were exasperated by the proceedings of their seventh King named Lucius Tarquinus surnamed the proud who for that as Livius saith he neglected the Laws of Government prescribed to him by the Commonwealth as namely in that he consulted not with the Senate in matters of great importance and for that he made War and Peace of his own head and for that he appointed to himself a Guard as though he had mistrusted the People and for that he did use Injustice to divers particular men and suffered his Children to be insolent he was Expelled with all his Posterity and the Government of Rome changed from a Kingdom unto the Regiment of Consuls after that the other had endured two hundred years And thus much for those Kingdoms of Italy and Greece And if likewise we will look upon other Kingdoms of Europe we shall see the very same to wit that every Kingdom and Country hath its Laws prescribed â—o their Kings by the Common-wealth both for their Government Authority and Succession in the same For if we behold the Roman Empire it self as it is at this day annexed to the German Electors though it be the first in dignity among Christian Princes yet shall we see it so restrained by particular Laws as the Emperor can do much less than other Kings in theirs for he can neither make War nor exact any contribution of Men or Money thereunto but by the free leave and consent of the German Dyet or Parliament and for his Children or next in Kin they have no Action Interest or Pretence at all to succeed in their Fathers Dignity but only by free Election if they shall be thought worthy Nay one of the chiefest points that the Emperor must swear at his entrance as Sleydan writeth is this That he shall never go about to make the Dignity of the Emperor peculiar or hereditary to his Family but leave it unto the seven Electors free in their power to chuse his Successor according to the Law made by Pope Gregory the fifth and the Emperor Charles the fourth in this behalf The Kingdoms of Polonia and Bohemia do go much after the same fashion both for their restraint of Power and Succession to their Kings For first touching their Authority they have great limitation neither can they do any thing of great moment without the consent of certain principal men called Palatines or Castellans neither may their Children or next of Bloud succed except they be chosen as in the Empire In Spain France and England the priviledges of Kings are far more eminent in both these points for that both their Authority is much more absolute and their next in Bloud do ordinarily succeed but yet in different manner For as touching Authority it seemeth that the Kings of Spain and France have greater than the King of England for that every Ordination of these two Kings is Law in it self without further approbation of the Commonwealth where no general Law can be made without consent of Parliament But in the other point of Succession it appeareth that the restraint is far greater in those other two Countries than in England for that in Spain the next in Bloud cannot succeed be he never so lawfully descended but by a new approbation of the Nobility and Bishops and States of the Realm as it is expresly set down in the two ancient Counsels of Tolledo the fourth and fifth In confirmation whereof we see at this day that the King of Spain's own Son cannot succeed nor be called Prince except he be first sworn by the said Nobility and States in token of their new consent and so we have seen it practiced in our days towards three or four of King Philip's Children which have succeeded the one after the other in the title of Princes of Spain and at every change a new Oath required at the Subjects hands for their admission to the said Dignity which is not used in the Kings Children of France or England In France the World knoweth how Women are not admitted to succeed in the Crown be they never so near in Bloud neither any of their Issue though it be Male. For which cause I doubt not but you remember how King Edward the third of England though he were Son and Heir unto a Daughter of France whose three Brethren were Kings and left her sole Heir to her Father King Philip the fourth surnamed the Fair yet was he put by the Crown as also was the King of Navar at the same time who was Son and Heir unto this Womans eldest Brothers Daughter named Lewis Huttin King of France which King of Navar thereby seemed to be before King Edward of England but yet were they both put by it and Philip de Vallois a Brothers Son of Philip the Fair was preferred to it by general Decree of the States of France and by Verdict of the whole Parliament of Paris gathered about the same Affair Neither did it avail that the two Kings aforesaid alledged That it was against Reason and Conscience and Custom of all Nations to exclude Women from the Succession of the Crown which appertained to them by propinquity of Bloud seeing both Nature and God hath made them capable of such Succession every where as appeareth by Example of all other Nations and in the Old Testament among the People of God it self where we see Women have been admitted unto Kingdoms by Succession But all this I say prevailed not with the French as it doth not also at this day for the admission of Dona Isabella Eugenia Clara Infanta of Spain unto the said Crown of France though by descent of Bloud there be no question of her next propinquity for that she is the eldest Child of the last Kings eldest Sister The like Exclusion is made against the Prince of Lorrain that now liveth though he be a Man and Nephew to the last King for that his Title is by a Woman to wit his Mother that was younger Sister unto the last King Henry of France And albeit the Law called Salica by the French-men by virtue whereof they pretend to Exclude the Succession of Women be no very ancient Law as the French themselves do confess and much less made by Pharamond their first King or in those ancient times as others without ground do afirm yet do we see that it is sufficient to bind all Princes and Subjects of that Realm to observe the same and to alter the course of natural descent and nearness of Bloud as we have seen and that the King of Navar and some other of his Race by vertue of this only Law do pretend at this day to be next in Succession to this goodly Crown though in nearness of Bloud they be farther off by many degrees from the last King Henry the third than either the foresaid Infanta of Spain or the Prince of Lorrain that now is who are Children of his
