square of men then allow as you must do for every Combatant one foot to stand on by that means every rank possesseth 50 foot and every file 50 foot Allow 49 Intervals in the rank for more there are not and for every Interval three foot amounts to 147 foot and allow no more but three foot for every Interval in the file you have likewise 147 foot for the Intervals of files now add 147 to 50 which the fighting men stand on the aggregate will be 197 and so many foot of ground doth every rank possess and so much doth every file possess and consequently your Batallion of 2500 is square of ground as well as of men Would you know how much ground this Batallion so marshal'd possesseth in all multiply 197 by 197 and you will find the Product to be 38809 foot which will be near eight Italian miles But I hear Objection you cry out that six foot are always allow'd for an Interval between ranks But I answer you negatively not always for so many Foot are but allowed in Answered a march because the length of a Pike requires that distance when it is shoulder'd but standing in Battel ready to give or receive the Charge with Pikes either order'd or advanced three foot are sufficient for the Pikemen as well as for the Musqueteers and when they Charge one foot and a half of distance between ranks of Pikemen is enough If you will then make use of this Batallion of mine let it be with Pikes advanced but if you be pleas'd to follow my advice you shall never make use of it at all But all these forms of Battels fram'd by the square-root except the Batallion of a large front which is more easily fram'd without it than by it are of Most of all these useless much trouble and little use they are these which bring fewest hands to fight and renders them apt to be surrounded and so are all Batallions that have deep files Next by that manner of Embatteling you must constantly alter the forms and figures of your Battel according as the numbers of your men increase or decrease and in them there is a daily change Captain Cruso who Englished Du Preissacs Military Resolves in a Marginal Note calls Embatteling by the square-root an impertinent curiosity and to what purpose saith he the square-root since now all Europe marshals their foot ten deep except the Swede for he wrote near forty years ago And to that same sense at this time I say to what purpose the square root since now all Europe marshals their foot six deep and their Horse three deep except the Hollander But I shall bring you a greater authority against deep files and square-root Battels Xenophon tells us when Cyrus fought with Croesus for the Kingdom of Lidia Croesus his army was marshal'd both Horse and Foot thirty deep except his Mercenary Aegyptians who were ten thousand who would not says he abandon their Country custom in Aegyptians square Batallion
he is to advance his march speedily to gain a pass or advantage of ground or stop his march and encamp and fortifie and if nothing else will help he should draw up in Battel either fronting that same way as he was marching or facing about to fight the enemy whether he be in his front or reer and let God dispose of the Victory as seems good in his eyes Our Modern Armies have marched and do still march one of three several An Army may â—arch in three several manners ways these are first by dividing an Army into three several Bodies Van-guard Battel and Arrier-guard secondly by marching in two distinct Bodies as they use to fight and these are commonly called Battel and Reserve Thirdly all in one Battel whereby is meant the half of the Cavalry in the Van the other half in the Reer and the Foot between them To clear all these three ways of marching let us suppose our Army to consist of six Brigades of Horse and eight of Foot These are divided after the first way thus In the Van-guard First manner in three Bodies three Brigades of Horse and out of these a strong party of three or four hundred Horse to go before to search the ways and discover That party should be about one English mile before the three Brigades of Horse and out of it should be small parties sent out about half an English mile which should constantly acquaint the great party and it the Brigades behind and so from hand Van-guard to hand till the Intelligence of all they learn comes to the General After these forlorn Troops of Horse follow commanded Musqueteers with Pioneers to smooth and make plain the ways for the Artillery whether it be by cutting Trees or hedges or filling hollow grounds or Ditches After the three Brigades of Horse follow some Field-pieces suppose the half of those that are with the Army and some Waggons loaded with Ammunition immediately after them march two Brigades of Foot these are follow'd by the Baggage of the whole Van-guard and behind it a commanded party of Horse and Foot so you see this Van-guard is a petty Army of it self In the next place comes the Battel in this order First two Brigades of Foot after them the Prince or his Battel General in person attended with the Guard of his Body and Servants behind these the General or Colonel of