5 Whether this Counsel proceeded from Fear or Iealousie it was certainly good Power is not always augmented in proportion as it is extended It is often with a vast State as it is with prodigious Ships whose Burden hinders their sailing Besides there are Conquests which are burthensome because they can't be preserved It was for this Reason that Edward King of England would not hearken to the Proposals of Lewis the Eleventh who would have engaged him in the Conquest of Flanders after the Death of the last Duke of Burgundy answering That the Cities of Flanders were strong and great and the Country not easie to keep after it was conquered Memoires of Commines l. 6. c. 2. The King of Spain would gain more by giving up to France the remainder of the Low-Countries than by keeping it for besides that this Country not only brings him in nothing but costs him a great deal it would be much more Honourable to give it up voluntarily than to lose it by piece-meals after a shameful manner as it were by the Attachments of a Sergeant Pensees diverses ch or sect 40. This Counsel of Augâ—stus to shut up the Empire within its Limits crossed saith Ammirato the inviolable Maxim of the Romans who were ever endeayouring by all ways possible to enlarge their Empire but Augustus knowing by his own Experience the Evils that might ensue thence thought it his Duty to leave this Counsel to his Successors to cut up the Root both of Foreign and Civil Wars And if Tacitus gives the Name of Fear to this Advice it is because it is the part of a wise Man to â—ear that which deserves to be feared and to foresee how many Dangers he expoâ—es himself to who never ceases â—â—om invading others Commentary lib. 1. disc 6. and lib. 12. disc 1. VI. In the mean time the Senate still descending to the most abject Supplications it happen'd that Tiberius said unwarily He found himself uncapable of Governing the whole Empire but if it pleas'd them to commit some part of it to his Administration whatsoever it were he would accept it Then Asinius Gallus laying hold of the Word And what part of it O Tiberius said he wouldst thou undertake He not expecting such a Question and not having his Answer in a readiness for a while stood silent 1 Nothing gives greater Offence to a dissembling Prince such as Tiâ—erius was than to endeavour to sound his Heart or to let him see that you perceive that he dissembles We ought never to put Princes upon explaining themselves farther than they are willing when they speak obscurely it is a sign that there is some Mystery in it and consequently it is dangerous to enquire into it The Marquis of Aitone saith M. de Montresor went to visit Monsieur who kept his Bed pretending to have the Goâ—t and knew well enough that his Highness acted a Part but he made no discovery thereof by any outward shew or by any particular Act to prevent his Retreat out of the Territories of the King his Master In his Memoirs But having recover'd the use of his Reason answer'd That it was unbecoming of his Modesty to choose a Share of it when he had rather discharge himself altogether of the Burden 2 This Answer of Tiberius plainly shews that Princes do not love to be replied upon and that it is want of Respect towards them to put them to the Trial. Princes deâ—ire to be thought sincere because this conduces much to the obtaining their Ends but they will not be so Asinius who discover'd in his Countenance that he had stung him replied That the Demand which he had made tended not to the sharing of that Power which could not be divided but to draw this Acknowledgment from his own Mouth that the Commonwealth being but one Body could only be govern'd by one Soul Then after he had prais'd Augustus he desired Tiberius to remember his own Victories in War and his excellent Actions in Peace during the space of so many Years wherein he had the Management of Affairs But all this was not sufficient to make him well with the Emperour 3 The Praises which a Subject gives his Prince after he has given him Offence by Words are never a Plaister so broad as the Sore The Affronts offered Princes are irreparable because they impute the Reparations thereof to the Fear which the Offenders have of their Resentment and not to their Repentance who bore him an ancient Grudge suspecting him for having espous'd Vipsania the Daughter of Marcus Agrippa and formerly the Wife of Tiberius t Dio adds a Reason which is of yet greater weight That Asinius having married Vipsaâ—ia Drusus his Mother he looked upon Drusus as his own Son So that not being satisfied with having Tiberius's first Wife he also shared with him in his Prerogatives of a Father It looked also as if he would have had a share also in Drusus's Heart Câ—m Drusum filii instar haberet These are Dio's Words lib. 57. Lastly as Tiberius had always loved Vipsâ—nâ—â— whom he had not divorced but to please Augustus who gave him his own Daughter he could not endure that Asinius should ' enjoy this Lady who had as many good Qualities as Augustus's Daughter had bad ones as if by that Marriage he design'd to raise himself above the Condition of a private Life 4 A Prince never looks with a good Eye on him who hath married a Wife whom he hath divorced whether he divorced her out of Aversion or by Constraint for if he did it out of Aversion he looks on the Husband as a Person who hath taken her Part against him or who knows the Secrets of the Family whereof he may make an ill Use If by Constraint which was the case of Tiberius he hates the Husband as a Rival who hath enrich'd himself with his Spoils or as an ambitious Person who by the advantage of his Marriage hopes to advance his Fortunes The Honour which Asinius had of being Father-in-Law to Drusus one of the presumptive Heirs of the Empire join'd with his ambitious Spirit distinguished him too much not to raise Iealousie in Tiberius Piasecki relates that Iohn Duke of Filandia who was afterwards King of Poland was imprisoned by King Eric his Brother with his Wife Catharine Sister to Sigismund Augustus King of Poland because he seemed to have compassed this high Alliance to enable him to seize the Crown of Suedeland as their Father Gustavus had done In the beginning of his Chronicle and inherited the imperious Humour of Asinius Pollio his Father VII After this Speech Lucius Aruncius likewise offended him by another almost of the same Tenour For though Tiberius had not any old Animosity against him yet he hated him for his Riches for the Excellency of his Natural Endowments and Moral Perfections and for the Reputâ—tion which they had gain'd him with the People which was not inferiour to his Merit
particularly by the Great Men. And he hath often said to me that he should find it if his affairs went ill Ch. 1. Lib. 2. of his Memoirs II. After the Death of Phraates and the two succeeding Kings the Principal Men amongst them being weary of domestick slaughters 1 To preserve Peace in a Monarchical State it is necessary that the Great Men intermeddle not with the Administration of Affairs for their ambition never suffers them to agree together The weaker desiring an Equality and the more powerful not being contented with that they perpetually bandy into Factions one against another so that the State is torn with their quarrels until a Prince comes who hath the Courage and the Skill to resume all the Authority which both sides have usurped sent Ambassadors to Rome to demand Vonones the Eldest of his Sons Tiberius looking on this to be much for his honour 2 The greatest Honour that a Foreign Nation can do to a Prince is to be willing to receive a King from his hands especially when it is a Nation equal or very near equal in power as the Parthians were to the Romans Sociis virium aemulis saith Tacitus cedentibusque per reve rentiam Ann. 12. i. e. The Parthians who do not give place to the Romans but out of Respect and Friendship sent him away with rich presents and the Barbarous People receiv'd him with joy as they usually do new Kings 3 A new Reign saith Cabrera or a new Minister always pleaseth the People best who in this cross the Custom that is almost Universal to praise the past and condemn the present As the Successor differs from his Predecessor either in Age or Manners how good qualities soever the Predecessor had he that succeeds is always more acceptable People grow weary of and in time disrelish every thing and particularly every thing that is Uniform the same kind of Dish served up two days successively becomes insipid a way that is all even and alike tires if it be long Lib. 7. Cap. ult Cardinal Delfin said one day to me that at Rome no Popes were hated more than those who reigned long and that la longhezza del dominare it was the Expression he used made a good Pope as insupportable as a Bad one But they soon began to be asham'd 4 Tacitus saith that the Parthians regretted their Princes when they were absent and disliked them when they were present Parthos absentiunâ— aequos praesentibus mobiles Ann. 6. By the first Vonones who had been so long absent ought to have been very agreeable to them at his return but by the second he could not fail of soon experiencing their Inconstancy Besides it is common for Men to have a good Opinion of the Absent majora credi de absentibus Hist. 2. and to find themselves deceived when they see them because it is much easier to form a great Idea of those whom we love before we know them than it is to answer a great Expectation when we arâ— known that they had so far degenerated as to go to another World for a King that had been trained up in the Arts of their Enemies and that the Kingdom of the Arsacidae was thereby esteem'd and dispos'd of as a Roman Province Where said they is the Glory of those that slew Crassus e He was slain with the greatest part of the Roman Army by the Cavalry of King Oâ—odes the Father of Phraates and the Parthians were going to posses themselves of Syria whereof he was Governor if Calus Cassius who served in the Roman Army in the Quality of Quâ—estor had not prevented them Paterc Cap. 46. Lib. 2. and put Anthony f Having entred Armenia with 16 Legions he marched through Media in order to attack the Parthians But as he advanced in the Enemy's Country 〈◊〉 met 〈◊〉 King of the Parthians and Artavasdes King of Media who hinder'd him from passing the Euphrates and defeated his Lieutenant Oppius Statianus with two Legions and all the Cavalry which he had under his Command Afterwards he was forced to raise the Siege of Praaspes the Capital City of Media and to send to beg Peace of Phraates who gave it him on such Conditions as used to be impos'd on the 〈…〉 Lib. 42. Anthony saith Paterculus stuck not to call his 〈…〉 because he had escaped out of the hands of his Enemies with his 〈◊〉 although he had lost the fourth part of his Army all his Baggage and Artillery Chap. 82. to flight if the Parthians are to be govern'd by one that hath been so many years a Slave to the Roman Emperor He himself heightned their Indignation and Contempt by differing so much from the Manners of his Ancestors loving neither 5 According to Xenophon Hunting is the truest Image of War for there is nothing to be seen in War which is not seen in Hunting and consequently Hunting is the most profitable Diversion that a Prince can take who deâ—igns to be a great Captain David offering himself to Saul to fight with Goliah alledges as a Proof of his Courage and of his Experience that he had pursued the Lyon and the Bear and that he had strangled and slew them in stopping their mouths with his hands â— Sam. 17. An instance of the Reâ—emblance that there is betwixt Hunting and War Commines saith that of all Diversions Lewis XI took the greatest Delight in Hunting but that he scarce returned from it but he was angry with somebody For it is a thing saith he that is not always â—anag'd to please those who are the Principal Persons in the Field An Observation for Princes who love this Diversion and for those who accompany them at it Chap. 13. Book 6. of his Memoirs Hunting g 〈◊〉 in the Preface to his Cataline reckons Hunting amongst â—ervile 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 Non fuit consilium socordia atque defidia bonum otiuâ— conterere neque vero agrum colendo aut venando servilibus officiis intentum aetatem aegere Reasoning in this like a Roman for in his time the Romans did not hunt and it is taken notice of by Suâ—tonius that Tiberius branded a Commander of a Legion with infamy for sending some Soldiers a Hunting Here we ought to observe that Republicans have never been great Hunters because they are always taken up with affairs of Government So we are not to wonder if the Nobleâ—Venetians are neither Hunters nor Soldiers They don't so much as understand how to sit a Horse for besides that they have no Horses in their City they don't care to be Horsemen because they dont make War but by Sea all their Military Land-Offices being given to Strangers Cabrera calls Hunting a Royal Exercise Real exercicio de la casa and saith that Philip II. took great delight in it Chap. of his History nor Horses 6 In a Nation such as the Parthians whose whole strength â—ay in Cavalry a King cannot have a greater Fault than not
have govern'd with applause For instance If the King of Spain should send into Catalonia and Sâ—ciâ—y which are two fierce Nations and whose Obedience is as it were Arbitrary Viceroys who would take the same Courses that the Viceroys of Naples and the Governors of Milan do he would immediately lose these Provinces where there is nothing but Bones for the Spanish Ministers to gnaw upon LXI But Germanicus who did not yet know that his Iourney had given Offence went up the River Nile having Embark'd at Canopus a Town built by the Spartaâ—â— in Memory of a Captain of a Ship of that Name who was buried there when Mâ—nelaus in his return to Greece was driven back by contrary Winds to the Coasts of Lybia The Mouth of the River that is next to Canopus is consecrated to Hercules who as the Inhabitants affirm was a Native of their Countrey and the first of all who bore that Name with which the rest were honoured after him because they follow'd him in the same Paths of Valour He afterwards viewed the great Ruines of Thebes where there were yet remaining some Inscriptions engraven on Obelisks in Aegyptian Letters which describ'd its ancient Grandeur One of the Eldest Priests who was order'd to interpret it reported That it formerly contain'd seven hundred thousand Men of an age able to bear Arms and that with an Army of that Number King Rhameses conquer'd Libya Aethiopia the Medes and Persians Bactriania and Scythia and all the Countrey which is inhabited by the Syrians Armenians and their Neighbours the Cappadocians extending from the Bithynian Sea on one side to the Lycian on the other There was also read an account of the Tributes imposed on the Nations what weight of Gold and Silver what Numbers of Horses and Arms for War How much Ivory and Perfumes for Oblations to the Temples and what quantities of Corn and other Necessaries of Life each Nation paid which equall'd in Magnificence and Value the Tributes that are now imposed either by the Parthian or the Roman Empire LXII But Germanicus was led on with a Desire of seeing other Miracles whereof the Principal were the Statue of Memnon cut in Stone which gave a Sound like that of a Humane Voice when the Rays of the Sun stâ—uck upon it Pyramids as high as Mountains rais'd in moving and almost unpassable Sands 1 It is common for great Princes to raise Magnificent Edifices in Desart and dry Places and which by their situation seem to be Uninhabitable to make their Power appear the greater and to shew that every thing yields to their Fortune Philip II. had this Prospect when he chose the pitiful Village of the Escurial to build there the Famous Monastery which bears this Name and which the Spaniards call the Eighth Wonder of the World although an old Alcada aged â—ourscore years answer'd an Officer who ask'd him in the King's Name his Opinion of it That the King was going to make a Nest of Caterpillars who would devour the whole Country Cabrera c. 11. l 6. of his History by the Emulation and Wealth of their Kings Lakes cut in the Ground for the reception of the Waters of the Nile when it overflows and in other places Caverns so deep that their bottoms cannot be sounded From hence he went to Elephantine and Syene heretofore the Boundaries of the Roman Empire which now extends to the Red Sea LXIII Whilst Germanicus pass'd the Summer in Progresses Drusus acquired no small Glory amongst the Germans by fomenting their Division 1 It is true sign of the Destruction of a Country when those divide and abandon one another who ought to be united Memoirs l. 2. c. 1. Dum singuli pugnant universi vincuntur saith Tacitus in Agricola The Landtgrave of Hesse who commanded the Army of the League of Smalcald against Charles V. had reason to say to the Conâ—ederate Cities through which he pass'd My Friends let every Fox keep his Tail to let them understand that the League could not subsist but by their common agreement Epitomy of the Life of C. V. There can't be better Counsel than what the Lord Contay gave the C. de Charolois who took it very ill that the Lords of the League of the Publick Good held a Council amongst themselves without calling him to it Bear it patiently said Contay for if you displease them they will make their Peace with King Lewis more advantageously than you as you are the Strongest so you ought to be the Wisest Beware therefore of dividing them and use your ulmost industry to maintain a good Correspondence betwixt them and your self Memoirs of Commines l. 1. c. 12. and persuaded them that now Maroboduus d With what Prudence and Conduct saith Paterculus Tiberius by the Ministry of his son Drusus forced Marcâ—odâ—us to quit the Kingdom which he had Invaded and wherein he hid himself as Serpents do in the Bowels of the Earth Hist. 2. Cap. 129. Lewis XI took almost the same Method against the Duke of Burgundy not only by Separating from him all his Allies Edward King of England Gelasius Duke of Milan who had before left the Alliance of the King for that of the Duke of Burgundy Renatus King of Sicily who design'd to have made him his Heir and to put Provence into his hands the Dutchess of Savoy the King's Sister who saith Commines was so much in the Duke's Interest that the Duke disposed of the House of Savoy as of his own but also by raising him up new Enemies as the Swiss who beat him in two Battels and the Cittes of Basil Strasbourg Nuremburg and Francsort who enter'd into an Alliance with the Swiâ—s and to injure him was thought enough to get their own Pardoâ— His Memoirs Lib. 5. Cap. 1. 2. was already weakned they ought to follow their blow till he was entirely ruin'd 2 This Example sheweth that there is scarce any such thing as good Faith among Princes and that the Leagues and Confederacies which they enter into are rather sâ—ares which they lay for one another than Ties of Friendship Commonly the Weakest joyns himself with the Strongest only to make himself more considerable to his Neighbours and his Enemies and this was the Motive of Maroboduus who by his Alliance with the Romans hoped to become more formidable to the Cheruâ—ci and to his Rival Arminius The Strongest on the contrary allies himself with the Weaker under colour to protect and defend him but in truth to lay the Yoke of Slavery upon him as soon as he can find an Opportunity to do it And this is what Tiberius did with respect to Maroboduus in sending Drusus into Germany to sign a League with him Thus it may be truly said That Lâ—â—gues make more noise than they do service That they have more of Appearance and Ostentation than of Reality and Strength and that in fine they rather hasten the Ruine of the Weaker or the less Politick than they do retard or
serve our Country And some lines after he concludes with these words Therefore our Author unjustly blames Maroboduus since in my Opinion there is no less glory for a Man to be a Good Husband of his Life to serve God his Country and his Friends and to reserve himself for a better Fortune than to run into Battels and throw it away to acquire Glory which like smoke is carried away by a Blast of Wind. But this Consideration which is the 145. of the Second Part is fitter for Monks and Tradesmen than for Princes and Noblemen to whom War is the most Natural Employment Catualda had the same Fate and no other refuge for being expell'd not long after by the Hermunduri under their General Vibilius he was received by the Romans who sent him to Forum Iulii a Colony of Gallia Narbonensis And lest the Barbarous People who came with these two Princes might raise any Disturbances in these Provinces which were in perfect quiet they were transplanted beyond the Danube betwixt the River Marus and Cusus and Vannius of the Nation of the Quadi was set over them as King LXV The Senate having at the same time receiv'd the News that Germanicus had made Artaxias King of Armenia they decreed that he and Drusus should enter the City in Ovation and that Arches with their Statues should be built on both sides of the Temple of Mars the Avenger And Tiberius being better pleas'd that he had made Peace by his Prudence 1 A Prince who understands Negotiations as Tiberius did ought always to prefer the way of Treaties to that of Aâ—ms It is certainly more honour for him to overcome his Enemies by Skill than by Force A Gascon Gentleman who was in the Service of Edward King of England on occasion of the Peace of Pâ—quigny said That his Master had gain'd Nine Battels in Person but that what we made him lose by this Peace which drove the English out of France brought him greater Shame and Loss than the other Nine which hâ— had gain'd had acquir'd him Honour and Advantage Commines l. 4. c. 10. of his Memoirs Queen Margaret speaking of the Peace which the Duke of Alensoâ— made at Neraâ— with the King of Navarre and the Huguenots on his Party My Brother said she having made a Peace to the Satisfaction of the King and all the Catholicks and not less to the Contentment of the Huguenots return'd thence into France with as much Honour and Glory for having compos'd so great Troubles as from all the Victories which he had obtain'd by Arms. Memoirs l. 3. than if he had ended the War with the Sword employs the same Artifices against Rhescuporis King of Thrace After the Death of Rhoemetalces who was in possession of the whole Countrey Augustus had divided it betwixt his Brother Rhescuporis and his Son Cotys In which division thâ— Arrable-Land the Cities and the Parts adjoyning to Greece fell to Cotys's share the Wild uncultivated Parts and which border'd on Enemies to Rhescuporis The tempers of these two Kings were as different the Former being Mild and Complaisant the Latter Covetous Ambitious and Cruel However they liv'd at first in an appearance of Friendship But in a while Rhescuporis pass'd his Bounds usurp'd upon Cotys and stuck not sometimes to use Force where he found Resistance but this he did by wary and slow Methods in the Reign of Augustus who he feared would revenge the Injustice as he was the Founder of these two Kingdoms But when he heard of his Death he sent Troops of Robbers and demolished some of his Castles to give an occasion for War LXVI Tiberius who feared nothing more than new Troubles dispatches away a Centurion with a Message to the two Kings enjoyning them not to decide their Quarrel by the Sword 1 Divisions never began in a Country saith Commines but they have proved destructive in the end and very difficult to extinguish Lib. 4. Cap. 9. For a King to nourish Divisions betwixt Princes and Persons of Virtue and Courage is to kindle a Fire in his House for sometimes one or the other will say The King is against us and under this Pretence will think of fortifying themselves and making Alliances with his Enemies l. 6. c. ult And whilst one of the Parties takes Arms against the Prince he is always ill obey'd by the other who thinking that he stands in great need of them sets their Services at the higher price Thus a Powerâ—ul King ought never to suffer the Princes who are his Vassals or Neighbours to go to War for the Fire comes to spread it self thence into his Dominions On the contrary he ought to assume the Office or an Arbitrator or a Mediator betwixt the Parties and threaten to declare against him who will not hearken to Peace Cotys immediately disbands the Army he had raised and Rhescuporis with a feign'd Submission desir'd that they might have an Enterview and terminate their Differences by Treaty and what with the Easie Compliance of the one and the Fraudulent Compliance of the other they soon adjusted not only the Time and Place of their Treaty but also the Conditions of their Agreement Rhescuporis under colour of ratifying the Agreement with greater Ceremony makes a Feast which he protracts till Midnight and then puts Cotys in Chains 2 A wise Prince ought never to put himself into the hands of another with whom he hath great Interests depending He that goes to meet another can't be reasonably secur'd by any Promises Oaths or Passports Safe Conducts are as feeble Arms against Force as Paper is against Iron And Iulius II. before he was Pope said often That they were great Fools who exchanged Liberty and Life for a Dead Beast's Skin * Apology for the Council of Pisa. The Duke of Bâ—rgundy wrote to Lewis XI a large Letter with his own hand giving him security to come and to return and the King took no guaâ—d with him but would rely entirely upon the security given by the Duke Commines l. 2. c. 5. Notwithstanding the Duke order'd the Gates of the City and of the Castle of Peronne to be shut saying That the King was come thither to betray him and these Gates were shut three days during which time the Duke did not see the King nor did any of the King's Servants enter into the Castle but through the Wicket of the Gate Chap. 7. and 9. of the same Book This Duke when he was only Count de Charolois committed the â—ame Error by suffering himself to be insensibly led on by the King with whom he walked to a Place call'd the Boulevart or Bulwark through which People enter into Paris for which he was much blamed by the Count de S. Pol and by the Mareschal de Burgundy who put him in mind of the Misfortune that happen'd to his Grandfather King Charles the Seventh at Montereau-faut-Yonne To which Reprimand the Duke return'd this Answer Don't rebuke me for I know very