other most dear as before hath been declared neither do any of the four antient Bishops Historiographers of Spain to wit that of Toledo Beza Salamanca or Ture that lived all about those days and wrote the Story reprehend this fact of the Realm of Spain or put any doubt whether it were lawful or not for the causes before-recited True it is that after three years reign this King Vermudo being weary of Kingly life and feeling some scruple of Conscience that being Deacon he had forsaken the life Ecclesiastical and married though by dispensation of the Pope as Morales saith and entangled himself with the affairs of a Kingdom he resigned willingly the Government unto his said Cousin Don Alonso the Chaste and himself lived after a Private Life for divers Years But this Don Alonso who now the fourth time had been deprived of his Succession as you have seen deceived the expectation of the Spaniards that accounted him a Monk for he proved the most valiant and excellent King that ever that Nation had both for his vertue valour victories against the Moores building of Towns Castles Churches Monasteries and other such Works of Christianity as Morales recounteth and he reigned after his last Admission one and fifty years and had great friendship with King Charles the Great of France who lived in the same time with him And this man among other most noble Exploits so tamed the Moors of his Countrey as during his days he never paid that cruel and horrible Tribute which before and after was paid by the Christians to the Moors which was an hundred young Maids and fifty Sons of Gentlemen every Year to be brought up in the Religion of Mahomet among those Infidel Tyrants And finally this man after so much Affliction came to be one of the most renowned Princes of the World After this Don Alonso who left no Children for that he would never marry but lived all his Life in Chastity there succeeded to him by Election his Nephew named Don Ramiro son to the former said King Don Vermudo the Deacon that gave this Man the Crown as you have heard of whose Election Morales writeth these words Muerto el Rey Don Alonso el casto sue eligido por los perlados y grandes del reyno el Rey Don Ramiro primero deste nombre hyio del Rey Don Vermudo el diacono That is the King Don Alonso the chast being dead there was chosen King by the Prelats and Nobility of the Realm Don Ramiro the first of this Name son of King Vermudo the Deacon who resigned his Crown to Don Alonso and it is to be noted that albeit this Don Ramiro was next in Bloud to the Succession after the death of his Uncle Don Alonso without Children yet was he chosen by the States as here it is said in express words Moreover it is to be noted that albeit this Author Ambrosio Morales and other Spanish Writers do say that in the time of this King Ramiro the Law of Succession by propinquity in â—loud was so revived and strongly consumed that as the Kingdom of Spain was made as Majorasgo as he termeth it which is an Inheritance so entailed and tied only to the next in bloud as there is no possibility to alter the same and that from this time forward the King always caused his Eldest son to be named King or Prince and so ever to be sworn by the Realm and Nobility yet shall we find this Ordinance and Succession oftentimes to have been broken upon several considerations as this Author himself in that very chapter confesseth As for Example after some descents from this man which were Don Ordonio the first this man's son and Don Alonso the Third Don Garzia and Don Ordonio the Second all four Kings by Orderly Succession it happened that in the Year of Christ 924 Don Ordonio the Second dying left four Sons and one Daughter lawfully begotten and yet the State of Spain displaced them all and gave the Kingdom to their Uncle Don Fruela second brother to their Father Don Ordonio and Morales saith that there appeareth no other reason hereof but only for that these Sons of the King deceased were young and not so apt to Govern well the Realm as their Uncle was But after a Years Reign this King Fruela dyed also and left divers Children at mans Estate and then did the Spaniards as much against them as they had done for him before against the Children of his Elder Brother For they put them all by the Crown and chose for their King Don Alonso the Fourth which was eldest son to Don Ordonio the Second before-named that had been last King saving one and this man also I mean Don Alonso the Fourth leaving afterwards his Kingdom and betaking himself to a Religious habit offered to the Commonwealth of Spain his eldest Son lawfully begotten named Don Ordonio to be their King but they refused him and took his Brother I mean this Kings Brother and Uncle to the young Prince named Don Ramiro who reigned 19 Years and was a most excellent King and gained Madrid from the Moors though noted for Cruelty for imprisoning and pulling out the eyes afterwards of this King Don Alonso the Fourth and all his Children and Nephews for that he would have left his Habit and returned to be King again But this Fact my Author Morales excuseth saying that it was requisite for the peace and safety of the Realm so as here you see two most manifest alterations of Lineal Succession together by Order of the Commonwealth Furthermore after this Noble King Don Ramiro the Second succeeded as Heir apparent to the Crown his elder Son Don Ordinio the Third of this name in the Year of our Saviour 950. But this Succession endured no longer than unto his own death which was after seven years for then albeit he left a Son named El Enfante Don Vermudo yet he was not admitted but rather his Brother Don Sancho the First of this Name sirnamed El Gordo who was Uncle to the young Prince and the reason of this Alteration Morales giveth in these express words el succeder en el regno al hermano fue por la racon ordinaria de ser el enfante Don Vermudo nino y no bastante para el govierno y difenca de la terra Which is the cause why the Kings Brother and not his son succeeded in the Crown was for the ordinary reason so often before alledged for that the Infant or young Prince Vermudo was a little child and not sufficient for the Government and Defence of the Countrey Truth it is that after this Don Sancho had reigned and his Son and Heir named Don Ramiro the Third after him for the space of thirty years in all then was this youth Don Vermudo that is now put back called by the Realm to the Succession of the Crown and made King