the Artillery who is followed by the great Ordnance and whole Train of Artillery after it cometh in due order the Baggage belonging to the General Officers and to all the four Brigades which compose the Battel in the Reer whereof march two more Brigades of Foot and these sometimes are brought up by a party of Horse After the Battel comes the Reerguard of our Army and that is the Reverse of the Van-guard for first Reer-guard marcheth its Baggage with a commanded party of Horse and Foot next follow two Brigades of Foot then some Field-pieces behind them the other three Brigades of Horse who have a party behind them at the distance at least of one English mile to give them advertisement if an enemy be following And this is the first and a very commendable manner of the march of an Army But observe to make the greater expedition especially if an Army be numerous these three great Bodies may march three several ways if the Country conveniently Thâ—se three Bodies may march three several ways afford them and this makes a speedy march but in this case the Battel must have two Brigades of Horse which it had not before and consequently the Van guard and Reer-guard each of them but two whereas by our former marshalling each of them had three when they divide they are appointed to meet at such a time and place as the General shall appoint whether that be every night or every third fourth or fifth night this is done when an enemy is not near The Commander in chief marcheth and â—dgeth constantly with the Body of the Infantry and the Artillery And these great Officers who command the Van-guard and Arrier-guard have Majors attending them every day and night besides Ordinance-Horsemen to receive their Directions and bring them speedily to them in regard some new intelligence may rationally move them to alter the manner of the march or any Orders they gave concerning it The second manner of the march of an Army is in two Bodies Battel and Second manner in two Bodies Reserve You will be pleased to remember that the Army we now speak of consists of six Brigades of Horse and eight of Foot which I thus order In the Battel shall first march 400 commanded Horse who shall have a smaller party before them to discover next them Pioneers or Country people with a party of Musqueteers or Fire-locks to plain the ways then four Brigades of Horse Next them Field-pieces then three Brigades of Foot after them the Prince or he who commands by his authority the General or Colonel of the Artillery follows after whom comes the great Ordnance and whole Train which is followed by the Coaches and Waggons belonging to the General and all the other General Officers after them comes the Baggage belonging to all the Brigades of the Battel in that same order that the Brigades themselves march after which come two Brigades of Foot and then a party of Horse brings up the reer of the Battel The Reserve follows in this order First a Commanded party of Horse and Reserve Foot then the whole Baggage that belongs to the Reserve next to it Field-pieces with their Waggons of Ammunition after them three Brigades of Foot and then two Brigades of Horse about one English mile behind them follows the Reer-guard of Commanded Horse These two great bodies for expedition These two Bodies may march two several ways sake may likewise march two several ways if the General have no apprehension of an enemy and join when he gives order for it Observe when an enemy is in the reer the Battel is the Reserve and the Reserve is the Battel and consequently more Brigades should be in the Reer than in the Van and in the Reer at such an occasion the Commander in chief of the Army should be The third manner of an Armies march is when it neither marcheth in two Third manner in one Body nor three distinct Bodies but in one intire Body which is frequently practised let me then once more refresh your memory by telling you our Army consists of six Brigades of Horse and eight of Foot Three Brigades of Horse march first and make the Van-guard these have before them commanded Horse Pioneers and Musqueteers as the others had Then follow four Brigades of Foot the General after them next him the General of the Artillery with his whole Train after it marcheth the other four Brigades of Foot and these eight Brigades of Foot compose the Battel of the Army the other three Brigades of
