Conjecturer in such Cases is the best Critick It is plain from the Historians V. Tristan Tom. 3. p. 2â—8 c. that there were violent Contests between Herod and Zenobia while Odenathus was alive as it seldom happens that Mothers-in-Law look over-favourably on their Predecessor's Children but that those Disputes serv'd only to advance the Son in his Father's Favour who had declar'd him his Copartner a little while after himself had been made Emperor and consequently his Successor and accordingly the Coins mention the third Year of his Reign whereas Odenathus wore the Purple but four Years being then murthered and with him his Son Herod Upon whose Death I doubt not but Vaballathus immediately assum'd the Imperial Title and Dignity as in right he ought and probably was confirm'd in his Pretensions by Claudius and Aurelian otherwise his Name and Titles could never have appear'd on the reverse of the Coins of Aurelian for neither Zenobia's nor either of her Son's Name is found on any of the Imperial Coins of the Romans because in open Hostility with them which confirms me that Vaballathus was not the Son of that great Queen his Fourth Year being coincident with the First his Fifth with the Second of Aurelian which unquestionably proves him to have been Declared Augustus as soon as his Father was dead but being convinced that Zenobia had made the Army firm to her Interests and declar'd her own Sons Emperors he fled to the Romans for Protection who being well assured of the Justice of his Title his Grandfather Odenathus having been declar'd Emperor at Rome whose right Heir Vâ—ballathus was whereas Zenobia had no such Pretensions treated him with that Respect which those great Princes used to pay to distressed Monarchs and I doubt not but in Gratitude to his Patrons he assisted Aurelian not only with the Equity of his Cause but with what Forces he could bring into the Field In the Sixth Year of his Reign he had the Satisfaction to see his Competitors conquer'd and led Captive to Rome Goltz Thesaur p. 73. and the Coins tell us that he bore the Title of Emperor in the Fourth Year of Aurelian which was the Seventh of Vaballathus ΑΥΤ. Κ. ΟΥΑΒΑΛΛΑΘΟϹϹΕΒ Λ. Ζ which was the Year after Palmyra was ruin'd From whence it plainly appears to me that he was a Confederate of the Romans in that War his Effigies and Titles being stampt on the reverse of Aurelian's Coïns that very Year that he undertook his Expedition into the East as well as the Year after Zenobia was subdued for that was a Privilege never granted but to those Princes who were in League with and had done good Service to the Roman Commonwealth So Rhemetalces King of Thrace is joyn'd with Augustus and Abgarus the Toparch of Edessa with Marcus Aurelius to demonstrate their being in the Interests of those Princes but with some distinction in the Habit of the Head or Crown to denote their Subjection for when Vaballathus wears a Wreath or Diadem then Aurelian wears a Crown of Lawrel but when Vaballathus wears a Crown of Lawrel Aurelian wears a Crown radiated or as the Heralds call it rayoneé How long Vaballathus lived after the Eighth Year of his Reign or what his Fate was I know not but I am enclined to believe that he sunk by degrees in the Favour of Aurelian and being deprived of the Imperial Dignity was forced to content himself with the meaner Title of King or Viceroy and that this happen'd in the two last Years of that Emperor for to that Year I refer those Coins wherein he is styled VABALATHVS REX V. Fulv. Vrsin Not. ad Vopisc Aurel. Mezzob p. 407. Patin Jud. f. 29. VABAL LATHVS REX VCRIM P. P. VCRIMOR VCRIMP VCRIMDR VERIMP VABALATVS ITER IMP. R. all which are Latin and consequently seem to be coin'd not in the East but somewhere nearer Rome but all in the Reign of Aurelian and from them I conjecture that Aurelian after he had setled his Authority in Syria destroy'd Palmyra and put an end to the Pretensions of the Family of Odenathus oblig'd Vaballathus to decline the Title of Emperor and to use that of the Imperial Vicegerent in the East and that this is implyed in the Coins where he is said to be VCRIMOR wrongly in others VCRIMDR or VCRIMP not Vice Caesaris Rector Imperii Orientalis as F. Harduin very ingeniously because in Aurelian's Age and long before Caesar was a Title of Honour inferior to that of Imperator Spart p. 35. Capitolin p. 24. Aelius Verus being the first who was declar'd Caesar but never was Emperor the Title at that time and in future Ages being appropriated to the Heir Apparent of the Empire so that it should have been Vice Imperatoris as Nemesius is styled in * Clxviii 4. Gruter but Vir Clarissimus Rector Imperii Orientalis for so the Governors of Provinces were styled Grut. CL. 9. in the Language of the Law and in the old Inscriptions Fabius Maximus V. C. Rect. Prov. c. This Province Vaballathus managed more than once being said to be ITER IMP. R. i. e. iterum Imperii Rector a second time the Emperor's Vicegerent in the East for such were the Toparchs of that Country the Name demonstrates it Toparcha is Vicemgerens which was in some Ages fill'd with those Roytelets Such also were Phylarchs of the Arabians who held their Dignity at the pleasure of either the Romans or Persians to whom they were subject Thus Agrippa upon his Father's Death was made Prince of Chalcis but when he had continued in that Government four Years Joseph Antiq l. 20. c. 3 5. was displaced by Claudius but made Tetrarch of Iturea Batanaea Trachonitis and Abilene to which the same Emperor afterwards added a part of Galilee But though their Territory was small their Ambition commonly was very great and the Titles which they affected very pompous witness a Coin of Antiochus the Fourth V. Harduin Num. p. 587. one of the little Princes of Sebaste a corner of Cilicia erected into a Kingdom by Vespasian says * Ant. l. 18. c. 7. Josephus who styles himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the great King and another of Abgarus on the reverse of Severus with the same Title it being very likely that Vaballathus prompted by the like Vanity styled himself Vaballathus Rex Vcrim P. P. Vaballathus the King and the Father of his Country as in a Latin Coin of Zenobia whom Theodorit who was of Cyrrhestica a Province not far from Palmyrene calls the Toparch of Palmyra she is said to be Queen or Governess of all the East Zenobia Aug. totius Orientis R. i. e. Rectrix or Regina as she styles her self in her Letter to Aurelian unless this Inscription intimates to us another change in his Fortune and Tenure that he was constituted the Prince of that part of Cyrrhestica whose chief City was Vrima in the Coins by mistake Vcrima and Verima situate on the
so negligent a Prince as Gallienus have made himself Master of the World and that his own Native Country must necessarily have been made an Appendage of that Empire and for this reason as well as to revenge the Affront offer'd him in the Slight put on his Embassadors he join'd his Forces to the remains of the Roman Army who still continued to support the Reputation of that August Empire in the East And in this difficult Undertaking he behaved himself with so much Address and such an extraordinary Courage that he humbled the Pride of the Greatest of the Eastern Monarchs in the midst of all his Glory and Triumphs For he first fell upon the Persian General and having routed him recover'd Nisibis and Mesopotamia out of the Hands of the Invaders then attack't the King of Persia with a Success suitable to his Bravery Philostr ap Malel par 1. p. 393. Zonar Tom. 2. p. 237. Agath l. 4. p. 134. for as Sapores was returning home loaden with the Spoils of Syria and Cilicia Odenathus came out to meet him as one of his Allyes but under that pretext he deluded him having way-lay'd him as he past through Euphratesia call'd of old Commagene says Procopius Augusto-Euphratesia by Theodorit a Bishop of that Country so streightned him that being to march through a Valley whose Ways were too steep and rugged for his Carriages he slew all his Prisoners and threw them into the Hollows and by that means past over his heavy Baggage After this he fought and routed the Army of the Persians and made so great a slaughter of their Troops that * Delegationib p. 45. Peter the Historian a Man of the Senatorian Dignity and Embassador to Chosroes King of Persia affirms That when Sapores had past the Euphrates with the remains of his shatter'd Army his Soldiers thinking themselves secure by their station on the other side of the River embraced one another with unexpressible Transports After which Sapores sent to the Garrison at Edessa promising them to give them all the Money which he had plunder'd in Syria if they would not molest him in his March but suffer him quietly to hasten Home through their Territory subjoyning that he did not offer them this great Summ as if he were afraid of them but that he might make the more speed into Persia to celebrate a great Festival that he was near not being willing to be hinder'd in his Design To this the Garrison consented receiv'd the Money and gave him leave to pass by the City unmolested By this Victory Odenathus not only preserv'd the Roman Territories in the East and defended the Limits but recover'd several Cities which the Persians had usurpt and made his Inroads as far as Ctesiphon the Royal Seat of those Eastern Princes obliging them to quit their other Conquests to defend their Wives and Children In this Expedition also he made himself Master of the Treasures of that Great Monarch and of what those Kings held more valuable and more precious than all their Wealth his Concubines and at the same time he took many of the Nobility Prisoners This was so Meritorious an Action that the * Trib. Pol. p. 192. Roman Historian confesses That without this Interposition the Interest of the Empire had been entirely sunk in the East And withal he informs us That Odenathus assumed the Name of King before he rais'd his Army though the Greek Writers allow him to have only been declar'd General of the East an Honorary Trust conferr'd on none but Persons of the best Condition and Qualifications that his Wife Zenobia his eldest Son Herod and his two younger Sons Herennianus and Timolaus acpany'd him when Anno Christi 246. he fought and routed that Potent Monarch and recover'd the Territories that he had usurped on this side the River To reward these brave Services Treb. Pol. p. 180. Gallienus declar'd him Augustus and his Copart'ner in the Empire so that the Historians with great injustice reckon Odenathus and his Son Herodian among the Tyrants as if they had been Usurpers who ought to have been inserted into the Catalogue of the Lawful Emperors and commanded Money to be stamp't in his Name the reverse of which represented the Captive Persians following his Triumphant Chariot The Senate the City and all the People of Rome being wonderfully pleas'd with the Performance This Declaration of Gallienus intitled Odenathus to the Possession of the East while his illustrious Archievements prov'd him worthy of the Purple And accordingly upon his return from Ctesiphon he assum'd the Habit and Style and Declar'd his Son Herodes his Copart'ner in the Empire and Princeps Juventutis as besides the Historians the Coins do fully declare CHAP. XIV Odenathus having thus atton'd for the Negligence of Gallienus supported the sinking Fortune of that August Empire and preserv'd his own Native Country in its own Quiet and Freedom and behav'd himself with so dextrous an Address and such an extraordinary Courage that he humbled the Pride of the Greatest of the Eastern Monarchs and acquir'd a great Reputation to his Arms and having spent some time in settling his new Conquests though he fail'd of his main Enterprize of releasing Valerian who was upon this Irruption of the Palmyrenians slain by Sapores at the Request of Gallienus Treb. Pol. p. 192. Zonar T. 2. p. 237. he undertook to suppress Macrianus who had in Opposition to Gallienus Declar'd himself Emperor in Phoenicia though Eusebius avers that himself did not assume the Purple but that he made his Sons Emperors and was acknowledg'd by the Roman Army under his Command But Macrianus having baffled the Scythians Zonar Syncel p. 382. Treb. Pol. p. 176. and driven them out of Achaia was retir'd with his Eldest Son of his own Name into Illyricum where in a pitch't Battel they were both slain by Aureolus another of the Pretenders to the Empire But Macrianus had left Quietus the Younger of his Sons in the East with the Title of Augustus under the Conduct of Balista an Experienced General Balista was the Praefectus Praetorio to the Emperor Valerian a Captain of rare Capacity and singular Courage of great Wisdom and Foresight and as great Resolution and Bravery he was General of the Horse under Macrianus in the East And when Macrianus that Country he with Quietus the Second Son of Macrianus managed the War with so much Courage and good Fortune that while he attack't Sapores on one hand and Odenathus on the other they drove him to take shelter in the Desarts of Persia upon which Victory they assumed the Title of Emperors which engaged Gallienus against them Therefore Odenathus march't and fought them at Emesa where Balista fell by the Sword of Odenathus Quietus by the Hands of the Citizens of Emesa says Zonaras while Trebellius Pollio in one place affirms Pag. 116. That after the Army was routed the Soldiers seiz'd both Quietus and Balista and deliver'd them to