Iustice. Epist. 1. lib. 7. Neither was any Authority able to suppress the Seditions of the People protecting Villanies as much as the Rites of the Gods 1 As Princes are obliged to establish the true Worship of God they ought to be careful to banish false Appearances which are to the preâ—udice of States For we may truly say That Supperstition and Hypocrisie are often coverings to wicked Designs Chap. 1. de la seconde Partie du Testament Politique The Conspiracy of the Marchioness de Verneuil against Henry IV. of France was contrived by a Capuchin called Father Arcange under pretence of Confession which cover'd the frequent private Conversations he had with her and the Count a 〈◊〉 her Brother who pretended he had â—aken a Resolution to become a Capachin It was therefore ordain'd the Cities should send their Deputies with their Privileges Some voluntarily quitted them as Usurp'd others justified theirs on old Superstitions or an account of Services to the People of Rome The Pomp of that Day was great in shew when the Senate consider'd the Grants of their Ancestors the Agreements of Confederates the Decrees of the Kings before the Roman Power prevail'd there and the Religion of the Gods being at the Will of the Senate to confirm or alter them as formerly they had done LXII The Ephâ—sians appeared first setting forth That Diana and Apollo were not Born in the Island of Delos as was commonly believed that in their Country was the River Cenchiris and a Wood called Ortygia where Latona leaning on an Olive-Tree which yet remains there was delivered of these two Deities and that the Wood was Sacred by the Command of the Gods And that Apollo after he had killed the Cyclopes fled thither from Iupiter's Anger That Bacchils when he conquered the Amazons pardoned those that humbling themselves took hold on the Altar That Hercules added to the Rites of that Temple after he was Master of Lydia and their Priviledges were not lessened when under the Dominion of the Persians and afterwards the Macedonians preserved them LXIII Next the Magnesians insisted on the Constitutions of L. Scipio and L. Silla who conquered Antiochus and Mithridates and in acknowledgement of the Felicity and Valour of the Magnesians commanded Diana Lucofryne's Temple should be inviolable Then the People of Aphrodisium and Stratonica produced a Decree of Caesar the Dictator i During the Civil War betwixt him and Pompey and another since of Augustus for the Services done them and opposing an Invasion of the Parthians never departing from their Fidelity to the Romans Those worshipped Venus these Iupiter and Diana surnamed Trivia From Hierocesarea was brought greater Antiquity they having a Temple dedicated by K. Cyrus to Diana Persica and that Perpeâ—â—a Isauricus and many other Emperors had not only acknowledged this Temple for Sacred and Inviolable but the Country two miles about it The Cyprians pretended Franchises for three Temples whereof the ancientest was built by Aerias and conâ—ecrated to Venus Paphia k So nameâ— because this Temple was within the City of Pâ—phos now called Baâ—â—o the second dedicated by his Son Amathus to Venus Amathusia l There was in this Island a Place called Amatonte now Limisso but it is little more than a Village and the other to Iupiter Salaminius built by Teucer m He called this Temple of Iupiter Salamine in Honour of his Country when he fled from his Father Telamon LXIV The other Ambassadors had their Audiences too but the Senate growing weary with hearing so many and their Canvasings a Commission was given to the Consuls to examine their Titles and make a Report They made it very favourable for a Temple at Pergamuâ—â— dedicated to Esculapius n The Church of Orleâ—nâ— is the most â—amous and authentick Sanctâ—ary now in France and it may be in Europe The Priviledge the Bishops have upon their Entry to fâ—ee all the Criminals that 〈◊〉 thither from all Parts of the Kingdom except Traitoâ—s has been preserved by a Possession and uninterrâ—pted Enjoyment ever since S. Aignan and confirmed by the Consent of all the Kings of France and allowance of all the Couâ—ts and Magistrâ—â—es of the Kingdom that have never disputed this Right So the Learned Historian Adrian Valois has reason to wonder at the neglect of the People oâ— Orleans who â—east and celebrate by a general Procession the 8th of May because on that day they were deliveâ—ed â—rom a Siege of the English 1429. and seast not on the 14th of Iune the day their Ancestors drove out 〈◊〉 and the Huns that closely Beâ—ieged them Quem diem si quâ—ndo forte celebrare voluerint scianâ— anno 451. 18 Kal. Iulii qui est Iunii dies quarâ—â—â—â— decimus Hunnos urbe expulsos ac majores suos captivitaâ—e miserâ 〈◊〉 vinculis esse liberâ—tos Notitia Galliâ—rum â—it Genabum but that the Claims of the rest were grounded on obscure beginnings 1 There are a great many Priviledges and Exemptions of which we may say as a Doctor did of Constantine's Donation That it was read by the Blind heard by the Deaf and related by the Dumb. If according to Cardinal Perrâ—n all the Letters of the Pope's were forg'd by the Monks in â—â—â—â—lemaine's time there is great Reason to believe they are the Authors of the greatest part of their Registers by reason of their Antiquity Smyrna and Tenedos pretended both an Oracle of Apollo that commanded one of them to Dedicate a Temple to Venus Stratonicis the others a Statue and Temple to Neptune Those of Sardis and Miletum insisted on later Grants one of Alexander in Honour of Diana the other of Darius in Honour of Apollo The Cretensians desired the Image of Augustus might have some Priviledge Upon the whole the Senate made several Decrees whereby great Honours were allowed but Moderation 2 Princes should religiously forbear violating the Rights of the Church but when they degenerate and are abused they are obliged to apply necessary Remedies Theodorick King of Italy commanded the Magistrates to protect the Church and maintain it in its Rights without prejudice to his Authority Salvâ Civilitate says Cassiodore And it was in this Sense that Charles V. coming to be Crown'd Emperor in Italy answered the Pope's Legats that received him at Genoua That he would never Violate the Rights and Priviledges of the Church but so as to support those of the Empire without suffering the Church to change them Saaveâ—ra empresa 94. Don Iuan Antonio de Vera daâ—â— I'Epitome de sa Vie The Immunity the Ecclesiasticks have is good to Priviledge but not exempt them from their Duty it is to straiten the Circumference in which they are to live and not to give them head nor to suffer them to exceed those bounds of Modesty are requisite for their State prescribed to all commanding them to have the same in Tables of Brass and set them up in some publick Place in the Temples to
by the Graecians is a mere Fable and that the Persians gave a Relation of Xerxes's and Darius's Expeditions against Greece very different from what the Greeks themselves do but he carries his Point farther and as an Instance how little any History can be depended upon he tells you That of the most Eminent Greek Writers some make the Sea-Fight of Salamis to have been before that of Platea and others place it after Now it were I think a sufficient reply to all this Objection if a Man should urge That some Falshoods there are very reconcileable with Human Infirmity and such as according to the Distinction of the Schools though not true are yet no Lyes because they are utter'd in the Integrity of the Man's Heart But then as for the Impostures charged upon Tacitus by Tertullian and the Reproach of one of the most Scandalous and Profligate Authors extant cast upon him by Budâ—us their true Meaning is not to load him with such Accusations of Falshood as simple Ignorance or Inadvertency might acquit or excuse him in or the too easie Credit given to Mistakes generally receiv'd might be alledg'd in mitigation of But their Intention was to expose his impious Misrepresentations of the Christians the Scoffs and insolent Railleries against our Holy Religion attack'd by him in its very Foundations laid in the Old Testament his ridiculing the Miracles of Moses and reviling the Iews with Worshipping the Image of a Wild Ass. And these I acknowledge are Calumnies full of true Pagan Venom and such as no Man can be too severe in condemning But then I must take leave to urge withal that if this Author must be thrown aside in resentment for what he hath said to traduce the True GOD and the Christian Worship he must be banish'd in a great deal of Good Company For the same Rule will oblige us to burn almost all the Heathen Authors very few of whom are clear of endeavouring to blacken us by such kind of vile Aspersions The same Reply may serve to take off that Sâ—nâ—â—nce pronounc'd against this Author by Casaubon who in his Preface to Polybius affirms the Reading of Tacitus to be the most dangerous Study that Princes can employ themselves in by reason of the many ill Characters to be met with in his Works There is indeed a very ill Custom to which Casaubon is too much addicted That I mean of never bestowing a Man's Pains upon any Author without lowering the Reputation of all besides to gain more Credit and Authority to that One and however he might think fit to treat Tacitus upon this occasion we know that at other times he hath not been sparing in Commendations of him 'T is true his History now extant relates the Actions of the Worst and Wickedest Princes that perhaps ever were and it is our great Misfortune that those other Books of it which contain'd the Reigns of Emperours as eminently Good such as Vespasian Titus Nerva and Trajan are lost But at this rate no History in the World no not even that of the Bible it self can escape Censure if the exposing Ill Examples to publick View must be thought to deserve it For all treat of Bad as well as Good Men and require a Reader 's Iudgment and Care to distinguish between that part of the Account which ought to be imitated and that which ought to be avoided I cannot absolutely deny but in the Times of Tertullian there might be reason to apprehend some Danger from the bitter Invectives of Pagan Writers because the World was not then cleansed from Errours as now blessed be God by his Grace it is But I can by no means be brought to think that any Mischief is capable of being done by them now when every body sure is proof against such Calumnies and not in a condition to receive ill Impressions from any thing which the Infidelity they livâ—d in then might put them upon writing against the Gospel and its Doctrines Indeed without taking all this Pains Tacitus might have been left to stand upon his own Legs the general Esteem of his Works being more than enough to bear down all the Authorities we have been considering though no Arguments from the Reason of the thing had been brought to confute them But if it were necessary to balance one Authority against another besides the universal Consent and Approbation of Learned Men I am able to produce Two of weight sufficient to cast the Scale clearly on the other side The first is that of Tacitus the Emperour who in that highest Elevation this World is capable of did at Two hundred Years distance after this Historian's Death glory in the same Name and valued himself upon his Descent from so Great and Worthy an Ancestor As Marks of the Honour he bore to his Memory Statues of him were by his Order set up in the Libraries and Ten Transcripts of his Books made constantly f How little â—ffâ—ct this Order had is plain from the great part of Tacitus his Woâ—ks now lost Nor indeed was there time for any great good to come of his intended Respects for Tacitusâ— â—eign'd but Six Months every Year that so they might be preserv'd and handed down from one Age to another as we find they are now to ours The second is the Great Duke Cosmo de Medicis whose Memory will always live in Honour as long as Politics and Good Government to speak in the Language of his own Country continue to be cultivated and respected This Prince singled Tacitus out from the rest of the Historians as the Person most capable at once of forming his Iudgment and giving his Curiosity the most solid Satisfaction But to the Suffrage of Princes and Emperours we may indeed add the general Voice of Mankind For what can be a greater Testimony in his Honour than the Pains all Nations have taken to translate Tacitus into their own Language Besides his Annals and History he hath left us a Treatise concerning the different Sorts of People who inhabited Germany in his Time and their respective Manners and Customs as also the Life of his Father-in-Law Agricola Somâ— there are who father upon him the little Tract concerning the Causes of the Corruption and Decay of Latin Eloquence which others rather think to be Quintilian's But Lipsius seems to go upon better grounds when he thinks it cannot belong to either of them As for the little Collection of Facetiae which Fulgentius Planciades quotes under Tacitus his Name they are so manifestly supposititious that scarce any body but that wretched Grammarian was ever impos'd upon by them The genuine Compositions of Tacitus do very easily distinguish themselves both by their Matter and their Form By the former of which in agreement with Scaliger I am to understand the Diction or Manner of the Author and by the latter the Substance of Things treated of He is particularly remarkable for inserting Speeches upon all occasions sometimes only obliquely and hinting the
the World according to his own Method both as to the Chapters and Paragraphs in his larger Vol. with his Premonition to Princes The Life of Cardinal Richlieâ— In Two Vol. A new Voyage into Italy In Two Vol. By Maximilian Misson Adorn'd with Sculptures now Reprinting with large Additions A new Voyage into the Levant by the Sieur du Mont with Sculptures The Life of Monsieur Colbert The Compleat English Physitian or The Druggist's Shop opened Explicating all the Particulars of which Medicines are made with their Names Natures Preparations Vertues Uses and Doses and above 600 Chymical Processes By W. Salmon The Compleat Guide for Iustices of the Peace In two Parts The First Containing the Common and Statute-laws relating to that Office The Second Consisting of the most Authentick and useful Presidents By Iohn Bond of Gray's-Inn Esq The Second Edition enlarg'd and continu'd down to this time with a Table referring to all the Statutes relating to a Iustice of the Peace By E. Bohun Esq A View of all the Religions in the World from the Creation till these times To which is added The Lives Actions and Ends of Notorious Hereticks with their Effigies in Copper-plates The Sixth Edition By Alexander Ross. Emblems by Fr. Quarles The Elements of Euclid Explain'd in a New but most Easie Method with the Use of every Proposition through all Parts of the Mathematicks By Fr. de Chales Now made English and a Multitude of Errors Corrected The History of Scotland containing the Lives of Iames the I II III IV V with Memorials of State in the Reigns of Iames the VI. and Charles the I. By W. Drummond The Faithful Register or The Debates in four several Parliaments viz. That at Westminster Octob. 21. 1680 that at Oxford March 21. 1680 and the two last Sessions of King Iames. THE TRANSLATORS Vol. I. Book I. of the Annals Book II. Book III. VOL. II. Book IV. V. VI. Book XI Book XII XIII XIV Book XV. XVI VOL. III. The End of Nero and Beginning of Galba Book I. of the History Book II. Book III. Book IV. Book V. Notes on the 5th Book and Chronological Table The Life of Agricola An Account of the Ancient Germans By Pag. Mr. Dryden 1 Mr. William Higden A. M. 161 William Bromley Esq 289 Dr. Fearn 1 William Hart Esq 223 Sir F. M. 249 Mr. G. C. 377 Sir Henry Savilâ— I Sir H. S. 27 Dr. ... 97 Sir Roger L'Estrange 201 Mr. I. S. 297 Mr. Dennis 353 Mr. William Higden A. M. 37â— Iohn Potenger Esq Mr. R. THE ANNALS OF Cornelius Tacitus Book I. Vol. I. By Mr. DRYDEN ROME was govern'd at the first by a viz. Romulus its Founder who according to Tacitus rul'â—â— with Absolute Power Romulus ut libitum imperitaverat Ann. 3. Numa who Establish'd a Form of Divine Worship with High-Priests South-Sayers and Priests to perform the Ceremonies of the Sacrifices Numa religioâ—ibus divinâ— jure populum dâ—vinxit Ibid. Tullus Hostilius who taught the Romans the Art of making War and for this purpose Instituted Military Discipline Ancus Martius who adorn'd the City and Peopled it with the Sabines and the Latins whom he had Conquer'd and Built the City of 〈◊〉 to be a Port for the Romans Tarquin I. who built the Cirque and distinguished the Senators and the Knigâ—ts by exterior marks of Honour such as the Ivory Chair call'd in Latin Cella Curulis the Gold Ring the Purple Robe call'd Trabea the Pretexta or the Robe edg'd with Scarlet Servius Tullius who according to Tacitus was the Chief Law-giver of the Romans Praecipuus Servius Tullius sanctor legum fuit Ann. 3. took into the City the Quirinal the Esquiline and the Viminal Hills and caus'd his Laws to be engraven on Tables of Stone and Tarquin Sirnam'd the Proud who having ascended the Throne by Incest and by the Murder of Servius Tullius whose two Daughters he had Married and endeavouring to maintain himself in it by Violence and Terror was with his whole Family expell'd Rome Kings b Tacitus always opposes Liberty to Regal Power Res dissociabiles principatum libertatem In Agricola Haud facile libertas domini miscentur Hist. 4 a Master and Liberty are incompatible Tarquinius Prisâ—us says he Lib. 3. of his Hist. had laid the Foundation of the Capitol and afterwards Servius Tullius and Tarquin the Proud built it one with the Giâ—â—s of the Allies and the other with the Spoils of the Enemies but the Glory of finishing this great Work was reserved for Liberty As for Iuâ—â—us Brutus he was not only Author of the Consulship but also the first who Exercis'd it and with so great Zeal for his Country that not being content with having banished Collatine his Collegue only because he was of the Royal Family of the Tarquins he caus'd his own Sons to be beheaded who endeavoured to restore them to the Throne The two Magistrates on whom was transferr'd the Authority which the Kings had were call'd Consuls to signifie that they ought to assist the new Common-Wealth with their Counsels and not to Govern it according to their humour as the Kings had done Liberty 1 When once the Regal Power begins to degenerate into Tyranny the People aspire to Liberty and when once a Brutus appears that is a Head who is capable to give it they seldom fail to shake off the Yoke not only of the King who Tyrannizes but also of the Regal Power for fear there come another King who might Tyrannize also Occultior non Melior and the Consulship were introduc'd by Lucius Brutus the c The Dictator was a Sovereign Magistrate but whose Power lasted no longer than the Danger lasted which threatned the Common-Wealth so that he was no more than the Trustee of the Sovereign Authority The first whom the Romans created was in the War against the Latins who had given the Tarquins Protection his Name was Titus Lartius or Lâ—rgius He was call'd Dictator ab edicendo or ab edictando i. e. because he had authority to make Edâ—â—ts or because he was not chosen by the Suffrages of the People nor by the Scrutiny of the Senate as other Magistrates were but only Dictus named by the Consul and afterwards proclaimed by the People He was therefore named by the Consul saith Machiavel 〈◊〉 34. Lib. â— of his Discourses because as the Creation of a Dictator was a sort of a Dishonour to the Consul who from being chief Governor of the City became thereby subject as the rest to a Superior Power the â—â—â—ans would have him chosen by the Consuls themselves to the end that 〈…〉 as the City should stand in need of one they might be the more 〈◊〉 to chuse him and to have the less reluctance to obey him the Wounds which we voluntarily give our selves being far less sensible than those which others give us He had power to depose the Consuls witness Cincinnatus who deposed the Consul Minutius he suspended the Functions
Rome was never at rest after the Expulsion of its Kings until it return'd to the Government of a Single Person as to its first principle for in Tully's Opinion it was not the Regal Power but the Abuse of Regal Power which the Roman People hated 3 de Legib. under the Modest Title of Prince 2 A new Prince ought always to wave odious Titles for besides that Authority is not in Titles those which he accepts give Men occasion to judge of the good or bad dispositions which he brings with him to the Government It is natural to believe that a Prince who voluntarily assumed a Title which shocks his Subjects will take no great care to be belov'd and will make it his principal Maxim Oderint dum metuant Pope Paul II. gave People an ill opinion of his Pontificate from the Day of his Exaltation by being desirous to take the name of Formâ—sus And indeed his Vanity which sprang thence made him to do many things unbecoming a Pope for according to Platina's Relation he Painted and Dress'd like a Woman of the Senate f He had yet no Superiority over the Senators who was equal to him in every thing except Precedency and for this Reason Dio calls him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. the first of the Senate This Title was in use under the ancient Common-Wealth The first who was honour'd with it was Fabius Ambustus about the Year of Rome 435. The Consuls were more than the Prince of the Senate for they were Princes of the People But all the good or adverse Fortune which happen'd to the Ancient Republique of the Romans has already been related by great Authors 1 They who relate only these things which make for the Honour of their Country and suppress the rest are good Citizens but very bad Historians Dum patriam laudat dum damnat Poggius hostes Nec malus est civis nec bonus historicus In Tacitus's Opinion History is always better written by the Subjects of a Republick than by those of a Monarchy because Flattery reigns less in Republicks Neither were there wanting Famous Wits to transfer the Actions of Augustus to future Ages till they were hinder'd by the Growth of Flattery 2 Flattery increases in proportion as Government is Establish'd It began under the Reign of Augustus but it was at its height under that of Tiberius To see the Extravagant Progress which it made in a little time among Writers we need only compare the History of Paterculus with that of Livy This was written under a Common-Wealth the other under a Monarchy It Augustus call'd Livy Pompeian he would certainly have call'd Paterculus Tiberian During the Reigns of Tiberius Caligula Claudius and Nero their several Actions were falsify'd through fear while they were yet living and after their Decease were traduc'd through the recent hate of their Historians 3 The History of bad Princes is never Written faithfully not during their life because they are fear'd nor after their Death because they are calumniated And besides those who have made their Fortunes under them believe that it is permitted to them to lye by way of gratitude So that Posterity are equally deceived by both Ita neutris cura posteritatis inter infensos vel obnoxios Hist. 1. For which reason I shall only give you here a Summary Account of those Actions which were perform'd by Augustus in the latter part of his Life and afterwards the History of Tiberius and of the three succeeding Emperors the whole without Partiality or Prejudice to neither of which I can have a Motive 4 They who undertake to write History ought to indulge neither to the Love nor the Hatred which they have towards the Persons they are to speak of Neither their Animosities nor their Acknowledgments ought to pass from their Heart to their Writings they should set themselves above Hope and Fear that they may be at Liberty to speak Truth Every one saith d' Aubigne protests at his setting out to make up his wants of Abilities by an exact Fidelity every one boasts of Liberty and of laying his passions at his Feet even such a one who in the very beginning shews that his Pen and his Conscience are sold to Favour Preface of his Universal History After the Death of Cassius and Brutus when there were none remaining to take up Arms for Liberty the Younger Pompey being defeated in Sicily Lepidus dispossess'd of his Command and that Marc Anthony had lost his Life together with his Power Augustus the only Survivor of the three Competitors and Heir of Caesar laying down the Title of Triumvir 1 When a Prince ceases to be Cruel and grows Merciful all the Evil that he hath done is attributed to Necessity and the Unhappiness of the Times and all the Good that he doth to his own Nature Augustus effaced all the Footsteps of his Triumvirate by quitting the Title of Triumvir and it may be said that his Clemency did the Roman Common-Wealth more mischief than his Triumvirate seeing it made the People â—ame for Servitude by making them love him for a Master whom they before abhorr'd as a Triumvir took up the less invidious Name of Consul and pretended to satisfy himself with the Tribunitial Power thereby to protect the People 2 They who have oppress'd the Liberties of Common-Wealths have almost all of them begun by defending it for the People accustom themselves insensibly to obey him who knows how to deceive them under the specious Title of a Defender It was by this fine Name Pagano della Terra made himself Lord of Milan and the Duke of Atenâ—s of Florence in their Rights and Privileges but when he had once gain'd the Soldiery to his Interest by rewards 3 An Army hath always a greater love for the Gifts which are bestow'd on them and the Licentiousness which is allow'd them than for the publick Liberty Donis corrumpebatur says Livy malebat licentiam suam quam omnium libertatem the People by Donatives and plenty of Provisions 4 The Common People love their Bellies better than their Liberty and allur'd all in general by the Mildness of his Government He began by degrees to incroach upon them and to draw into his own hands the Authority of the Senate of the Magistrates and Laws none daring to oppose him the most violent of his Enemies being either slain in Battle or cut off by Proscriptions and the remaining Nobility the more ready they were to enter into Servitude the more sure of Honours and Preferment Besides that they who found their account in the Change of Government were more willing to embrace the Present Slavery with an assur'd prospect of Ease and Quiet than to run the Hazard of new Dangers for the recovery of their Ancient Freedom 1 It is as dangerous to attempt to restore Liberty to a People who desire to have a Master as to endeavour to bring a