must every Interval between Brigades have now in six Brigades there are 5 Intervals 5 times 600 make 3000 allow for three ranks and two Intervals in every Brigade marching in breast 36 foot and multiply 36 by 6 which is the number of the Brigades the product is 216 add 216 to 3000 the aggregate is 3216 add that to 8688 the aggregate is 11904 divide this number by 5 to make paces the Quotient will be 2380 paces and four foot this will be two Italian miles and more than one third An intollerable distance between the first rank of the Cavalry and the last rank of it the Infantry marching in the middle a thing intollerable that there should be so vast a distance between the Front and Reer of an Army of 18000 Horse and Foot marching in Brigades and every Brigade marching in breast and neither piece of Ordnance Waggon or Baggage-horse among them And this leads me to another speculation which is that all who have the conduct of Armies should in a march allow as little Interval between either greater or smaller Bodies as possible may be in regard Woods Waters Passes close Countries Straits and narrow ways will make a greater distance between the Vans and Reers of their Armies than is in their power Distance between Van and Reer of an Army marching to make less To verifie which let us suppose with Bockler a late German Author that 10000 Foot and 1000 Horse are upon a march where the Foot may march ten in breast and the Horse five and have only ten half Cannon with Powder and Bullets for one day and only some necessary Baggage with them he passeth his word to us that this little Army when it is marching shall take up of ground between Van and Reer 28000 foot this is more than five Italian miles and one half I have a little examined the computation and I believe his reckoning to be right But if you please let us not trust his word but try our selves what distance there may be between the Van of an Army consisting of 15000 Foot and 3000 Horse with which shall be no more Ordnance than ten Demi-cannon Instanced in an Army of 18000 men and twenty Field-pieces and a less Train if any you cannot allow to an Army of 18000 fighting men And with this Army we shall suffer no more Waggons to be than 1200 for carrying all the Ammunition Instruments for Fortification and Artillery Proviant and Baggage belonging to the General Officers and the whole Horse and Foot whereas twice that number may be well enough allowed and to make the distance the less we shall allow but two horses for every Waggon without having any regard to Coaches or great Rust-Waggons drawn ordinarily by six horses whereof there be but too many in every Army Let us imagin we march not in a Champaign but in a close Country yet not so close but the Horse shall march five in breast and the Foot ten and there be many ways which will not permit so much and to spare ground I shall allow no Intervals between Regiments or Brigades of Foot only Intervals between Divisions shall be allowed and no Interval at all between either Regiments or Divisions of the Cavalry shall be allowed but the whole 3000 shall march five in breast all in one row The Foot being six deep and ten in front will march 60 men in each Division 15000 Foot marching ten in front or breast We must see how many such Divisions will be in 15000 men To know this divide 15000 by 60 the Quotient will be 250 so you have 250 divisions allow as you must 36 foot for the 6 ranks of every Division that is 6 foot for the ranks to stand on and 30 foot for the 5 Intervals therefore you must multiply 250 by 36 which is the number of your Divisions and the product will be 9000. For an Interval between two Divisions I shall only allow 12 foot whereas many allow 18 now there be 249 Intervals multiply therefore 249 by 12 the product is 2988. Add 2988 to 9000 the aggregate is 11988 And so many foot of ground must 15000 Foot have from Van to Reer when they march ten in breast Being our 3000 Horse are to march five in breast you are to divide 3000 3000 horse marching five in Breast by 5 and the Quotient will be 600 so you have 600 ranks we must allow every Rider ten foot for the length of his Horse multiply then 600 by 10 the Product is 6000. Ordinarily a Horses length is allow'd for an Interval between ranks of Horse but because we would march close we shall allow but the half of that to wit five foot now there be in 600 ranks 599 Intervals multiply then 599 by 5 the Product will be 2995. Add 2995 to 6000 the aggregate is 8995 so many foot of ground 3000 Horse take up in their marching five in breast We have ten Demi-cannon which shoot each of them a bullet of 24 pound at least each of them shall weigh no more but 4400 pound of metal though the Germans allow more than 5000. Allow then one Horse to draw 250 pound of this Piece you shall need 18 Horses at least to draw one Demicannon with her Carriage Leaver Sponge and Laddle these 18 Horses being Ten Demi-Cannon drawn one after another coupled make nine couple allow then for nine couple of Horses for the length of the Piece and her Carriage 110 foot and it will be little enough multiply then 110 by 10 which is the number of your Demi-cannon the Product is 1100 so much ground they must have when they are drawn one after another and here is no allowance for distance between them nor shall we give any between the 20 Field-pieces but shall allow each of them to be drawn by two Horses nor shall we give more ground to the Horses Piece And twenty Field-pieces and Carriage than 20 foot that is for all the twenty 400 foot Our 1200 Waggons will take up much ground nor is it possible to help it Nor can we allow less ground for a Waggon drawn with two Horses and a convenient distance between it and the Waggon which follows it than 1200 Waggons drawn one after another 22 foot multiply then 1200 by 22 the Product will be 26400 so much ground require twelve hundred Waggons when they are drawn one after another The Foot then require 11988 foot the Horse 8995 the Demi-cannon 1100 the Field-pieces 400 the Wagons 26400 add these numbers together the aggregate will be 48883. These make in paces 9776 and three foot about nine Italian miles and three quarters If you suspect I have cast up a wrong account be pleased to work your self and mend it at your pleasure By this you may see if the Army be stronger than this of ours as many be or the Train greater as indeed it should be or your Waggons more numerous as assuredly they