Constance as also by divers other participations of the Bloud-Royal of England as afterwards will appear Now then to come to the second Daughter of King William the Conquerour or rather the third for that the first of all was a Nun as before hath been noted her name was Adela or Alice as hath been said and she was Married in France to Stephen Count Palatine of Champagne Charters and Bloys by whom she had a Son called also Stephen who by his Grand Mother was Earl also of Bullaine in Picardy and after the death of his Uncle King Henry of England was by the favour of the English Nobility and especially by the help of his own Brother the Lord Henry of Blâ—is that was Bishop of Winchester and Jointly Abbot of Glastenbury made King of England and this both in respect that Mathilda Daughter of King Henry the first was a Woman and her Son Henry Duke of Anjou a very child and one degree farther off from the Conqueror and from King Rufus then Stephen was as also for that this King Henry the first as hath been signified before was judged by many to have entred wrongfully unto the Crown and thereby to have made both himself and his posterity incapable of Succession by the violence which he used against both his elder Brother Robert and his Nephew Duke William that was Son and Heir to Robert who by nature and Law were both of them hold for Soverains to John by those that favoured them and their pretentions But yet howsoever this were we see that the Duke of Britainy that lived at that day should evidently have succeeded before Stephen for that he was descended of the elder Daughter of the Conqueror and Stephen of the younger though Stephen by the commodity he had of the nearness of his Port and Haven of Bullain into England as the French stories do say for Calis was of no importance at that time and by the friendship and familiarity he had goten in England during the Reign of his two Uncles King Rufus and King Herny and especially by the heâ—p of his Brother the Bishop and Abbot as hath been said he got the start of all the rest and the states of England admitted him This man although he had two Sons namely Eâ—stachius Duke of Normandy and William Earl of Norfolk yet left they no Issue And his Daughter Mary was Married to Matthew of Flanders of whom if any Issue remains it fell afterwards upon the House of Austria that succeeded in those States To King Stephen who left no Issue succeeded by composition after much War Henry Duke of Anjou Son and Heir to Mathilda before named Daughter of Henry the first which Henry named afterward the second took to his Wife Eleanor Daughter and Heir of William Duke of Aquitain and Earl of Poytiers which Eleanor had been Married before to the King of France Lewis the VII and bare him two Daughters but upon dislike conceaved by the one against the other they were Divorced under pretence of being within the fourth degree of Consanguinity and so by second Marriage Eleanor was Wife to this said Henry who afterwards was King of England by name of King Henry the II. that procured the death of Thomas Backet Archbishop of Canterbury and both before and after the greatest Enemy that ever Lewis the King of France had in the World and much the greater for his Marriage by which Henry was made far stronger for by this Woman he came to be Duke of all Aquitain that is of Gascony and Guiene and Earl of all the Country of Poytiers whereas before also by his Fathers inheritance he was Duke both of Anjou Touraine and Maine and his Mother Mathilda King Henries Daughter of England he came to be King of Enland and Duke of Normandy and his own industry he got also to be Lord of Ireland as also to bring Scotland under his homage so as he enlarged the Kingdom of England most of any other King before or after him This King Henry the II. as Stow recounteth had by Lady Eleanor five Sons and three Daughters His eldest Son was named William that dyed young his second was Henry whom he caused to be crowned in his own Life time whereby he received much trouble but in the end this Son dyed before his Father without issue His third Son was Richard sirnamed for his valour Cor de Leon who reigned after his Father by the name of Richard the I. and dyed without issue in the Year of Christ 1199. His fourth Son named Geffrey married Lady Constance Daughter and Heir of Britany as before hath been said and dying left a son by her named Arthur which was Duke of Britany after him and pretended also to be King of England but was put by it by his Uncle John that took him also Prisoner and kept him also in the Castle first of Fallaise in Normandy and then in Rouan until he caused him to be put to death or slew him with his own hands as French Stories write in the Year 1204 This Duke Arthur left behind him two Sisters as Stow writeth in his Chronicles but others write that it was but one and at least wise I find but one named by the French Stories which was Eleanor whom they say King John also caused to be murthered in England a little before her Brother the Duke was put to death in Normandy and this was the end of the Issue of Geffrey whose Wife Constance Dutchess of of Britany married again after this Murther of her Children unto one Guy Vicount of Touars and had by him two daughters whereof the eldest named Alice was Dutchess of Britany by whom the Race hath been continued unto our time The Fifth Son of King Henry the II. was named John who after the death of his Brother Richard by help of his Mother Eleanor and of Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury drawn thereunto by his said Mother got to be King and put back his Nephew Arthur whom King Richard before his departure to the War of the Holy Land had caused to be declared Heir apparent but John prevailed and made away both Nephew and Neece as before hath been said for which Fact he was detested of many in the World abroad and in France by Act of Parliament deprived of all the States he had in those parts Soon after also the Pope gave sentence of Deprivation against him and his own Barons took Arms to execute the sentence and finally they deposed both him and his young Son Henry being then but a Child of eight years old and this in the eighteenth year of his Reign and in the Year of Christ 1215. and Lewis the VIII of that name Prince at that time but afterwards King of France was chosen King of England and sworn in London and placed in the Tower though soon after by the sudden death of King John