and when the more sober Party were withdrawn to Rest assembled the Band of Mutineers At length many others who were Promoters of Sedition being associated with him he question'd them like a General who Harangues his Army on these following Propositions XI Why they paid a Slavish Obedience to a small number of Centurions and a less of g In elder Times the Military Tribunes had none above them but the General but afterwards the Lieutenant-Generals took their Place So that these Tribunes were much the same with our Colonels or Commanders of a thousand Men for there were six of them in every Legion which ordinarily consisted of six thousand Men. Their Office was to distribute the Generals Orders to give the Word to the Sentinels to take care of Fortifications to try Deserters and Mutineers for their Lives c. Sometimes Tribunuâ— Militum is taken for the chief Commander of a Legion and sometimes of a Cohort and hence it came to pass that the Romanâ— had not so many Officers as we have Tribunes 1 An Army which comes to consider its own Multitude and the small number of its Officers is very apt to desire to free it self from Discipline and makes a Iest of petitioning for those Things which they know well enough durst not be refused them if they have recourse to Force When would they have the Courage to expose their Grievances and require a Remedy if not now in the unsettled Condition of a new Emperour 2 The Male-contents of a preceding Reign find the beginning of the succeding to be the most favourable time to have their Demands heard This was the Policy the People of Ghant used towards Charles Duke of Burgundy who was forced to grant them all they demanded that he might not have two Wars on his Hands at once Duke Philip his Father having left him one with Liege Memoirs of Commines l. 2. c. 4. Pope Innocent the Ninth said That the beginning of a Reign was not a time for Negotiations but for Congratulations and Rejoycings to free himself by this handsom Excuse from the Importunities of those who came to beg Favours of him with whom they safely might Expostulate or if need were demand Redress by force of Arms They had in their own Wrong been already silent for the space of many Years when would they be weary of so tame a Patience Not the least Account was made of thirty or forty Years of Service without mentioning the Infirmities of Age the greatest part of them had their Bodies mangl'd and their Limbs disabl'd with their Wounds That even they who were exempted from their daily Duties yet saw no end of their Sufferings being still retain'd under their Colours they still endur'd the same Miseries without other Advantage than that of a more honourable Name h They were called Veterans i. e. Soldiers who had compleated their time of Service If some amongst them surviv'd so many Misadventures they were sent into remote Countries where under the specious Title of Rewards they had Fens allotted them to drain or barren Hills of cultivate That the Trade of Warfare waâ— of it self Laborious and Unprofitable that they earn'd a hard Livelihood of Eight Pence a Day i The Roman Denarius or Penny was worth ten Asses but under Augustus it was worth sixteen about Sevenpence-Halfpenny of our Money or little more out of which they were to supply themselves with Clothing Tents and Arms and pay their exacting Centurions for their Exemption from Military Duties 3 It is impossible that an Army should be ever well disciplined in which the Officers sell Exemptions from Watches and other Military Duties or that it should not abound with Male-contents seeing that all the Soldiers who buy these Exemptions continuing useless the rest must necessarily be oftner upon Duty and withal more exposed to Dangers Inter paucos pericula ac labor crebrius redibanâ— Hist. 2. That the Blows of their Officers their Mayms the Severity of the Winter the insufferable Toyls of Summer k Because they continued Day and Night a bloody War and a barren Peace were endless Evils for which there was no other Remedy than not â—o list themselves for Soldiers under the Daily Pay of a Roman Penny or Denarius l They demanded a Penny in Specie in stead of ten Asses in Money because the Penny was then worth sixteen Asses covenanting also to be discharg'd from Service at the end of Sixteen Years to be sent to their respective Homes to receive their Pay in Silver and in the Camp where they had serv'd shall then the Praetorian Soldiers receive each of them a double Sallary to ours and be dismissed after Sixteen Years of Warfare Are their Actions or Sufferings to be compar'd with ours I speak not this either out of Envy or Contempt but at least we may say for our Reputation that being in the midst of barbarous and fierce Nations we have our Enemies in view even from our Tents XII The whole Company receiv'd his Oration with a general applause though from different motives some of them shew'd the Marks of the Civil Blows which their Officers had given them Others their hoary Hair and many bar'd their Flesh ill cover'd with old and â—atter'd Cloaths In short they were inflaâ—'d to that heighth of rage that they propos'd the Uniting the three Legions into one m To make themselves more formidable by this Union and to be always in a readiness to make a common Effort if their General should think fit to employ Force against them but their jealousy put a stop to that every Man pretending to the chief Honour for his own Legion They bethought themselves of another Expedition which was for mixing the three Eagles confusedly with the Ensigns of the Cohorts which having done they rais'd a Tribunal on sods of Grass that the Seat might be the farther seen Blesus arriving thereupon took those by the Arm whom he met in his Passage and reproach'd them with great Severity 1 Firmness is the best of Arms against Men in Sedition especially in unforeseen Accidents for in a surprise a Man not having time to counterfeit shews what he is and consequently all his Courage or all his Weakness Thus when a General immediately resists the Fury of a seditious Army Admiration succeeds into the place of Insolence and Fear seizes them when once they see that they are not terrible enough to be feared and that their General hath Courage and Resolution to despise them In some occasions saith Cardinal de Richelieu to speak and act with Resolution when one hath the Right of his side is so far from making a Rupture that on the contrary it is the way to prevent it and stifle it in its Birth Second Part of his Politick Testament ch 2. Rather dip your Hands said he to the Mutineers in the live Blood of your General it will be a less Crime for you to murder me than
old Camp The Sedition was begun by them there was no Crime so heinous which they had not committed and to compleat their Villany they were still for pushing on their Fury to the utmost nothing frighted with the Punishment of some nothing mov'd with Remorse or with the Penitence of others Germanicus therefore gave his Orders to prepare Vessels on the Rhine resolving to terrifie them into Duty in case they persisted in their Disobedience XXXIX The News of this Revolt amongst the Legions being come to Rome before the Event of the other in Pannonia was known the City struck with Fear began to murmur against Tiberius accusing him that while he by his artificial Delays and Dissimulations was still imposing on the People and the Senate which were both of them unarm'd and without Power in the mean time the Soldiers were raising a Rebellion They said that the two young Princes for want of Knowledge and Authority could not hold the Armies in Obedience It was his Duty to go in Person thither and oppose the Majesty of the Empire to the Mutineers who would never dare to make Head against a Prince of consummate Wisdom and Experience and who alone had their Life and Death at his Dispose that Augustus in his declining Age and languishing with Sickness had taken many Iourneys into Germany and that Tiberius now in the Vigour of his Years led a sedentary Life at Rome and employ'd his Time in cavilling at the Expressions of the Senators that he very sufficiently provided for domestick Slavery that it was now incumbent on him to restrain the License of the Soldiers and teach them how to behave themselves in Peace 1 Soldiers cannot love Peace because it confounds them with the Citizens and subjects them to the Laws from which they set themselves at liberty with Impunity in time of War Militares artes per otium ignotae industriosque ac ignavos pax in aequo tenet Ann. 12. The Citizens saith Sir W. Temple pretend to live in safety under the Protection of the Laws which the Soldiers would subject to their Sword and to their Will Chap. of his Remarks on the United Provinces XL. Tiberius was unmov'd at these e Fabius Maximus whose Method was not to fight slighted those envious Persons who in a Ieer called him The Temporiser and Hannibal's Paedagogue saying That it was greater Cowardice to fear the Iudgments of the People than to fear the Enemy But all Captains saith Livy l. 4. have not that strength of Mind which Fabius had who would rather unjustly suffer the diminution of his Authority than do otherwise than what was his Duty to gain the Approbation of the People Seneca saith That there is nothing more ridiculous than a Man who stands in fear of what others will say of him Nil sâ—ultius est homine verba metuente Contradiction in stead of Shoâ—king doth but fortifie and â—arden a resolved Mind Discourses 1 An able Prince ought not to take his Measures from what the People say who always speak by a Passion Non ex ruâ—â—ore statuendum Ann. 3. It is a good Commendation which Tacitus gives Tiberius that he was always a great Enemy to the Reports of the Town Tiberium speruendis Rumâ—ribus validum An. 3. So that Paterculus ought not to be suspected of Flattery in saying That he was an excellent Iudge of what he ought to do and that he embraced not what the Multitude did approve but what they ought to approve For saith he he was more concerned for his Duty than for his Reputation and the Army never directed the Counsels and the Designs of the General but the General always gave Laws to his Army Ch. 113 115. Amiâ—ato saith That Princes who disquâ—et themselves with the Iudgments of the People fall into the same Error with those who scruple certain Things which are not sinful for as the Scrupulous sin by the Opinion which they have of sinning altho they have not sinn'd so Princes who are concerned to hear the People blame what they have done or are doing with good Counsel and thorough Information shew that they have not acted upon certain Principles but by false Prejudices Disc. 7. of l. 3. A Baron of Chevreau who served in Flanders under the Duke of Alva perceiving that the Duke would not hazard a Battel which the Officers judged convenient to fight threw his Pistol in Anger on the Ground saying The Duke will never fight To whom the Duke who had heard him answered That he was pleased to see the Desire which the Soldiers had to fight the Enemy because their Profession required it but that â— General ought to consider nothing but conquering It is ordinary for Soldiers saith the Author who furnishes me with this Example to desire to â—ight to get Reputation by shewing their Courage but the Repuâ—atâ—on of Generals depends upon knowing how to conquer without losing a Soldier if it be possible and consequently not to fight unless they are invited to it by the Necessity of relieâ—ing a Place or by a most certain Advantage Thus they ought never to comply with the Will of the Soldiers if Reason doth not absolutely require it for a Captain hath never suffer'd himself to be prevail'd on by the Discourses and Importunities of his Army but he hath been afterwards beaten by his Enemies Bernard de Mendoza's Memoirs l. 4. c. 11. having fix'd his Resolutions not to leave the Seat of Empire 2 The capital City of a Kingdom according to Tacitus is the Centre and Helm of Affairs Caput Rerum and consequently the Prince's Presence is most necessary there especially in the beginning of a Reign If the Great Pompey had not left Rome where he was the strongest Caesar would have had a great Difficulty to have entred it Philip the Second consulting in his Council Whether he should go into Flanders Don Iohn Manriqua de Lara said wisely That the War being in a remote Country the King ought not to leave the Heart of his Kingdom whence issued out the Strength and the Preservation of all the other Parts Gabrera's Philip the Second l. 7. c. 7. In the Year 1591 the City of Saragossa having made an Insurrection against him about the Privileges of the Tribunal which they call El Iustitia he would never go thither although the People of Madrid and several even of the Grandees aggravated the Danger and when they had reported to him what every one said of him on this Occasion he answered That it was not agreable to the Grandeur of the Monarchy that the Prince for a rebellious City should quit that whence he gave Motion to his whole Empire Herrera's Second Part of his History l. 7. c. 20. No Reason of State nor of War saith Cabrera requires that a King should hazard his Person because neither Vigilance nor Fortune are sufficient Guarantees for the Safety of Princes who ought not to ground their Deliberations on the
Duke of Braganza's Brother and Children who were in Exile that he might not in the beginning of his Reign shew that he had a Design to change what Iohn the Second his Predecessor had done and that he might not make them his Enemies to whom Iohn had given their confiscated Estates Ch. 13. of his History to more rigid Customs which had so long been accustom'd to a soft voluptuous way of Living The Year of Rome 768. XLVIII Under the Consulship of Drusus and Norbanus a Triumph for Germanicus was decreed though the War was yet in being And though he had made great Preparations for the Summer following yet he anticipated the Time by a sudden Irruption in the beginning of the Spring into the Country of the Catti For there were Grounds of Hope that Factions would arise among them some taking part with Arminius others with Segestes both of them very considerable to the Romans one by his breach of Faith the other by his Constancy Arminius had disturb'd the Peace of Germanicus and kindl'd the War against the Romans Segestes had openly declar'd in the last solemn Festivals and many times before they rose in Arms that a Conspiracy was hatching to Revolt at the same time advising Varus 1 The good Opinion which most Great Men have of their Ability or of their Strength makes them often neglect to search the bottom of the Cabals and Conspiracies which are formed against them I never saith Commines knew a Prince who was able to know the difference betwixt Men until he came into Necessity and into Trouble They who act in Fear provide well against Contingencies and oftner succeed than those who proceed with Pride For which Reason 't is no Shame to be Suspicious but it is a great Shame to be deceived and to be ruined by Negligence C. 12. of l. 1. the 4 th of the 2 d. and the 5th of the 3 d. About the middle of the last Age there happened a Revolution at Sienna which serves for a Lesson to Governours A Spark of this general Conspiracy against the Emperour saith Iohn Ant. de Vera flew from the Kingdom of Naples to Sienâ—a where Don Diego de Mendosa then commanded but this Spark entred so subtilly that although Don Diego had Notice given him of it he yet found somewhat in the outward Carriage of the People wherewith to flatter his Incredulity which in the end cost him very dear for the People of Sienna coming to cry out Liberty drove the Spaniards and the Florentines out of their City and received a French Garison in their stead Epitome of the Life of Charles the Fifth And this was the cause that Don Diego who had been so great a Man in his Youth was not employed in his old Age so that his riper Years paid for the Faults of his younger Thus Le Dom Baltazar de Suninga speaks of him in the Extract of his Life which he hath prefixed to his History of the Wars of Grenada in which he hath very much imitated the Stile of Tacitus to secure Arminius and himself and all the Leading Men of the Germans the People not being in any capacity of Rebelling when they were unfurnish'd of Commanders And this once done Varus would have sufficient Leisure to distinguish afterwards betwixt the Guilty and the Innocent 2 This is what all Governours ought to do upon Notice given them of Conspiracies which are a forming against the Prince and the State immediately to secure saith a Politician the Persons suspected and the Places which they command that they may afterwards at leisure inform themselves what there is in it and finding them guilty punish them according to the Exigence of the Case For in such Occurrences Incredulity is perilous all Delays are dangerous the least Iealousie is reputed a Crime and the slightest suspicious make room for Iustice to take place which cannot be too rigorous Rigour in such a case passing for Clemency and Favour for Rigour Thus Princes and Ministers of State in Treasonable Practices ought in the first place to take the Buckler of Resolution and afterwards to unsheath the Sword of Iustice either against the Heads only of the Conspiracy for Example or against all that are engaged in it for the Offence In the Memoirs of Montresor The Cardinal de Richelieu strongly maintains this Maxim In the course of ordinary Affairs saith he Iustice requires an authentick Proof but it is not the same in those which concern the State For in such a case that which appears by pressing Conjectures ought sometimes to be held to be sufficiently proved because Conspiracies which are formed against the publick Safety are commonly managed with so much Cunning and Secrecy that there is never any evident Proof thereof but by their Event which admits of no Remedy In these cases we must sometimes begin with the Execution whereas in all others legal Evidence by Witnesses or undeniable Papers is preferable to all other Ways Pol. Test. p. 2. c. 5. But Varus perish'd by his Destiny 3 The Power of the Destinies saith Paterculus is not to be surmounted when they will destroy any one they pervert his Counsels and take away his Iudgment Ch. 57. and 118. Commines saith When God is so highly offended that he will no longer endure a Person but will shew his Power and his Divine Iustice then he first diminishes the Understanding of Princes so that they shun the Counsel of the Wise c. Cap. ult of l. 5. of his Memoirs Ierom Moron Chancellor of Millain was esteemed the greatest Politician that was in Italy and yet he fell into the Nets of the Marquis of Pesquera whom all his Friends advised him to beware of as of a Man who would infallibly sacrifice him to Charles the Fifth A Thing which appeared so much the stranger to me saith Guichardin because I remember that Moron often told me in the time of Leo the Tenth That there was not a worse nor a more perfidious Man in Italy than the Marquis of Pesquera His History l. 6. and by the Valour of 4 It is no small Question amongst Politicians and Soldiers Whether it is better for a General of an Army to have great Courage with a moderate Understanding or a great Understanding with moderate Courage The Cardinal de Richelieu gives the Preference to great Courage and afterwards adds This Proposition will appear it may be surprising it being contrary to what many have thought of this matter but the Reason of it is evident Men of great Courage are not put into a Consternation by danger and consequently all the Understanding and Iudgment which God hath given them is serviceable to them on such Occasions On the contrary Men of little Courage being easily put into a Consternation find themselves so disordered at the least Danger that how great an Understanding soever they have it is utterly unserviceable to them because their Fear deprives them of the Use of it As
a General of an Army should not have Courage that is void of Iudgment so neither ought he to have too much Flegm or too much Speculation because it is to be feared that the foresight of many Inconveniencies which may happen but which do not may hinder him from attempting Things which would succeed in the Hands of others who are less Speculative and more Daring Politcical Test. par 2. sect 4. c. 9. Arminius a This young Man saith Paterculus was of a robust Constitution had a quick Apprehension and a delicate and penetrating Wit beyond what is to be imagined of a Barbarian Considering that nothing is more easie than to destroy those who fear nothing and that overmuch Confidence is the most ordinary cause of great Misfortunes he communicates his Design at first to very few People but afterwards to many more And this Resolution was so immediately followed with the Execution of it that Varus having neglected the first Advice of Segestes had not time to receive a second from him ch 118. Charles Duke of Burgundy committed the same Error that Varus did and perished like him by refusing to give Audience to a Country Gentleman named Cifron who came to discover to him the Treason of the Count de Campobasso and by not crediting the Intelligence which Lewis the Eleventh sent him by the Lord de Contay his Ambassador in France that this Count was selling his Life Whereby you see saith Commines that God infatuated him on this occasion Memoirs l. 4. â— ult l. 3. c. 6 â— For Segestes though he was drawn into the War by the general Consent of his Country-men yet he liv'd in perpetual Discord with Arminius and the bad Understanding betwixt them was increas'd by a particular Offence for Arminius had taken away by force his Daughter Thusnelda betroth'd already to another Thus the Father-in-Law and Son were equally hateful to each other and those mutual Ties which commonly beget Friendship were now the Provocations to the most bitter Enmity 5 As Princes seldom marry but by Interest not for Love Alliance is so far from being a Band of Friendship betwixt them that it opens a Gap to new Pretensions which grow into Quarrels and afterwards into Wars The last Duke of Burgundy hated Edward King of England and the whole House of York against which he assisted the House of Lancaster whence came his Grandmother by the Mother's side and yet at last he married Margaret Sister to Edward only to strengthen himself against King Lewis the Eleventh But as this Alliance was not made but by State-Interest and that both of them might gain their Ends the Duke notwithstanding hated Edward on whom he made biting Iests and Edward offer'd Lewis to joyn with him and to bear part of the Charges if he would continue the War against the Duke Commines l. 1. c. 5. l. 3. c. 4. l. 4. c. 8 11. of his Memoirs XLIX Germanicus on this Account commanded out Cecina with Four Legions Five thousand Auxiliary Soldiers and some Companies of Germans rais'd in haste from some Places on this side the Rhine He himself conducted a like Number of Legions but double the Number of Allies and having built a Fortress on the old Foundations which his Father had laid and which were yet standing he march'd with great speed against the Catti leaving behind him Lucius Apronius with Order to take care that if the Rivers should overflow by any sudden fall of Rains yet the Ways might be kept in repair and continue passable For in setting forward he found the Waters so very low and the Ways so dry a Thing uncommon in that Climate that he found no difficulty in his March but he feared in his return it might be otherwise He came so suddenly upon the Catti that the old Men the Women and the Children were either kill'd at first or taken Prisoners and the young Men forc'd to swim the River of Adrana b Now the Eder who attempting afterwards to obstruct the Romans in the building of a Bridge over it were repuls'd by their Arrows and their Engines These Hopes failing and their Propositions for Peace being also rejected some of them came over and submitted to Germanicus the rest forsaking their Cantons retir'd into the Fastnesses of their Woods Germanicus having burn'd Martium c Now Marpurg the Capital City of Hesse their Capital Town ravag'd all the Low-lands and took his March backwards to the Rhine the Enemy not daring to attack his Rear as their Custom is when they â—eign to fly rather through Stratagem than Fear The Cherusci d The People of Brunswick and of Thuring were desirous to have succour'd their Friends thâ— Catti but they were apprehensive of Cecina who caâ—ry'd far and near the Terrour of his Arms. On the contrary the Marsi having presum'd to charge him were vigorously repuls'd and entirely routed L. Some time afterwards there came Deputies from Segestes to desire his Assistance against his Country-men who had besieg'd him for Arminius had there the stronger Party because he had advis'd the War 1 As there is nothing subject to greater Iealousie nor more difficult to preserve amongst powerâ—ul Neighbours than Liberty they who advise War appear to have a greater Affection for their Country than those who advise Peace and consequently have more Credit amongst their Fellow-Citizens It was by this Method that Maurice Prince of Orange who looked on the Treaty of 1609. as the Ruine of his Authority in Holland where he aimed at the Sovereignty found means to destroy Iohn Barnevelt who had been the principal Promoter of this Treaty by perswading the People by Pamphlets that this great Man was corrupted by the Spanish Gold and held Intelligence with this King for the reduction of the United Provinces to his Obedience it being the common Practice of Barbarians only to love and esteem those Persons who are Fierce and Daring and more especially in unquiet Times Segestes had added to the Deputies his Son Segimond though the Mind of the young Man was wholly averse to that Employment 2 When a Subject is conscious that he is guilty of Tâ—eason he ought not to trust to the Prince's Clemency if he hath not good Security of it If my Mother was my Iudge said Alcibiades I would not trust her with much greater Reason they who have the Prince for Iudge and Party ought to take good Security before they surrender themselves into his Hands The Cardinal Alphonso Petrucci was no sooner come to Rome but Leo the Tenth caused him to be arrested and afterwards strangled in Prison altho he came thither under the Security of the Pope's safe Conduct whereof the Spaâ—ish Ambassador was Guarantee The Landgrave of Hesse was cheated by the Confidence he reposed in Charles the Fifth with whom he had two Electors and several other Princes of the Empire for Intercessors for the Year in which all Germany revolted being created Priest of