counterfeited and his Seal taken from an old Paper and put on the Letter all contriv'd by Granuell President of the Emperours Council who gain'd with much Gold a French-man to carry this Letter in the soal of his shooe into the Town This French fellow was as much Fool as Knave who did not reveal the whole matter to Sancerre from whom he might likewise have receiv'd Gold enough But a trusty and faithful Messenger may be sent into or out of a A faithful and cunning Messenger may do much good in a Siege besieged place and go straight to an Enemy and seem to reveal all he knows and give up the Letters he carries which should contain no truth and by that means carry his Letter of importance safely as he is directed seeming to do the Enemy service but here cunning should be added to fidelity and men of that Caliber are rare yet the Rochellers met with one of them who adventur'd to cheat a no less person than Cardinal Richelieu and did it A Gentleman of Anjou offer'd to the Duke of Soubise to enter into Rochel then besieg'd Instance and reduc'd to the last extremity and bring him certain news of the Towns condition He went straight to the Cardinal with whom he had gain'd some trust and told him what he had undertaken this great States man permitted him to slip into the Town provided he should show him his Letters at his return which he promis'd having done his business in the City he came back to the Cardinal and deliver'd him the Towns Letters written purposely that this Great Minister might read them who took some pains to open and seal them again handsomely and bid the Gentleman carry them to Soubise who went and deliver'd to the Duke a hidden Letter which told him the true condition of the City and that was That it could not hold out above two days without succourse or all must dye for hunger If signs by fire smoke or shot of Cannon be not agreed on before the place be invested it will be very dangerous to do it afterwards by Letters for these may be intercepted or betrayed The last whereof befel two illuâ—strious Brothers both of them great Captains those were Maurice and Henry Princes of Orange both of them egregiously cheated by a Countrey Clown Maurice entrusts him with Letters to Justin of Nassaw Governour of Breda when it was besieged round by Marquess Spinola the fellow undertook to deliver the Letter and bring the Governours answer and so he did but not till Letters reveal'd to an Enemy Spinola had read both the first before he enter'd and the second after he came out of the Town who thereby came to the knowledge of all their secrets the Rogue was well rewarded by both parties But after Maurice his death this Bore resolves to serve his Brother Prince Henry in the same fashion and to that end seem'd to be gain'd with much difficulty and by much Gold to carry the Prince his last Letters to the Governour Henry wrote to him that it was then purely impossible to raise the Siege and desir'd him at midnight to discharge three pieces of Ordnance and that thereafter by several fires on the great Steeple he should let him know how many days his Victuals would hold out The Intelligencer went straight to Spinola who having read the Letter and handsomely seal'd it up dispatch'd the faithful messenger to the Governour who at the prefixed time made his three shots and by eleven signs made by fire let the Prince know he was able to subsist no longer than eleven days which Spinola did as punctually observe as the Prince of Orange did In the time of that same Siege at a Sally a German Souldier was taken by the Count of Isemberg who treated his Countrey-man so well that the fellow undertook to return to the Town and come back to the Spanish Camp when the Victuals of the besieged City grew scarce which he did and thereby Spinola had likewise a fair help given him how to take his measures If all endeavours and all hopes fail and that inexorable necessity force the To yield on Articles Governour to yield let him do it on the most honourable and advantageous terms he can and let him be sure to have his Articles sign'd by him who commands in chief and if he can obtain it let him get Hostages of quality sent to some neighbour Garrison to lye there till all conditions agreed on be performed Of Articles I shall speak in the next Chapter But if there be small or no hopes of succours it will not be fit for a Governour Obstinacy in defending Forts hurtful to bring things to the last extremity or