far greater as now they live than in that case it would be suffered their King coming hereby to be of greater Power to force them to the form of English Subjection as no doubt but in time he would And seeing the greatest utility that in this Case by reason and probability can be hoped for by this Union is That the Scotish Nation should come to be advanced in England and to be made of the Nobility both Temporal and Spiritual and of the Privy-Council and other like Dignities of Credit and Confidence for otherwise no union or amity can be hoped for and considering That the King both for his own safety as hath been said as also for gratitude and love to his allied Friends must needs plant them about him in chief places of Credit which are most opposite to English Natures and by little and little through occasion of Emulations and of Controversies that will fall out daily betwixt such diversity of Nations he must needs secretly begin to favour and fortifie his own as we read that William the Conquerour did his Normands and Canutus before him his Danes to the incredible Calamity of the English Nation though otherwise neither of them was of themselves either an evil King or an Enemy to the English-Bloud but driven hereunto for their own safety and for that it was impossible to stand Newter in such national Contentions If all this I say fell out so then as we know it did and our Ancestors felt it to their extreme Ruine what other effect can be hop'd for now by this violent union of Nations that are by nature so dis-united and opposite as are the English Scotch Irish Danish French and other on them depending which by this means must needs be planted together in England And if we read that the whole Realm of Spain did refuse to admit St. Lewis King of France to be their King in Spain to whom yet by Law of Succession it was evident and confessed by the Spaniards themselves as their Chronicler Garibay writeth that the Right most clearly did appertain by his Mother Lady Blanch eldest Daughter and Heir of King Alonso IX and that they did this only for that he was a French-man and might thereby bring the French to have chief Authority in Spain And if for this Cause they did agree together to give the Kingdom rather to Ferdinando III. that was Son of Lady Berenguela younger Sister to the said Lady Blanch and if this determination at that time was thought to be wise and provident tho' against all right of Lineal Succession and if we see that it had good success for that it endureth unto this day what shall we say in this case say these men where the King in question is not yet a St. Lewis nor his Title to England so clear as that other was to Spain and the aversion â—etwixt his Nation and ours much greater than was that betwixt the French and Spanish Thus they do reason Again we heard out of the discourse made by the Civilian before how the States of Portugal after the death of their King Don Ferdinando the second of that Name who left one only Daughter and Heir named Lady Beatrix married unto John I. King of Castile to whom the Succession without all Controversie did appertain they rather determined to chuse for their King a Bastard-brother of the said Don Ferdinando named John than to admit the true Inheritrix Beatrix with the Government of the Castilians by whom yet they being much the richer People the Portugals might hope to reap far greater utility than English-men can do by Scotland considering it is the poorer Countrey and Nation And this is that in effect which these men do answer in this behalf noting also by the way that the Romans themselves with all their Power could never bring Union or Peace between these two Nations of England and Scotland nor hold the Scots and North-Irish in Obedience of any Authority in England and so in the end they were enforced to cut them off and to make that famous Wall begun by Adrian and pursued by other Emperours to divide them from England and bar them from joyning as all the World knoweth and much less shall any one King in England now hold them all in Obedience let him be of what Nation he will And this for the utility that may be hoped for by this Union But now for the point alledged by the favourers of Scotland about establishment of true Religion in England by the entrance of this King of Scots these other men do hold that this is the worst and most dangerous point of all other considering what the state of Religion is in Scotland at this day and how different or rather opposite to that form which in England is maintained and when the Archbishops Bishops Deans Archdeacons and other such of Ecclesiastical and Honourable Dignities of England shall consider that no such Dignity or Promotion is left now standing in Scotland no nor any Cathedral or Collegiate Church is remained on foot with the Renâ—s and Dignities thereunto appertaining and when our Nobility shall remember how the Nobility of Scotland is subject at this day to a few ordinary and common Ministers without any Head who in their Synods and Assemblies have Authority to put to the Horn and drive out of the Realm any Noble-man whatsoever without remedy or redress except he will yield and humble himself to them and that the King himself standeth in aw of this exorbitant and popular power of his Ministers and is content to yield thereunto It is to be thought say these men that few English be they of what Religion or Opinion soever will shew themselves forward to receive such a King in respect of his Religion that hath no better Order in his own at home And thus much concerning the King of Scotland Now then it remaineth that we come to treat of the Lady Arabella second Branch of the House of Scotland touching whose Title though much of that which hath been said before for or against the King of Scotland may also be understood to appertain unto her for that she is of the same House yet I shall in this place repeat in few words the principal points that are alledged in her behalf or prejudice First of all then is alledged for her and by her â—avourers that she is descended of the foresaid Lady Margaret eldest Daughter of King Henry VII by her second Marriage with Archibald Douglas Earl of Anguis and that she is in the third degree only from her for that she is the Daughter of Charles Stuart who was Son of Margaret Countess of Lenox Daughter to the said Lady Margaret Queen of Scots so as this Lady Arabella is but Neece once removed unto the said Queen Margaret to wit in equal degree of descent with the King of Scots which King being excluded as the favourers of this Woman do