the following Night without Fires without Provisions and without Tents the greatest part of them all bruis'd and naked and more miserable than those who are surrounded by their Enemies because their Death was without Honour whereas the others were in a capacity of selling their Lives at a dear Rate and dying not ingloriously The return of Day restor'd them to dry Land and afforded them the means of retiring to the Rhine b The Latin hath the Weser but it ought there to have the Rhine where was the Winter Quarters of the Legions For Vitellius carried the two Legions into the Gaules whereas to have gained the Weser which was beyond the Ems had been to have carried them into Germany There is more reason to conclude that the word Visurgim is slipt in for Vidrum called now the Wecht which is one of the Mouths of the Rhine than to attribute this Error to Tacitus who always places the Weser where it is at this Day whither Germanicus had already brought his Forces The two Legions reimbark'd with him while the Rumour yet continu'd that they were lost which was obstinately believ'd till all the World had seen the return of Germanicus with his Army LXV During this Interval Stertinius was gone to receive Segimer the Brother of Segestes and brought him together with his Son into the City of the Ubians A Pardon was granted to both of them to the Father without any difficulty because he had surrender'd himself of his own free motion but more hardly to his Son because he was accus'd to have insulted the dead Body of Varus As for the rest Spain Gaul and Italy seem'd to vye with each other in sending Horses Arms and Silver to Germanicus to repair the Losses which his Army had sustain'd But he with high Praises of their Zeal accepted only of the Arms and Horses which he wanted to carry on the War being resolved to supply the Soldiers with his own Money And to efface wholly from their Memory the Thoughts of their late Suffering by his Kindness he visited the Wounded desir'd to see their Hurts commended every one in particular according to the Merits of his Service 1 Caresses and Praises are in stead of all Rewards to brave Men. Cardinal de Richelieu saith That Henry the Fourth being under an extream Necessity paid his Servants with good Words and made them do Things with his Caresses upon which his Weakness permitted him not to put them by other ways Pol. Test. part 1. c. 6. some he inflam'd with desire of Honour others with the hopes of Riches In short whether by his Affability or the Care which he took of them he won them all to be at his Devotion and ready to follow him in any Danger LXVI In the same Year the Triumphal Ornaments were decreed to his Lieutenants Aulus Cecina Lucius Apronius and Caius Silius Tiberius reâ—us'd the Title of Father of his Country c Sueton saith That he resolutely refused the Title of Father of the Country and the Senates swearing to his Acts for fear lest one Day they should think him unworthy of two so great Honours Ne mox majore dedecore impar tantis honoribus inveniretur which the People were often desirous to have given him nor even would permit that they should take their Oaths upon his 1 There is no Prince so wise saith Commines who doth not sometimes fail and very often if he lives long and thus would it be found in their Actions if Truth had been always spoken of them Lib. 5. cap. 13. Acts d It was an Oath which the Magistrates took to hold for well done whatsoever the Prince should do during his Reign They renewed it every Year on the First of Ianuary It was by this Oath that the Romans open'd the Gap to Slavery for to ratifie and to hold for Authentick whatsoever the Prince should please to ordain was to put an Arbitrary Power into his Hands and to banish Liberty Lewis the Eleventh seemed to exact a like Oath when he said That none ought ever to withstand the Prince's Will no not when he was out of his Wits many times repeating these words That there was nothing stable in this Life and that the more he was exalted the more in danger of a Fall 2 This Doctrine can never be too much inculcated on Princes who for the most part presume much on their Power Would to God that each Prince in the course of his Reign might only meet with such a Minister or a Confident as he was who said to Philip the Second Sir Be moderate acknowledge God on Earth as well as in Heaven lest he grow weary of Monarchies and provoked by the Abuse which Kings make of their Power in usurping his he give another form of Government to the World Anthony Perez in one of his Spanish Letters It was very strange Discourse in the Mouth of a Pope Paul the Fourth who told the Cardinals That he would make his Memory immortal by the Dominions which he would give his Family according to the Grandeur of the Pontisicate by virtue of which he had Emperours and Kings at his Feet Cabrera's Hist. l. 2. c. 2. But this affected Modesty of his gain'd him not a better Opinion with the People for he had lately revived the Law of High-Treason for Offences committed against the Person or Dignity of the Prince which 't is granted had the same Name in the Times of our Fore-Fathers but was not of the same Extent 3 Bad Princes turn all Offences into new Articles of Treason to render them unpardonable under a pretence of not going against Reason of State If any one had betray'd his General in War or rais'd Sedition or dishonour'd the Majesty of the Roman People in the publick Exercises of his Function he was attainted for a Crime of State Actions were punishable but Words were free Augustus was the first who comprehended Libels within the Cognizance of the Law being provok'd by the Petulancy of Cassius Severus who had deâ—am'd in his Writing Men and Women of the highest Quality 4 A wise Prince ought not to suffer those Satyrical Writers to go unpunished who make a Trade to bespatter the Reputation of great Men of Magistrates and of private Persons The Prince who suffers them draws upon himself the Hatred of those who find themselves injured by these Verses Portraitures and secret Histories wherewith they feed or rather poison the Publick Iam saevus aportam In rabiem verti coepit jocus per honestas Ire domos impune minax Hor. Ep. l. 2. ep 1. It was perhaps none of the least of the good Actions of Pope Sixtus the Fifth in punishing that Poet whom he sent to the Galleys for a Sonnet which he made on an Advocate 's Wife wherein whose Name he made to rhime with the word Putana notwithstanding she was of an unblemished Life A Punishment to which this Pope condemned him
the Tiberius of our Kings obtain'd his ends of the King of England and the Dukes of Normandy of Britany of Burgundy and of the Dutchess of Savoy who were all in a Confederacy against him by as many Particular Treaties which baâ—â—led all their ill designs After the Death of the Duke of Burgunay he Re-united to his Crown Peronne Mondidier Roie Arras Hesdin and Boâ—logne by gaining the Lord of Cordes who was Governor thereof And Coâ—â—â—ines saith that he could not in a long time have done thaâ— by Force which he did by secret ln telligence by the means of this Lord Lib. 5. Cap. 15. 16. And of all the Persons that I ever knew Lewis XI was the most dextrous in getting himself out of the Briars in times oâ— Adversity and in gaining to his interest a Man that could serve or hurt him Lib. 1. Cap. 10. It was by this way that he oblig'd the Sigambri p The People of Guelderland and Friesâ—and to submit the Suâ—vi and King Marobodâ—â—s to accept a Peace That now the Romans were reveng'd and their Honour repair'd the Cherusci and the other rebellious Nations might be securely left to worry one another by Domestick Quarrels Germanicus desiring one Year more to compleat his Undertaking 3 Iealous and Suspicious Princes as Tiberius was had rather lose a certain Good than to be oblig'd for it to a Captain whose Glory gives them jealousie They love Conquests very well but commonly they cannot enduâ—e the Conquerors Cardinal Richelieu said that there is no Prince in a worse Condition than â—e who instead of governing himself with respect to the Publick Interests hath Passion for his Guide and who being not able always to do himself the things which he is obliged to is uneasie to let them be done by another and that to be capable to suffer himself to be served is not one of the least Qualities which a great King can have Chap. 6. de la 1 partie de son Testament Pol. Observe by the way the Malignity of Tiberius He calls Germaniâ—us to the Enjoyment of the Consulship and to the Honour of a Triumph before he had compleated the Conquest of Germany to turn that into Grace and Favour to him which he was upon the Point of meriting under the Title of a Reward By this advance he chang'd the Obligation and would have that appear to be the Effect of Paternal Kindness which was Tyrannical injustice Tiberius more briskly attacks his Modesty with the Offer of a New Consulship which he was to execute at Rome in Person adding That if the War should continue he ought to leave it as a Scene of Glory for his Brother Drusus who now the Empire had no other Enemies could not acquire the Title of Imperator nor merit a Triumph unless in the German War 4 Thus Princes endeavour to justifie their Resolutions by specâ—ous Reasons notwithstanding they have power to command absolutely Modesty serves for a Cover of the Injustice Germanicus press'd it no farther though he knew well enough 5 The more insight we have into the Thoughts of Princes the less we ought to discover it for nothing offends them more than to shew them that we are more cunning than themselves Part of our respect saith Tacitus consists in feigning that we understand nothing of their Artifices Intelligebantur artes sed pars obsequii in â—o ne depreâ—enderentur Hist. that these were no other than specious Pretences and that he was recall'd through Envy when he was at the very Point of accomplishing his glorious Enterprizes q Philip II. of Spain a Prince who had much of Tiberius in him dealt almost in the same manner with his Brother Don Iohn of Austria in giving the Command of the Army in the War of Grenada to Don Lewis Fejarâ—o Marquis of Vâ—lez under colour of â—asing Don Iohn who had the whole weight of the Government of this Kingdom upon him but in truth to take out of his hands the Glory of reducing the Rebels which were already much weakned Dâ—â—go de Mendoza Cap. â— Lib. 3. of the War of Grenada XXVII About the same time Libâ— Drusus of the Family of the Scribonii was accus'd of a Conspiracy against the Government I shall give an exact Account of the Rise Progress and Issue of this Affair because this was the first time those pernicious Practices were set on foot which for a long time after afflicted the State and prey'd on the very Vitals of it Firmius Catus a Senator and an intimate Friend of Libo puts this imprudent Young-man who was apt enough to be amused with vain Hopes r Monsieur de Cinqmars Grand-Ecuier of France much resembled Libâ— but with this Difference that Libo was ruin'd by the Treachery of his Confident whereas Monsieur de Cinqmars ruin'd his Confident Monsieur 〈…〉 a Man of as great Virtue as Caâ—us was of Villâ—â—y upon trinketting with Astrologers Magicians and Interpreters of Dreams 1 The Predictions of Astrologers and Fortune-tellers have in all times been fatal to Great Men who havâ— given credit to them for either they have render'd them suspected to their Prince as Persons who build their hopes on Revolutions and Opportunities which they wait for or they have engaged them in Unfortunate Enterprizes of which they would have never dreamt if their Credulity had not blinded them Mariana relates a remarkable Instance of this in Don Diego Duke of Viseu who being at the Head of a Conspiracy against Iohn II. King of Portugal had the Confidence or rather Rashness to go to the King who sent for him being persuaded that he should escape so great a Danger because it had been predicted to him that he should reign and that if the King seized him he should be succour'd in the very nick of time by all the Great Men that were engag'd in the Conspiracy But he was mistaken in his reasoning for the King stabb'd him with his own hand saying to him Go and tell the Duke of Braganza the issue of the Plot which he laid Whereupon Mariana concludes with the Words of Tacitus That Astrologers are a Generation of Men â—it only to abuse Great Persons by Vain and Flattering Promises who have and always will find Belief and Applause in all Countrys notwithstanding their Lies are so common and so well known to all the World Lib. 24. Cap. ult of his History 'T is true saith Father Paul these Predictions sometimes come to pass by Chance or by some other secret Cause but most commonly they are the Cause that a great many Credulous People run themselves upoâ— ruine Hist. of the Council of Trent Lib. 5. To conclude it looks as if God permitted Great Men to be beset by Astrologers to humble them for he hath always sent them so many Disgraces and Afflictions as these Raâ—cally Cheats have promised them Grandeurs and Successes These study only to make them Prognosticks which set them above the
from gaining the Friendship of Piso who knew Germanicus was suspected by the Emperor that he made him more Haughty and less Tractable by thâ— care that he took to oblige him And beâ—ides Piso judging of Germanicus's Nature by his own which was revengeful could not imagine him mild enough heartily to pardon the Injury which he had done him at Athens And this is what makes great Men irreconcilable there being one of them which cannot nor will not trust the other According to M. de la Rochefoucaut one of the Principal Causes of the resolution which Monsieur the late Prince took to retire into Spain was the Opinion which he had that after all that had pass'd he could not longer be secure with the Queen-Regent who would scarce stay one day with Germanicus but hastned again on board that he might get to Syria before him whither as soon as he came he gain'd the Common Soldiers by Gifts and Caresses and in the mean time cashier'd the old Centurions and the â—evere Tribunes and fill'd their Places with his own Creatures or any profligate â—ellows And whilst he permitted Laziness in the Camp Licentiousness in the City and the Soldiers to commit any Disorders in the Countrey they gave him the Title so great was the Dissolution of Manners of the Father of the Legions Nor did Plancina keep within the Bounds of the Modesty of her Sex but was present at the Exercises of the Cavalry and the Musters of the Cohorts and made bitter Reflections on Agrippina and Germanicus And when it was whisper'd that these things were not done without secret Encouragement from Tiberius some of the best of the Soldiers were ready enough to carry on the Humour and to obey ill Orders LVII Germanicus had Intelligence of all this but his more pressing care was to go to Armenia This had been always an Unsteady Nation not only from their Natural Temper but also by reason of the situation of their Countrey which bordering on the Roman Provinces on one side extends it self as far as Media on the other so that lying betwixt the two greatest Empires of the World x We may say of Armenâ—a what the famous Marquis Spinola said of the 〈◊〉 of Rhimberg That it was the Stâ—umpet of War because it fell by turns from one hand to the other they are engag'd in frequent Quarrels either with the Romans or with the Parthians Hating the Former and Envying the Latter They had been without a King ever since the removal of Vonones but they were well inclin'd to Zeno the Son of Polemon King of Pontus because from his Infancy he had imitated the Manners and the Habits of the Armenians and was much addicted to Hunting Feasting and other things which this Barbarous People esteem'd and which gain'd him the Favour both of the Nobility and the Common-People Germanicus therefore with the consent of the Nobility in the City of Artaxata set the Royal Diadem on his Head in a numerous Assembly who did him Homage saluting him by the Name of Artaxias from the Name of their City The Government of Cappadocia which had been lately reduc'd into the form of a Province was given to Q. Veranius and the People were discharged of part of the Taxes 1 There is no better way for a Prince to endear his Government to new Subjects than to â—ischarge them of part of the Taxes which they paid to the â—ormer Prince People are easily inur'd to Slavery but never to the Avarice of Governors and Magistrates for they know no greater Evil than Poverty After that Charles VIII King of Francâ— had taken Naples and caus'd himself to be crown'd there He did many acts of Grace to his Subjects and lessen'd their Burdens saith Commines Lib. 7. Cap. 14. Clement VIII did the same after he had re-united the Dutchy of Ferrara to the Ecclesiastical State So that the House of Este which had a long time govern'd at Ferrara and was also much belov'd there was very little regretted by the People The Cardinal d'Ossat adds That he made Seigneur Bevilaqua Cardinal to honour and give good hopes to the City of Ferrara lately return'd to the Holy See this Cardinal being of one of the most Noble Families of this City Letter 167. which they formerly paid their Kings to give them hopes of being easier under the Roman Government than they had been under them Q. Serveus was constituted Governor of Comagena y Which also before had a King which was then first reduc'd under the Government of a Praetor LVIII Notwithstanding Germanicus had thus happily compos'd the Affairs of our Allies he could not yet be at ease in his Mind by reason of the Haughtiness of Piso 1 Oftentimes Princes are more Disquieted and Troubled with onâ— Domestick Enemy than by a Foreign War The Conduct of Monsieur the late Duke of Orleans made the late King more uneasie than the whole House of Austria and all the Enemies of France who having been commanded by him either to come himself or to send his Son with part of the Legions into Armenia did neither At last they both met at Cyrrum where the Tenth Legion was in Winter-Quarters Piso putting on a Countenance that might betray no Fear and Germanicus one that might discover no Resentment and he was as I have said before of a forgiving Nature but there are a sort of Friends well-skill'd in enflaming Quarrels 2 Men but especially Great Men easily believe whatsoever is told them by Persons whom they love against People whom they hate And hence it is that Quarrels betwixt Great Men are almost always immortal those who have Power with them having an Interest to hinder their Reconciâ—â—ation It was thus Maugiroâ— Quelùs Saint-Luke Saint-Mesgrin Grâ—mmont Maâ—â—eon and Livarret made use of it with Henry III. on whom they made what impressions they pleas'd against his Brother the Duke of Alenson Lib. 2. of the Memoirs of Queen Margaret who very properly calls them the Council of â—eroboam who brought divers Accusations against Piso his Wife and Children aggravating somethings that were True and suggesting others that were False At last Germanicus had a Conference with him in the Presence only of a few intimate Friends wherein he began to discourse in such Language as commonly proceeds from a mixture of Anger and Reserve and which Piso answer'd with such haughty and provoking Excuses that they parted open 3 Amongst Great Men Explanations rather Exasperate than Pacifie because it is very difficult to speak with so much reserve as not let fall one angry word It is almost impossible saith Commiâ—es that two great Lords should agree together by reason of Reports and Suspicions which they hourly have and two Princes who would live in Amity ought never to see one another but to send prudent Persons to each other who would rectifie what is aâ—iss Memoirs l. 1. ch 14. and l. 2. chap. 8. Enemies z Apertis Oâ—â—is seems
hinder it There was amongst the Gotones a Young Nobleman named Catualda who having been banish'd by Maroboduus attempted now to take his Revenge on him in his declining Fortune 3 Observe Tiberius's Policy After he had made use of Maroboduus to give a Check to Arminius the sworn Enemy of the Romans he made use of Catualda to ruine Maroboduus and afterwards of Maroboduus's Faction to expel Catualda whereby he compleated the ruine of Germany King Lewis XI saith Commines better understood this Art of dividing Nations than any other Prince whom I ever knew He spared neither his Money nor his Pains not only towards the Masters but also towards the Servants Lib. 2. Cap. 1. With a Hundred and twenty thousand Crowns of Gold he divided the D. of Burgundy from the Dukes of Normandy and Brittany and forc'd his Brother to renounce his Right to the Dutchy of Normandy for a Pension of twenty thousand Crowns Cap. 5. And in order to it enters the Borders of the Marcomanni with a good Force and having corrupted the Principal Men of the Countrey to joyn him he forces the Palace and the Castle that stood near it where were found the ancient Spoils of the Suevi and Cooks and Traders of our Provinces whom first Freedom of Commerce afterwards desire of Lucre and at last Forgetfulness of their own Country had transplanted from their Habitations into the Enemy's Soil LXIV Maroboduus being deserted on all sides had no other refuge but to the Mercy of the Roman Emperor Wherefore passing the Danube where it waters the Province of Norica e Now Bavaria he wrote to Tiberius not as a Fugitive or a Petiâ—ioner but like one that had not forgot his former greatness 1 How Unfortunate soever a Prince be it always becomes him to remember his past fortune neither to do nor say any thing which may give People reason to believe that he was unworthy of the Rank that he held or worthy of the Evils that he endures Iohn Frederick Duke of Saxony falling into the hands of Charles V. spoke to him to give order that he should be treated as a Prince of the Empire and so far was he from humbling himself to the Emperor who spoke to him in menacing terms that he put on his Hat and answer'd That it was in vain that his Majesty went to fright him and that by becoming his Prisoner he did not cease to be a Prince That although several Nations had courted him as one who had been lately so renown'd a King to make their Countries his retreat yet he preferr'd the Friendship of the Romans to all their Offers Tiberius answer'd him That he should have a Safe and Honourable retreat in Italy if he thought fit to stay but if it should be more for the advantage of his Affairs to go elsewhere he should go with the same Liberty that he came 2 There is no Prince who doth not rejoyce to receive another into his Dominions for besides the Honour of the Hospitality he may draw thence very great advantages in due Time and Place And consequently 't is no wonder if ordinarily their Departure is not so free as theiâ— Entrance If the late Duke of Orleans had not deceived the Marquis d'Aytone President of the Council of State of the low-Low-Countrys he had run a great risque of continuing a long time in the hands of the Spaniards to serve as a Pretence for War against France But he afterwards told the Senate that he had been a more Formidable Enemy than ever Philip was to the Athenians or Pyrrhus or Antiochus to the Romans 3 The more Illustrious the Conquer'd is the more Glorious is the Conqueror If I had made no resistance said Caractacus to the Emperor Claudius my Defeat and your Victory would never have been talk'd of Ann. 12. His Speech is yet extant wherein he extoll'd the Greatness of his Person the Fierceness of the Nations that were subject to him and what measures he had taken to destroy so Dangerous and so near an Enemy to Italy f Paterculus saith that Maroboduus had so far enlarged his Power that he was become formidable to the Roman Empire that all the Male-contents who withdrew themselves from obedience to the Romans fled for Sanctuary to this Prince who maintain'd an Army of 70000 Foot and 4000 Horse That he had reduc'd under his Obedience all his Neighbours either by Force by making continual War on them or by Treaties which obliged them to declare for him that he was in particular formidable by the situation of his States which had Germany on the Front and on the Left Hand Pannonia on the Right and Norica on the Back so that they fear'd him on all sides as a Prince who was ready to fall upon them Add hereto that his Frontiers were not but 200 miles or a little more distant from the Alps which serv'd as Boundaries to Italy Cap. 108. 109. The last Duke of Lorrain seems to have follow'd the Steps of Maroboduus as they may easily observe who will compare them together Maroboduus was kept at Ravenna to awe the Suevi with the fear of his return 4 There is nothing that Rebels are more afraid of than to fall again under the Power of a Prince whom they have dethron'd The People of Liege who upon the Instigation of Lewis XI had revolted from the Duke of Burgundy seeing their City besieged by these two Princes in person purposed saith Commines to hazard all for as they knew that they were undone and that if they must die in the Execution of such an Enterprize which was to make a Sally out of the Town with the Bravest of their Men and to kill the King and the Duke in their houses they should at the worst have a Glorious End and they wanted but little of having succeeded in their Design His Memoirs l. 2. c. 12. Thus nothing is more advantageous to a Prince who hath dangerous and unsteady Neighbours who have revolted than to give their Prince a Retreat to awe them by the Fears of his Restoration if they should at any time grow Insolent But he stirr'd not out of Italy for the space of Eighteen Years and he was conscious that he had lessen'd his Glory by setting too great a Value on Life 5 A Prince who hath long survived the loss of his Kingdom gives occasion to People to believe that he is little affected therewith and that consequently he had not the Qualities which were requisite to make him worthy to possess it nor the Courage which was necessary to keep the Possession of it Don Pio Mutio becomes an Advocate for Maroboduus against Tacitus who ascribes to a Poorness of Spirit the Care which this King took to prolong his Life Let us leave saith he this Itch of Dying to the Stoicks and use the Means to preserve that Life which God hath given us to assist our Relations and our Friends and to