stand out where he cannot probably hope to resist for that exposeth his men to Butchery a thing very unacceptable to God and prejudicial to his Masters service It is needless to illustrate this with examples story is full of them and we have seen the practice of it in our own days The Imperial Lieutenant General Count Tili finding New Brandenburg an inconsiderable Town obstinately defended by Major General Kniphausen and his Suedish Garrison did at the storm forbid all quarter though he was known to be merciful enough and after he had carried the Town by Assault he told the Governour who was then Prisoner That he could not use him worse than send him to his Master the King of Sueden who he thought was oblig'd in Justice to hang him for losing him so many gallant men by his vanity and arrogant resistance And truly I think to put a few Especially those of small importance men in an obscure place or a Castle of a mean Fortification and command them to stand out against a well appointed Army or that which ordinarily passeth under the name of an Army Royal is to send them directly to the Shambles for what General will suffer himself to be so affronted and not revenge it When the French King Francis the First march'd into Italy with Instances a mighty Army the Governour of a little ill fortified Castle in Piedmont called Volane made a Sally and kill'd and plunder'd some French Baggage-men The Castle is summon'd and refusing to yield on honest conditions it is invested and forc'd to render on mercy whereof they found but little in that severe Constable Anne de Montmorancy who caused the poor Governour and his Garrison to be hang'd every mothers son Another Castle held out against Charles the Fifth when he retir'd to Italy out of Provence but being forc'd to yield the Garrison receiv'd the like usage every man of it being forc'd to end his life on a Gallows Yet sometimes the condition of the War and the circumstances of it require Yet sometimes Ratio Belli requires it that a Governour and his Garrison should rather fight to death than accept of any agreement and this is when time must be given for gathering or joyning of
little from beasts woâ—â— piece and piece out of fashion yet long after Christianity shone over the World â—â— Prisoners of War were made Slaves for there be some Canons of the Church extant that forbid men to counsel Slaves to desert their Masters But by tract of time all Nations as it had been by an universal consent left off to make their Prisoners Slaves or to sell them as such because they were then better instructed in the Laws of Charity than to abstain from killing miserable Captives only out of respect of gain to themselves or at least to seem to be less cruel But three hundred years after the Great Constantine's death when Mahometanism had spread its darkness over the East slavery was Brought back by Mahomet brought back to the World and yet if you will consider right you will find this slavery and bondage of Christians is not confin'd to those Countreys only where Mahomet is adored for there are thousands of Christian Slaves to be found in the Galleys belonging to the most Christian and Catholick Kings the Great Duke of Tuscany the Venetians the Genoways the Pope and the Great Retain'd yet by some Christians Master of Malta And may we not say That many thousands of his Majesties Subjects after quarter given were made perfect Slaves and upon that account sold and sent to remote Plantations The Great Gustavus Adolphus did I think something very like this when he sent three thousand Croatians commonly called Carabats who had quarter given them for life at several places in Germany by Sea to Sueden there to work at his Iron and Copper Mines Among Christians then Prisoners of War being exempted from Slavery they are to be kept till they be either exchang'd or ransom'd or set at liberty by the Victor gratis this sometimes falls out but seldome Sometimes they are set at liberty conditionally as If you do such a thing enjoy your liberty if not Liberty granted to Prisoners conditionally return to Prison and the Prisoner is oblig'd to do either the one or the other It was the case of some Scottish Lords whom Henry the Eighth of England detain'd Prisoners He permitted them to return to Scotland and if they could procure the Marriage of his Son Prince Edward with the Infant Queen of Scots then they were to have their liberty if not they were to return they failing in the first some of them honestly perform'd the second He that takes a Prisoner may search him and all he lays hold on is his own but if the Prisoner hath reserv'd something hidden that his Taker knows not of he may make use of it to maintain himself or to help to pay his ransome for he who took him hath no right to it for Lawyers say Qui nescit nequit possidere The exchange of Prisoners of equal quality is ordinary over all the World if there By Exchange be some but no considerable disparity some Money ballanceth the matter The Ransome of a Prisoner belongs to him who took him unless he be a person of very eminent quality and then