John that was King after his Father by the Name of John the third Secondly the Lady Isabel Married to the Emperor Charles the fifth and Mother to King Philip of Spain that now liveth Thirdly Lady Beatrix Married to Charles Duke of Savoy and Mother to Duke Philibert the last Duke that Died and Grand-mother to this that now Liveth Fourthly Lord Lewis Father to Don Antonio that now is in England Fifthly Lord Henry that was Cardinal and Archbishop of Ebora and in the end King of Portugal And sixthly Lord Edward that was Father of the two Dutchesses of Parma and Bragansa to wit of the Lady Mary and Lady Catharine both which left goodly Issue for that Lady Mary hath left by the last Duke of Parma Lord Ranutius that is now Duke of Parma and Lord Edward that is Cardinal And the Lady Catharine Dutchess of Bragansa that yet liveth hath Issue divers goodly Princes as the Lord Theodosius that is now Duke of Bragansa and three younger Brothers to wit Edward Alexander and Philip young Princes of great expectation and these are the Children of King Emmanuel whose particular Successions and Issues I shall declare somewhat more in particular Prince John of Portugal afterward King by name of King John the Third had Issue another John that was Prince of Portugal but died before his Father and left a Son Named Sebastian who was King and slain afterward by the Moors in Barbary and so ended this first Line The second Son and fourth Child of King Emmanuel was Named Lord Lewis and died also without Issue Legitimate as is supposed for that Don Antonio his Son that afterward was proclaimed King by the People of Lisbone and now liveth in England was taken by all men to be unlawful as presently more at large shall be shewed so as after the Death of King Sebastian there entred the Cardinal Lord Henry which was third Son of King Emmanuel and Great-Uncle to Sabastian lately Desceased for that he was Brother to King John the third that was Grand Father to King Sebastian And albeit there wanted not some according as the Authors Write which afterward I shall Name who affirmed and held that King Philip of Spain should have succeeded King Sebastian before the Cardinal for that he was nearer in Consanguinity to him than was the Cardinal for that besides that King Philip was Son of King Emmanuâ—ls Eldest Daughter he was Brother also to King Sebastians Mother yet the said Cardinal entred peaceably and by consent of all parties but for that he was Old and Unmarried and not like to leave any Child of his own there began presently the Contention in his days who should be his Successor To which Succession did pretend five Princes of the Blood-Royal of Portugal besides the Lady Catharine Queen-Mothers of France who pretended by her Mothers side to be Descended of one Lord Ralph Earl of Bullain in Piccardy which Ralph was Eldest Son of Alfonsus the third King of Portugal which Alfonsus before he was King to wit in the time of his Eldest Brother King Sanches of Portugal was Married to the Countess and Heir of Bullain Named Mathildis and had by her this Ralph But afterwards this Alfonsus coming to be King of Portugal he Married again with the King of Castile's Daughter and had by her a Son called Denyse who reigned after him and his Successors unto this day all which Succession of King Denyse and his Posterity the said Queen Mother would have improved and shewed that it appertained unto her by the said Raphe and for this cause sent she to Portugal one Lord Vrban Bishop of Comince in Gascony to plead her Cause which Cause of hers was quickly rejected and only the aforesaid five Princes Descended of King Emmanuel's Children were admitted to the Tryal for the same which were Don Antonio Son of Lord Lewis the King Cardinals Elder Brother and King Philip of Spain Son of Lady Elizabeth the Eldest Sister of the said Cardinal and Philibert Duke of Savoy Son of the Lady Beatrix the same Cardinals Younger Sister and the two Dutchesses of Parma and Bragansa named Mary and Catharine Daughters of Lord Edward Younger Brother of the said Cardinal and Youngest Child of the said King Emmanuel And for that the Lady Mary Dutchess of Parma which was the Elder of the two Daughters was Dead before this Controversy fell out her Eldest Son Lord Ranutio now Duke of Parma pretended by her Right to the said Crown And for that this matter was of so great Importance every party procured to lay down their Reasons and declared their Rights in the best manner they could and such as could not be present themselves in Portugal sent thither their Agents Embassadors and Attorneys to plead their Cause for them Don Antonio and the Dutchess of Bragansa as Inhabitants of that Kingdom were present and declared their pretences Namely Don Antonio by himself and for himself and the Lady Mary of Bragansa by her Husband the Duke and his Learned Councel The Prince of Parma sent thither for his part one Ferdinando Farneso Bishop of Parma The Duke of â—avoy seâ—t Charles of Rovere afterward made Cardinal The King of Spain as the greatest pretender sent the Lord Peter Gyron Duke of Osuna afterward Viceroy of Naples and Sir Christopher de Mora Knight of his Chamber at that time but since of his Privy-Council and lately made Earl of Castil Rodrigo in Portugal of which Country he is a Native and besides these two a great Lawyer Named Roderigo Vasques made since as I hear say Lord President of Castil which is as much almost as Lord Chancellor with us All these did lay forth before the King Cardinal their several Reasons and Pretensions to the Succession of the Crown of Portugal for the five persons before-mentioned whereof two were quickly excluded to wit the Duke of Savoy for that his Mother was Younger Sister to King Philip's Mother and himself also of less Age then the said King And secondly Don Antonio was also excluded by publick and Judicial Sentence of the King Cardinal his Uncle as Illegitimate and Born out of lawful Wedlock And Albeit Don Antonio denyed the same and went about to prove himself Legitimate affirming that his Father the Lord Lewis before his Death had Married with his Mother in secret and for this brought forth some Witnesses as Namely his Mothers Sister with her Husband and two others Yet the King Cardinal affirmed that upon Examination he had found them Suborned which he said was evident to him partly for that they agreed not in their Speeches and partly for that some of them had Confessed the same to wit that they were Suborned whom he cast into Prison and caused them to be punished And so sitting in Judgment accompanied with four Bishops and four Lawyers whom he had called to assist him in this Cause he pronounced the same Don Antonio to be a Bastard for