Eyes what will afterwards become of my Miserable Wife and my Poor Children 1 It is common enough for Princes and Great Men to fore-sâ—e and fore-tell at their Death the Misfortunes that will beâ—all their Children Germanicus prophesy'd Piso thinks the Poyson works too slowly and is impatient till he becomes the sole Master of the Province and the Legions But Germanicus is not yet sunk so low but that he is able to hinder the Murderer from enjoying the Prize of his Villany 2 He that hath not power enough to defend himself against Oppression has oftentimes Friends eenough courageously to revenge him after his Death Which ought to be consider'd by those who find themselves supported by favour make trial of their Power on Great Men. For sooner or later the Oppression is returned upon themselves Hereupon he writes a Letter to Piso wherein he renounc'd his Friendship 3 There is not now-a-days so good faith amongst Men Dissimulation and Double-dealing are become so much the Mode that People are generally so far from openly renouncing the Friendship of those who have disoblig'd them that on the contrary they make greater expressions of it than ever that they may more securely ruine them The Friends of this Age saith Anthony Perez have the Figure of Men but the Heart of Wild Beasts Kostroâ— humanos corasoâ—es de fieras and some add that he commanded him to leave the Province Nor did Piso make any longer stay but took Ship However he made the Ship sail but slowly that he might the sooner come back if Germanicus 's Death should make way for his return to Syria LXXII Germanicus after some little hopes of recovery â—lagg'd again 1 Let Princes be never so sick Flatterers make them almost always hope that they will recover They deceive them to the very moment that they depart to give an account to God without any one being concern'd for their Salvation in this one thing more unhappy than the most misâ—rable Subject they have Don Carlos Colona speaking of the sudden Death of Alexander Duke of Parma saith That he knew not that he was dying but by the Countenance of his Servants and Physicians * Lib. 5. of his History of the Wars of Flanders intimating that this Prince understood that by their Eyes which he ought to have known from their Mouths and perceiving that his end was drawing on he spake to this Effect to his Friends that stood about him If I had dy'd a Natural Death I might justly have complain'd of the Gods for ravishing me in the Bloom of my Youth by an untimely Death from my Parents my Children 2 A good Father as Germanicus was could not have a greater Trouble at his Death than to leave a Wiâ—e and Children whom he lov'd tenderly to the mercy of his Enemies and my Country but now being taken off by the Treachery of Piso and Plancina 3 It is very hard for private Persons who are accus'd by a Prince â—hat is the People's Favourite to shelter themselves from the Storm which so heavy an Accusation draws upon them I leave my last desires with you Acquaint my Father and my Brother what Cruelties I have suffer'd and with what Perfidiousness I have been treated and how that at last I end a most miserable Life by the worst kind of Deaths 4 Poyson is the Plague of Princes for it is almost the only kind of Death against which it is impossible for them to guard themselves what cautions soever they make use of against the Treachery of their Domestick Officers And thence it is that People ordinarily attribute their Death to Poyson and that they themselves are so often troubled with suspicions of being poyson'd To this purpose I remember I have read in the Relations of a Venetian Ambassador at Rome that in the Pontificate of Urban VIII an Italian Gentleman told a Iesuite in Conâ—ession that he had poyson'd five Popes which is the more wonderful because the Nephews whose whole Fortune depends on the Continuance of the Pontificates of their Uncles watch with Argus's Eyes for the Preservation of him whose Death reduces them to a private Condition They whose good Fortune depended on mine or who were ally'd to me by blood way even they who before envy'd my Glory will lament 5 Those who have Envy'd us in Prosperity or during our Lives freely pity us in Adversity or at least aâ—ter our Death because they have the Glory of appearing generous when they have nothing more to fear my hard Fatâ— that after all the Successes I have had and the Battels I have escap'd I should at last fall by the Treachery of a Woman 6 Nothing seems stranger than that a General of an Army should dye by the Hands of a Woman after he hath pass'd his whole Life in Battels and Dangers Notwithstanding this Misâ—ortune hath befallen many great Captains God having permitted it so to be to punish their Pride by an humbling Death You will have opportunity to complain to the Senate and to demand Iustice. The great Duty of Friends is not to shew their Affections to the Dead in Fruitless Lamentations 7 It is decent for Women to weep saith Tacitus but Men have a greater Duty to perform which is to remember Faeminis lugere honestum est viris meminisse In Germania It is not said a great Orator to the Regent Anna of Austria by useless Complaints and superfluous Grief that a great Soul like your Majesty's ought to express her Pâ—ety and her Love to the Ashes of her Husband it is by Executing his Orders it is by proposing to your Imitation the Image of his Virtues it is by couragiously conducting the Fortune of the State Ogier in the Preliminary Epistle to the Funeral Oration of Lewis XIII but to remember what he desir'd and execute what he left in charge Strangers will weep for Germanicus But it is your part to revenge my Death if you lov'd me rather than my Fortune 8 In the Life-time of Princes it is very difficult to distinguish their Faithful and Disinterested Servants from those that are not so because the Favours they are capable of doing are apt to make it be believed that all who adhere to them adore the Fortune and not the Person but after their Death it is known by the Duties that are paid them and by the Execution of their last Desires who were worthy or who were unworthy of their Affection and Favours Set before the Eyes of the People of Rome my Wife the Grand-Daughter of Augustus with our six Children Compassion will be on your side that accuse 9 When the Iudges are touch'd with Compassion for the Accusers there are no hopes of Mercy for the Accused especially if they are Persons who have been long hated as Piso and Plancina were for their Arrogance and though they should pretend secret Orders for their Villanies 10 Many Violences
and Excesses are committed in remote Provinces of which the Governors and Principal Ministers would be hard put to it to shew their Orders These Ofâ—â—cers deserve double Punishment First for the abuse of their Power and Secondly for the Danger to which they expose the Prince by authorising with his Name and pretended Will such Acts of Injustice as make him pass for a Tyrant which is an Injury to him that can't be repair'd but by an Example that is capable to undeceive the People they will either not be believed or not acquitted His Friends taking him by the right Hand as he was ready to expire swore they would lose their own Lives but they would revenge his Death 11 The Christian Religion commands us to pardon the Injuries that are done to our selves but it doth not forbid us to avenge those that are done to our Friends when Iustice and the Laws are on their side The Gospel obliges us to the First and Civil Society to the Latter LXXIII Then Germanicus turning himself towards his Wife he beseech'd her That if she had any regard to his Memory and to the Interest of their common Children she would lay aside her haughty temper and submit her Mind to the severity of her Fortune lest at her return to Rome she should by a Vain Emulation exasperate those who were too powerful for her 1 We ought never to have any Competition with the Prince's Favourites or Ministers It is better to retire from Court than to enter the Lists with them If the Prince saith Cabrera hath chosen any one of those whom he loves to be his Chief Minister we ought to honour him according to the Rank which he holds and according to the Influence which he hath on his Prince It is advantageous to make him a Friend and on the contrary it is dangerous to judge whether he deserves the Place and Authority which is given him Remember the Brazen Image which Amasis King of Aegypt caus'd to be worshipp'd that was made of a Bason wherein he was wont to wash his Feeâ— and those words of Tacitus We adored the Collegue of your Consulship and him who represented your Person in the Administration of the Empire For otherwise there is no security for high Birth nor for great Merit which have always been suspected and hated by Favourites And it is not enough to say I will live at Court without Ambition without any Pretensions without Employment and without having any thing to do with any one for none that hear this believe any thing of it His History Lib. 7. Cap. 7. He adds that the Duke of Alva put in for the Government of the Low-Countries for no other reason but to get off from the Level with Cardinal Espinosa and Prince Râ—y Gomez whom â—avour made equal to him in Esteem and Credit although they were inferior to him in abilities Notwithstanding Cardinal Briconcet the Chief Minister of King Charles VIII had very small abilities and understood nothing at all of Military Affairs however saith Commines who knew much more of it than he when I was ill-treated in the beginning of this King's Reign I durst not intermeddle that I might not make any of those my Enemies to whom he gave Authority Memoirs Lib. 8. Cap. 5. It is with Men as with pieces of Money on which Princes set what value they please end consequently we must receive them according to their currency and not according to their intrinsick value Thus much he spoke publickly and something more in secret 2 When we speak of Princes we must speak of them with the utmost Caution It is not enough to distrust the Ears of those who are present we ought also to distrust their Eyes who read in the Countenance and the Looks all that of which they make a Mystery to them soon after which he expir'd to the great regret of the Province and the adjacent Countreys Foreign Kings and Nations Enemies as well as Allies lamented him 3 The most glorious Apotheosis of a Prince is to be lamented by his Subjects and honour'd with the Praises of Foreign Nations the Former for his Clemency and the Latter for his Courtesie His Presence and his manner of Speaking were graceful and drew respect and although he retain'd an air of Majesty 4 A General of an Army should have an aspect mingled with Sweetness and Severity for Soldiers contract a sort of Fierceness which often carries them to Sedition if they are not restrain'd by an air of Authority which strikes an awe upon them The Roman Historians have observed That this Mixture in Hannibal was the Foundation of his Greatness and Reputation suitable to his high Birth and Character yet he never incurr'd Envy nor the Suspicion of Arrogance LXXIV His Funerals were not solemniz'd with Images and Pomp but with publick Praises and the Commemoration of his Virtues 1 The Name of Princes is always immortal by reason of the Greatness of their Office which is the Cause that all their Actions good or bad are written on the Records of Posterity But there is this Difference betwixt those who have abused their Power and those who have discharged the Duties of their Station that the Memory of the Former is Inâ—amous for ever whereas that of the Latter is always Glorious and Triumphant So they need not raise Pyramids and Mausolaeums if they have been Virtuous for the Memory of their Virtues in Eternal and their Monuments are as many in number as there are People who read their History and as there are Princes who follow their Example And there were some who compar'd him with Alexander 2 In all times Warlike Princes and Great Captains have been compared with Alexander as if there was not a more perfect Model to propose for Arms than this Conqueror He must saith a Learned Prelate be found in all our Panegyricks and it seems by a sort of Fatality glorious to his Name that no Prince can receive Praises but he must have a share in them M. de Meaux in the Funeral Oration of Lewis Prince of Coâ—de for his Beauty and his Age the Manner of his Death and the Nearness of the Places where they dy'd For they were both very Handsome and of Illustrious Birth Neither of them lived much above thirty Years and they both died in a Foreign Country by the Treachery of some of their own People m Strada reports That the Flemmings compared Don Iohn of Austria the Son of Charles V. with Germanicus for Beauty and Gracefulness for Years which were 33 for Exploits in War performed by each in divers places bordering on Holland for having been both suspected by their Princes and for having ended their days by an untimely Death History of Low-Countrys Deâ—ad 1. Lib. 10. But Germanicus was courteous to his Friends moderate in his Pleasures contented with one Wife 3 Chastity is a Virtue so much the more praise-worthy in Princes â—s
why he had omitted to punish his Wife according to Law u The Law Iulia. seeing she was notoriously criminal and he pretending that the Sixty days allowed by the Law to consult were not yet expired they thought it sufficient to proceed against Vistilia and banish'd her into the Island Seriphos x One of the Ciclades The Senate took into consideration the Extirpation of the Egyptian and Iewish Religion out of Rome and a Decree pass'd that 4000 Persons infected with that Superstition who were of the Race of Freedmen and of an Age fit for Service should be sent into the Island of Sardinia to suppress the Robberies there as being People whose loss would be inconsiderable if they should perish by the Unwholsomeness of the Air and that the rest should leave Italy if they did not by such a Day renounce their Prophane Rites 2 New or Foreign Sects and Ceremonies do by degrees ruine the Religion of the Country and consequently it nearly concerns Princes not to Tolerate them in their Dominions They who introduce a New Worship said Mecaenas to Augustus open a Gap to New Laws whence at last arise Cabals Factions and Conspiracies Dio. Lib. 52. LXXXVII After which Tiberius propos'd the Election of a Virgin to succeed Occia who for the space of fifty seven Years had presided over the Vestals with great Integrity He thank'd Fonteius Agrippa and Domitius Pollio because that by offering their Daughters they â—ied with one another in their Zeal for the Common-Wealth Pollio's Daughter was preferr'd for no other reason but because her Mother had always lived with her first Husband whereas Agrippa had lessen'd the Reputation of his Family by a Divorce 1 If a Heathen Prince so strictly examined not only the Personal Qualifications of those who possessed Offices of Religion but also the Conduct and Morals of their Parents with much more reason ought Christian Princes carefully to inform themselves of the Birth of those who sue to them for Bishopricks and Abbeys I say of the Birth for it is a shame to see Bastards and adulterous Slips install'd in Ecclesiastical Dignities Cardinal Charles Borrâ—meo saith Ammirato had great reason to be astonish'd that Christians left Pagans the glory of Excelling them in Moral Virtues Lib. 11. Disc. 2. However Tiberius to comfort her that lost it gave her five thousand Pounds for her Dowry LXXXVIII The People complaining of the Dearth of Corn he set a Price for the Buyer to pay and promis'd that he would add two Nummi y A Roman Nummus is about Seven Pence half-penny of our Money a Bushel 1 In a Famine a Prince may buy the People's Liberty at a Cheap rate for in such a time the People are best disposed to sell it People accustom themselves to Slavery but never to Hunger The Israelites being in the Wilderness murmur'd against Moses for having brought them out of Aegypt where they had Bread and Meat in abundance to make them die of Hunger in the Wilderness It had been better for us said they to have served the Aegyptians than to die in the Wilderness Exod. 14. Would to God we had died by the hand of the Lord in the Land of Aegypt when we sat by the flesh-pots and when we did eat bread to the full Exod. 16. to the Seller And yet for all this he would not assume the Title of the Father of the Country which was now again offer'd him 2 The Name of Father of the Country is a Title which a Prince who either is so or desires to be so ought never to refuse To accepâ— the Title is to impose an Obligation upon himself to deserve it Therefore Tiberius would not promise that which he knew he never intended to be So that his refusaâ— was rather the Effect of his Evil Disposition than of his Modesty The younger Pliny saith that Trajan who was a very Modest Prince wept for Ioy every time that he heard himself call'd Optimus and he gave a sharp Reprimand to those who stil'd him Lord and his Employments Divine 3 Princes are Mortal and although they are God's Vicegerentâ— here on Earth yet the Functions they Execute are Humane So that there was but little left to be said and that scarce with safety under a Prince who hated Flattery and feared Liberty LXXXIX I find in the ancient Writers of those times That Letters from Adgandestrius a Prince of the Chatti were read in the Senate wherein he engaged to put Arminius to death if they would send him Poison for that purpose 1 Princes who make use of Poison against other Princes teach them to Employ it against themselves The safety of Princes consists in a mutual Good Faith betwixt one another Charles V. answer'd Barbarossa's Baker who offer'd to Poison his Master and thereby to make him enter Tâ—nis without any difficulty That he would not honour a Moor so far as to use so much ceremony with him After which he sent notice to Barbarossa to fortifie himself against Poyson but without naming the Baker to him Epitome of Don Antonio de Vera. who was answer'd That the Romans did revenge themselves on their Enemies not Clandestinely and by Treachery but Openly and in Arms whereby Tiberius equall'd himself to the Glory of the old Roman Generals who prevented the Design of Poysoning King Pyrrus and discover'd it to him At last after the Romans were retir'd and Maroboduus was expell'd Arminius aspiring to Monarchy made his own Countrymen his Enemies who taking up Arms against him in defence of their Liberties 2 There was never any one saith Tacitus design'd to Rule who did not make use of the pretence of Liberty Hist. 4. after variety of Fortune he fell at last by the Treachery of his own Kindred He was the undoubted Deliverer of Germany and which adds to his glory he did not attack the Romans in their Infancy as other Kings and Captains had done but in the most flourishing State of their Empire His Fortune was various in the Battels which he fought but he was not conquer'd in the War He lived 37 years and commanded 12 and his Memory is still famous amongst those barbarous Nations who celebrate his great actions in their Songs z Tacitus saith That the ancient Germans had no other Annals but their Verses and their Songs In hiâ— Germany although he is not known in the Annals of the Greeks who admire nothing but what is done amongst themselves nor so renown'd as he deserves amongst us who whilst we extoll things done long since are apt to neglect late Examples 3 The Mind of Man is so humoursome that by much admiring past times it comes to have a Disgust and Iealousie of the Present The Past instructs us but the Present shocks us because it seems to Eclipse our Glory Paterâ— THE ANNALS OF Cornelius Tacitus From the Death of AUGUSTUS Book III. Vol. I. By WILLIAM BROMLEY Esq I. AGRIPPINA
over Religion Iournal du Regne d' Henry III. 1587. But nothing went nearer Tiberius than the great Affection of the People for Agrippina whom they called The Glory of their Country 6 Those Commendations the People give to one of Royal Birth whose Merit or Power create a Iealousie in the Prince always cost him dear for they not only lose him his Prince's Favour but make the Prince desire to get rid of one to whom the People give the Preference Witness Saul who would kill David because the Women of Israel were so indiscreet as to compare them The Acclamations of the Parisians in Favour of the Duke of Guise that Day he received the Blessed Sword Sixtus Quintus had sent him by a Bishop raised the Iealousie and Suspicion of Henry III. against him And not without Cause for the Ceremony was performed with as much Preparation and Pomp as a King's Coronation 1587. Besides Tiberius whose Maxim it was To moderate the Honours done to Women and even those to his Mother who had given him the Empire could not forbear being much displeased with Agrippina whom the People so much adored the only Blood of Augustus and the last Remains of ancient Probity and prayed the Gods her Children might survive their Enemies V. Some thought these Funerals not pompous enough and compared them with those Augustus made for Drusus Germanicus's Father For he went in the middle of Winter to Pavia and attended the Body to Rome upon the Herse were the Images of the Claudii and Livii d The Latin says Iuliorum but that is a transposing the Letters of Liviorum For at publick Funerals they carried only the Images of their Ancestors The Iulii were not related to Drusius but the Livii were by his Mother And it appears not that the Images of the Livii were omitted in that Ceremony His Funeral-Oration was spoke in the Place of Publick Assemblies he was praised in the Rostra e Rostra a goodly fair Edifice in which was an Orator's Pulpit deck'd and beautify'd with the Beaks of many Ships which the Romans took from the People of Antium in a memorable Sea-â—ight and from thence in Latin Rostra hath this Place taken its Name and all Honours done him that either our Ancestors or latter times have invented But Germanicus wanted those that are due to every noble Roman It signified little said they that his Body was burnt without Ceremony in a Foreign Country considering the Difficulty of bringing it so far home but he should have had the greater Honours afterwards in lieu of those this Accident deprived him His Brother went but one Day 's Iourny to meet the Body and his Uncle only to the Gates What is become of the Ancient Customs Why was not his Effigies f The word Effigies ought not to be used here says Fremont de Ablancourt because it is not spoken here of any thing set up and that word cannot properly be used but on such an occasion Nevertheless his Uncle uses this very word in his Translation The late Monsieur Ogier has the same word in his Funeral-Oration upon Lewis XIII when he speaks of the Monuments of the Kings at St. Dennis carried and Verses sung in Honour of his Memory Why was he not praised and lamented with the usual Ceremonies of Mourning 1 If Princes are not really concerned for the Death of those that have done important Service to the Publick they ought at least to seem so And that Tacitus means by these Words Doloris imitâ—menta When the Duke d' Alva died at Lisbon the Portuguese thought it strange that their new King Phillip II. should appear the next day in publick contrary to the Custom of their Kings who upon the Death of their Ministers and others of inferiour Rank that had faithfully served the Crown kept up some days And to make an odious Comparison some remembred that Emanuel his Mother's Brother lockt up himself for three days upon the Death of a famous Pilor Livre 9. de Histoire de l'Union du Portugal a la Castille VI. These Discourses were carried to Tiberius and to put a stop to them he declares by an Edict That many Illustrious Persons had died in the Service of the Commonwealth but none had been so passionately regretted This was commendable both in him and them if a Mean was observed That the same things were not becoming Princes and private Men 2 It is no wonder the Iudgments of the People are for the most part contrary to those of their Princes For the People not being able to discern right would have the Prince espouse their Passions and accommodate himself to their Humour and he on the contrary would have them leave the Government to him without judging what they understand not The People are not capable of knowing what is fitting or not fitting for the Prince when a weak Prince generally knows what is agreeable to or unbecoming his Dignity for a People that Command the World and those that Govern Petty Commonwealths That the Season for Sorrow is when Grief is fresh but after three Months 't was reasonable to lay it aside as Caesar did upon the Death of his only Daughter and Augustus after he had lost his Children 3 When the Prince would justifie an Action which he knows the People do or may interpret amiss he cannot do it better than by the Example of his immediate Predecessors for the later the Example is it makes the greater Impression on those to whom it is brought That it was not necessary to give ancienter Instances how the People had bore with Constancy the Defeat of their Armies g The loss of the Battels of Cremera and Allia both fought on the 17th of Iuly in different Years and four others that of Ticinum Techia Lago di Perugia and Cannae where so many Roman Knights were killed that Hannibal sent to Carthage two Bushels full of Rings an Account of the number of the Slain by that of their Rings the Death of their Generals h Of the Scipio's in Spain and so many others and the entire Extinction of many noble Families i All the Fabii who were 306 near Relations perished in one Ambuscade the Tuscans had said for them near the River Cremera but by good Fortune there was one staid at home because of his being very young who restored the Family That Princes are Mortal but the Commonwealth Eternal 4 Kingdoms says Ant. Perez are in respect of Kings the same as Species are to their Individuals The Philosophers say the Species are Eternal because naturally they never end though Individuals perish like Accidents Kings make not Kingdoms but Kingdoms make Kings Dans ses secondes Lettres that they should therefore return to their ordinary Employments and enjoy themselves at the Megalensian Games k Games instituted in Honour of the great Goddess called by the Romans Magna Mater Her Statue was brought in great