Odenathus who slew them Pag. 194. but in another place he says That the common report was sew Writers accounting for Balista's Actions after he was Declar'd Emperor while they treat more largely of his Performances while he was Praefectus Praetorio of the East that he was flain by a Private Sentinel of Odenathus's Army as he was sleeping in his Tent but in a third place he affirms Pag. 176. That the Army of Quietus instigated by Balista slew the young Prince and having thrown his Body over the Walls of Emesa immediately surrender'd Others as he says affirming Pag. 193. That Odenathus having slain Quietus gave Balista his Life but that Balista not daring to trust either Gallienus Aureolus or Odenathus assum'd the Imperial Purple Nor does the Report want Authors that he was slain at Daphne near Antioch at a Farm which he had purchased where helived a private life while very many others averr That having Declar'd himself Emperor he was murther'd by those whom Aureolus sent to apprehend Quietus whom he demanded as part of his Plunder having slain his Father and Elder Brother The Accounts even of those Times being so various it cannot be expected that the Writers of the present Age should better adjust the History while we are obliged to the Information of the Coins Goltz Thes p. 72. that Balista reign'd Three Years at least and that his Name was Servius Anicius or Sergius Anicetus Balista Whatever his Fate was as to his Titles he was an Illustrious Person happy in his Undertakings and had a singular Faculty in providing his Army with Provisions and Necessaries and so well vers'd in Politicks that Valerian acknowledged that he had learn'd the Rules of Government from Balista and that he was one of the most Provident and most Experienced Generals of the Age. But whether he was that Callistus whom Zonaras affirms to have been chosen by the Roman Troops their General after the Captivity of Valerian and who when he saw the Persians carelesly wandring up and down as if they had no more Enemies to conquer fell upon them and routed them I will not determine though it be highly probable the Names being very like Callistus and Balistas and the exploits seem to be the same But in this one Circumstance Zonaras is mistaken who attributes the Taking the Baggage and Concubines of Sapores to Callistus which was the Atchievement of Odenathus When Odenathus had thus compleated the Conquest of the East and wrested it out of the Hands both of the Roman Rebels and the Persian Usurpers * Treb. Pol. p. 176 179. he gave an exact Narrative of all his Proceedings to Gallienus and sent him the Persian Nobility whom he had taken Prisoners And that besotted Prince had the confidence to triumph at Rome for the Victories which Odenathus got in Euphratesia Immediately upon this Sincel ubi sup Odenathus being a Captain of indefatigable Courage and great Expedition engaged himself in the Expulsion of the Goths who made their Irruptions into Phrygia Cappadocia and Galatia and threatned the East But having march'd through Cappadocia to Heraclea of Pontus the Scythians terrify'd with the Name of the Illustrious General retired but as he was preparing to pursue them he was most unfortunately and most barbarously murder'd Treb. Pol. p. 184. The Anger of God against the Roman Commonwealth being most visibly seen because after Valerian was slain he would not reserve Odenathus for its Preservation CHAP. XV. THE Manner of Odenathus his Death is differently related tho' the Historians agree in the main * Vbi supr Malela (a) The Paragraph in Malela is so confus'd and is such a Jumble of the Actions of Gallienus Odenathus and Aurelian that I cannot but profess I should rather attribute the Mistakes to the Transeriber or Interpolator than to the Author though so great a Fabler after his fabulous wont affirms That he was slain by Gallienus †L. 1. p. 36. Zosimus That while he was at Emisa celebrating either his own or some Friend's Birth-Day he was by Treachery murthered But the generality of Writers assert That Odenathus with his Son Herodes were slain as they were about to pursue the Scythians who fled before them That the Parricide who made the Assassination was his Kinsman his Brother's Son Moeonius whom Syncellus calls Odaenathus probably according to the Mode of that Time and Country Moeonius Odaenathus and that he for a few days after assum'd the Title of Emperor as appears by the Coins but that he was suddenly dispatcht by those very Soldiers who had been wheadled to cloath him with the Imperial Purple So fell the most Unjust of Men to his Relations the most Disloyal Traytor to his Prince the most Ungrateful Villain to his Benefactor and the most Profligate of Wretches Maeonius was induced to imbrue his Hands in the Blood of his King Pol. p. 192 193. Cuspin Caes p. 74. his Relation and his Friend instigated say some by Zenobia who to dispatch a Son-in-Law that hinder'd her Children from succeeding to the Empire of the East for Herodes or Herodian was the Son of Odenathus by a former Wife was content at the same time to see her Husband stabb'd But more probably he committed the execrable Murther being instigated by the most malicious of Tempers and an abominable mixture of Envy and Ambition this prompted him to destroy one of the best of Emperors upon the pretext that his Son Herod was a Man of extraordinary Softness and Delicacy as Men who are naturally Kind and Good-natur'd are apt to be Effeminate Voluptuous and Amorous and because his Father had given him all the King of Persia's Concubines all his Treasures and all the Gems taken in the War Or rather upon an old Grudge Zonar T. 2. p. 237. for the fierce Young Man accompanying his Uncle in his Manly Exercise of Hunting presum'd the first of the Company to throw his Javelin at the Wild Beast that was rouz'd and being reproved for it by his Uncle that Honour being reserv'd for the most Eminent Person of the Hunt in contempt of the Reprimand persisted to gratifie his own Humour and committed the same Crime a second and a third time Whereupon Odenathus ordered him to be dismounted and his Horse taken from him which was the greatest Affront that could be offer'd to a Man of Quality in that country Upon this the hot Spark could not forbear exprespressing his Resentments and threatning Revenge Whereupon he was confin'd but in a little time at the Intercession of Herodes Odenathus set him at liberty But the Pardon was as uneasily digested as the Affront the injur'd Person may be inclined to remit the Offence but he who does the Wrong never forgives for he watch't his Opportunity and imbru'd his Hands in the Blood of both his King and his Advocate Thus fell that Great Prince and his Eldest Son both Emperors after Odenathus had Reigned Four Years
Phanius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in ‖ DV Gruter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Praetor of Apamia in the ⸫ Harduin p. 58. Coins That this Phanius Mocimus was also called Airanes the Inscription demonstrates wherein Airanes is expresly called the Father of Alcamenes they are both magnified for their Piety and their Love to their Country as Barachias and Mocimus his Son are applauded in the next InInscription to which they were great Benefactors while in gratitude their fellow-Citizens honoured such Patrons with the magnificent Titles of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Founders of their City 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Saviours and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Benefactors paying them the highest Respect while alive and perpetuating their Memory when dead by a thankful Remembrance by publick Statues and noble Inscriptions according to that excellent Sentence that is happily preserv'd among the Fragments of the ancient Gratitude in one of Gruter's Marbles 896 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That good Men even when they are dead ought to be recompenc'd and celebrated Thus the Senate and People of Ancyra the Metropolis of the Tectosagi honoured L. Fulvius Rusticus Aemilianus Calpurnius Proclus and T. V. Marm. Cosson 1 2 3 4. Flavius Taeanus their Benefactors their Founders and Saviours This Title of Benefactors was sometimes given to Kings says the Holy Writ Luk. 22.25 to the Ptolemy's Mithridates to Philip of Macedon and other Princes even to Women so Berenice is called by Eratosthenes sometimes by Sovereigns to their Subjects so Artaxerxes honour'd Mordecai with the Title of Benefactor and Saviour says * Antiq. l. 11. c. 6. Josephus Their Names and Atchievements for the Preservation of their Masters being recorded V. Esth 6. 1 2. and a particular Reward always †V. Heredot l. 8. appointed them at other times to whole Countries so the Agriaspae were called * Arrian l. 3. de Exped Alex. p. 73. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Persian Name is Orosangae says Herodotus because they amsted Cyrus the Son of Cambyses in his Expedition against the Scythians a Title that demonstrated their Likeness to the Deities for the Egyptians called their Nilus and Osiris i. e. the Sun Omphis which signifies a Benefactor says †De Isid Osir Julian Orat 3. Hermaeus in Plutarch to whom also a good Man was sometimes accounted a Benefactor for so Clinodemus the Son of Lebotus is by a publick Decree of the Senate and People of Delos declared 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he and his Posterity Benefactors to the Temple and People of Delos V. Oxon Marm. Apn 1. 3. p. 287. And Dionysius of Berytus is celebrated as a Benefactor to his Country Gods so the learned Editor of the Oxford Marbles and others understand the Inscription 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Beneficus erga Patrios Deos while the Inscripton may be thus rendred I think more properly Dionysius Zenonis filius Theodori nepos Berytius beneficus h. e. solenni decreto Berytiornm 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seu Benefactor sancitus Diis Patriis Marmor sc seu aram posuit seu dedicavit Thus in a curious Inscription found and transcribed by Monsieur Spon in the Isthmus of Corinth the Dedication is made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Miscellan erudit Antiquit §. 10. n. 111. p. 363. Publius Licinius Pyaem Priscus Iuventianus the High Priest for Life devoting to his Country Gods and his Country the Altars which he had built the Provisions which he had made for the Athletae who should come thither to the Isthmian Games with other munificent Buildings erected to their Honour Upon which account we may well presume him a Favorite to the People of Corinth and to the Penates as Alcamenes and his Father Airanes are said to be pleasing not only to their fellow-Citizens but to their Country Gods who probably by an Oracle declar'd their good Opinion of their Persons and acceptance of their Services for so Julius Aurelius Zenobius is in another of these Inscriptions P. 97. Transact said to be for his extraordinary meritorious Services to his Prince and Country honour'd with a Testimonial from the God Jaribolus who was doubtless one the Country Gods or Penates of Palmyra and Bolanus declar'd in a third place to be chosen one of the Curators of the Fountain Aphaca by the same God Jaribolus P. 103. the Heathens paying a great Veneration to their Country Gods or Penates for so the old Glessaries instruct us Penates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Goth. l. 1. c. 25. p. 375. vice versâ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Penates and Procopius says that Janus was the first of the antient Gods whom the Romans call'd Penates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 h. e. Penates Ep. Jamblich 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For when Julian the Emperor would pass an extravagant Complement upon his Friend Jamblichus if the Epistle be his which I much doubt he says that as soon as he came into Bithynia he offered him his Presents as if he had been one of his Country Gods 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ...... Senatus populusque Bareichen seu Barachiam Amrisamsi filium Jariboleos nepotem Mocimum illius filium viros pios Patriae amantes honoris ergo coluit This honorary Inscription needs no Commentary since it is so very like the former unless it be worth remarking that Jariboleus is here the Name of a Man as elsewhere of a God it being very usual to give the names of their Deities to their great Men though perhaps it might not be reckon'd the wildest of Conjectures to imagine that Amrisamsus was called Jariboleus after the name of his God to whose Patronage he had committed himself and by whom he was nominated to some Office perhaps the Priesthood as Bolanus was by the same Deity to the Office of Curator of the Fountain Aphaca The following Inscription is very noble and very instructive 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 S. P. Q. Palmyrenus Julium Aurelium Zenobium qui Zabdilas Diosmalchi filium Nassumi Nep. militantem in adventu Dei Alexandri indefessà praesentiá inservientem Rutillio Crispino Duci deductis vexillationibus aedilem nec suis parcentem sumptibus sed optimum Magistratum ideóque testimonio ornatum à Deo Jaribolo à Julio ...... nobilissimo Praefecto praetorio à Patriâ Patriae amantem honoris ergo Anno. 554. Christi sc 242. Gordiani tertii ⅚ To understand this Inscription aright it is requisite to reflect upon the State of both the Roman and Persian Empires at that time which I shall briefly consider Alexander the Great having made himself Master of all the East Zosim l. 1. pag. 18. his Successors the Kings of Syria kept the Possession of that part of the Empire till Arsaces the Parthian provok't by the Injuries done to his Brother Tiridates took Arms and having slain Pherecles the Governor
of the famous Mithradates marcht against Aretas the King of the Arabs Appian calls him King of the Nabataean Arabs ann V. C. 690. ante Christum 63. his Kingdom reacht from the River Euphrates to the Red Sea says Dio L. 36. in which compass Palmyra must be included this Aretas was doubtless one of the Al-Hariths of the Arabians who were Kings of Gessan and in later Ages Lords of Taahmur After which time I believe it acknowledg'd the Roman Power but was govern'd by its own Laws having under its immediate Jurisdiction besides the three Cities on the River already mentioned twelve more in the Inland of Syria When Trajan made his glorious Expedition into Persia I conjecture Palmyra was a Sufferer in the common Calamity of that Country for Pliny says it was sometime in the Roman at others in the Parthian Interest or else it would not have needed Hadrian's assistance to rebuild and beautify it while other Cities tasted of Trajan's Bounty for from Trajan's Expedition in the 8th year of his Reign of Christ 105. the Inhabitants of Bozra and Petra dated their Writings says the Author of the Alexandrian Chronicle L. 3. p. 105. and Zosimus affirms that at Zaragardia not far from the Euphrates on the Persian side in his time there stood a noble Throne built of stone which the Natives called Trajan's Throne erected I doubt not in memory of his illustrious Atchievements in that Country But whatever Palmyra might have suffered under Trajan was repair'd by his Successor who gave the City his own name and they in Gratitude made Vows for his Recovery not in the last the 19th of his Reign as thro' haste is said F. 35 36. he reigned almost 22 years but in the seventeenth from which Sickness he recover'd to dye afterwards in greater torment and this I mention here that I may correct the Mistake in the History To this City Septimius Severus may also be presumed a Benefactor to whom before his famous Expedition against the Parthians Spart vit Septim p. 67. when he routed Niger with whom the Arabs Parthians and the Inhabitants of Adiabene join'd their Forces the Re-publick gave their assistance against the Allies of the Empire and adopted his name into their most eminent Families after which time till the Reign of Zenobia I take them to have been in confederacy with and subject to the Emperors for they assisted both Alexander Severus and Gordian in their Expeditions into the East against the Persians as the Inscriptions testify only it looks probable that upon the Captivity of Valerian the Senate for a while dissembled their Interests and acknowledg'd the Power of Sapores In the Battel at Immae where Zenobia was routed S. Hierom affirms that Pompeianus the Frank settled at Antioch but the Family was unquestionably fixt in that Country long before Capitol Marcus for when Marcus the Philosopher undertook the German War he married his Daughter to Claudius Pompeianus who was of Antioch This also I mention to correct another Mistake After the Captivity of Zenobia the City was a Spectacle of pity but being a necessary Frontier was repair'd and in Dioclesian's time was the Seat of the Governor