our Witness at the Last Day to condemn or deliver us as before I have said he must needs sin grievously or damnably as the Apostle here saith who committeth any thing against his own Conscience though otherwise the thing were not only indifferent but very good also in it self for that of the doers part there wanteth no malice or will to sin seeing he doth that which he apprehendeth to be naught though in it self it be not And now to apply all this to our purpose for England and for the matter we have in hand I affirm and hold that for any man to give his help consent or assistance towards the making of a King whom he judgeth or believeth to be faulty in Religion and consequently would advance either no Religion or the wrong if he were in Authority is a most grievous and damnable sin to him that doth it of what side soever the Truth be or how good or bad soever the Party be that is preferred For if S. Paul have pronounced so absolutely and plainly in the place before alledged that even in eating of a piece of Meat it is damnable for a man to discern and yet eat what may we think will it be in so great and important a matter as the making of a King is for a man to dissemble or do against his own Conscience and Judgment that is to say to discern and judge that he is an Infidel or Heretick or wicked man or Atheist or erroneous in Religion and yet to further his Advancement and Government over Christians where he shall be able to pervert infinite and to pull down all Honour and Service due unto God and whether he do this evil afterwards or no yet shall I be guilty of all this for that knowing and perswading my self that he is like or in disposition to do it yet for fear flattery carelesness kindred emulation against others vain pretence of Title lack of Zeal to God's Cause or for other the like passions or temporal respects I do favour further or sooth him in his pretences or do not resist him when it lieth in my power by all which I do justly make my self guilty of all the evils hurts miseries and calamities both temporal and spiritual which afterwards by his evil Government do or may ensue for that I knowing him to be such a one did notwithstanding assist his Promotion And thus much now for matter of Conscience but if we consider Reason of State also and worldly Policy it cannot be but great folly and oversight for a man of what Religion soever he be to promote to a Kingdom in which himself must live one of a contrary Religion to himself for let the Bargains and Agreements be what they will and fair promises and vain hopes never so great yet seeing the Prince once made and settled must needs proceed according to the Principles of his own Religion it followeth also that he must come quickly to break with the other Party though before he loved him never so well which yet perhaps is very hard if not impossible for two of different Religions to love sincerely but if it were so yet so many jealousies suspicions accusations calumniations and other aversions must needs light upon the Party that is of different Religion from the State and Prince under whom he liveth as not only he cannot be capable of such Preferments Honours Charges Governments and the like which men may deserve and desire in their Commonwealths but also he shall be in continual danger and subject to a thousand molestations and injuries which are incident to the condition and state of him that is not currant with the course of his Prince and Realm in matters of Religion and so before he be aware he becometh to be accounted an enemy or backward man which to remedy he must either dissemble deeply and against his own Conscience make shew to favour and set forward that which in his heart he doth detest which is the greatest Calamity and Misery of all other though yet many times not sufficient to deliver him from Suspicion or else to avoid this everlasting perdition he must break withal the temporal Commodities of this Life and leave the Benefits which his Countrey and Realm might yield him and this is the ordinary end of all such men how soft and sweet soever the beginnings be And therefore to conclude at length all this tedious Speech wherewith I fear me I have wearied you against my will seeing there be so great Inconveniences and Dangers both Temporal and Eternal and in respect both of God and man Body and Soul as hath been declared to advance a Prince of contrary Religion to the Crown and considering that in England there is so great diversity of Religions as the World knoweth between these Parties and Factions that have to pretend or admit the next Prince after her Majesty that now is calling to mind also the great Liberty Scope and Authority which the Commonwealth hath in admitting or rejecting the Pretenders upon Considerations be their Right of Succession never so plain or clear as before hath been shewed and laying finally before our eyes the manifold and different Acts of Christian Realms before mentioned in this Affair all these things I say being laid together you may see whether I had reason at the beginning to think and affirm that it was a doubtful Case who should be our next Prince after the Queens Majesty that now sitteth at the Stern and if beyond all this that I have said our Friend the common Lawyer here present shall prove also as at the first entrance he promised that among such as do or may pretend of the Blood Royal at this day their true Succession and next propinquity by Birth is also uncertain and disputable then is the matter made thereby much more ambiguous and God only knoweth who shall prevail and to him only is the matter to be commended as far as I see and with this I make an end thanking you most heartily for your patience and craving pardon for that I have been too long or for any other fault that in this Speech I have committed The End of the First PART THE PREFACE OF THE Second Part. THe Civilian had no sooner ended his Discourse but all the Company being most desirous to hear what the Temporal Lawyer had prepared to say about the several Titles of the present Pretenders to the Crown of England began with one accord to request him earnestly for the performance of his promised Speech in that behalf who shewing himself neither unwilling nor unready for the same told them that he was content to yield to their desires but yet with one condition which was that he would take in hand this matter with the same asseveration and protestation with the Civilian in some occasions had used before him and it liked him well to wit that having to speak in this Discourse of many Princes Peers