Pomp from Pessinum in Greece to Rome These Games consisted only in Scenical Sports and were a solemn time of Invitation to Entertainments among Friends They were always celebrated in April that were at hand 5 Whatever Discontents the People are under propose to them Plays and Shews and they soon forgeâ— the Causes of them 'T is a more easiâ— Transition from Sorrow to Ioy than from Ioy to Sorrow A Carousal or Mascarade sometimes will reduce them to their Duty They are amused by such sort of Diversions as Children are quieted when they cry by Babies VII The Vacation being ended every Man returned to his Business and Drusus went to the Army in Illyricum leaving all under great Expectation to see Germanicus's Death revenged upon Piso. They often complained he marched over the pleasant Countries of Asia and Greece to avoid by his Contumacy and Delays the Conviction of his Crimes For it was commonly reported That the infamous Poisoner Martina sent by Cneius Sentius to Rome died suddenly at Brindisi that Poison was found in her Hair yet no sign thereof appear'd upon her Body 1 The most dangerous of all Poisons is that operates without leaving any visible sign thereof It was impossible to prove Germanicus was poisoned All the Proof was only from the Correspondence of Plancina with Martina The Iournal of the Reign of Henry III. of France mentions a Servant of the Duke of Alenson called Blondel accused of Poisoning his Master and was several times put upon the Rack tho' there was no other Evidence against him than Suspicion because he had been a Servant to Cardinal Biragne who according to the Testimonly of Admiral Coligni told Charles IX and Hâ—nry III. They would never have an end of their Enemies but by the help of their Cooks VIII But Piso after he had sent his Son to Rome with Instructions how to apply to Tiberius for his Favour went to seek Drusus from whom he expected more Countenance for removing his Rival than Displeasure for taking off his Brother 2 Princes are very well pleased to find Persons that will clear the Way for them to the Throne but when such Services are done by Poisoning or Murder if they be wise they will be cautious how they shew any Acknowledgement for them when they havâ— no share in the Crime In these matters to be Grateful is to be an Accomplice and to be Ungrateful is a sign of Prudence and Equity Tiberius to shew he was not prejudiced against Piso received his Son honourably and made him such Presents as were usual to young Gentlemen of his Quality Drusus told Piso If those things were true that were reported he should be much troubled 3 It much concerns Princes to revenge the Death of their Predecessoâ—s that are Murthered or Poisoned for there is no other way to assure their own Lives than by taking care there be no Example of Impunity for a Prince's Death If the Successor punish it not that tells the People a Conspiâ—acy may be sometimes just and reasonable An Opinion Princes ought to be careful to prevent Undeâ— Claudius Chereas and Lupus who killed Caligula suffered tho' this Murther mounted him into the Throne Domitian likewise punished Epaphroditus for having only assisted Nero to kill himself tho' he was proscribed by a Decree of the Senate Nerva on the contrary exposed himself to the Fury of the Soldiers because he would not deliver up the Murtherers of Domitian From which Danger nothing saved him but his adopting Trajan Yet it has been at all times an inviolable Maxim among Princes Never to pardon those that have killed their Predecessors nor those that have Murthered any Foreign Prince Tho' Albert Duke of Austria was chosen King of the Romans in the Life of the Emperor Adolph of Nassauâ— and after the Death of Adolph whom he killed in a Duel when he would have had his Election confirmed or rather a new Election made some of the Electors and many of the Princes of thâ— Empire made a Complaint against him to the Elector Palatin whereby they would set aside this second Election as a Man that having killed his Predecessor was incapable and unworthy to succeed him Oxenstiern de Ratione Status c. 5. part 1. but that he wished they might appear false and the Death of Germanicus fatal to none 4 It always becomes a Prince to speak graciously to those that are accused and justifie themselves tho' he knows they are guilty for fear if he behave himself otherwise his Passion or particular Hatred be lookt upon as the Cause of their Condemnation He spoke this publickly declining private Conversation with him which none doubted to be by Tiberius's Order because Drusus was of himself too easie and unwary to have practised so much Art and Cunning above his Years 5 A Prince that gives himself the Trouble to Instruct his Son soon makes him an able Man For the Schollar is the more Docile because of the Respect he bears to the Authority of his Master and the Master more Careful because of the Interest he has in the Eduation of his Schollar Paterculus ascribes all the Abilities of Tiberius to the Divine Precepts of Augustus Innutritus Coelestium praeceptorum disciplinis Hist. 2. Cabrera says That Charles V. when he returned to Spain after his Abdication had thoughts himself of Educating of Don Carlos the Prince of Spain who neither regarded his Governors nor Tutors but his want of Health prevented It may be too he changed his Mind because he would not teach him Maxims of Policy which are dangerous for an ill Temper such as Don Carlos to learn Diego de Mendosa says That it is the Custom for the Princes of Lâ—on to take their Children with them to the Wars and to be their Masters in all parts of their Education The Ponces formerly Dukes of Cadiz now Dukes of Arcos are Hereditary Grandees and that Honour is always in their Family as the Guzmans Dukes of Medina-Sidonia their Rivals These two Houses are distinguished from other Grandees originally because of the twelve Families that enjoy this Honour there is yet only the Guzmans and Ponces that the King of Spain hath named and acknowledged such Ch. 9. 14. du liv 4. de la Guerre de Grenade IX Piso having sailed over the Adriatick Sea and left the Ships at Acona came by Pisenum l Now la Marca d' Ancona and so by the Via Flamina m That is one of the great Ways to Rome made by Flaminius the Consul to joyn the Legion that returned from Panonia to Rome to go into Garison in Africa But because it was reported he intended to Corrupt the Soldiers by conversing much among them 6 When a great Man is suspected by his Prince or actually accused of any Crime against the State he cannot be guilty of a greater Imprudence than to Converse with the Soldiers especially if he had any Credit before
they renounced Friendship with those had offended them â—orem fuisse majoribus quotis dirimerent amicitias interdicere domo â—ùmque finem gratiae ponere Ann. 6. To which Tacitus's Words to Tiberius in his Harangue against Piso Si obsequium erga Imperatorem exuit ejusdémque luctu meo laetatus est odero seponà mque à domo mea Ann. 3. which he interpreted Banishment and till Tibâ—rius's Reign durst never ask leave of the Emperor and Senate to return home And then depended on his Brother M. Silanus's Credit and Reputation for his illustrious Birth and great Eloquence But Silanus thanking Tiberius on his Brother's behalf he replied before the Senate it was matter of Ioy to him as well as others to see his Brother return home after so long Travels that he lawfully might because he was not banished either by Decree of the Senate or other Law h There were three sorts of Exile the first was called Deportatio Transportation this was perpetual and extended to loss of Estates and Privivileges Ann. 1. Deportati autem jus civitatis bona amittebant The second was Relegatio by which a Criminal was sent to such a Place or such a time or perhaps for ever but not deprived of the Priviledge of a Roman Citizen The third Depended on the Will and Pleasure of the Prince by a certain Writing under his Hand to those he suspected or had offended him and he recalled them at Pleasure That his Offence against his Father remained and his return revers'd not Augustus's Decrees 1 Princes ought to forbear as much as may be reversing what their Predecessors have done For besides that this Respect is of good Example for their Subjects who have therefore the greater Reverence for Majesty it is a lesson to their Successors how to behave themselves towards them Never any Prince had greater Cause to be discontented with his Predecessor and despise his Memory than David and yet he not only slew him that brought the News of Saul's Death and his Crown and lamented him that would often have killed him he makes his Elegy magnifies his Valour his Liberality his Riches the Loveliness of his Person saying to the People of Israel He was swifter than Eagles he was stronger than Lions 2. Sam. c. 1. Lewis XII of France was very ill used under Charles VIII yet he turned out few of his Officers but said he would maintain every Man in his Estate whereby he gained great Honour Commines dans le dernier Chapitre de ses Memoires From that time Silanus lived in Rome but as a private Person XXVI They afterwards debated moderating the Law Papia Poppaea i This Law was made by Papius and Poppeus when Consuls and contained Rewards and Punishments That the Magistrates should have Precedence according to the number of their Children or a Married Man before a Batchellor That in Elections those who had most Children should be prefer'd That any Person might stand sooner than ordinary for an Office if he had so many Children as to be capable of it That whosoever in the City had three Children in other Parts of Italy four and in the Provinces five some say seven should be excused all troublesome Offices Hence came the famous Iustrium Liberorum which the Emperor 's often indulged to several to whom Nature had denied it On the other side Unmarried Persons were uncapable of receiving any Legacy or Inheritance by Will unless from near Relations which Augustus when he was old added to the Iulian Laws to make Celibacy more Penal and enrich the publick Yet Marriages were not more frequent most finding it better having no Children 2 When Men had rather want the Comforts and Pleasures of Marriage than to bring upon themselves the Necessity of Children and consequently of multiplying the Misfortunes of their Families 't is a certain sign of a Tyrannical Government It was in this Sense Pliny the younger wrote to Trajan that he desired Children in his Reign because he was assured of being an happy Father And Tacitus says After the English had lost a Battle whereby they were at the Mercy of the Râ—mans they fell into so great a Despair that many of them killed their Wives and Children tanquam misererentur in compassion to them to deliver them from a cruel Slavery that was coming upon their Country In Agricola However the Informers daily ruined many Families so that their Laws were grown as fatal to them as formerly their Crimes This leads me to give some Account of the Original of Laws and to shew from whence it is they are come to such an infinite number as at present XXVII As the first Men were without Malice and Ambition 3 Pagliari pleasantly asks Who were these Men had this Simplicity and Innòcence Tacitus speaks of The first Man that was Born in the World killed the second we ought then to conclude since Adam's Fall by Disobedience there have always been good and bad Obserâ—ation 341. But probably Tacitus never read Genesis they wanted not Correction and Punishment and as they were naturally enâ—lined to good they needed no Rewards Nothing was forbid where nothing was desired that was not allowed But after Equality was gone Ambition and Violence succeeded Modesty and Iustice and by degrees introduced Sovereignty and Tyranny which have always subsisted in some Countries Some at first desired to be governed by Laws others not till they were weary of Kings 4 Divers Monarchies have been turned into Commonwealths some through the Inconstancy or Untractableness of the People but most through the unbounded liberty of their Kings who would not content themselves with a Legal Authority Therefore says Antonio Perez if Princes love and would preserve themselves they ought not so much to beware of those Physicians that either through Ignorance or Flattery or particular Hatred suffer them to Eat what is contrary to their Health as Counsellors that give them an Arbitrary Power without Bounds For such Counsellors will soon tire out the Patience of the People and consequently make them Dethronâ— their Masters Dans ses Relations The first Laws were simple as Men's Minds 5 Laws ought to bear a â—roportion to the condition of Men for they are made like Remedies in Physick to Sute the Nature of Distempets A Law-Giver that shall make Laws against Vices and Corruptions unknown to the People he governs will debauch their Innocence by teaching what they should rather be ignorant of Like imprudent Confessors that by unnecessary Questions instruct Girls in the Knowledge of Ill before they know the difference of their Sex Or like some Preachers that to Confute Errors and Infidelity raise such Scruples and Objections as their Answers do not sufficiently clear and instead of confirming the People in the Faith make many of them curious and inquisitive and Scepticks if not downright Atheists and the most cebrated were those Minos gave thâ— Cretians k They are now the
Inhabitants of the Isle of Candia Lycurgus the Lacedemonians and Solon the Athenians but his were more numerous and more refined 6 The more cunning and discerning People are the more numerous the Laws should be for as a Law-Maker can never foresee all Cases that may happen nor all the Subtilties and Cavils will be thought on for evading his Law or at least the Exceptions will be found that is the Reasons against obeying it hic nunc he is obliged to explain his Law or rather to make as many Laws as new Cases shall arise There is no Country where there are better Laws nor more than in Normandy for the Normans have always been very cunning and are in France like the Athenians in Greece Romulus ruled as he pleased Numa established a Form for Divine Worship and Religious Ceremonies Tullus and Ancus made some Laws but our chiefest Law-Maker was Servius Tullius whose Laws Kings themselves were bound to Obey 7 According to Plato Monarchy is the worst and best sort of Government The worst if absolute the best if limited Those that teach Kings and Sovereign Princes the contrary learn them to Tyrannize not Reign not to keep the People in Duty and Obedience but to make them Rebel No Princes have ever been better Obeyed nor consequently more Princes than those that have not set themselves above the Laws Commines gives a very good instance in Charles VIII of France that at his Accession to the Crown obtained of the States at Tours a Gift of Two Millions and Five Hundred Thousand Livres which was says he rather too much than too little tho' the Kingdom had been under griâ—vous Taxes for Twenty Years On the contrary when a Prince will do every thing according to his Will and inordinate Desire his People will not Obey him nor Succour him in his Necessities but instead of aiding him when he has great Affairs upon his Hands they despise and run into Rebellion against him Chap. dernier du liv 5. de ses Memoires XXVIII After Tarquinius Superbus was expelled 8 See the end of Independent Arbitrary and Unlimited Authority which Flatterers make Princes assume See what happened to Henry III. of France of whom it is said he forbid the French make any Applications to him and taught them there was no other measure of Iustice than his Will Mezeray de sa Vie One thing that most hurâ— this poor Prince says the Chancellor de Chiverny was the Opinion he had entertained of his own Sufficiency despising others Iudgments which is the greatest Misfortune that can befal a Prince or any other Person Dans sâ—s Mâ—moirs the People made many against the Factions of the Senators 9 The Nobility always love a Prince whatever he is better than a popular Government where the People never fail bringing them to an Equality which they cannot bear being used to Distinction For it is the same with Great Men as it was with Agrippa Augustus's Son-in-Law who according to Paterculus willingly obeyed one but in revenge would command all others Parendi sed uni scientissimus aliis sanè imperandi cupidus to defend their Liberties and establish Union The Decemviri l See Decemviri in the Historical Notes of the Preface to Tacitus were chosen to collect the best 10 Nothing is more useful to a Prince that has great Dominions and consequently great Affairs to Transact with other Princes than an exact Knowledge of the Laws and Customs of other Countries Besides that it teaches him to distinguish good and bad in every Government shews him proper Expedients for Reforming Abuses that daily happen in Government whether in his Revenue in his Military Discipline in his Courts of Iustice and in all other Parts thereof Mariana says That Henry III. of Castile sent Ambassadors to Christian Princes and to Mahometans only to inform him their manner of Governing so to collect the Wisdom of all Courts in his own and to know the better how to shew the Majesty of a King in all his Actions What might have been expected from this Prince who died at 27 years old and was the ablest that had Reigned in Spain Chap. 14. de liv 19. de son Histoire Laws of other Countries out of which they composed the Twelve Tables the sum of Law and Iustice. As for the Laws that followed though some were made against Malefactors yet they were most commonly brought in through the Dissensions of the People and Senate for obtaining unlawful Dignities driving out Noblemen or other Disorders Witness the Gracchii and Saturnini the Incendiaries of the People and Drusus who was no less prodigal in the Name of the Senate and corrupted his Companions by Hopes or deluded them Neither the War of Italy nor the Civil War m That this Recital of the History of the ancient Commonwealth may be the better understood in which Tacitus is so short it is in my Opinion proper to give an Extract here of some Chapters of Paterculus which relate very well those Dissentions Scipâ—o Nasica says he was the first advised Force against the Tribune Tiberius Gracchus his Cosin to prevent the Execution of the Legeâ— Agrariae made in favour of the People Ten years after Nasica was followed by the Consul Opimius taking up Arms against Caius Gracchus who either to revenge his Brother Tiberius's Death or to open a way to Sovereignty which he affected exercised the Tribunate with greater Violence than his elder Brother and subverted the Governmeâ—t of the City and State The Gracchi being Dead Opimius caused all their Friends or Servants to be put to Death which was not liked as procâ—â—ding rather from his particular Hatred to the Gracchi than a desire to make publick Examples of them The Gracchi were succeeded by Servilius Glaucia and Saturninus Apuleius who to keep the Tribunate longer than the Laws allowed and to prevent others being chose in their Places which Tacitus expresses by apisci inlicitos Honores dissolved by Fire and Sword the meetings of the People which obliged Marius then Consul the sixth time to Sacrifice them to the publick Hatred The Tribunate of Livius Drusus who would have restored to the Senate the right of judging Causes which Caius Gracchus had transferred to the Knights was neither more quiet nor happier all the Senators opposing him in those things he designed in their Favour chusing rather to bear the Insults of his Colleagues than be beholding to him for the Honour he would procure them So much enviâ—d they his Glory which appeared to them too great The Death of Drâ—sus who was killed as the Gracchi for extending the Priviledges of the City of Rome to all Italy which explains Tacitus Corrupâ—i spâ— aut 〈◊〉 per intercessionem socii kindles a War in Italy or of the Contederates 〈…〉 who presently demanded this Honour complaining with good Reason that they were treated like Strangers by a City maintained by their Arms tho' of the same Nation
the same Blood and Rome obliged to them for her great Power This War was the first occasion of raising Cn. Pompâ—ius Marius and Sylla who turned those Arms against the City they were entrusted with against the Allies For Sylla that was of a noble Family out much lessened in their Greatness valuing himself upon the Credit of ending the War in Italy demanded the Consulate and obtained 〈◊〉 by the Suâ—â—ragâ—s of almost all the Citizens At the same time the Government of Asia â—alling to Sylla Pub. Sulpicius the Tribune declared for Marius who at 70 years of Age would Command all the Provinces and by a Law turn'd Sylla out of the Government to give it to Marius whence presently began Sylla's Civil War who drove Marius and Sulpicius with their Accomplices out of Rome This War was succeeded by that of Cinnâ— who was no more moderate than Marius or Sulpicius He to Revenge himself of the Senate that deposed him from the Consulate and put another in his place recalled Marius and his Son from Exile and all of their Party that were Banished to strengthen his own to which by great Promises he drew all the Officers of the Roman Army at Nola. While he made War with his Country Cn. Pompeius seeing himself disappointed in his hopes of being continued Consul stands 〈◊〉 'twixt the Commonwealth and Sylla to watch an opportunity to mâ—nd his Condition by going with his Army to that side had the Advanâ—age For it often happens in Civil Wars that great Men Sacrifice their Alâ—egiance to their Interest Pompey dying after he had given Cinna Battle he and Marius became Masters of Rome whose Entry was followed with the Death of the Consuls Octavius killed by their Order and Cornelius Merula who cut his Veins to prevent Cinna's Revenge for being in his Place Marius dying next year at the beginning of his Seventh Consulate Cinna that entred upon his Second had all the Power of the Government but being very violent the great Men retired to Sylla in Greece which made him return into Italy to revenge the Nobles who made him their Chief as Marius was of the People and Cinna was slain by the Soldiers who Mutined against him when he would have had them Embarkt to Fight the Nobles Sylla endeavours to end all Differences by a good Accommodation and upon â—easonable Terms but Peace would not please those that hoped to advantage themselves by Fishing in Troubled Waters The Ambition of young Marius elected Consul at 26 years of Age continued the War but after he lost a Battle he was slain by some that Sylla hired to do it He was surnamed The Happy so much was his Courage valued This Victory made Sylla Dictator who so much abused his Authority that Marius and Cinna were regretted For he was the first invented Proscription i. e. by publick Authority gave a Reward to any one should kill a Citizen of Rome so that more was noâ— given for the Head of an Enemy slain in Battle than for a Citizen's killed in his own House After Cinna Marius and Sylla came Pompey the Great who according to Tacitus was not better than they but knew more how to Dissemble Post quos Cn. Pompeius occultior non melior Hist. 2. As soon as Pompey was in the Management of Publick Affairs not content to be the first he would be alone from thence came Caesar's Iealousie which in Conclusion produced another Civil War where Fortune leaving Pompey Caesar became Master of the Empire Paterâ— Hist. 2. Chap. 6. â— 12. 13. 15. 17. 19. 20. 21. 22. 25. 28. 33. 47. 48. hindred them making many Laws and very different till Sylla the Dictator changed or abolished them to make all new Then there was some Intermission which continued not long by reason of Lepidus's turbulent Demands and the Licentiousness of the Tribunes who managed the People as they pleased and made as many Laws as they had Persons to accuse so that the Commonwealth being corrupt the Laws were infinite 1 The multitude of Laws says Plato de Republica is as sure a sign of the Corruption of a State as a multitude of Physicians is of a Complication of Distempers It may truly be said adds a great Minister That new Laws are not so much Remedies for the Disorders of States as Testimonies thereof and sure toâ—ens of the weakness of a Government if old Laws have been well executed there will be no need of renewing them nor making others to stop new Disorders which then had never been settled Chap. 5. de la seconde partie du Testament Politique However it be Mezeray had reason to say That the multiplying Regulations in France served only to multiply the Abuses Dans la Vie d' Henry III. XXIX Then Cneius Pompeius was a third time Consul n Paterculus says That in this Consulate he had no Colleague and that this extraordinary Honour gave Caesar so much Iealousie that from that time they were irreconcileable Enemies He adds Pompey used all his Authority against Canvasing for Offices Chap. 47. and chose for Reformation of Manners but being more severe 2 In making Laws the Disposition of the People is to be observed No Laws are worse than those that require Perfection for the difficulty of observing them brings them into a Disuse Practice never reaches Speculation and consequently things are not to be adjusted in such a manner as will be best but in such a manner as will last longest Cardinal Pallavicini very properly calls too severe Laws the Bane of publick Tranquillity than the Offences deserved was the Subverter of the Laws he made and lost by Arms what he had gain'd by them o All good Men says the same Author would have Pompey and Caesar both quit their Commands Pompey agreed with those would have Caesar do it but was against doing it himself too And thence began the Civil War Chap. 48. From that time there were continual Troubles for Twenty Years no Custom no Law observed the greatest Crimes went unpunished and many good Actions were fatal At length Augustus Caesar being the Sixth time Consul and settled in his Authority he abolished those things he commanded in his Triumvirate and gave new Laws to be observed in time of Peace and under a Monarch And that they might be the better kept he appointed some to look after them The Law Papia Poppaea provided the People as common Parent should inherit their Goods that left no Children p By the Lex Papia those who had never been Married nihil capiebant â—x testamentis they were incapable of taking any thing by Will But the Orbâ— i. e. those who had been Married but had no Children lost only a Moiety And it is in this Sense Iuveâ—al makes the Adulterer say to the Husband Quod tibi filiolus vel filia nascitur ex me Iura parentis habes propter me scriberis haeres Legatum omne capis nec non dulce caducum Sat. 9.