of the Province In the days of Constantius the Inhabitants were noted as now for great Robbers P. 8. says the old Geographer set out by Gothofred and govern'd by Women but that I take for granted is an Error as if when Zenobia had begun to wield a Scepter none but her own Sex in that Country durst pretend to command Malel part 2. p. 39. Theodosius the Great divided Libanesia from the Sea-coast of Phoenicia and made it a distinct Province Emesa being the Metropolis under whose Jurisdiction Palmyra was put and so continued when the Followers of Mahomet had made themselves Masters of that Country and for many Centuries after for in Abulfedas's time above 1300 after Christ Tadhmur acknowledg'd Hems Emesa its Metropolis and probably it was so after his time In the Reign of the same Theodosius if P. 28. ed. Gron. Ethicus or whoever goes under that name lived in those days or before for St. Hierome is said to have translated him Palmyra is reckoned among the famous Towns of the East as it is also by P. 8. Julius Honorius who lived before Theodoric for Cassiodore mentions him Palmira damascus read Palmyra Damascus and the Author of the Alexandrian Chronicon among the famous Cities of the fourth Climate reckons Palmyra with Apamea Emesa c. in Caele Syria In Justinian's time it became the Residence of the Governor of the East and subject to the Constantinopolitan Empire but 't is probable did not continue long in that State for about the year of Christ 640. when Heraclius was Emperor Jabalah the Son of Al Iham was King of Gassan and Lord of Tadhmur perhaps a Tributary to Heraclius who being overcome by Omar the Caliph one of Mahomet's Successors submitted and turn'd Mahometan but repenting he afterward went to Constantinople Pococ not in Specim hist Ar. p. 77 136. and became a Christian and at this time I believe Mahometanism settled it self at Tadhmur the Tribe of Gassan being before those days Christian I shall not particularly undertake to demonstrate the Usefulness of Coins and Inscriptions the Learned World hath been already fully convinc'd of that truth how many difficult and obscure Passages in Chronology have been set in their due light how many Series of Kings have been regularly deduc't what Rites and Customs both sacred and civil have been by those helps discover'd needs no further proof though were there nothing else at Palmyra to be seen but the noble Ruines of the Temples and Palaces built according to the best and boldest Rules of the ancient Architecture I should think a Journey thither on that Errand alone worth the Undertaking And though the oldest of the Palmyrene Inscriptions is a hundred years younger than our blessed Saviour's Incarnation as I have made appear in the Commentary yet they are not so contemptible as some have imagin'd but afford us some Memorials of those times which no where else occur And by the same Argument the use of the Greek Ε which appears not till about Domitian's time by which I postpone the oldest Inscription at Tadhmur a hundred years may we prove the Spuriousness of that Table preserv'd at Rome which is reported to contain the very Title which by Pilate's Order was affixt to the Cross of our Lord for therein 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is written with the same sort of Ε. It must be confest that in the Palmyrene Inscriptions are some peculiar words which occur not in the Lexica as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. of which sort there are more in other old Marbles nor is it any wonder that in a remote part of Syria where a different Language was spoken Pric in Apul. Apolog. p. 67. De foedere Hierapytniorum Priansens sciunt doctiores usquequo huc progredi licet scripta hoc genus non
intra Lexicorum septa coercenda satisque de Interpretis fide ac judicio constare qui sciet ubi legem sequi ubi dare oporteat the Greek should not be so pure as at Athens and in such cases a Critick is left to his own Judgment nor is it a Disreputation to his Fidelity or acumen if he happen to wander where he has no Guide The Usefulness of the Journals and History will never be controverted when 't is consider'd that they give us the account of a Country hardly before known to the present Age and of many Rites and Cermonies which the European World counts ridiculous but will appear very ancient and defensible for no Nation under Heaven hath been so tenacious of old Usages as the Orientals Of which I shall give a few instances That the Arabs should suspect the Europeans that in those Ruines among so many Sepulchres they should seek for Treasures is no wonder to me since it was very usual under the Foundations of all magnificent Structures to bury great Sums of Money probably that the Coin when the Building was ruinous might discover the Founder Talismans also being set up in several places to direct the curious Enquirer Thus Jamblic ap Phot. cod 94. Rhodanes found a great quantity of Gold by the Directions of a Pillar upon which was pourtrayed a Lyon and a like Story is related in the Life of Aesop And in David's Tomb Josephus says the High-Priest Hyrcanus found a vast Treasure but the Author of the P. 364. Alexandrian Chronicle avers that it was Hezekiah who first open'd the Tomb to show the Riches of his Ancestors to the King of Babylon's Ambassadors and that for profaning the Ashes of his Fathers God devoted his Posterity to Captivity That they should account a young Camel drest a noble Feast will cease to be a Subject of wonder or diversion when we remember that Custom is the Judge of good or coarse Meats that every Nation even in the civiliz'd parts of Europe differ in their Notions of preferable Dishes and that a Treat of the best things the Country affords ought to be reckon'd a Feast To which we may add that their Ancestors lived on the same fare that L. 16. p. 767. Strabo calls the Arabs of his time Camel-eaters that Adv. Jovin l. 2. c. 6. St. Hierome avers that the Arabs and Saracens and all other the barbarous Inhabitants of the Desart lived upon the Milk and Flesh of their Camels and so says Abulfarajus that both Hist anim l. 6. c. 26. Aristotle and 11. 41. Pliny reckon the Flesh and the Milk of Camels not only among the wholesome but among delicious Meats and that In Clio. Herodotus affirms that the Persians of quality on their Birth-days which was a solemn Festival among them among other Dishes treated their Friends with a whole Oxe and a whole Camel drest that Apud Athen l. 4. Antiphanes says that a Camel serv'd up hot was a Feast for a King and that the Emperor Lamprid. p. 108. Elagabalus who was a Native of that part of Syria where the Emir who treated the English Merchants lived in imitation of Apicius who was no contemptible Judge of luxurious Eating having spent a fair Estate in the Gratifications of his Palate and being since his Death quoted as an Author for all the Varieties of the old Cookery used to eat the feet of Camels as an extraordinary Dish and when he would appear magnificent caused to be brought in at Supper entire Camels for the Service of his Friends Pilaw or Rice is another Dish among the Arabs as also among the Persians Indians and Turks and so it was of old says Lib. 15. Strabo The Arabs of this Age live as their Ancestors who wandred up and down with their Families and Cattel and fixt for a while where-ever they found Water for themselves and Grass for their Herds their Tents are now as of old made of Camels Hair the Camel is in truth the most useful of Animals to them the Flesh is their Meat the Milk their Drink their Tents are made of their Hair their Carriage is upon Camels and their Riches a numerous Herd of them they marry as many Wives as they are able to maintain Am. Marcellin l. 23. c. 6. generally hate Drunkenness and avoid it as the Plague never make Water standing nor ease nature but in a place of great Privacy and those who are military Men sit arm'd at the Table and never put off their Scimitars till they go to bed all which Customs Ammianus observ'd were practis'd among the old Inhabitants of those Countries They measure their Journies not by leagues or miles but by hours and days as the old Syrians did impaleing is a Punishment usual to this day and the Criminal is forc't to carry his Stake to the place of Execution as the Person to be crucified anciently carried his Cross The Custom of putting the whole Family to Death for the Offence of the Chief of it of notorious and hainous as the Murder of their Prince or the like is not quite difus'd to this day in Persia and as Valerian and others were flead alive so was Marc Antonio Bragadini the Venetian Governor of Famagusta tortur'd by the Turks when Cyprus was taken his Skin being salted and stuft according to the old Persian Method And as the same Valerian clad in his Royal Purple with his Back lifted Sapores into the Saddle so was Bajazet forc't to assist Tamerlane when he mounted The Men of Condition used of old to ride with a Banner and so they continue to do to this day A Present of one or more Changes of Raiment was a Mark of Favour among the Aegyptians Jews and Syrians as long since as the days of the Patriarch Joseph and the Habit the Calaat sent by the Grand Seignior or the King of Persia to any Subject or Foreigner is now one of the highest Instances of Royal Bounty In the Monuments of their Dead the Persians of former Ages placed Magi to keep the Tomb Arrian l. 6. expedit Alex. p. 144 and in this present Age the Mahometans give a Maintenance to a greater or less number of Moullah's who read the Law in the Moschees and take care of the Sepulchres where their Princes are interr'd And as of old they hired their Women Mourners to make a solemn Lamentation at Funerals so now the Jewish Women are hired for the same purpose I shall add no more but that at Aleppo as my worthy Friend Mr. Aaron Goodyear informs me to whom I profess my self indebted for many useful Notices in the Month of June the Women go to the River and with solemn Sorrow bewaile Tammuz and afterward make themselves very merry which is no other than the practice of one of the oldest Superstitions in the World of which I shall treat at large The Heathen Mythologists affirm Apollodor Bibliot l. 3. c. 13. that Cinyras the Assyrian founded the City of Paphos in the
Chap. 2. Of the names of the Inhabitants p. 187. Chap. 3. Of the publick Officers p. 197. Chap. 4. Of their Idolatry and Superstition p. 241. Chap. 5. An Account of Vaballathus p. 272. Chap. 6. The History of Longinus p. 287. Chap. 7. The Commentary on the Inscriptions p. 295. A View of the Ruines of Palmyra alias Tadmor taken on the Southern Side THE HISTORY OF Palmyra HISTORIES of Remote Countries and Strange Revolutions have been always entertained with Respect And the pleasure of Seeing at so great a Distance and Hearing of dismal Catastrophe's wherein we have no other immediate share but that of Wonder and Pity is not to be reckon'd among the meanest Satisfactions of a Wise Man's Life since every Turn of Providence in a Foreign Nation every new Scene of Prosperity or Adversity is a Lesson to the rest of the World And the best Rules of Behaviour both for a publick and private Capacity are deducible from such remarkable Occurrences And among all the great Revolutions that have call'd for the Astonishment and Commiseration of Mankind the several Fortunes of Palmyra are not the least remarkable a Country far distant from our Region distinguisht by Nature from the rest of the World by a separate Situation and an Empire that in the space of Ten Years over-ran all the East baffled the Forces of the Persians subdued Egypt and made all Asia to the Hellespont tremble But in a few Months afterward was stript of all its Grandeur and by degrees reduced to the lowest state of Poverty as it is this day Of this Country I intend to treat of its Founder and Antiquity its Situation and Plenty its Government Ecclesiastical and Civil and its several Fortunes and Conditions as far as my Reading will assist me till some more able Critick shall undertake the Task and I shall begin with such an Account of the Place as the Antients furnish us with CHAP. I. WHen Solomon had finisht his stupendious Temple at Jerusalem which better deserv'd to be reckon'd among the World's Wonders than that at Ephesus and the Noble Palace which he built for himself 1 King 9.10 18. 2 Chron. 8.3 4. in the Twentieth Year of his Reign he made War against Hamath-Zobah which had been subdued by David but revolted and having conquer'd it he built Tadmor in the Wilderness the Vpper and Nether Bethhoron Baalath and all the Store-Cities which he strongly fortify'd with Walls and Gates and Bars they being his Frontier Towns and the Limits of his vast Empire 2 Chron. 9.26 For he reign'd over all the Kings from the River Euphrates to the Land of the Philistines and to the Border of Egypt 1 King 4.24 From Tiphsac even to Azzah i. e. from Gaza to Thapsachus which Was one of the Passes over the Euphrates The Arabick Translator of 2 Chron. 8.3 implies that Tadmor was a City before Solomon's time and that he only reedified it that it was a Metropolis of old as it was in the latter times and had many Towns under its Jurisdiction nor is it altogether improbable those Parts of the World near the Place where the Ark rested after the Deluge ceas'd being first peopled The Arabick Historian * Vers Poc. p. 53. Abulfarajus says That Solomon in the Twenty fourth Year of his Reign having destroy'd the City of Antioch built seven Cities in its stead of which Tadmor was one But the Fabulous Historian of Antioch †Par. 1. p. 185. Par. 2. p. 152. John Matela averrs That the Foundations of Palmyra were lay'd in the same place in which David slew Goliah and cut off his Head with his own Sword and that King Solomon in Memory of this great Victory built a Noble City there and from the Fate of the Giant call'd it Palmyra While ‖ Antiq. l. 8. c. 2. Josephus thus informs us That Solomon after he had built Gazara which Pharoah having taken it from the Philistines gave to his Daughter not far from it built two Cities Betachora and Baleth with other Places to which he might retire for his Pleasure that he might enjoy a temperate Air excellent Fruits and pleasant Streams From whence he past into the Desart above Syria and making himself Master of it lay'd the Foundations of a great City which * Hier. in Ezek. 47. he beautified with extraordinary Buildings two Days Journey from the Vpper Syria and one from Euphrates but from Babylon six Days Journey And the reason why he built this City so far from the inhabited Places of Syria was that in the Upper Parts there was no Water but in that Place only there were Fountains and Wells as it appears by the Peutinger Tables that near it stood the Centum Putei (a) Concerning the Names Tadhmur and Palmyra consult the Appendix When therefore he had built the City and fenced it with strong Walls he named it Tadmor as it is now called by the Syrians while the Greeks call it Palmyra CHAP. II. FRom its Founder and Name I shall proceed to consider its Situation and Plenty As to its Situation from the Description that Josephus gives of it it is plain that though it stood in a Desart Country it was a very Fertile Spot of Ground the Air being very moderate and healthy For when * Epist ad Porph. Longinus invites his Friend Porphyry thither he encourages him to undertake the Journey upon two Accounts first That they might renew their old Friendship secondly That he might recover his broken Health by the excellency of the Air of Palmyra †Lib. 8. p. 205. Ptolemy places it East from Alexanandria in the same Climate with Antioch Seleucia Hierapolis Emesa and other Cities of Alexandria says the Author of the Alexandrian Chronicon Chron. Alex p. 82. in the Longit. of 71 deg 30 min. and the Latit of 34 deg the Longest Day being there above 14 Hours The first Inhabitants of Tadmur I conjecture were the Sons of Abraham by Keturah for they are said to be sent by their Father into the East Gen. 25.6 i. e. into the East from Jerusalem and the Land of Canaan into the Desarts of Arabia and the Countries bordering on the Euphrates whose Inhabitants are called in Holy Writ The Children of the East and were for that reason also call'd Saracens that is Orientals or Easterlings as our most Learned Pocock affirms Now the Saracens are said by * Lib. 23. cap. ult Amm. Marcellinus to be the Arabes Scenitae though Pliny and Ptolomy distinguish them to whom the Palmyrenians were conterminous if not the same and for this reason I doubt not but Odenathus in all the latter Writers is call'd the King of the Saracens though Zenobia in her Letter to Aurelian distinguishes the Saracens from her Subjects reckoning the Saracens among her Foreign Troops and Auxiliaries In the Ecclesiaslick Notitia it is accounted a part of Phoenicia Libanesia And Porphyry treating of Longinus's Inviting him to