the great and Royal Houses of Burgundy and Orleans whereby all three Commonwealths I mean England Britany and France were like to have come to destruction and utter desolation And for that it may serve much to our purpose hereafter to understand well this controversie of Britany I think it not amiss in few words to declare the same in this place Thus then it happened The foresaid Arthur the second of that name Duke of Britanie and Son of Lady Beatrix that was Daughter as hath been said to King Henry the III. of England had two Wives the first named Beatrix as his Mother was and by this he had two Sons John that succeeded him in the State by the name of Duke John the III. and Guye that dying before his elder Brother left a Daughter and Heir named Joan and surnamed the lame for that she halted who was married to the Earl of Bloys that was Nephew to Phillip of Valois King of France for that he was born of his Sister But besides the two Children the said Duke Arthur had by his second Wife named Joland Countess and Heir of the Earldom of Monford another Son called John Breno who in the right of his Mother was Earl of Monford And afterward when Duke John the III. came to die without Issue the question was who should succeed him in his Dukedom the Uncle or the Neece that is to say his third Brother John Breno by half bloud or else his Neece Joan the lame that was Daughter and Heir to his second Brother Guye of whole bloud that is by Father and Mother which Lady Joan was married to the Earl of Bloys as hath been said And first this matter was handled in the Parliament of Paris the King himself sitting in Judgment with all his Peers the 30 day of September 1341 and adjudged it to the Earl of Bloys both for that his Wife was Heir to the elder Brother as also for that Duke John by his Testiment and consent of the States had appointed her to be his Heir but yet King Edward the III. and States of England did Judge it otherwise and preferred John Monford not knowing that the very case was to fall out very soon after in England I mean they Judged the State to John Breno Earl of Monford younger Brother to Guy and they assisted him and his Son after him with all their Forces for the gaining and holding of that State And albeit at the beginning it seemed that matters went against Monford for that himself was taken prisoner in Nantes and carried captive to Paris where he died in prison yet his Son John by the assistance of the English Armies got the Dukedome afterward and slew the Earl of Bloys and was peaceably Duke of Britanie by the name of John the IV. and his posterity hath endured until this day as briefly here I will declare This Duke John the IV. of the House of Monford had Issue John the V. and he Francis the first who dying without Issue left the Dukedom to Peter his Brother and Peter having no Children neither he left it to his Uncle Arthur the III Brother to his Father John the V. and this Arthur was Earl of Richmond in England as some of his ancestors had been before him by gifts of the Kings of England This Arthur dying without Issue left the Dukedom unto his Nephew to wit his Brothers Son Francis the II. who was the last male Child of that race and was he that had once determined to have delivered Henry Earl of Richmond unto his enemy King Edward the IV. and after him to King Richard the III. but that Henry's good fortune reserved him to come to be King of England This Duke Francis had a Daughter and Heir named Anna married first to Charles the VIII King of France and after his death without Issue to his Successor Lewis the XII by whom she had a Daughter named Claudia that was Heir to Britanie though not to the Crown of France by reason of the Law Salique that holdeth against women in the Kingdom of France but not in Britany and to the end this Dukdome should not be disunited again from the said Crown of France this Daughter Claudia was married to Francis Duke of Angolome Heir apparent to the Crown of France by whom she had Issue Henry that was afterward King of France and was Father to the last King of that Country and to Isabel Mother of the Infanta of Spain and of her Sister the Dutchess of Savoy that now is by which also some do affirm that the said Princess or Infanta of Spain albeit she be barred from the Succession of France by their pretended Law Salique yet is her title manifest to the Dukdome of Britanie that came by a woman as we have shewed and thus much of the House of Britany and of the Princess of Spain how she is of the Bloud Royal of England from the time of William the Conqueror himself by his eldest Daughter as also by other Kings after him and now we shall return to prosecute the Issue of these two Sons of King Henry the III. to wit of Edward and Edmond which before we left I shewed you before how King Henry the III. had two Sons Edward the Prince that was King after his Father by the name of Edward the first and Edmond surnamed Crouchback by some Writers who was the first Earl and County Palatine of Lancaster and beginner of that House And albeit some Writers of our time have affirmed or at least wise much inclined to favour a certain old report that Edmond should be the Elder Brother to Edward and put back only for his deformity of his body whereof Polidor doth speak in the beginning of the Reign of King Henry the IV. and as well the Bishop of Ross as also George Lilly do seem to believe it yet evident it seemeth that it was but a fable as before I have noted and now again shall briefly prove it by these reasons following for that it importeth very much for deciding the controversie between the Houses of Lancaster and York The first reason then is for that all Ancient Historiographers of England and among them Mattheus Westmonasteriensis that lived at the same time do affirm the contrary and do make Edward to be elder then Edmond by six years and two days for that they appoint the Birth of Prince Edward to have been upon the 16. day of June in the year of Christ 1239 and the 24. of the Reign of his Father King Henry and the Birth of Lord Edmond to have followed upon the 18. day of the same month 6 years after to wit in the year of our Lord 1245 and they do name the Godfathers and Godmothers of them both together with the peculiar solemnities and feasts that were celebrated at their several Nativities so as it seemeth there can be no error in this matter The 2d