〈◊〉 his Slave who had a piece of Silver with 〈◊〉 Image upon it 〈◊〉 Vie d'Apollonius and Patrons with Words and Blows Therefore C. Sestius a Senator spoke to this Effect That indeed Princes were like Gods but the Gods heard only just Prayers That neither the Capitol nor Temples of the City were a Refuge to any for their Crimes 1 Sanctuaries were instituted for those who desire the help of the Law but not for such as make it their Business to injure others There was an end of the Laws if Anna Rufilla whom he Condemned for Fraud might threaten and reproach him before the Senate and in publick and not be questioned for it because she had Caesar's Image before her f Suetonius says The Senate forbid their laying hold on the Statâ—es and Images Condemning those to the Mines that should do so to injure otherâ— Daâ—s la Vie de Tibere Chap. 37. Others delivered themselves to the same purpose but some with warmth beseeching Drusus to inflict some exemplary punishment on her so she was called for Convicted and Condemned to Prison XXXIX At Drusus's Request Considuus Aequus and Celius Cursor two Roman Knights were condemned by the Senate for falsly accusing Magius Cecilianus the Praetor of High-Treason These Matters were to Drusus's Honour 2 A Prince cannot gain himself more Love and Respect than by speedy Iustice. There cannot be a better Action than that of Iohn III. of Portugal who being before the Altar to Communicate a Gentleman coming in cried out aloud to the Priest that held the Host to dâ—fer the Communion till the King had heard him and done him Iustice and this good Prince did not Communicate till he had done it See the Treatise Intituled Audiencia de Principes for by his means Conversation was made free and safe and his Father 's secret Designs qualified They found no Fault with his Riots thinking it better for one of his Age to spend the Day in the publick Shews g It is in Latin Aediâ—â—cationibus but the Commentators think it ought raâ—â—er to be Editionibus and the Night in Revels than to live Solitary 3 Solitudo does Princes no good especially when they are young It only makes them cruel â—antastical untractable and averse to those Duties that belong to Sovereigâ—ty I cannot give here a better instance of the mischief of Solitude in the Education of Princes than that of Iohn II. King of Castile according to the Description of the judicious Mariana All the Virtues of this king says he were obscured by the little care he took of his Affairs and the Government He gave no Audience willingly nor never any but in haste He had no great Capacity nor a Head fit for Affairs of State That brought his Courtiers into Favour and particularly Alvaro de Luna who began to be more familiar with him than all the rest Queen Catherine his Mother had good Reason to drive this Favourite from Court and send him back into his own Country but sâ—ewed little Wisdom in keeping her son shut up in a House for six years together without suffering him to go out or any Person to visit him besides some Domesticks of the Court. Whereby she pretended to prevent the Grandees making themselves Masters of him and Innovations in the Kingdom A misâ—rable Education for a King an unworthy thing not to allow a Prince liberty to speak to see or be seen but to keep him in a Cage to make him cruel and violent and to mew him up that was born for Labour and the Fatigues of War Why would she soften and emasculate his Courage who ought to be day and night on his guard and watch over all the Parts of his State Certainly such an Education will bring great Mischiefs upon the Subjects of any Kingdom For the Prince's manly Age will be like his Infancy he will pass the best of his Days in dishonourable Pleasures and Idleness as Iohn II. did For after the Death of Queen Catherine his Carriage was always like a Child and as if he had never seen Light The multitude of Affairs troubled him and perplexed his Head Therefore he was always governed by his Courtierâ— to the great prejudice of his States which were in perpetual Commotions Mariana says too he was subject to Startings which would take him all of a sudden and his Caresses were all out of Season so that he was more despised than feared Chap. 11. du 20. liv de son Hist. d'Esp The Life Henry III. of France led after his Minions had persuaded him not to appear any more to his Subjects but to be shut up from them like the Kings of the East had the same Effects His Desires says the Chancellor Chivergny shewed his Iudgment was not as it used to be that he was too much locked up and involved in other Pleasure his Minions had engaged him And I shall take the liberty to say that foreseeing long before his Death 4 years at least how impossible it was for him not to fall into some great Misfortune I often laid before him the great Injury he did himself and the Evil he and his State would undoubtedly receive Daâ—s ses Memoires without Pleasures 4 A Prince should have some Relaxation from his serious Affairs and after he has been at the Head of his Army It is not possible the Soul should be always bent to grave and painful Administrations without any Refreshment or the Diversion of other more agreeable Thoughts Titus who is recommended for one of the wisest Princes ever governed was desperately in love with Berenice but his Love never hindred his Business Harangue de M. d'Aubray dans la Satyre Menippâ—e and to let Melancholly prevail upon him and draw him into ill Practices and Devices For Tiberius and the Informers gave disquiet enough Ancarius Priscus accused Cesius Cordus Proconsul of Crete of Extortion and of Treason too a Supplement in all Accusations 5 When all Crimes are turned to Treason 't is a certain sign of a Tyrannical Government and that a Prince sacrifices Iustice to his Interest XL. Tiberius displeased with the Iudges for acquitting Antistius Verus one of the chief Lords of Macedonia of Adultery sent for him to Rome to answer for Treason 6 When a Prince sets up new Accusations against a great Man that the Iudges acquit of what he is charged with 't is plain he resolves to destroy him as an Accomplice with Rescuporis in his Designs of making War upon us when he had slain his Brother Cotis He was Banished h Aquâ— ignis interdictio was the Phrase used in Banishment which was not a Punishment immediately but by consequence For the forbidding the use of Water and Fire which were necessary for Life the Condemned Person was obliged to leave his Country into an Island 7 The less Evidence there is against a man the more severely is be treated if it be for
Treason Mathematical Demonstrations of Conspiracies and Cabals says Cardinal Ricâ—lieu are not to be expected those are not to be met with till the Event that is not till they are past Remedy Tome 5. des Memoires de son Ministre And consequently what appears by strong Conjectures should sometimes be thought sufficiently proved Chap. 5. de la seconde partie du Testament Politique that had no Commerce either with Macedonia or Thrace 8 If a great Man is potent in a Frontier Country and behaves himself so as to give cause to suspect his corresponding with the Neighbouring Princes the Prince is in the Right to secure his Person either by calling him to Court or arresting him there if he comes not out And tho' there be not sufficient Evidence against him yet there is no Injustice done him in preventing his return for it is not reasonable Princes should live in Fear and Uneasiness for any Subject nor that the Interest of a particular Person should be considered more than the publick Safety For since Thrace was divided betwixt Rhemetalces and Cotis's Children to whom Trebellienus Rufus was Tutor by reason of their Infancy being not accustomed 9 It is absolutely necessary a Governor should know the Customs Laws and Manners of the Countâ—y where he is sent otherwise he will commit a thousand Errors that will make him be hated or despised which will be in prejudice of his Prince's Authority Cardinal Richlieu says in the first Chapter of his Testament Politique that he was forced to put the Marshal de Vitry out of the Government of Provence tho' his Courage and Fidelity made him very â—it for it because being of an insolent haughty Temper he was not proper to govern a People jealous of their Liberties and Priviledges as the Provensals are And in Arragon they pretend the King of Spain cannot give them a Stranger for their Viceroy that is one that is no Native without breaking the Laws So they call their Liberties and Immunities in Defence whereof all the Kingdom rose for Antonio Perez against Philip II. 1591. to our Government the People were full of Discontents and complained of Rhematalces and Trebellienus that they never punished the Oppressions of the Country 10 A Governor that suffers the People to be insulted by Strangers whether he can remedy it or not may however be assured that upon the first occasion they will Rebel against him The Celaletes Odrusians and other Potent People of Thrace took Arms under divers Captains but for want of Experience 11 The Event of Rebellions is almost always unfortunate because of the Incapaciâ—y of those that Command For on such occasions the People who know not what is â—itting for that time commonly take him for their Captain who first offers came not to any formidable War Some wasted the Country others passed the Mountain Haemus i a Mountain of Thrace continually cold at the foot whereof are the pleasant Fields of Thessaly to raise those lived remote others Besieged Rhemetalces and the City of Philippopoli built by Philip of Macedonia XLI Velleius k He writ an Epitome of the Roman History in very elegant Latin but â—ull of gross Flattery that Commanded an Army near l The Army in Missia having advice of these Disorders sent some Horse and light Footmen against those pillaged the Country or got Recruits while he went himself to raise the Siege All ended prosperously the Foragers were slain and a Dissension arising among the Besiegers Rhemetalces made a seasonable Sally upon the arrival of the Legions This deserved not the name of an Army 12 A good and faithful Historian should relate things plainly and without Aggravation If Truth be the life of History those that write ought carefully to avoid Aggravation which has always a mixture of Lying Câ—mmines speaking of the Battle of Morat where the Duke of Burgundy was beat by the Swissers says Mâ—ny talkt of Millions and reported they know not what making Armies five times greater than they are This is a Fault very common with the greatest part of modern Historians or Battle in which a few unarmed Men were defeated without any Blood-shed on our side XLII The same year the Cities of Gallia began to Rebel by reason of the excessive Debts they had contracted The Incendiaries were Iulius Florus and Iulius Sacrovir both nobly descended whose Ancestors for their great Services were made Citizens of Rome an Honour at that time rare and only a reward for Virtue 1 Those Honours that are rarely conferred and only upon Persons of extraordinary Merit are great Rewards to those that have them M. de Marquemont Archbishop of Lions speaking of the Prince of Poland's arrival at Rome and the Difficulties they were under how to treat him says he received no publick Honours but thoughâ— himself well recompenced in being made a Canon of St. Peter and to be allowed in the Habit of a Canon to shew the Holy Relicks of that Church which was never done by any but Charles V. and another Emperor Dans une lettre du 5 Ianvier 1625. Tome 1. des Mem. du Mâ—nistere du Card. de Rich. By Conferences they gain'd those whose Poverty or Crimes had made desperate Florus was to raise the Low-Countrymen and Sacrovir the French In their Meetings they talkt Seditiously of their Taxes the Excess of Usury m They were 〈◊〉 to borrow Money of the Roman Bankers to pay their heavy Taxes which ruined them with Usâ—ry the Pride and Cruelty of their Governors and that since Germanicus's Death there were great Discontents in the Army And that if they considered the Strength of the French the Poverty of Italy the weakness of the People of Rome who understood nothing of War and that the Strength of our Armies consisted of Foreign Troops they would see this was a proper time to recover their Liberty XLIII There was scarce a City free from this Contagion but Tours and Angiers revolted first The latter was reduced to its Duty by Lieutenant Acilius Aviola who marched speedily thither with some of the Garison of Lyons And those of Tours by those Forces Visellius Varro Lieutenant of Lower Germany sent Aviola with the Succours he had from some of thâ— great Men of France who waited a more favourable opportunity to Rebel themselves Sacrovir fought bare-headed as he said to shew his Courage but the Prisoners said he did it to be better known and that the Romans might not draw upon him XLIV When Tiberius was consulted upon this Rebellion he slighted the Discovery but â—omented the VVar by Irresolution 2 The want of Resolution in Princes says Antonio Perez begets many Inconveniences Dans ses Râ—lations In great Affairs says Cardinal d'Ossat for avoiding a great Evil and obtaining great Good something must be attempted and a Resolution taken to get out of ill Circumstances the soonest and best that may be Lettre 127. Charles Colonna an
Battels of S. Quintin and Gravelines which was a just Punishment for the Breach of the Truce of Vaucelles and altogether a convincing Evidence that the Absolutions a Violent and Passionate Pope gives are not always sure signs of a Divine Absolution So the wise Cardinal d'Ossat had good reason to say that a Pope should be a Man of Virtue and Understanding that he may not be deceived by the Artifices of ill Men and to make him a common Father in holding the Ballance equal not doing ill to any at the Desire and Suggestion of others Letter 330. Gregory XIV at the beginning of his Papacy declar'd he pretended not to govern according to the Maxims of State but according to the Laws of the Gospel That was speaking like a Pope but as a good Milanese he could not keep his word for he soon declar'd for the League in favour of the King of Spain and the Guises As if Partiality had been an Evangelical Precept for a Common Father Herrerac 10. du Livre 6. de la 3 Partie de son Hist. If the Piety of the Faithâ—ul says Saavedra has given the Popes Temporal Power it were more for the Security of their Grandeur never to use it against Princes but when the Universal Good of the Church made it necessary When the Triple Crown is turn'd into an Helmet there is no Respect paid it but as a temporal Thing when it makes use of Politick Considerations it is lookt upon only as the Crown of a Politick Prince and not a Pope's whose Authority should be supported by Spiritual Power His Pastoral Duty is not for War but Peace His Staff is crooked not pointed for 't is to lead not hurt Empresa 94. I will conclude this with a very judicious Reflection of Don Iuan Antonia de Vera in the Second Discourse of his Ambassador What ancient or modern Example says he can be brought in comparison of that which Cardinal Bembo and Thomas Porcachi relate of Pope Iulius II. who being more an Enemy to the French King Lewis XII thaâ— was fit for an universal Pastor of the Church orders the King of Spain's Ambassador and the Venetians his Allies to acquaint their Masters he had made Peace with France but that they should not be allarm'd at it for he continued still his ill Will to that Crown that his Heart was Spanish and that this Peace was only to lay the French asleep to take them afterwards unprovided If there be then so little Security and Faith in a Pope what may we expect from Secular Princes How can we trust those that are not Catholicks or are born Infidels Words worthy this Spaniard who took for his Motto Veritaâ— Vincit Against this Lentulus the Augur and others differently spoke at last it was resolv'd to refer the Matter to the Emperor's Decision LX. Tiberius defers giving his Opinion in it and moderates the Honours decreed Drusus with the Office of Tribune reproving by Name the Insolence of that Proposition that the Decree should be writ in Letters of Gold contrary to Custom Drusus's Letters were read which were taken to be very arrogant though they had a turn of Modesty too They said Things were come to that pass that Drusus upon receiving so great Honour would not vouchsafe a Visit to the Gods of the City nor shew himself in the Senate or begin at least his Authority in his own Country if the War or his Distance hindeâ—â— him However he is entertaining himself on the Shores and Lakes of Campania f A Province near Rome call'd now Terra di Lavoro Florus says Campania was the â—inest Country in the World Terrarum pulcherrima Thus is he bred that is to govern the World This he learn'd from his Father's Counsels Tiberius might excuse himself from appearing in Publick by reason of his Years and Labours but what hinders Drusus besides his Pride LXI Tiberius daily strengthen'd his Sovereignty but to leave some shew of their ancient State to the Senate he sent them the Petitions of the Provinces to examine The Licentiousness and Impunity of Sanctuaries grew to that in Greece thâ— Cities set them up as they pleased The Temples were filled with Slaves Debtors that defy'd their Creditors and Persons subject of Capital Crimes g As Greece was a Province almost all Maritime and where according to Thucidides Piracy prevail'd much and those that exercised it were in good Esteem the Inhabitants built Temples to protect themselves from the Insults of the Pyrates So these Temples were not like our Churches but like Castles and Forts with Vaults under ground and were not for the Retreat of Criminals but for honest Persons that fled from Oppression And if they were abused they lost the Privilege of the Sanctuaries which at first was allowed to very few Places But the Wickedness of Men ingenious enough in finding out ways to abuse the most sacred things wrought â—o great a Change that what was instituted in Greece for a Protection against Oppression became one against Iustice and the Laws so that the Sanctuaries that were at first only a Refuge for honest Men and such as were afflicted served afterwards only for Criminals This made the Senate of Rome to regulate them and take from the Temples in Greece the Privilege of Sanctuaries except Nine that gave better Testimony than the rest of their Original Too small a Number for so great a Province that was more than a thousand Miles extent There was at this time another kind of Immunity not Instituted in Honour of any God nor in Favour of any Temple but only in consideration of Iustice. It was for those had any Potent Enemy they could not oppose they run to some Statue of the Prince embraced it calling for Publick Authority and then no one durst offer them the least Violence Yet this was not an Immunity but rather an Appeal to Iustice For as soon as the Iudges took Cognisance of the Matter if their Cause was good they awarded them Satisfaction but if Unjust a double Penalty was inflicted one for the Crime the other for their boldnesâ— in running to the Princes Statue when guilty Would to God Churches were only Sanctuaries for the Innocent and that Câ—iminals resorting to them were not only punish'd for their Crimes but also for their Rashness in believing God and the Churches will protect 〈◊〉 Thieves Rebels incestuous Perâ—ons and Villains 〈◊〉 Paâ—lo Sarpi chap. 7. de son Traite â—es Asiles Philo Iudaeâ—s explaining the Law in the 21. of Exodus If a Man come presumptuously upon his Nâ—ighbour to sâ—ay him with Guile that thou shalt take him from mine Altar that he may die says That Wicked Mâ—n should find no Sanctuary in Places consecrated to Piety and Worship Proâ—ani in fano nullum esse receptum lib. de spec legib In Petrarchs Letters there is one to the Pope in which he congratulates his repressing the Liberty of the Cardinals who protected any Offenders pursuâ—d by
which was to Consult to which it may be added that it is more dangerous to be taken Plotting than Fighting XVI Having provok'd each other by such Discourses and made Voadica a Woman their Chief no Sex being excluded the Government they by Consent made War together pursuing those dispersed in Garisons taking their Forts invading their Colonies as the Seat of Slavery and Oppression Neither did these conquering and incensed Barbarians omit any sort of Cruelty If Paulinus had not been acquainted with the Revolt of the Province and speedily sent help Britain had been utterly lost but the Success of one Engagement reduced it to its former Obedience and Patience A great many kept their Arms in their Hands being conscious of their own Guilt and fearful of the Lieutenant-General who otherways a Great Man to revenge this particular Affront behaved himself cruelly towards the poor People that surrendred Petronius Turpilianus was sent a Person more exorable and less acquainted with their Crimes which made him receive the Penitent with greater Mildness When he had composed these Differences he delivered up the Province to Trebellius Maximus who being a less active Man than his Predecessors and wanting Knowledge in Military Affairs maintained his Province by a gentle way of looking after it The Britains were so civil as to pardon an Error so grateful and so easie to themselves A Civil War breaking out gave just Excuse to his Remisness But the Army began to mutiny which having been used to Enterprize now grew Loose for want of Action Trebellius avoided their Fury by Flight and Concealment but lost his Authority being forced to Govern precariously as if it had been agreed between him and the Army that he should live safely provided they might live licentiously This Sedition cost no Blood Vectius Bolanus came in his room but the Civil Wars continuing he could not maintain Military Discipline in Britain the Army being alike careless of the Enemy and troublesome to the Superiour Officer in the Camp but being a harmless Man and not having incurr'd any Ill-will by reason of any Offence he obtained Respect instead of Authority XVII But now Vespatian having won the Empire of the World and Britain his Captains became Great his Armies Famous and the Enemies Hopes little Petilius Cerialis struck them with a present Terror by assaulting the City of the Brigantines which was esteemed the most populous of the whole Province And after many sharp and bloody Conflicts he reduced and wasted the greatest part of the Country The bright Reputation of Cerialis was enough to ecclipse the Diligence and Glory of a Successor but Iulius Frontinus a Man as great as Circumstances would permit sustained the Charge with Honour and Renown overcoming the Difficulties of Defiles and Passes and the Courage of the Enemy he subdued the stout and fighting Nation of the Silures XVIII Agricola passing over in the middle of Summer â—ound Affairs in this Posture and these to be the various Turns of War The Souldiers living securely as if the Business of the Expedition were over and the Enemy as intently watching all Advantages The Ordovices just before his coming cut to pieces almost a Squadron of Horse that lay in their Borders with which Proceeding the rest were so elevated that some desirous of War approved of the Example others staid to see the new Lieutenant's Resolution Agricola tho' the Summer was almost spent and his Men dispersed up and down in the Country the Souldiers dreaming of nothing less than Action which things mightily cross'd and retarded his Warlike Designs Nay many thought it more advisable for the present to guard the Places suspected resolved to meet the Danger gathering together the Ensigns of the Legions and some few Auxiliars the Ordovices not daring to come on even Ground he placed himself at their Head to inspire them with the same Courage exposing himself to the same Hazard and made the Army march and destroy almost the whole Nation knowing very well that now was the time for gaining a Reputation for as things happen at the first so they continue most commonly afterwards He therefore was very intent upon the Reduction of the Isle of Mona which as I have related Paulinus was forced to quit upon the general Defection of Britain But as in dangerous Adventures something is always wanting so now they had no Ships to transport their Men But Agricola by his Contrivance and Constancy carried them over After they had laid aside their Baggage he chose the best and most expert of the Auxiliars who understood all the Fords and were admirable Swimmers and could manage their Arms themselves and their Horses at once and in this manner poured them on their amazed Enemies who thought to have seen a Navy and Ships crossing the Sea and not a War brought in to their Country so miraculously So that they concluded nothing was difficult or impregnable to such bold Adventurers Whereupon they immediately supplicating for a Peace and delivering up the Island Agricola began to be esteemed a great and valiant Commander At his first entring upon the Government he applied that Time to Labour and Hazard which others spent in Shew and Complement He did not let his Success prove fruitless neither would he call the keeping the Vanquish'd in order an Expedition or a Victory he did not crown his Letters of Advertisement with Laurels but encreased the Glory of his Arms by taking no notice of it while Men weighed with themselves how great a Prospect he must have of Things to come who was so regardless of great Things already done XIX Being well acquainted with the Genius of his Province and having learnt at other Mens Cost that Arms avail little towards the setling of a Peace if Injuries are permitted he was resolved to root out all Occasions of War And what was to some as difficult as the Government of a Province beginning with himself and Family he reformed his own House he allowed no Bond or Free Man to share in the Management of Affairs he let no Souldiers immediately attend his Person that were privately recommended by Friends or by the Praises or Entreaties of the Centurions but he esteemed the best Souldier always the most Faithful He would be informed of all things tho' he did not punctually exact their Execution he applied Pardon to small Faults and Punishment to great Ones he prudently chose those Officers that were likely to prove inoffensive rather than be put to the ungrateful Trouble of condemning them when Offenders The Augmentation of Tribute and Corn he mitigated by an equal proportioning the Burden and cut off all Extortion which was more grievous than the Imposition for they made a Iest of the poor People who were forced to wait at the Granaries when lockt up and to buy Corn which they must sell at a Price Several ways and far distant Places were enjoyned by the proud Purveyors that the Cities should carry their Provisions not to the nearest
make a general Shout and at Day-break the glittering Ensigns appeared In this Conâ—lict the Britains Courage abated and the Romans returned not fighting for Safety but Glory and Honour Now the Romans were Aggressors there was a cruel Fight in the narrow Gates of the Camp 'till the Enemy was routed one part of the Army contending to bring Succour the other fighting to shew they did not want it If the Fens and the Woods had not hid them in their flight we had ended the War by gaining this Victory XXVII Upon the fighting this Battle so resolutely and the winning of it so bravely the Army grew fierce and bold presuming nothing could resist their Courage They cried out to be led into Caledonia that by a continued Series of Victories they might be brought to the utmost Limits of Britain And our late cautious and wise Counsellors began to speak big and to be very daring now the Danger was over This is the unjust Condition of War that all claim their Share in good Success but bad is imputed but to one The Britains supposing themselves defeated not by the Courage of their Adversaries but Conduct of their General who had watched his Opportunity abated nothing of their Arrogance but listed the stoutest Men they had and carried their Wives and Children to Places of the greatest Security The Cities conâ—ederated together meeting frequently and by Religious Rites and offering up Sacrifices confirmed their Association And thus both Armies parted with equal Animosity XXVIII This Summer there was a horrid but memorable Fact committed by a Troop of Vsipians raised in Germany for our Service in Britain who having slain the Centurion and some Souldiers put over their Parties and mixed with them for their Example and Government they seized three small Vessels compelling the Masters to execute their Office but only one discharging his Duty they kill'd the rest as suspected Persons It not being yet discovered they miraculously set out but by and by they were toss'd hither and thither and had several Encounters with the Britains who defended their own in which they sometimes were worsted and sometimes had the better but at laâ—t they were reduced to that Extremity that they had no Food to sustain them but the Infirm when they were spent they cast Lots who should be kill'd for the Provision of the Rest. Thus roving about Britain they lost their Ships for want of Skill to sail them and being taken for Pirates they were first intercepted by the Suevians and the Frisans and were bought and sold till at last in Traâ—fick they came on our side of the River which fully discovered the whole Adventure In the beginning of the Summer Agricola had a severe Affliction in his Family the Loss of his Son born the Year before he did not like some Great Men vent his Sorrow vain-gloriously or express his Concern in an effeminate Lamentation but made War the Diversion of his Grief XXIX Therefore sending his Fleet before which plundred many Places the Enemy was struck with a great and perplex'd Fear and making the Army ready to which he had joyned the bravest and by a long Peace well assured Britains he marched to the Hill Grampius which the Britains had possessed who were not in the least daunted with their former Defeat knowing now they had nothing to expect but Revenge or Slavery and having learned that Common Danger was to be repulsed by Concord The Cities by sending Ambassadors had united their Force and entred into a strict League of Defence Now they had an Army of about Thirty thousand fighting Men and the Youth of the Country daily came in to them with such Old Men as continued lusty and strong every one telling his old and past Exploits But Galgacus was preferr'd for his high Birth and great Virtue who made a Speech to this vast Multitude earnestly desiring Battle XXX As oâ—ten as I revolve in my Mind the Cause and Necessity of this War I am perswaded that this Day and your unanimous Agreement will be the beginning of the British Liberty We are all sensible of Slavery we have no Land or Sea left secure the Roman Fleet riding on our Coasts To take Arms and Fight as it is honourable for the Brave so it is safest for the Coward Our former Combates with the Romans were various in their Success yet we had Hopes and a Reserve still in our own Power For we the Flower of the British Nation and therefore seated in the innermost Recess never beheld the slavish Shoars nor had our Eyes violated with the Prospect of a Foreign Government For this little Corner has preserved us the small Remains of our Country and Liberty But now the Bounds of Britain are discovered and to attempt what is unknown is reputed great We have no Nation behind us but a raging Sea and sensless Rocks The Romans are in the Bowels of our Country whose Pride you vainly seek to evade by Modesty and Submission They are the Rapparees of the Universe when Lands are wanting they riâ—le the Ocean If their Enemy is rich they are covetous if poor ambitious So that neither East nor West can satisfie their unruly Passions They are the only greedy Men that with equal Avarice make Wealth and Poverty their Prey To kill plunder bear-away they call by the false Name of Empire and Desolation they term a setled Peace XXXI Nature commands us all to hold our Children and Relations dear these are pressed carried somewhere to be Slaves Our Wives and Sisters are not ravished in a hostile Manner but they are deluded and debauched under the specious Pretence of Frienpship and Hospitality Our Estates are wasted in paying Tribute our Corn in supplying the Army with Provisions Our Bodies and Hands are worn out partly by Stripes and partly by Contempt while we are set to work on Bogs and Woods They that are born Slaves are sold but once and then maintained at the Charge of the Purchasers but Britain daily buys and maintains its own Servitude As in a private Family new Servants are always a Laughing-stock to the old so in this old Family of the Universe we being newly discovered and vile are sought out for Scorn and Destruction There are no Fields no Mines no Ports for which we may be reserved to Till to Dig to Trade in The Gallantry of Subjects is very distasteful to their Lords and yet Distance and Privacy as it is most safe is more suspected Having lost all Hopes of Pardon let us act as Men that hold their Liberty as well as their Glory dear The Brigantes led by a Woman burnt their Colony and took their Forts and if Success had not made them careless had broke their Yoke We are as yet entire unsubdued born to be free and not the Vassals of proud Rome We 'll let them see at our first Meeting what Men Calidonia has reserved 'till last XXXII D' ye think the Romans Prowess in War equals their Licentiousness in