Palmyra says He undertook to persuade him to leave Sicily and to travel into Phoenicia Others make it a part of Arabia but 't is commonly reputed by Ptolemy and others a part of Syria as Phoenicia is another part of that large Country though Zenobia in her Letter above-mentioned distinguishes the Palmyrenians from the Syrians as * L. 1. p. 40. Zosimus also does That it stood in a Wilderness besides the Holy Writ and Josephus * Nat. Hist tom 1. l. 1. §. 21. p. 583. ad Paris Pliny who was Contemporary with the Jewish Historian agrees who thus describes it Palmyra is a City eminent in its Situation in the riches of its Soil and its pleasant Streams being surrounded on every side with a vast Desart of Sand It seems to have been separated from the rest of the World and did preseve its Liberty in a private Condition between the two Mighty Empires the Roman and Parthian and as soon as any War happens to break out it is equally their care to engage it on their side and in their Interest It is distant from Seleucia on the Tygris 337 Miles from the neighbouring Shore of Syria or the Mediterranean 203 and from Damascus 176. The same Author in other places also mentions the Solitudes of Palmyra beyond which on one hand is Stelendena a Country not so much as nam'd by other Writers on the other side they reacht home to Emesa and to the Westward as far as Petra in Arabia Felix from whence to the Persian Gulf it was all Desart It was distant from the Euphrates a Day 's Journey says * Vbi sup Josephus Not far from that Noble River says †Lib. 5. Bell. Civ p. 676. Appian for as soon as Marc. Antony threaten'd the Sack of the City the Inhabitants immediately transported all their Goods beyond the River the Banks of which they defended with their Archers and so leaving the Town empty baffled the Design and deceiv'd the Expectations of the Roman Troops but situate by a River that run by its Walls whose Name Ptolemy either knew not or omitted But other Geographers call it Palmyra Domin Marius Niger Maginus c. affirming that it had its Rise in the Palmyrene Mountains ran through the Country and at last emptied it self into the Euphrates though now there are no footsteps of its course left Nor is it a wonder that a small River should be swallowed up in a long tract of Time of such vast quantities of Sand. When Solomon built it he gave it all the Advantages of Strength and Security that the Rules of Fortification in that Age allowed of and it continued so as long as it was a Frontier Garrison fenc'd with strong Walls and an advantagious Situation but better guarded by a brave Garrison the Militia of Palmyra being esteem'd very stout Their Archers were excellent Marks-men says * Vbi sup Appian and their Horse-men well armed with heavy Armour and very secure the Army of Zenobia saith the Historian consisting of Anchers Zosim l. 1. p. 44. and Horse-men arm'd Cap-a-pé who notwithstanding the weight of their Arms were much better Horse-men than the Romans and such a ‖ Zonar tom 2. p. 237. Value did they set upon their Horses that no greater Affront or Disgrace could be offer'd to a Palmyrenian than to take his Horse from him Nor did the Romans disdain their Assistance for in their Militia with the Assyrians and Moors the Inhabitants of Palmyrene and Osroene were muster'd CHAP. III. PALMTRA was the Metropolis of the Province and gave it its Name being a Place of great Antiquity and great Trade Rich says Pliny in the Fertility of its Soil but much more so by its Commerce for it had not only the Advantage of its own Commodities but was the Thorough-fare of all the Merchants that liv'd beyond it toward the Mediterranean who traded to Forath and Charax and other Ports on the Persian Gulf if I rightly understand * Nat. Hist l. 6. §. 32. p. 722. Pliny who says that at Petra in Arabia the two Ways met both of those who came through Palmyra probably from Antioch Seleucia in Pisidia Laodicea and other conterminous Places and of those also who came from Gaza travelling towards the Gulf it being impossible but the Caravans who made that their constant Road both to and from Persia must help to enrich the Stages where they Baited But this was not all its Happiness its Inhabitants were great Merchants says * Vbi sup Appian And Marc. Antony thought the Plunder of this City a sufficient Recompence for all the Fatigues and Hardships which his Horse endured in that Countrey during the Persian War tho' he failed of his Attempt They had form'd themselves into a Company under a President and Governor of their own An East-India Trade cannot well be carry'd on by a single Person though he were one of the Merchants of Tyre who were Companions of Princes For I find in one of the Inscriptions Pag. 99. that Septimius Orodes was honourd with an Illustrious Testimonial from (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a word that appears in no Author that I know of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 like 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Etym. M. p. 474. or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. ib. Those Governors of the Affairs of Trade were called at Athens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Etym. M. Harpocrat v. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Their Number says Aristotle was Ten Their Business to Over-see the Ports and to take care of the Corn that was brought thither for which purpose they had their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and it was reckon'd among the most Honourable Benefactions to build such a Granary Philostrat Vit. Polemon Smyrnae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Presidents or Chiefs of the Merchants And I doubt not but they carry'd the Manufactures and other Commodities of Asia down the Euphrates to Balsora or perhaps no farther than Vologesia Vid. Append and brought from Persia the Merchandizes of India and Arabia and so furnisht the Romans with Spices and Silks and other rich Goods For though they are said to lie far from the Sea and without the advantage of the River which must be retracted since it anciently had the assistance of a River though it is since lost in the Sands yet it must be acknowledged they were not far from the Euphrates a Noble and Navigable River and had the conveniency of their Camels and Dromedaries by which sort of Carriage all the Riches of the East were formerly brought into Europe by Caravans before the Cape of Good-Hope was discover'd But Palmyra had its own Product Salt with which the Inhabitants now drive a trade and Dates the Fruits of their Palm-Trees which were not only great Delicacies at Rome and elsewhere Plut. Sympos 8. qu. 4. for Nicolaus Damascenus thought the Dates of Syria a fit Present for Augustus and Phoenicia hath its Name from its
pretext That the King of Armenia had receiv'd his Crown from the King of Persia whereas he ought to have taken it from the hands of the Roman Emperor but in truth stimulated by his desire of Vain-glory made an Expedition into the East reduc'd Armenia and settled the Government of that Countrey took Nisibis and Batnae and was honour'd by the Senate with the Name of Parthicus added to his other Titles After which he winter'd at Antioch where he by an extraordinary Providence and with much difficulty escap't perishing in that great Earthquake which had almost ruind that Noble City After this he return'd into the East past the Euphrates subdued all Adiabene Arbela and Gaugamela and came to Babylon the Parthians being unable to oppose him having been much weaken'd by their Civil Dissentions Then he past the Tigris and went to Ctesiphon and thence pursued his Conquests to the Ocean where he declared That if he had been as young as Alexander he would have follow'd the Example of that Illustrious Prince and have sail'd into India But while he was thus amusing himself with his vain Ambitious Thoughts the Provinces which he had subdued revolted and seiz'd and murther'd the Roman Garrisons Whereupon Trajan commanded Lusius and Maximus to chastise the Rebels and to reduce the Cities to Terms of Duty and Obedience In this Expedition Maximus was slain in Battle but Lusius recover'd Nisibis took Edessa as he did also Seleucia and other Places by his Lieutenant-Generals Whereupon to prevent their future Revolt Trajan gave the Parthians a King and settled the Estate of the East as * In Aurelian Vopiscus calls that Country because in respect of Rome the Sun seem'd to rise in Parthia and this the Coins confirm which mention the reducing of Armenia and Mesopotamia under the Power and Jurisdiction of the Romans in this Emperor's Reign At this time 't is probable Palmyra was much ruin'd for otherwise it would not have wanted the favourable Assistance of Trajan's Successor who may be justly reckon'd their Second Founder Hadrian was a magnificent Prince and a great Builder and for that reason call'd the Wall-Flower a great number of eminent Edifices owing their Being and Beauty to his Liberality He it was who built the Fora at Nicodemia and Nice Chron. Alex p. 598. the Four High-ways and that part of the Wall that looks toward Bithynia At Cyzicum he built the Temple and floar'd it with Marble And in many other Places he either erected New or repair'd the Old Buildings both Sacred and Civil And in almost every City of his vast Empire he left some Marks of his Magnificence * Hadrian Dio Cassius affirming that he generously assisted all the Towns that were subject to his Empire or confederate with it of which he visited more than any of his Predecessors a great part of his Reign being employed in more than one Progress through those spacious Territories some Cities he adorn'd with Aqueducts others with safe Ports upon some he bestow'd a Donative of Corn or Publick Buildings upon others Money or Privileges †Jo. Malel par 1. pag. 363 364. At Antioch he repair'd what had been destroy'd by that terrible and furious Earthquake that in Trajan's time had almost buried that noble City in its own Ruines as he did the Temple at Cyzicum which in his own Reign had been destroyed by another Earthquake and made it one of the World's Wonders for Architecture and Beauty bestowing great Privileges upon the poor undone Inhabitants which was the noblest Charity He also re-erected the Colossus at Rhodes which had been many years before thrown down by an Earthquake Above all he was a great Benefactor to the City of Athens toward which he always exprest a peculiar Regard as in Requital they call'd him while alive Adrianus Olympius in their Coines and Inscriptions as he was in several other Cities after his death Deify'd especially in Syria for to speak the Truth and to be doing Good were in the esteem even of the Heathen World most God-like Qualities CHAP. IX BUT the Liberality of this Munificent Emperor was not confined to Greece or the adjacent Parts of Asia the remoter Cities of Syria who had suffer'd so deeply during the War which Trajan made in the East were not excluded from their share in his Bounty For he had been a * Spart Hadr. Lieutenant-General in that Expedition and had seen the dismal Effects of War and Military Rage and Rapine and upon the Death of Trajan had made a Peace with the Parthians envious of the Glory of his Predecessor says Sextus Rufus very maliciously having remov'd the King whom Trajan had set over them and withdrawn the Roman Armies out of all the Countries beyond the Euphrates and because he was not ambitious to have his Name inscribed on all his Publick Buildings as it was customary he gave it to the Cities which he new built or beautified among whom we must reckon Palmyra †Steph. de Vrb which after he had repair'd its Ruines he call'd Hadrianople and with the leave of Father Harduin perhaps the Coin in the King of France's Treasury and in Monsieur Patin p. 203. with this Incription ΑΔΡΙΑΠΜΗΤΡΟΡΟΛΙϹ may be ascribed not to Hadrianople in Thrace nor that other City in Cyrenaica of the same Name but to Palmyra which was a Mother-City as appears by the * Pag. 99. Inscriptions and by Ptolemy who not only reckons it among the Metropoles of Coelesyria but makes it the Capital of the Province of Palmyrene which had its Denomination from it And it is not unfitly represented by a Woman sitting on a Hill For Tadmor is enclosed on three sides with long ridges of Mountaines the Castle being built on one of them which commands the Entrance into the City And to this City I would ascribe the Coin of Caracalla in Monsieur Patin p. 302. with the Figure of an Archer almost Naked on the reverse his Thin Habit implying the Heats and his Arms the Militia of his Country the Sagittarii of Palmyrene being Famous in History This City I doubt not but Adrian visited when in the Sixth Year of his Empire he made his Progress into the East and receiv'd the Homage of all the Kings and Toparchs whose Territories lay in those Parts And this his Expedition I understand to be meant in the Inscriptions In which Expedition Pag. 105. Malech Agrippa the Son of Jaraius was the second time the Secretary of the City and when that Prince happen'd to draw near his end and the Palmyrenians were in fear of losing their Patron their Neighbours of the City Tieve three Days Journey from Tadmor towards the Euphrates probably the Oriza of Ptolemy as the Learned Mr. Halley conjectures and a City of Paelmyrene as Ptolemy reckons it made their Vows for his Recovery as appears by the Inscription Pag. 109. For in the Last Year the Nineteenth of his Reign not the Seventh as