the Prince the State or their General seizeth on him giving some gratuity to those who took him The price of the Ransome useth to be estimated according to his pleasure who keeps the Prisoner By Ransome but because many times they are extravagant in their demands an agreement is frequently made between the two parties who make the War of a certain price to be paid by Officers and Common Souldiers for their Ransomes A general agreement for Ransomes ordinary according to their quality and this seldom exceeds one Months pay for any under the degree of a Colonel and this is exceeding comfortable to Prisoners when they know how much themselves or their Friends have to pay for their liberty But here is a question When a Prisoner agrees for his ransome and dyes A Question concerning ransome before it be paid whether the Heir be obliged to pay it If he dye out of Prison there is no doubt but the Heir is bound to pay it but if he dye in Prison Grotius says his Heir is not obliged to pay it because the Prisoner had not that for which he contracted and that was his liberty But if the bargain be made that the Prisoner ows the ransome immediately after the contract is made the same Grotius sayes His Heir ought to pay it because the Captive Answered was not to be looked on after the finishing of the agreement as a Prisoner but as a Pledge for his Ransome But I can tell Grotius that the Corps of many dead Prisoners are Ransomed There is another question If a Prisoner Parol Another and ingage to get such a person of the adverse party set at liberty and on that condition is set free himself if the Prisoner agreed on dye before the other can procure his liberty whether in that case the Prisoner contracting be obliged to return to Prison Grotius sayes no unless it have been particularly so agreed Answered on yet he saith he is bound to do something like the equivalent and that is to pay his own Ransome I should now speak of those Prisoners who have Articles for life it may be Cloths and Monys or any thing else they carry about with them and sometimes as much of their goods as they can carry on their backs but before I enter on it it will be fit to know what poor inferior Officers and Commanders have to Parley Treat and to Grant Sign and Seal Articles First it will be granted that none have power to Treat or Sign Articles Of the power inferior Commanders have to grant Articles but those who command in chief on the place whether it be in Town or Field Princes or their Generals cannot be every where and therefore must recommend the leading of Wings or Parts of their Armies to subordinate Commanders what ever title they may have be it Lieutenant or Major General Colonel or Brigadeer Generals they Treat and Grant Conditions and Articles to Enemies in the Field or to Enemies within Towns because the emergency or necessity of dispatch will not suffer them to advise with the Prince or State whom they serve and therefore Articles granted by them are to be as inviolably observed as if they had been Signed by the Prince himself But if either a General or any under him make a transaction with an Enemy against the known Constitutions and publick Laws of the Prince or State whom they serve then they deserve Punishment and the Prince and State are not obliged to performance and if so they ought not nor can they in justice retain what they have gained by that Capitulation whether it be Towns Forts Lands Mony or Prisoners but are obliged if they disapprove the Agreement to put all in statu quo prius Grotius maintains that a General What a General may do hath not power to dispose of Lands Territories
another place of the Military Punishments and Rewards of the Ancients I have likewise spoke of our Modern Military Laws where observe that most of them threaten Punishment few or none promise Reward the first is due to Transgressors the second is ex beneplacito because all men are bound to do their duty yet Princes and States have rewarded Vertue of late times as well as the Ancients did I shall speak of Punishments and then of Rewards Though Princes and States have their several Laws of War yet all agree Punishment of Capital crimes Treason that Treason against the Prince in betraying either his Forts Forces or Munitions should be punish'd with an ignominious Death but the crime should be throughly examin'd by the Judge Marshal and Court of War whereof I have formerly spoke Mutiny against Command or Superiour Mutiny Officers is punishable by Death If it cannot be compesc'd without force either all or most of the Army are to be call'd together to cut the Mutineers in pieces But if a Mutiny be quieted without blood in doing whereof both Courage and Prudence are requisite then ordinarily the ring-leaders are to dye and the rest are eitheir all pardon'd or all to run the Gatloupe or the tenth man of them is to suffer death which custome is borrow'd from the Ancient Romans If Officers run away from the Mutineers and leave them mutinying the Law of War orders them to dye unless they can make it appear that either they had kill'd some of the