Peace No they are made great by our intestine Discord and Dissentions they make their Enemies Faults the Glory of their Army composed of several Nations which Prosperity keeps together and Adversity will disband unless the French and Germans and what I blush to say some Britains too are foolishly lavish of their Blood to establish Usurpation It cannot be conceived that Enemies will continue longer Faithful and Affectionate than Servants the feeble Bonds of their Love are Fear and Terror if they are once removed they 'll streight begin to hate those they cease to dread All the Encouragements to Victory are on our side the Romans have no Wives to raise their Courage or Parents to upbraid their Flight they have either no Country to defend or if they have 't is another These few but fearful Men distracted by their Ignorance casting their Eyes on our strange Heavens Earth and Woods the Gods at last propitious have in a manner delivered into our Hands pent up and bound Ne'r fear the gaudy Terror of their glittering Gold and Silver that neither can defend or hurt We shall have Troops marching even in their very Army The Britains will remember sure their Country's Cause nor can the French forget their former Liberty Like the Vsipian Cohort the Germans will desert We have nothing more to fear their Garisons are drained their Colonies are made up of Old Men some refusing to Obey and others Commanding tyrannically while their Towns are at Difference and Discord among themselveâ— Here is the General and the Army their Tribute and Mines with other sorts of Miseries the Punishment of Slaves which you must suffer for ever or revenge on this Spot therefore going to fight remember your Ancestors and pity your Posterity XXXIII They received this Speech with Ioy Singing and Shouting and making different Noises according to the rude Custom of their Country And as the Troops came together and the glittering Armour appeared some of the Hottest advanced forward and both Armies were putting in Order Agricola altho' his Soldiers were very joyful and scarce to be restrained by Advice supposed it best to say something before they engaged In eight Years time Fellow-Soldiers by your Pains Fidelity and Valour and the auspicious Fortune of the Roman Empire you have conquered Britain In so many Expeditions and bloody Battels there was need of your Labour and Patience to encounter opposing Nature as well as Resolution to resist the Enemy As I do not repent my having you for my Soldiers so I hope you do not your having me for your Leader I have surpassed the Limits of our ancient Generals and you the Bounds of preceding Armies We do not possess the End of Britain by Fame and Report but have actually seized it with our Arms and Pavilions Britain is found and subdued I have often heard the Brave cry out when you were fatigued with Bogs and Hills and Rivers in your March When shall we have an Enemy When shall we fight They now appear forced from their lurking Holes and you enjoy your Wish and a fit Opportunity for your Valour All Things will be prone and yield to us if Victors but cross and adverse if vanquished For as to have finished such tedious Iourneys to have evaded such great Woods and crost so many Arms of the Sea is honourable and becoming if we go on so if we turn our Backs that which was our Advantage will prove our Danger We have not their Knowledge of the Country or the same Provisions for the Army But we have Swords and Hands and in them we have All I am very well satisfied Flight is neither safe for the General nor the Army an honourable Death far excels a mean ignoble Life Safety and Honour dwell together But it cannot be inglorious to fall on the utmost Confines of Earth and Nature XXXIV If you had new Nations and an untried Foe I would make the Deeds of other Armies an Argument for your Courage But now reflect on your own Exploits interrogate your own Eyes they are the same who by Stealth and under the Covert of the Night assaulted the Ninth Legion and were routed by a blast of your Breath they are the most apt to run of all the Britains for which Reason they are now alive When we Travel the Wild Forest we chase away the sturdy Monsters of the Wood with Force and Violence but the Rascal Herd flies at the Noise of every Passenger so the most daring Britains are long since dead these are but base ignoble Numbers whom you have found not because they have resolved to fight but because they are the last you have overtook their Bodies are fixed with excessive Fear to the Ground o'er which you 'll gain a fair and signal Victory Put an end to your Expeditions and let this Day finish the Work of fifty Years convince the Commonwealth that neither the Length of the War nor any Excuses for not making an end of it can be charged upon the Army XXXV Whilst he was speaking their Ardor was visible when he had ended they freely vented their Ioy running to their Weapons As they were thus fired and rushing forwards he put them in order Eight Thousand Foot he placed in the Middle and Three Thousand Horse in the two Wings the Legions he placed before the Trenches thinking it would mightily add to his Glory if he could gain a Victory without the Effusion of Roman Blood or at least keep them as a Reserve in case of a Repulse The Britains drew up their Army on the higher Ground most for shew and Terror but so as the foremost Battalions stood on the Level the rest rising one above another with the Hill the Chariots and Horsemen fill'd the middle part of the Field with their din and clatter whirling up and down Agricola perceiving their Numbers to be Superior that he might not be charged at once in Flank and Front widened his Ranks so that his Army became more thin as well as more extended Some advised him to make the Legions advance but he being always ready to hope and resolute in Danger alighted from his Horse and placed himself a Foot before the Ensigns XXXVI The Fight began at a distance which the Britains managed with great Constancy and Cunning avoiding or putting by whatever was cast at 'em with their short Bucklers and great Swords but poured upon us a Shower of Darts till Agricola encouraged three Batavian Cohorts and two Tungrians to bring them to Sword 's Point and Handy-blows which they were well verss'd in being old Soldiers But that was no way of fighting for the Britains who wore little Shields and great Swords without Points so that they were not fitted for a close or open Fight Whilst the Batavians dealt Blows striking them with the Bosses of their Bucklers battering and bruising their Faces and thrusting others aside who upon even Ground opposed their Passage advanced up the Hill the other Cohorts with a joynt
approve most of Old Mony and what has been long known especially the Serrati and Bigati They prefer Silver before Gold not out of any Love to it but because the Pieces of Silver are more useful to those who buy cheap Wares They have no great Plenty of Iron as may be inâ—er'd from the make of their Darts Few use Swords or large Launces they carry Spears or according to their own expression Framâ—as the Iron narrow and short but so pointed and adapted for use that with the same Weapon as they see occasion they fight at hand or at a distance and the Horseman is very well satisfied with a Shield and a Framea The Foot cast Darts and every one of them a considerable number and throw them a prodigious way and are either naked or only covered with a short Iacket They don't value themselves upon their Furniture Their Shields are only distinguished by select Colours Few have Coats of Male scarce any of them have either Headpiece or Helmet Their Horses are neither remarkable for their Shape or Speed nor are they taught the Manage according to our manner they are made dexterous at their Career or in single Wheeling so clos'd in the Ring that all stand even Weighing all things their chiefest Strength is in their Foot and therefore they fight intermixâ—d the Swiftness of the Foot suiting and agreeing in the Engagement of the Horse who picked out of all their Youth they place in the Front of the Army and the Number is limited a Hundred out of every Town for so they 're called amongst themselves and that which was at first but a Number has now gained a Name and a Reputation The Army 's drawn up in form of a Wedge they look upon it to give ground when press'd so they rally again to be more of Conduct than Fear Their Bodies they carry off in doubtful Battels It 's the greatest Scandal to relinquish their Shield neither is it lawful for those who have forfeited their Honour either to be present in their Religious Duties or to go to Council and many who survive the Wars put an end to the Disgrace by the Halter They make choice of their Kings for their Noble Extraction their Commanders for their Courage nor have their Kings a boundless and unlimited Power Their Captains they prefer more for Example than Command if active if of Presence of Mind and behave themselves well at the head of the Army but it 's not permitted to reprimand nor put in Chains nor indeed chastise to any but to the Priests not as if it were for a Punishment or by Orders of the Captain but as if their God commanded it who they believe assisting in their Engagements They carry the Eâ—â—igâ—es and certain Banners taken down from the Groves into the Battel And what is the chief Incitement to their Courage is not Chance nor a fortuitous Embodying which composes the Squadron or pointed Battel but their own Family and nearest Relations and hard by arâ— their Children from whence the Lamentations of their Women and Cries of their Infants may be heard these are the most sacred Witnesses and the highest Applauders of every Man's Bravery To their Mothers and Wives they declare their Hurts nor are they afraid to suck or number their Wounds They carry Provisions to and animate them when they 're fighting It 's recorded That certain Troops beginning to stagger and giving Ground were made to rally again by the Women by their Importunities the exposing of their own Breasts and demonstrating their approaching Captivity which upon the account of their Women they bear with much more reluctancy so the Affections of those Cities are the most effectually secur'd to whom amongst their Hostages the Noblest Virgins are committed Moreover they suppose there 's something sacred in them and that they can foretell Events neither do they reject their Counsel or neglect to follow their Advice We have seen Velleda under the divine Vespasian long ador'd among many as a Deity Yet also in time past they reverenc'd Aurinia and divers others not with Flattery nor as if they would make them Godesses They adore Mercury most of all their Gods to whom upon solemn Days they judge it justiâ—iable to offer up Human Sacrifices Hercules and Mars they pacifie with lawful Creatures Part of the Suevians also sacrifice to Isis but I 'm in the dark what was the Cause and Original of this strange Sacrifice unless her Image fashion'd in the shape of a Galley instructs us that their Religion was adventitious They 're of an Opinion from the Magnitude of the Celestial Bodies that the Gods cannot be confin'd within Walls or be represented in any Human Shape They consecrate Woods and Groves and call that Privacy from the Names of their Gods which only in their Worship they behold Divinations by Birds and Chances they most of all others superstitiously observe The Custom in managing their Lots is plain and inartificial A Branch pulled from a Fruit-bearing Tree they cut into Slips and at a venture and casually scatter them being distinguish'd by some Marks upon a white Vestment if it be a publick Concern the Priest of the City but if private the Father of the Family praying to the Gods and looking up to Heaven thrice takes up every one apart and being held up gives an Interpretation according to the former Mark if they discourage there 's no more consulting about the Affair that day but if favourable yet the Credit of the Success is further required And this also is more notable they argue upon the Notes and Flying of Birds It s peculiar to that Nation to experiment the Presages and Admonitions of their Horses They are publickly fed in those Woods and Groves white and polluted by no Human Labour who being put in the Sacred Chariot the Priest or King or the Governour of the City attends upon 'em observing their Neighings and Whynnyings Nor is there greater Credit given to any Divination not only amongst the Plebeians but the amongst the Nobility and Priesthood for they believe themselves to be the Attendants and these the Conâ—idents of the Gods There is also another Observation of their Sooth-saying whereby they explore the Events of their greatest Battles They engage a Captive that some how or other has been surpriz'd of that Nation with whom they 're at War with a pick'd Man of their own both arm'd after their Country Fashion and who gains the Victory it s look'd upon as ominous to the other side Of little Affairs the Princes of greater all in general advise So notwithstanding that those things whose Arbitration is in the Power of the Populace are fully canvass'd amongst the Princes They assemble on certain Days either upon a New or Full Moon unless any thing accidental or unexpected falls out for in transacting Business they believe this juncture of time the most auspicious Neither do they reckon by Days as we do but by Nights so they make
their Agreements so by a common Consent their Appointments The Night here seems to guide the Day This Error proceeds from the Liberty they take because they do not meet all at once or upon Command both the second and third Day is wasted by the Delay of their convening They sit down arm'd if the Company approves on 't Silence is commanded by the Priests in whom there is lodg'd then the Coercive Power By and by the King or Prince according to every one's Age their Quality Reputation gain'd in the Wars or Talent in Rhetorick are heard more by the Authority of Perswading than the Power of Commanding if the Opinion displeases it s rejected by a Murmuring if it pleases they clash their Weapons It s the most honourable Manner of Assent to applaud it with their Arms. It 's also lawful to accuse and arraign before the Council The Difference of the Punishment is from the Nature of the Crimes Traytors and Revolters they hang on Trees the Sloathful Timerous and Sodomitical they drown in Mire and Marshes throwing Hurdles upon them The Diversity of the Punishment respects this that Villanies when punish'd ought to be expos'd Scandals conceal'd But for lesser Faults being convicted for the Manner of their Penalty they are fined such a number of Horses and Cattle part of the Mulct goes to the King or City part to him who is injur'd or distributed amongst his Relations Persons of the best Quality are also elected with those Councils who do Iustice to the Towns and Villages A hundred Associates are assistant to every one of them out of the Commonalty together with their Advice and Authority They act nothing of private or publick Business unarm'd but it s not the Custom for any one to go arm'd till the City has adjudg'd him qualified Then in the Council-Chamber some one of the greatest Dignity or his Father or his Relation equips him with a Bucklâ—r and Sword This amongst them is their Gown this is the first Honour of their Youth but before this they seem only part of the Family but now of the Commonwealth A noble Extraction or the great Deserts of the Fathers recommend these young Men to the Favour of their Prince They associate with others that are more robust and long since approv'd Neither do they blush to be seen amongst their Companions although he has his Post in the Retinue at his Discretion whom they follow There 's a great Emulation amongst them who shall be chief Favourite to their Prince and amongst the Princes who shall have the most and the bravest Followers This is their Grandeur these their Forces to be encompass'd with a great Guard of select Youth their Honour in Peace and their Defence in War It gives a Name and a Reputation to every one not only in his own Country but also amongst their Neighbouring Princes if the Associates excel in Number and Courage They 're also apply'd to in Embassies and courted by Presents and for the most part by their very Fame dispatch their Wars When they come into the Field of Battle its dishonourable to the Prince to be overcome in Bravery and for his Retinue too not to equalize the Courage of their Prince But above all things its infamous and during Life reproachful to flie and survive their General slain Their principal Oath is to defend and protect him and attribute all their valiant Actions to his Conduct and Glory The Princes fight for Victory their Adherents for their Princes If the City in which they were born grows stiff and unactive by a long Peace and Repose most of the young Noblemen go Voluntiers into those Nations which are then engag'd in War because also Quiet is ungrateful to that Nation and with the more Facility they grow Famous amongst dubious Enterprizes nor can they maintain their great Attendance unless by Violence and War They obtain from the Liberality of their Prince such a War-Horse and such a bloody conquering Sword As to Banquets although homely yet a plentiful Table they allow instead of a Salary The Supply of their Munificence proceeds from War and Rapine Nor can you so easily perswade them to Till the Ground and wait for a good Year as to challenge the Enemy and receive Wounds for it looks lazy and dispirited to acquire that by hard Labour which may be compass'd by Blood When they have no War they pass not their time so much in Hunting as Idleness being much addicted to Sleep and Gluttony The most Valiant and Warlike doing nothing at all committing the Care of their House Gods and Fields to their Women and Children and to the most inâ—irm of the Family They have a wonderful Contrariety in their Nature for those Persons who take such delight in Idleness have an aversion to Quiet It s the Custom in those Cities for every Man freely to bestow on their Princes either of their Herds or Fruits which is taken for a Favour and besides supplies their Necessities They take great Delight in the Presents of Neighbouring Nations which are not only sent from particular Persons but from the Publick as choice Horses large Armours Trappings and Chains And we have been inform'd they now receive Money It s very well known that Cities arâ— not inhabited by the Germans nor do they indeed suffer Houses to be join'd together They plant themselves separately and divided as the Spring Field or Wood pleases them best They found their Villages not according to our Manner with connex'd and contiguous Buildings Every one leaves a Space about his House either as a Remedy against any Accident of Fire or from their Unskilfulness in Building They use no Tyles or Mortar amongst them but make use of in all things a shapeless Stuff without either Form or Delight Some Places they curiously parget with an Earth so pure and shining that it imitates a Picture or the first Draught of Colours They are wont to open Subterranean Caves and those they cover with a great Quantity of Dung which serves as a Refuge in Winter and a Granary and when the Enemy advances he ravages the open Country But those things which are conceal'd or lie hid under Ground they are either ignorant of or for that Reason are deceiv'd because they are to be search'd for Their Cloathing is a loose Coat join'd together with a Button but for want of that with a Thorn Being uncover'd as to any thing else they lie basking whole Days upon the Hearth by the Fire The most wealthy are distinguish'd by a Garment not flowing like the Sarmathians and Parthians but close and representing every Ioint They wear also the Skins of wild Beasts those next the Sea-side with less Curiosity but those that are higher in the Country are more nice as having no other Attire by Commerce They make choice of the Beasts and having taken off their Hides spot them with the Skins of those Monsters which the outermost Ocean and the unknown Sea produces Nor have
best of Opportunities delay their Resentments order the Day according to their several Occasions intrench by Night reckon Fortune dubious but Virtue unerring and what is more uncommon unless it 's to be allow'd from the Reason of their Discipline To repose more Confidence in their General than their Army All their Strength lies in the Foot whom besides their Arms they load with Iron Tools and Provisions You may see others go to Battle but the Catti to War They seldom make Incursions or engage accidentally It 's peculiar to the Horse suddenly to gain the Victory or suddenly Retreat Expedition borders upon Fear but Delay comes nearer to Constancy and the particular Courage of every one seldom try'd by the rest of the Germans is grown to an unanimous Consent amongst the Catti that as soon as they attain to the Years of Maturity to let their Hair and Beard grow long nor do they lay aside this Fashion of the Face devoted and oblig'd to Gallantry 'till they have slain an Enemy Upon Blood and Sports they discover the Forehead and declare That they have made a Recompence for their being born and that they are worthy of their Country and Parents that Deformity sticks to the cowardly and timerous Moreover every one of the most valiant wears an Iron Ring as it were a Bond most ignominious to that Nation 'till he can acquit himself of it by the Death of an Enemy This Mode pleases many of the Catti and now these remarkable People grown grey are both shew'd together to their Enemies and their own Soldiers These always give the first Onset This is always the Fore-front distinguish'd by the Figure they make neither in Peace have they milder Aspects They have no House or Land or take Care of any thing according as they come to any one they are provided for are profuse of another's Contemners of their own 'till Bloodless Old Age makes them incapable of such hard Service The Vsipii and Tenecteri Neighbours to the Catti inhabit upon the Rhine now known by the Channel which is suâ—â—icient to be a Boundary The Tenecteri above their accustomed Reputation in War excel in the Art of Horse-Discipline nor have the Catti a greater Repute for Foot than the Tenecteri have of Horse So have their Ancestors instituted and their Posterity imitate them These are the Plays of Children this the Emulation of Young Men and the Aged persevere in them Amongst the Family and Goods as the Rights of Successions Horses are deliver'd The Son receives them not as he does the rest by Priority of Birth but as he is more Couragious and a better Man in War Near the Tenecteri in Times past the Bructeri liv'd Now it s reported that the Chamavi and Angrivarii are come to dwell there having chas'd away and totally extirpated the Bructeri either by the Consent of the bordering Nations or out of Hatred to their Ambition or for the Sweetness of the Booty or by a peculiar Favour of the Gods to us For they did not envy us the Sight of a Battle wherein were slain above Threescore thousand not by the Roman Arms and Darts but what is more Magnificent to give Diversion and to delight the Eye I pray that if the Affection for us from these Countries can't remain and continue that their Aversion for one another may that when the Fates of the Empire are declining Fortune can't perform a Greater Thing than the Discord of our Enemies The Dulgibini and Chasuari shut up on the back the Angrivarii and Chamavi and other Nations not so much as mention'd On the Front the Frisii are ready to receive them They are call'd the Greater or Lesser Frisii from the Proportion of their Forces both Nations spread themselves from the Rhine to the Ocean where Fame hath publish'd that Hercules's Pillars are there as yet remaining Whether Hercules was there or whether what is every-where Magniâ—icent we agree to impute to his Honour Nor was Resolution wanting to Drusus Germanicus but the Ocean oppos'd both him and Hercules from making further Discovery Since no one hath attempted it it looks more holy and reverend to believe rather than be too inquisitive in prying into the Secrets of the Gods Hitherto we have known Germany towards the West Towards the North it returns with a very great Winding And first of the Country of the Chauci Although it begins from the Frisii and possesses part of the Shoar yet it is cover'd by the Confines of all those Nations which I have describ'd until it winds even to the Catti Such an immense Tract of Ground the Chauci don't only inhabit but also replenish The most Noble of all the Germans and who chuse rather to defend their Greatness by their Iustice. Without Covetousness without Weakness quiet and sequestred make no War are wasted by no Theft or Robbery And this is a principal Demonstration of their Courage and Force because that they did not obtain by Injuries a Superiority over others Notwithstanding they are all in a readiness for War And if their State requires an Army they are well provided of Men and Horses and they are in the same Repute when they lie still On the side of the Chauci and Catti the Cherusci being unprovok'd have too long indulg'd a lasting but consuming Peace which was more pleasant than safe because between the impotent and powerful there 's no living in Security When it 's done by Force Modesty and Integrity are Names in the Power of the Superiour So that they which were in former Times the good and just Cherusci are now call'd cowardly and foolish Fortune in the conquering Catti was reputed in them Wisdom and the Fosi a bordering Nation of the Cherusci were affected with the Ruine of the Cherusci by Right their Companious of Adversity whereas they were much their Inferiours in Prosperity The same Coast of Germany next to the Ocean the Cimbrians inhabit now a little City but great in Glory Their Camps on both Shoars are largely the Monuments of their ancient Fame and those Intervals by whose Compass thou may'st compute the Bulk and Strength of the Nation and the Confidence they had of so great an Army Our City had been founded 640 Years when first the Arms of the Cimbrians were heard on Caecilius Metellus and Papirius Carbo being Consuls From whence if we reckon to the Second Consulship of the Emperour Trajan it almost amounts to Two hundred and ten Years so long Germany was conquering During which long Space of Time there were many reciprocal Losses on both sides neither has the Samnite nor the Carthaginians nor the Spaniards nor the Gauls or indeed the Parthians so often check'd us in our Carier because the Liberty of the Germans is more vehemently affected than in the Kingdom of the Parthians For what hath the East to object against us besides the Dâ—ath of Crassus who had lost himself vanquish'd Pacorus cast down by Ventidius But the Germans having slain or taken