himself to to the Conquering Party and acknowledg'd the Jurisdiction of the Persians not being able alone and unassisted to oppose so great a Power seeing the Roman Emperor engaged in Person in the Head of a puissant Army for the recovery of the East and knowing that his Ancestors had received many signal Favours from the Emperors Predecessors to Valerian was easily persuaded to declare for the Roman Interest But when Valerian was taken Captive Odenathus bethought himself and endeavour'd to make his Peace having found the Persian Monarch so much Superior to the Roman Whereupon being convinced of the necessity he was under to smooth the Mind of that haughty Prince he form'd an Embassie loaded several Camels with most noble Presents especially of such things which Persia did not produce and sent them to Sapores with the most submissive Letters affirming That in the whole War he had not been an Enemy to that Great King But the proud Persian commanded his Servants to throw the Presents into the River and tearing the Letters he trampled them under his Feet expressing himself in an angry Tone to this purpose Who is this insolent Man and from whence that he dares write his Letters to his Liege Lord and Sovereign If he intends to alleviate his Punishment let him come hither with his Hands tied behind his Back fall at my Feet and beg my Pardon but if he refuses let him know that I will destroy him and his Family and ruine his Country What effect this sharp Answer had upon the Prince of Palmyra we want Information but I doubt not he dissembled his Resentment made the best Terms he could for himself and waited an Opportunity to revenge the Injury which in a few years offer'd it self when Gallienus gave him his Commission to insult the Persians To support the Opinion That Odenathus was was an Ally if not a Subject of the Persians before Valerian attempted the recovery of the East out of their hands Trebellius Pollio affirms That when Cyriades pretended to the Empire he robb'd his Father of a vast Summ of Silver and Gold and with it fled to the Persians and having insinuated himself into the Affections of Sapores and entred into a Confederacy with him incited him to make War upon the Romans after he had engaged Odenathus in the same Design that he took Antioch and Caesarea and made himself either by downright Force or the Terror of his Arms Lord of the East whereupon he assum'd the Title of Augustus But when Valerian came into the East he was slain by his Soldiers This Allyance he made with the King of Persia says * Tom. 3. pag. 25. Tristan in the First or Second Year of Valerian in the Fourth says Mezzobarba and he reign'd at least two years say the †Goltz Thesaur p. 72. Coines But Salmasius will not allow that Odenathus was concerned in this Attempt upon Syria but Odomastes perhaps Oromastes whom he supposes a General or a Tributary Prince to the Persian though it is not altogether improbable but the Prince of Palmyra might be engaged in this Design not only because in League with the Persian but also because being an Ambitious Politick and Warlike Prince he was willing to enlarge his Limits and to take the Advantage of the distracted Estate of the Roman Empire at that time to make Additions to his own Territories But when Valerian was marching into the East and Cyriades was slain then he bethought himself and in good time changed his Party and declared for the Romans Which enraged Sapores and gave occasion to him to upbraid Odenathus when Valerian was made Prisoner with his Apostasie from his Duty CHAP. XIII THE Wings of the Roman Eagle having been thus deplumed and the Glory of the Empire eclip'st while Valerian wore the Chains and daily suffer'd the Insolences of the King of Persia it might have been with Justice expected that Gallienus should have exerted his utmost Powers to release his Father and set his Country and Subjects free But instead of applying himself to such becoming Undertakings which would have given new Life to his People and new Lawrels to himself who had in the beginning of his Reign behaved himself like a Man of Courage and Conduct he gave himself up to all manner of Voluptuousness and permitted the Commonwealth to be shipwrackt inasmuch as he not only neglected to make an attempt for his Father's Release while by the Barbarians the neighbouring Princes who were Confederate with the Persians Sapores was sollicited with all earnestness to set him at liberty and to make a * Aurel. Victor Caess p. 155. Peace of which the Letters still extant in Trebellius Pollio are an undeniable Demonstration while also the Bactrians Iberians Albanians and Tauroscythae wrote to the Roman Generals promising their Assistance to redeem him out of an ignominious Slavery but suffer'd the Goths A.D. 261. say the Fasti Idatiani but Cassiodore says Anno 263. to over-run all Thrace Macedon and Achaia with the neighbouring Provinces Zosim l. 1. p. 34. one Party of them ravaging Illyricum and pillaging all its Cities another invading Italy and marching to the very Gates of Rome while the Parthians made their Inroads into Mesopotamia and the Syrian Banditti harrast the East * Aug. Ep. 80. insomuch as the Considerate part of Mankind thought the World near its End and the sad Effects of those Eruptions were visible in the Ruines of many a Noble City and Country almost Two hundred Years after both in the East and West says †Lib. 7. cap. 22. Orosius while every bold Pretender durst set up his Title to the Empire in the West who could defend his Usurpation with his Sword his Father Valerian languishing all the while under a severe Captivity Treb. Pol. p. 175. till his Age and his Afflictions had cover'd him with Grey Hairs When the Affairs of the Empire were in this perplext estate Eutrop. l. 9. §. 10. Treb. Pol. p. 178 179. and their Interest at the lowest ebb Gallienus having deserted the Care of the Republick sauntred away his Time idlely or spent it ridiculously in the Company of Rope-dancers and Stage-players and laught at the loss of many a fertile and rich Province while Posthumus maintained its Grandeur in the West and preserved Gallia and Odenathus in the East attackt and subdu'd the Persians For when that senseless Emperor saw himself so miserably opprest on all hands awaken'd by the Out-cryes of his People he for a little while rouz'd himself out of his Lethargy and look'd about him and seeing all at stake requested Odenathus Zosim l. 1. pag. 36. Zonar T. 2. p. 235 237. the Governor-General or Praetor of Palmyrene and Consederate of the Romans the Prince of that Country says Trebellius Pollio to drive the Persians out of the Roman Territories Odenathus consider'd that if he did not interpose it would be impossible but that Sapores would in a small time under
and Herodes at least Three as the Coins expresly prove it being probable that Odenathus wore the Purple some time after Gallienus declar'd him Emperor before he assum'd Herodes to be his Copartner in his Government leaving his Crown and Scepter by Right to his Grandson Vaballathus Vid. Append but in the Possession of and de Facto to Zenobia and her Sons Herennianus and Timolaus CHAP. XVI O Denathus was murther'd the same Year that Gallienus was slain but some time before him For Anno Christi 260 Valerian was taken in the Sixth Year of his Reign after which the Persians managed the Affairs of the East according to their own Will and Pleasure Valerian's Son and his Copart'ner in the Empire Gallienus being lost in the mazes of his Vices and so devoted to his Pleasures that his Name was not so much as mention'd in the Army who seem'd to have forgotten him as entirely as he had forgotten himself and all Princely Qualifications for he rejoyc'd at his Father's Captivity which clad all Rome in Mourning and cover'd every Wise Man with Tears and diverted himself with Stage-plays Treb. Pol. p. 176 182. Horse-races and the Combats of the Gladiators in making himself Beds of Roses to wallow in in the Summer-time and Beds of Melons to gratifie his Palate in the Winter in building Castles of Apples and other Fruits and exercising his noble Courage in attacking them in finding out Methods how to Preserve Grapes Sound and Untainted three Years and Wines always in the Muste Figs always Green and Apples Ripe in every Month in the Year as if he had been born a Slave to his Belly and his Pleasures He spent all his time in Riot and Luxury in Wine and Women never would drink but out of a Golden Bowl despising Glass because common and cheap and every time chang'd his Wine his Concubines sate at the same Table with him and at the next Table to him his Buffoons Parasites and Jesters His Cloaths were foreign and different from the Habit of the Roman Princes his Predecessors his Hair powder'd with Gold and his Head crown'd with Rays while his most intimate Privy-Counsellers were the Roman Ladies And in this dissolute Course he lived till the Year of Christ 264. when Odenathus undertook and revenged the Quarrel and baffled and put to flight the formidable Host In which Year it is very probable the Persian King enraged at his loss of Honour Spoils and Conquer'd Territories put Valerian to Death Anno 268 Odenathus was murther'd and the same year Gallienus was slain For thus the * Treb. Pol. p. 184. Historian states his Accompts of Time Whereas Valerian and his Son reign'd Fifteen Years in the Sixth Valerian was taken Prisoner by the Persians after which Gallienus reign'd Nine Years some say Ten For its certain that he celebrated his Decennalia at Rome and after that overcame the Goths made a Peace with Odenathus an Agreement with Aureolus and overcame Posthumus and Lollianus After which he was slain near Milan by the Hand of Cerronius or Cecropius the General of the Dalmatian Troops What the Quarrel was between Gallienus and Odenathus and upon what Reasons no Historian that I know of gives any Account but perhaps the Coins hint it for in those of Gallienus Anno Christi 266 a year and more before Odenathus was murthered there often occurs Pax Augg. Concordia Augg. with two Right Hands joined 'T is true Mezzobarba understands the Inscriptions of the Union between Gallienus and the junior Valerian but besides that Valerian was not Emperor till the next year after those Coins were stampt Anno Christi 267 as Mezzobarba himself confesses we never read of any Dispute between them for the Younger Valerian was a Prince of excellent Temper and Modesty but a Quarrel there was between Odenathus and Gallienus as Trebellius Pollio says expresly Much less can I interpret the Coins to have relation to Valerian the Father as Monsieur Patin does for long before this year Valerian was a Prisoner in Persia and probably murthered It must be confest that there is great variety of Opinions concerning the Age of Valerian and that it is very difficult to adjust the precise time of his Death which happen'd at so great a distance from Rome and in a Country at open War with the Emperor which precluded all Communication But I shall endeavour to fix the Time * Tom. 3. pag. 1. Monsieur Tristan says expresly That Valerian was born An. V.C. 937. Anno Christi 185 and that he was murthered an aet 75 Christi 260 the very year in which he was made a Prisoner But the whole Assertion is precarious and built upon the wrong Supposition That he lived but 75 years and was flea'd the very year in which he was taken Signior Mezzobarba affirms that he was slain an aet 77. but fixes no year either from the Building of Rome or from our Blessed Saviour's Birth The Writers of the Imperial History of those Times say only in general that he lived to a great Age in the state of Captivity While the Writer of the Chronicon commonly call'd the Alexandrian allows him to have lived but 61 years but expresly affirms that he reign'd 14 years and that he was put to death by the Persians when Claudius and Paternus were Consuls Anno Christi 268 9. Most of the Old Fasti averr that Valerian and Gallienus reign'd 15 years and so does Trebellius Pollio and that Valerian was taken by the Persians Gallieno 7. Sabinillo Coss Anno Christi 266. as Idatius declares Among all which Writers there is great Variety but little Truth while its plain to me that Valerian was alive when Odenathus first took Arms for his Release and so could not be put to Death the same year in which he was taken Pag. 179. Trebellius Pollio expresly affirming that Odenathus exerted his utmost Vigour and attended to nothing else but that Valerian might recover his Liberty And the same Author as expresly avers Pag. 184. that Valerian was dead before Odenathus was murthered The Anger of God as he says appearing visibly against the Roman Commonwealth in that after Valerian was slain he would not suffer Odenathus to live I am therefore of the Opinion of the learned Monsieur Patin Pag. 405. that as soon as Sapores had experimented to his cost the Bravery and Conduct of the King of Palmyra and understood that his Design was to restore the Captive Valerian to his Liberty from an ignominious Slavery then his Rage transported him to that barbarous and inhumane Act of Cruelty A. C. 264 and if we may credit the Coin in Goltzius he was Deify'd after his Death Thesaur p. 70. But enough of this Digression let us return to Zenobia CHAP. XVII SEptimia Zenobia for so she was call'd and for the knowledge of her first Name we are wholly obliged to the Coins being thus left by her Husband the Empress of the East