Mutineers or had been wounded themselves by them But it is not to be denied that too many of them are more ready to give a rise and beginning to a Mutiny than to put an end to it The Death of a Mutineer should be ignominious and therefore it should be hanging or breaking on a Wheel All crimes that are Capital by the Civil Law Many more are so also by Martial Law as Wilful Murther Robbery Theft Incest Sodomy and others needless to be rehears'd But Martial Law makes many crimes Capital which the Civil and Municipal Law doth not Such are to desert the Colours to Sleep on Sentinel to be drunk on a Watch to draw a Sword or strike at a Superiour many times these are pardon'd and very oft they are punish'd with Death when a General thinks Justice more convenient than Mercy To be absent from a Watch by some Military Laws is Capital but seldome put in execution Yet I find in the Reign of Henry the Second of France that one Granvillâ—n a German Severe Justice Colonel in a Court of War condemn'd an Ensign bearer to be hang'd for playing at Dice in his Lodging when the Company was on Watch and he put the Sentence in execution The crime of Cowardize is by the Law of â—aâ— Cowardise Capital but should be well examin'd by the Auditor and the matter made clear in a Court of War before Sentence be past because it and Treason taints the Blood of the parties To run away in time of service either in the Field or from the Assaults of Towns Forts and Out-works brings Death upon the guilty or that which to generous Spirits is worse than death that is to have their Swords broke over their Heads by the hand of the Hangman and so turn'd out of the Army and this I have known more frequently practis'd than death inflicted but the Instances I could give are too fresh and therefore I shall tell you only of one about a hundred years ago At the Siege of Dinan Gaspar Coligni that famous Admiral of France commanded some Ensign-bearers to run with their Colours to the Assault of the breach they did not go pretending the place was too dangerous for the Kings Colours for they might chance to be taken by the Enemy for which the Admiral caus'd all their Swords to be broke over their Heads by a Hang-man in view An ignominious punishment of his whole Army It will be about two or three and thirty years since Leopold Arch-Duke of Austria and his Lieutenant General Piccolomini caused a Regiment of Horse to be cut in pieces and all the Officers to be hanged in the place where-ever they could be apprehended without any Process or Sentence of a Court of War because it was well known that the whole Regiment had run An exemplary and deserved punishment away in a full body without fighting at the second Battel of Leipsick where the Suedish Felt-marshal Torstenson gain'd the Victory over the Imperialists I have spoke in the last Chapter of the punishment due to those Governours who give over Forts sooner than they need and gave you some instances but now I shall tell you that by some Articles of War the whole Garrison is lyable to punishment which is to be Pioneers to the rest of the Army I dare say A severe Law nothing against the Justice of this Law but I think if the Garrison disobey the Governour and do not march out at his command he pretending the Prince or Generals order for what he does all of it may undergo the censure and punishment of Mutiny But many Laws are made ad terrorem which do but little good I think the Turkish Punishments not imitable by those who profess the name Inhumane punishments of Christ such as are roasting at slow fires flaying quick and gaunching the manner of this last is to throw the condemned person from the top of a Tower or a high Wall the place where he is to fall being all beset with Iron pricks and the wretch is happy if his Head Breast or Belly fall on one of them for thereby he may be soon dispatched but if a Leg Arm or Thigh catch hold he must hang till extremity of pain hunger thirst and the fowls of the air put an end to his miserable life The Muscovites for a Military Punishment can whip to death and that is cruel enough They and other Christians can impale condemned persons on wooden Stakes and Spits which in some extraordinary cases is also practised in Germany and I have heard that Hang-men can so artificially do it that the woful Delinquent will sometimes live three days in unspeakable torture When Mahomet the Great saw a Valley in Valachia beset with these Stakes and Wheels on which some thousands of Men and Women lay executed it is said that he much commended the Vayvod or Prince of that Countrey for a good Justitiary so near did the one of their tempers both barbarous and cruel resemble the other The fairest and justest way of Punishment is by Courts of War if the case do not require a present animadversion And that Court is to judge and give Sentence according to the Military Laws of the Prince or State in whose service the Army is When the Sentence is pronounced the General may either Generals may pardon pardon the offender or delay the execution or alter the manner of his death The most honourable