though the Senate when he was elected cried out five times O Emperor Claudius deliver us from the Palmyrenians And again seven times O Emperor Claudius rescue us from Zenobia and Victorina For he was forc'd to acknowledge in his Letters That as Tetricus had made himself Master of all France and Spain so the Queen of Palmyra to their shame be it spoken was possest of all their Archers While the Forces of the Empire were employ'd by Claudius Zosim l. 1. p. 39 40. Pollio ubi sup in the First Year of his Reign Anno Christi 270 Antiochianus and Orphitus being Consuls to compel the Scythians to repass the Danube and to return to their own Country for they had ravag'd Asia and Achaia Acarnania Boeotia Thessaly and the adjacent Countries Zenobia sent her Troops into Egypt to reduce that fertile Country under her Jurisdiction the Inhabitants of that rich Province having upon the News of the Death of Gallienus unanimously acknowledg'd and taken the Oath of Allegiance to Claudius though he were absent This Zenobia resented as an Injury offer'd to her own Title and the Succession of her Sons it being usual for the Junior Augustus upon the Death of the Elder to claim the Possession of the whole Empire Or else she took this occasion to assert her Pretensions to that Kingdom for she derived her Pedegree from the Family of the Ptolemy's and particularly from Cleopatra the last Queen of that Country whom the Romans had by force dispossest To make this Conquest she sent her General Zabdas into Egypt where a Party of the Natives under Timagenes Pollio calls him Timogenes had already declar'd for her Interest and supported her Claim who with a powerful Army of Seventy thousand Men made up of Palmyrenians Syrians and Barbarians fought Fifty thousand Egyptians and after a very sharp Engagement in which the Militia of Palmyra continued the Fight with unwearied Obstinacy and Pertinaciousness got the Victory After which having left Five thousand of his Soldiers behind him to keep the Country in awe he return'd to Palmyra While this Invasion was made Probus whom the Emperor Claudius had declar'd the Praefect of Egypt was according to Command scouring the neighbouring Seas of the Pyrates who in those times of Disorder much infested the bottom of the Streights But as soon as he heard the fatal News that during his Absence Egypt had been subdued he return'd with all speed forming an Army of what Forces he had with him and such other of the Natives as were content to List themselves for the Service and to throw off the Yoke of the Palmyrenians which they hated and making an Attempt upon the Guards whom Zabdas had left to preserve his New Conquest in Obedience he drove them out of the Country Upon the Report of this Revolution Zabdas return'd but Probus having in the mean time strengthned his Troops with Recruits from Lybia and the remoter Parts of Egypt attack't the Enemy got the Victory and drove the Men of Palmyra a second time out of that Country In pursuit of this Victory Probus possest himself of a Hill near Babylon the Egyptian City of that Name that he might preclude Zabdas from retiring into Syria But Timagenes who exactly knew all the Country with Two thousand Palmyrenians got to the top of the Hill unknown to the Egyptians and falling upon them unexpectedly cut them all off Which when their General saw he not willing to outlive his Honour fell on his own Sword CHAP. XXII EGyt being thus reduc'd under the Power of Zenobia the remainder of the Barbarians who outliv'd the Battle fought between Claudius and the Goths at Naissus secured themselves within a Tabor of their Waggons and so made their Retreat A violent Pestilence at the same time raging in both Camps in which Contagion Claudius one of the most Accomplisht of the Roman Princes breath'd his last To him Quintillus his Brother succeeded but hearing that Aurelian was chosen Emperor he order'd his Physicians to cut his Veins and so expir'd Aurelian having baffled the Scythians and subdued all the Pretenders to the Government having built the Walls of Rome and settled the Civil State of that City which took up the two first Years of his Reign undertook an Expedition into the East to reduce Palmyra which at that time had brought under its Jurisdiction all Egypt and all the East home to Ancyra the Metropolis of Galatia and would have extended its Conquests over Bithynia to the Gates of Chalcedon if the Inhabitants having been made acquainted with the Resolutions of Aurelian had not emancipated themselves from that Yoke Aurelian did not march directly into the East Vopisc p. 216. but secured the Provinces through which he went being forc'd to fight many Battels by the way before he reach'd Syria For in Illyricum and Thrace he overthrew the remainders of the Goths and slew Five thousand of them with their Commander Cannabas After which he march'd through Byzantium into Bithynia which had declar'd for his Interests took Tyana which was betray'd to him by Heraclammon but spar'd the City for the sake of the Philosopher Apollonius who was born there while he order'd the Traytor to be executed all the other Cities between Tyana and Antioch rendring themselves Near Antioch Zenobia had fix'd her station in the Head of a numerous Army advantagiously posted But Aurelian was a Prince of Undaunted Courage a Bold Spirit and Dextrous Address and prepar'd himself as became a Prudent General for a Battel And observing that the Strength of Zenobia's Forces consisted in her Horse-men who were arm'd Cap-a-pée and better understood Horsemanship than the Roman Troops he posted his Foot beyond the River Orontes in a separate Body and commanded his Horse not to engage the Palmyrenians while their Body was fresh and lusty but when they charg'd to retire and dissemble a Flight till the extreme Heat of the Weather and the Weight of their heavy Arms had tyred them and forc'd them to desist from the Pursuit The due Observation of this Order got the Victory For when the Romans by this manner of Fighting had satigued the Palmyrenian Troops and tyred their Horses then they charg'd them with the utmost Vigour and as they fell from their Horses or their Horses sunk under them trod them under their feet The Slaughter was various some were slain with the Sword others stifled with the fall of their own Horses upon them a third sort trampled to death by the Roman Troops while the scatter'd remainders of that great Army fled to Antioch This Battel was fought says * Chron. ex vers Hier. Eusebius in the second Year of the 250th Olympiad Anno Christi 273 at (a) apud Timas Hier. lege apud Imas an easie Mistake of the Copyist for aput Imas apud Imas in Sextus Rufus and Eutropius In Ptolemy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Georgius Syncellus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In St. Hier. Vit. Malchi Imma
Men of Consular Dignity Guther de Offic. Dom. Aug. l. 1. c. 7. p. 25 26. p. 237. There were two Correctors of Italy as the Notitia says the one of Apulia and Calabria the other of Lucania and the Brutii the Correctors being reckon'd among the Friends of the Emperor among the Viri Clarissimi and Spectabiles and set to stand on a level with the Presidents of Provinces Corrector of Lucania Trebellius Pollio says of all Italy and setling Zenobia at Rome where she liv'd in much Plenty and Honour to a great Age maintaining the Port of a Roman Matron by the Estate which the Emperor possest her of in Tivoli not far from the Emperor Adrian's Palace and the Place which is called Conchae or Concae and so well she behav'd her self in her new Habitation that the Place of her Residence was called Zenobia from the illustrious Inhabitant The precise Situation of this Zenobia the Villa of this excellent Princess is to this day under dispute Cons del Ré de l'Antichità Tiburtine par 2. c. 5. Fulvio Cardoli says that the Ruines of the Villa Zenobia are to be seen in that Place that is called Colle di Santo Stephano which is situate near the Palace of Adrian But Del Ré avers that Conchae is near the Lake Della Solforata call'd the Baths that the Plain is to this day called the Plain of Conche and that the noble Marbles to be seen there are a demonstration that he was not mistaken in the Situation The Baths being built says the learned Andrea Bacci by Agrippa for the use of such as would frequent them that three hundred years after their first Foundation the Place was deputed for the Habitation of Zenobia and that the Cardinal Hyppolito of Ferrara found there a Jewel of Gold an Antique Vessel of Silver and other Ornaments belonging to the Ladies of those early times with an Inscription that in that Place one of the Daughters of Zenobia was buried From all which viz. from the Name Conche still remaining from the Antique Fabricks standing thereabouts and from what was found there it may be gathered that the Villa Zenobia could not be far off Some Authors affirm that Zenobia's Sons Herennianus and Timolaus were slain by Aurelian's Order Greatness is seldom unaccompanied with Jealousie and a Rival Prince never thinks his Title secure till his Competitor is in his Grave but others say that they tasted of the Emperor's Clemency and died at Rome natural Deaths the very year in which they were brought thither Ann. Chr. 273 Pag. 385. says Mezzobarba while Vaballathus having been led in Triumph with his Mother Zenobia spent the remainder of his life in a private station But whence that learned Man had these Notices I profess I know not This we are sure of that in the Reign of Constantine the Great her Posterity were reckon'd among the Nobility of Rome so says Trebellius Pollio expresly In the Reign of Valens the same Family continued in great Reputation says Eutropius And St. Jerom witnesses the same thing for the times of Honorius And Cardinal Baronius imagines that Zenobius the Bishop of Florence St. Ambrose's Contemporary was one of the Descendants of this famous Empress but I suppose he built his Conjecture on no other Foundation but the Likeness of the Names Such was the Fate of this illustrious Lady such the Destiny of Palmyra the Metropolis of her Empire under Aurelian L. 5. p. 53. a Catastrophe if we may credit the Heathen Historian Zosimus who was a great Bigot for Paganism foretold by Oracles Vid. Append and confirm'd by more than one sad Omen which determin'd the period of that short-liv'd Empire CHAP. XXXI AVrelian having thus subdued all his Adversaries Aurel. Vit. c. and establish'd his own and the Empires Quiet lived after this in an extraordinary Pomp and Splendor He was the first of the Roman Emperors who habited himself in Cloth of Gold the first who wore Gems on his Cloaths and in his Shoes and put on a Diadem the Coin in Oeselius describing him encircled with a Diadem different from and more rich than those of his Predecessors He valued himself as the Recoverer of the Empire both in the East and West as the Restorer of the World to its desired Peace and Tranquility and as one who was born a God Deus Dominus Natus on the reverse of one of his Coins in Mezzobarba p. 407. and the Lord of the Universe He was undoubtedly an eminent Prince though born of mean Parents comparable to the Alexanders and the Julius Caesars of former Ages if he had not sully'd the Lustre of his Vertues by his Excessive Cruelties of which the Carnage at the Sack of Palmyra is a severe Instance And so valuable did he account that Victory that to preserve the Memory of it according to the Practice of the Roraan Emperors he added to his Imperial Titles among many others that of the Palmyrenian as appears by an old Inscription consecrated to his Honour in the Fifth Year of his Reign in * Thesaur p. 274. Goltzius i. e. the last says Petavius and Tristan though the old †Ibid. Coins and their Authority is to me unquestionable expresly mention the Sixth Year of his Reign and with them agrees the ‖ Pag. 637. Chronicon commonly call'd the Alexandrian which is worth the preserving because in very few Inscriptions the mention of Palmyra occurs MAGNO AUGUSTO PRINCIPI MAX. IMP. FORTISSIMO CONSERVATORI ORBIS L. DOMITIO AURELIANO P. F. PONT MAX. TRIB POT V. P. P. COS. III. PROCOS GOTH MAX. PALMYR MAX. GER MAX. ORDO BRIXIANORUM ‖ Or To the Great Augustus To the Great and August the most Illustrious of Princes the Bravest of Emperors the Preserver of the World Lucius Domitius Aurelianus Pious and Happy the Chief Priest in the Fifth Year of his Tribunitian Power the Father of his Country Consul the Third time Proconsul the most Glorious Conqueror of the Goths the Palmyrenians and Germans The Brescians dedicate this Inscription His Cruelty was the cause of his Death for his Secretary Eros or Mnestheus as Vopiscus calls him having been threatned by Aurelian and fearing his fierce Temper thought it adviseable to prevent his own Death by imbruing his Hands in the Blood of his Master whom by the help of his Accomplices in the Treason and by the Hand of Mucapores he slew as he was taking the Air attended with but a thin Guard while the Camp lay at the New Castle Coenophrium a Mansion between Heraclea and Byzantium in the Road toward Persia against which Aurelian was marching his Army Cuspin Caes p. 79. to revenge himself upon that Nation for assisting Zenobia in the former War against the Romans Thus Aurelian made his Exit in the * Chron. Alex. p. 637. Seventy fifth Year of his Age and after his Death was honoured as the more deserving Princes usually were
with a Deification as both the Historians and the Coins declare CHAP. XXXII BUt though Palmyra was thus ruin'd by the Commands of Aurelian I cannot think it was wholly raz'd it not being consonant to the Wisdom of that August Government to slight so strong a Garrison upon the Borders for this would have been the same as to invite the Persians to a new Invasion but that the Emperor who gave a particular Order to re-build beautifie and endow the noble Temple of the Sun that had been plunder'd and destroyed by the insolent Soldiers did also take care that the City should be put in a posture of defence so as it might obstruct the Irruptions of the Enemy and that to that end he constituted Cerronius Bassus the Governor of that Province though I doubt not but it lost the Privileges of a Roman Colony of a Metropolis and in all probability of a Free City and was only left in the condition of a Garrison or Praesidium For as it was usual to advance a Praesidium or Fort to the Honour of a City as Bosra in Arabia was promoted by the Emperor Severus so on the contrary a City often lost its Franchises when it turn'd Rebel to the Emperor In this condition I suppose it to have been when Dioclesian and Maximinian wore the Imperial Purple Hierocles at that time being the Praefect of the Province as appears by the only Latin Inscription that hath been as yet found at Palmyra the Pillar being erected to the Honour of the above-named Emperors Vid. Append and of Constantius and Galerius Maximianus the Caesars who had most happily founded Castra Now that we may know when Castra was founded it will be necessary to consider the State of the Empire at that time Dioclesian having been opposed by many Competitors was particularly rival'd by Achilleus in Egypt Eutrop. brev Idat. Chron. against him therefore he march'd in Person besieged him in Alexandria and at last slew him After this he went into Mesopotamia and there making a halt sent Galerius Ann. Chr. 296 against Narses King of Persia Galerius rashly engaging the Persians between Callinicus and Carrae with a very small Force was routed and beaten back to the Camp of Dioclesian who when he met him treated him with so much scorn that he made him run in his Purple Robe some Miles by his Chariot-side like a Foot-man before he vouchsafed to speak to him But in a little time after this Ann. Chr. 297 upon Galerius his important Solicitations he furnish'd him with Recruits from Illyricum and Maesia and commanded him to retrieve the Honour he had lost in the first Engagement and accordingly he behav'd himself with so much Bravery in the second Battle in which with 25000 Men he broke into the Enemies Camp that he routed the Persians beat them out of Armenia Major where they had posted themselves took the Tents and Baggage of Narses and a great Booty made his Wives his Sisters and Children his Daughters says Rufus Festus with a great part of the Persian Nobility Prisoners drove the King to fly for shelter to the remotest Solitudes of his Dominions and acquitted the Romans from the ignominy of the Captivity of Valerian Narses being reduc'd to so great extremity by this last Blow P. Patric excerpt p. 26. that had almost determin'd the period of his Empire chose Appharban one of the most trusty and most beloved of his Courtiers his Praefectus Praetorio as the Historian using the Style of his own Country calls him his Chief Minister a Man of Address and happy Application to be his Ambassador to Galerius who having obtained leave to deliver his Message thus accosted this victorious Prince That all Mankind knew that the two Empires of Rome and Persia were two great Luminaries which like the two Eyes in the Body were to receive Lustre Beauty and Help one from the other that it was unnatural when they endeavoured to extinguish each other that to destroy and bring to desolation could not be reckon'd among the illustrious Atchievements but must be accounted an effect of Madness and Folly that only meaner Spirits delighted in the Ruine of their Enemies that Narseus was not to be reckoned a weak Prince because he was unfortunate but that Galerius being the greatest of Monarchs the Conquest of Narseus who was in no one noble Qualification inferior to any of his Predecessors was referv'd by the Destinies for him And that he further had it in his Commission to assure him That though his Master had a just Title to his Dominions yet he threw himself upon the Mercy and Clemency of the Romans that he would not offer any Terms to Galerius but would be content with whatever Articles he would please to allow him desiring him to return him his Wives and his Children that this Humanity would entitle him to a nobler Conquest than his victorious Arms and that his generous Usage of his Family already had been such that he profess'd his inability to pay him his Acknowledgments as he deserved For the Kings Wives and Children had been treated with all sort of handsom Usage and the Nobility who had been made Prisoners of War except their restraint found no difference between their Captivity and Freedom between the Enemies Camp and their own Palaces that not only no Insults were made on their Persons no Injuries offered them but their Entertainment was liberal and suited to their Quality To this the Persian Embassador subjoin'd That the State of Mankind was very mutable and subject to great Alterations Upon this Galerius seem'd to be in a heat and answer'd That it was not well done of the Persians to desire their Adversaries to consider the Instabilty of Humane Affairs because whenever they were bless'd with Success themselves were the most insolent of Conquerors and added new Afflictions by their opprobrious Usage to those who who were before most heavily opprest putting them in mind of their inhumane Carriage toward the unfortunate Emperor Valerian to whom they shew'd neither Justice nor Moderation for after you had circumvented him and made him your Prisoner you kept him in Chains till he had languisht out many years in durance and without any regard to his extreme Age or his Sacred Character you used him with scorn and at last put him to a cruel and dishonourable Death And whereas the Rage of the most violent and wicked Men uses to be appeas'd when their Adversaries are dead your Malice out-liv'd the Object of it and though his Body was mortal you resolv'd to treat it with a Tyranny that endeavour'd to make it self immortal for having flea'd that great Prince alive you salted and preserved his Skin as a lasting Memorial of your Treachery and insatiable Cruelty This last thing he assured the Embassador he mention'd not that he resolved to follow so ignominious a President but to convince the Persians that they could not have any Pretensions to that Humane Usage which they petition'd
was only a cover for notorious Debaucheries resolved to destroy all those Places that were destin'd to the Gratifications of the Flesh particularly the famous Temple of Venus in Phaenicia That on one part of the Mount Libanus near the top of it in Aphaca a Grove and Temple had been consecrated to Venus not in the middle of a City or in the High-way where the Ambition of the Heathens prompted them for the most part to build their Temples but in a retired Place remote from all Towns and publick Roads where a School of Lewdness was erected where effeminate Men prostituted themselves to unnatural Lusts in honour of the Daemon and the Female Sex laying aside all regard to Modesty and Religion devoted themselves to gratifie the irregular Desires of all Pretenders they living without Control or Observation because no vertuous Person durst approach the Place till that illustrious Prince commanded his Soldiers to demolish the Temple and so put a period to those abominable Practices giving the Pagan Inhabitants truer Notions of Religion and Chastity This says Eusebius was the Fate of that infamous Temple But see the Malice and Disingenuity of a zealous Heathen Zosimus affirms that a miraculous Fire hover'd over the Place in his time And Damascius tells strange Stories of the same nature Vit. Isidor in his days of the Globes of Flame the Baetuli that frequently appear'd about Mount Libanus That the Worship at Aphaca was in use before Marcus Antoninus's Reign the Palmyrene Inscription demonstrates Zosim ubi sup The Solemn Meetings there were Annual the Practices most execrable Lust and Luxury making a great Figure in all their pretended Religious Ceremonies especially in that Country Lucian himself avering that at Byblus De Syr. p. 658. ult a very little way from Nacle the Women who refused to cut their Hair in the time of their solemn Mourning for the Death of Adonis were obliged for a whole Day to prostitute themselves to all Strangers and whatever they got was to be spent in a Sacrifice to Venus Aphaca was the Name of the Place says Zosimus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Eusebius seems to be of the same Opinion there being many Cities of that Denomination in Syria Euseb de loc Hebr. one belonging to the Tribe of Juda another to the Tribe of Asher a third in the Coasts of the Amorites a fourth a City of Syria but others with greater probability that the Name of the City was Nacle and of the Well Aphaca so says Suidas expresly V. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon the Authority of Christodorus who wrote the History of Nacle or Naclis a Book which if extant would have much illustrated this part of our History that it stood near Heliopolis and that the Rites called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as it is in the printed Copy were there performed What is meant by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Lexicographer informs Etymol M. V. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that it is a Syriack word in the Arabick it signifies Praeputium or Vinculum and that if it be fit to render such a word into Greek it signifies (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hence probably in Hesychius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Embraces Venus in that place embracing her Darling Adonis and probably Nacle has a like signification CHAP. V. An Accounu of Vaballathus HAving in the foregoing History averr'd that Vaballathus was not the Son of Odenathus as the generality of Writers have attested but the Grandson of that heroick Prince as Monsieur Tristan and F. Harduin have affirm'd I think my self obliged to give my Reasons for my Opinion the Roman and Greek Historians of those times being either wholly ignorant of him as I think Trebellius Pollio Zosimus and others were or mistaken in his Pedigree as Vopiscus who is the only Author who mentions him seems to be That Odenathus had Grandsons before he assum'd the Purple Trans p. 88. appears to me very plain from the Palmyrene Inscription where Septimius Odenathus the same I believe with the Emperor of that Name at that time a Man of the illustrious Senatorian Order and Dignity built a Monument for himself his Sons and Nephews or Grandsons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That those Nephews could not be the Off-spring of Herennianus and Timolaus the Sons of Zenobia is to me undoubted because at their Father's Death they were very young says the Roman Historian Zenobia Trebel Pol. p. 180. quòd parvuli essent filii ejus qui supererant Herennianus Timolaus ipsa suscepit imperium and therefore may be supposed the Sons of Herodes or Herodianus whom Odenathus begat on a former Wife and for these Reasons and by the help of the Inscriptions I am enclined to deduce the Line of that Family after the following manner NASORUS VABALLATHUS AIRANES SEPTIMIUS ODENATHUS N. his first Wife ATHENAEVS HERODES SEPTIMIVS AIRANES HERMIAS VABALLATHVS SEPTIMIA ZENOBIA his second Wife HERENNIAâ—â—â— TIMOLAVS Daughters married at Rome to Persons of the Senatorian Dignity Their Children at Rome A. C. 400. I have been encouraged to believe that Odenathus in the Inscriptions was the same Person with the Emperor of that Name from his prae-Nomen Septimius which cannot justly be presumed to have been used in the East before the First Emperor of that Name made his Inroads into Persia Now Septimius Severus died Anno Christi 211 before which time Odenathus may well presumed to have been born being murthered Ann. Chr. 26â…ž and I have given him a second Son from the Authority of the Inscriptions where Septimius Airanes Pag. 99. a Man of the Consular Dignity is said to have been the Son of Odenathus the Date of the InInscription confirming it viz. A.C. 253. I have also adventured upon adjusting the Pedigree of his Ancestors from the same Inscription Pag. 88. where Septimius is said to be the Son of Airanes the Grandson of Vaballathus the Great-Grandson of Nasorus according to the Method of the Arabs who usually reckon'd their Descent after that manner for I cannot think Airanes to be the prae-Nomen of Vaballathus since all their fore-Names were either Roman or Greek to neither of which Languages Airanes belongs I have also subscribed to the Opinion of Tristan and Harduin that Vaballathus was the Son of Herodes not only because Herodes is in the Coins represented with a Beard which implies some Years beyond Youth while Vaballathus has a very young Face but because the Coins declare him to have continued Emperor after Zenobia was conquer'd and I am so far from thinking that his Mother-in-Law held the Empire in his Name that I believe she prosecuted him as she did his Father that she might enthrone her own Children the Subject it must be confest is much in the dark and for want of Directions from the Antients it is easie to be mistaken but the luckiest
Dignity he was honour'd with a Crown of Gold Statue and Inscriptions to perpetuate his Name and Merit When a Bath was built it was usual to give it a solemn Dedication * 178. 7. So Dioclesian and Maximian Constantius and Galerius Emperors with Severus and Maximian Caesars consecrated the Baths of Dioclesian and probably for this reason does the Historian aggravate the Cruelty of Caracallus Lamprid. p. 111. 112. that he murder'd several People of all Conditions in the Baths and some eminent Persons were deputed Curators to super-intend the Building that it might not fall into ruine nor its Revenues be alienated or employ'd to wrong uses And such care was taken that every thing should be kept in due repair that though the Revenue hath been alienated for many Ages yet the very Ruines of those publick Buildings at Rome remain to this day very venerable 16. At Arsoffa in the Ruines of a noble Church upon the Chapiters of several Marble Pillars that supported the Body or Nave of the Church is inscrib'd the time of the Foundation of that sacred Building which is said to have been erected when Sergius was Bishop of the place †〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Episcopo Sergio consanguineo Maronii Chorepiscopi Whither Maron or Maronius in the Inscription were the same with the Founder of the Sect of the Maronites I cannot determine nor whither the Church did belong to them but it seems probable both from the name and because the Maronites chief Residence anciently as now was about Mount Libanus and in the neighbouring places towards the Euphrates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Leg. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Jovi summo maximo propitio Bolanus Zenobii filius Airanis nepos Mocimi pronepos Matthae abnepos curator octavus electus fontis Aphacitidis sub Jaribolo Deo aram suis sumptibus posuit anno 474. mensis Octobris 20. h.e. Christi 162. M. Aurelii Antonini 2o. I have made the Emendation in the Inscription which Mr. Hallifax confesseshe is not overconfident thatit was rightly taken upon the Authority of the ancient Writers from whom we have unquestionable Evidence that the oracular Fountain which the Men of Palmyra frequently consulted was called Aphaca while of the name Ephca there are no footsteps that I have met with in Antiquity P. 267 268 c. I have already in brief given the History of the Fountain to which I think fit to add that the Worship of Venus in that place was very antient Soz. Eccl. Hist l. 2. c. 5 that the Temple was very famous that it stood upon the Banks of the River Adonis on the side of Mount Libanus and was of old very illustrious and much honoured that upon certain days after the usual forms of Invocation a Fire descended from the top of Mount Libanus like a Star and after it had hover'd a while up and down in the Air plung'd it self at last into the River The Inhabitants were of Opinion that the Star was Vrania by which name they call Venus To which the Historian adds that the Temple was utterly destroy'd by the order of the Great Constantine Hist Eccl. l. 2. c. 18. as Eusebius avers and with them agrees Socrates but it is certain the Worship and the Apparitions were continued if we may credit Zosimus and Damascius two bigotted Zealots for Paganism for Zosimus in his time he lived in the fifth Century mentions the Descent of the Star at a certain time of the year agreeable to what Sozomen records and Damascius who lived about a hundred years after Zosimus vouches for the Truth and Frequency of those Apparitions in his time It is therefore very probable that the People of Heliopolis as of Emesa and other parts of Libanesia being warm Favourers of the Heathen Rites would not easily suffer themselves to be weaned from their Idolatry but repaired their Temple and adorn'd it though not with so great Pomp and Splendor for though Sozomen says expresly that the Temple of Venus at Heliopolis was ruin'd by Constantine's order yet in the latter end of Constantius's Reign it was very famous again saith the * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 §. 17. p. 14. old Geographer set out by Gothofred and worshipt with great Ceremony 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it being the common Opinion of the Country that Venus dwelt there and through her Favour so order'd it that the Woman of Mount Libanus were the fairest of all the Asiaticks as they were to a Proverb Socrates says that they held their Women in common and prostituted their Daughters to their Guests and I doubt not but under Julian by whose Influences and Assistance dying Paganism began to recover some Strength and Vigour the Temple also recovered its lost Reputation for it is past all dispute that the Temple at Nacle was not utterly destroy'd till the days of Mahomet So says Abulfarajus Pococ Specim Hist Ar. p. 5. v. not p. 90. for when he reckons up the several Idols of the old Gentile Arabs which they worshipt before that Imposter appear'd in the World he says the Inhabitants of Thakif worshipt a little Temple in the upper part of Nachla which was called Allat or Alilat i. e. the Moon or Venus as the Arabs calls her and Abulfeda avers that the Idol was destroy'd and ruined by the command of Mahomet in the ninth year of the Hegira i. e. in the year of Christ 631. Near to the Temple of Venus at Nacle was the Well Aphaca situate so the Castalian Fountain at Delphi stood near the Temple of Apollo V. Marm. Ox. p. 100. and another oracular Spring of that name in Daphne the Suburb of Antioch rose near the Temple of the same God which from the times of Seleucus who built both the City and the Temple was very famous till the Emperor Adrian fill'd the Well with stones and stopt its Current Julian open'd it again but in a little time both Fountain and Temple were consum'd by Lightning from Heaven How those Fountains gave their prophetick Answers the ancient Writers are not agreed some say the Enquirer wrote his Question on a Lawrel-leaf and threw it into the Fountain in which when he took it out he found his Fate written others that by the different noise of the Waters either he who consulted the Oracle or the Priest deputed to that Office interpreted the Doom while a third sort affirm that the Priest drank the Water and having by that means imbibed the Daemon found himself fill'd with the Spirit of Prophecy and inabled thereby to answer all Questions How the Well Aphaca gave its Responses Zosimus particularly relates according to which Method the famous Stygian-water at Bostra in Arabia unriddled Mens Destinies Damase apud Phot. cod 242. which Damascius describes as very terrible for if the Daemon were pleased the lightest things thrown into it would immediately sink to the bottom but if the Daemon were angry
the biggest and most ponderous things swam on the top for a while and at last were thrown out to the Admiration of the By-standers By this Well the Inhabitants used to swear but if any one had been so hardy as to perjure himself the Water that he drank caused a Dropsy in him within the year Thus the Water of the Fountain * Philostr vit Apoll. l. 1. c. 4. Am. Marcell l. 23. c. 26. Arist 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Asbamiaeus near the Temple of Jupiter at Tyana was in taste smooth and sweet to those who were honest and just but if any Man happen'd to run the hazard when he intended to perjure himself it affected his Eyes his Hands and his Feet and broke out upon him in Sores and Pustules and great Swellings nor could he move from the Well till he had confest'd himself forsworn So that the Water was ordeal like the Water of Jealousy among the Jews which to the Chaste gave a Conception but to the Unjust and the Violators of the Marriage-Vow caused the Belly to swell and the Thigh to rot Of the like kind were the Fountains in Sicily called Palici Arislot ubi sup c. 55. Sotion de flumin ex Isigono by which the People of the Island in cases of the greatest moment used to swear He who took the Oath wrote his Deposition on a Table which he threw into the Water if he attested the truth the Table swom on the top of the Waters if he were perjur'd it sunk and disappear'd and the Evidence was in a burning heat Of the Fountain Aphaca was Bolanus one of the Curators or Overseers under the Inspection of Jaribolus the God who I suppose had here his Oracle and gave Directions in the choice of the Officers belonging to it as well as Testimonials to those who had discharg'd their Province with Honour Jaribolus was doubless one of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of that part of Syria probably of the Moon i. e. Venus as Alagbelus and Malachbelus were Assessors of the Sun the Signification of the name implies it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so the Egyptians deputed Sigaleon to be the Parhedrus to Sarapis the Greeks Attis to the Mother of the Gods Erichthonius to Minerva Virbius to Diana Hygeia and Telesphorus to Esculapius Tychon to the Moon and to Venus Adonis and 't is not the most improbable of Conjectures that he whom the Greeks called Adonis the Syrians might stile Jaribolus as well as the Egyptians Tammuz Baal and Adonai being both equivalent names of Power and Sovereignty And in after Ages when Emperors and others were allowed a solemn Consecration they also were honour'd with the Title of Collateral Judges to Jupiter whose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were in the esteem of the Heathen World V. Salm. in H.A. Scrip p. 38. the twelve greater Gods for when Alexander the Great was to be deify'd he was call'd by Demades the 13th of that Society and when Alexander while alive was resolv'd to give his Darling Hephaestion a Deification Lucian non temer cred calumn the Greeks in Vain-flattery and Compliance sacrificed to him as an Assessor of the Gods 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and they intitled him to Apparitions to Prophecies and Dreams says Lucian and for this reason I suppose * H. E. ◠4. c. 7. Eusebius joins 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 together when he speaks of the Gnosticks This Pageantry of Canonization was acted over again by the Emperor Adrian to omit other Instances when he Deify'd his Pathic Antinous the Greeks of that Age attributing to him such Oracles as Hadrian himself had composed says †P. 7. Capitolinus To the Memory of that Catamite the Emperor built a City in Aegypt called by his name Antinoopolis there he buried him and there especially though the Worship prevail'd elsewhere he appointed him a Temple Priests and Prophets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says ‖ Apud Euseb l. 4. c. 8. Hegesippus of which number was M. Vlpius Apollonius it * 86. 1. Gruter and perhaps †326. 1. Onias who stiles himself the High-Priest and Prophet in another Inscription for that he was of Aegypt his name convinces me It must be confest that in Egypt the most eminent Priest was called the Prophet says Clemens of Alexandria but probably for this reason because they all pretended to the Spirit of Prophecy especially where there was an Oracle as there was at Antinoopolis and the Faculty of Prediction descended often from Father to Son as well as the Priesthood which among the Greeks as well as the Jews was often fixt to a Family for which reason T. Porcius is stiled the Son of Proclus Aelianus a most illustrious Person and a Prophet in an old * Grut. 458. 1. Inscription for among the Priests of Isis and probably among those devoted to any other Deity 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says Herodotus †Lib. 2. V. Heliodor l. 1. if the Father happen'd to die the Son succeeded him The Habit of these Prophets says ‖ Lib. 5. Herodian was a Vest or Cassock reaching down to the Feet with long Sleeves and in the middle of the Vest a stripe of Purple their Shoes being made of Linen This says the Historian was the Habit of the Priests of Phaenicia and Syria Such an Oracle as this I am inclined to attribute to Jaribolus either at Nacle or at Palmyra from whence the People derived their Predictions of what was to come and their Testimonials of what was past and perhaps the Oracle gave its Answers at the solemn Meetings when great numbers of the People of the Country came to the Fountain for that there were such 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Conventions at stated times Zosimus affirms expresly at which their Games were celebrated as the Agon Gymnicus call'd * Heges ub sub 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was perform'd in honour of the Darling of Adrian there being particular Officers deputed to that Service the chief of which was the High-Priest †318. 3. 330. 3. the Archiereus or Primus Sacerdos synhodi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as he is stiled in the Inscriptions and under him the Curators or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of which number Bolanus was one at Aphaca for that I suppose to be the name of the Well as Eros and Anteros were the names of two Fountains at Gadara Asbamiaeus Castalius 179. 6. v. 180. 1. c. elsewhere In a famous Inscription in Gruter the Masters or Governours of the Fons Palatinus are reckon'd up of whom some were first admitted to the Honour in that year when Octavius Lenas and M. Antonius Rufinus were Consuls others had born the Office a second time some a third or fourth and they are distinguisht from the inferior Officers their Ministri of whom also some had done the Service a second others a third year In that Marble the number of Governors is eleven but
(a) The Countrey being call'd Palmifera and the Palm-Tree plac'd commonly on the reverse of their Coins For which reason I believe that the Tree in the Palmyrene Marble that stands between Alaghelus and Malachbelus is not a Pine as Gruter and Monsieur Spon affirm but a Palm-Tree ill grav'd Palm-Trees but was of the same Use to the Asiaticks that the Cocoa is to the Indians if we may believe * Lib. 16. p. 746. Strabo who affirms that the Country about Euphrates produces great quantities of Barley but that the want of all other things was supplied by their Palm-Trees that that single Tree afforded the Inhabitants both Wine and Vinegar Honey and Meal and out of it they wove their Cloaths The Shells serve the Smiths for Fire and when you have soakt the Shells in Water you may feed your Cattle your Oxen and Sheep with them And 't is reported that there is a Persic Poem which enumerates Three hundred and sixty Uses one for every Day of the old Year of the Palm-Tree †Id. p. 778. In some Places of Arabia they are perfum'd And those in ‖ Plut. ubi sup Syria as they are most Beautiful to the Eye so they are of a most delicious Taste to the Palate And the Ruines of its pompous Buildings yet standing erected before it became the Seat of the Eastern Empire are a further and undeniable Demonstration that notwithstanding its unhappy Situation in the Confines of two such Potent and Contentious Neighbours as the Romans and the Parthians it was once a very Flourishing and Wealthy Place though now it looks like the Residence of Beggery and Famine CHAP. IV. THE Government of Palmyra comes next to be consider'd both in Ecclesiastical and Civil Affairs And first in Civil Affairs As long as it was in the hands of Solomon I question not but it was govern'd as the rest of his Provinces were by such Lieutenants as himself appointed the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the several 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whom * Ant. l. 8. c. 2. Josephus mentions under Rehoboam I take it for granted it revolted with the rest of Syria when Rezin became King of Damascus but whether it submitted to the Power of Rezin or form'd it self into a Commonwealth as it was afterwards or what its Government was till the days of Augustus we have no Records In his time probably it was govern'd by a Prince or Toparch almost every Town in Parthia and the neighbouring Syria upon the Death of Julius Caesar or rather after the fatal Overthrow of Crassus Appian l. 5. Bell. Civil p. 671. being seiz'd upon by some Tyrant the Parthians supporting porting them in their Usurpations having been invited by those Roytelets to their Assistance But supposing that it had fallen under one of those petty Princes in Pliny's time it recover'd its old Form of Government for he affirms that in his days Palmyra was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sui Juris neither subject to the Romans nor the Parthians as F. Harduin well interprets the words privatâ sorte of the Natural Historian And * Vopisc Aurel Aurelian in his Letter to Zenobia when he requires her to surrender herself promises that the Inhabitants of the Country should be govern'd by their own Laws And of this the Inscriptions are an unquestionable Evidence wherein (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Senate and People of Palmyra are frequently said to have erected Monuments to those Illustrious Persons who had deserved well of the Republick And Septimius Odaenathus and Septimius Aeranes his Son are said to be Men of the Senatorian Dignity and Rupilius Orodes both a Senator and of the Council of State In the Reign of Antoninus Caracalla it was a Roman Colony as appears by the Coins But under Odaenathus and his Sons it became the Seat of the Oriental Empire conquer'd all Egypt and forc'd a great part of the Roman Empire to acknowledge its Jurisdiction being possest of all the East as far as Ancyra and in a fair way to possess all Bythynia as far as Chalcedon had not the Natives taken Arms in behalf of Aurelian But it is now under an Arab Prince Nominated by and Tributary to the Ottoman Port. CHAP. V. THE Religion of Palmyra when it was subject to King Solomon was I question not Jewish but how long they retain'd Circumcision among them after God in his just Judgment had confin'd Rehoboam's Kingdom to narrower Limits I know not This is very plain that very many of the Proper Names of the Inhabitants in after Ages are Jewish and Zenobia her self who by her Name appears to have been a Syrian and probably of Tadhmur for there her Father liv'd when she lost her Empire though she deriv'd her self Originally from Cleopatra Queen of Egypt was a Jewess And 't is not altogether unlikely that Longinus in Complaisance to the Religion of his Mistress in his admirable Treatise of the Sublime speaks so honourably of Moses and his Writings And if we may credit Benjamin Tudelensis even in his time there were Two thousand profest Jews Inhabitants of that City In process of time I doubt not but they blended the Jewish Rites with those of the Gentiles as the new Inhabitants of Samaria did after the Natives had been transported by Shalmanezer till at last Paganism prevail'd After Christianity was planted in the World and St. Thaddeus had preach'd the Gospel by our Blessed Saviour's own Order at Edessa I believe that Holy Religion soon spread it self into the Neighbourhood even to Tadhmur tho' Paganism was not quite dispossest as appears by the Inscriptions to their Country Gods Alagbelus and M. Malachbelus Jaribolus Venus Aphacitis and others who all had at Palmyra their Temples Priests and Services It was very early an Episcopal See if not an Archiepiscopal because it was the Metropolis of a Country but in the Subscriptions of the ancient Councils or the Notitiae of the Church we have very little or no mention of its Prelates Marinus Bishop of Palmyra is said to have subscribed the Canons of the First General Council at Niece and in the Sixth Act of that at Chalcedon John Bishop of Palmyra being absent made his Subscription by the Hand of the Archbishop of Damascus At which time as from its being ruin'd by Aurelian it held the rank of a poor Bishoprick and was under the Metropolitan of Damascus But in the Notitia collected by Leo the Wise Edessa is the Metropolis of Phoenicia Libanesia in the Patriarchate of Antioch whose Suffragans were the Bishops of Laodicea Palmyra c. by which it appears that in Leo's time Ann. Dom. 900. it was still a Bishoprick and when it lost that Honour I cannot determine In the Roman Martyrology of Baronius on the 15th of June is celebrated the Memory of the Saints Lybia and Leonis who were Sisters and of Eutropia a Girl of Twelve Years