that seeing rigour of Law runneth only with the Uncle for that indeed he is properly nearest in bloud by one degree and that only indulgence and custom serveth for the Nephew permitting him to represent the place of his Father who is dead they resolve I say that whensoever the Uncle is born before the Nephew and the said Uncle's elder Brother died before his Father as it happened in the case of John of Gaunt and of King Richard there the Uncle by right may be preferred for that the said elder Brother could not give or transmit that thing to his Son which was not in himself before his Father died and consequently his Son could not represent that which his Father never had and this for the Civil Law Touching our Common Laws the favourers of Lancaster do say two or three things first that the right of the Crown and interest thereunto is not decided expresly in our law nor is it a plea subject to the common rules thereof but is superiour and more eminent and therefore that men may not judge of this as of other pleas of particular persons nor is the Tryal alike nor the common maxims or rules always of force in this thing as in others which they prove by divers particular cases as for example the Widow of a private man shall have her thirds of all his Lands for her Dowry but not the Queen of the Crown Again if a private man have many daughters and die seized of Lands in Fee-simple without Heir Male his said daughters by law shall have the said Lands as co-partners equally divided between them but not the daughters of a King for that the eldest must carry away all as though she were Heir male The like also is seen if a Baron match with a Feme that is an Inheritrix and have Issue by her though she die yet shall he enjoy her Lands during his life as Tenant by courtesie but it is not so in the Crown if a man marry with a Queen as King Philip did with Queen Mary and so finally they say also that albeit in private mens possessions the common course of our law is that if the Father die seized of Land in Fee-simple leaving a younger Son and a Nephew that is to say a Child of his Elder Son the Nephew shall succeed his Grandfather as also he shall do his Uncle if of three Brethren the elder die without Issue and the second leave a Son yet in the inheritance and succession of the Crown it goeth otherwise as by all the fotmer eight examples have been shewed and this is the first they say about the common law The second point which they affirm is that the ground of our Common Laws consisteth principally and almost only about this point of the Crown in custom for so say they we see by experience that nothing in effect is written thereof in the common law and all old Lawyers do affirm this point as were Ranulfus de Granvilla in his books of the laws and customs of England which he wrote in the time of King Henry the second and Judge Fortescue in his book of the praise of English laws which he compiled in the time of King Henry the sixth and others Whereof these men do infer that seeing there are so many presidents and examples alledged before of the Uncles case preferred before the Nephew not only in foreign Countries but also in England for this cause I say they do affirm that our common laws cannot but favour also this title and consequently must needs like well of the interest of Lancaster as they avouch that all the best old Lawyers did in those times and for example they do Record two by name of the most famous learned men which those ages had who not only defended the said title of Lancaster in those days but also suffered much for the same The one was the forenamed Judge Fortescue Chancellor of England and named Father of the common laws in that age who fled out of England with the Queen Wife of King Henry the sixth and with the Prince her Son and lived in banishment in France where it seemeth also that he wrote his learned book intituled de laudibus legum Angliae And the other was Sir Thomas Thorpe chief Baron of the Exchequer in the same Reign of the same King Henry the sixth who being afterward put into the Tower by the Princes of the House of York for his eager defence of the title of Lancaster remained there a long time and after being delivered was beheaded at High-gate in a tumult in the days of King Edward the fourth These then are the allegations which the favourers of the House of Lancaster do lay down for the justifying of the title affirming first that John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster ought to have succeeded his Father King Edward the third immediately before King Richard and that injury was done unto him in that King Richard was preferred And secondly that King Richard were his right never so good was justly and orderly deposed for his evil Government by lawful authority of the Commonwealth And thirdly that after his deposition Henry Duke of Lancaster Son and Heir of John of Gaunt was next in succession every way both in respect of the right of his Father as also for that he was two degrees nearer to the King deposed then was Edmond Mortimer descended of Leonel Duke of Clarence and these are the principal and substantial proofs of their right and title But yet besides these they do add all these other arguments and considerations following first that whatsoever right or pretence the House of York had the Princes thereof did forfeit and lose the same many times by their conspiracies rebellions and attainders as namely Richard Earl of Cambridge that married the Lady Anne Mortimer and by her took his pretence to the Crown was convicted of a conspiracy against King Henry the fifth in Southampton as before I have said and there was put to death for the same by Judgment of the King and of all his Peers in the year 1415. the Duke of York his elder Brother being one of the Jury that condemned him This Earl Richards Son also named Richard coming afterward by the death of his Uncle to be Duke of York first of all made open claim to the Crown by the title of York But yet after many oaths sworn and broken to King Henry the sixth he was attainted of Treason I mean both he and Edward his Son then Earl of March which afterward was King with the rest of his off-spring even to the ninth degree as Stow affirmeth in a Parliament holden at Coventry in the year 1459. and in the 38. year of the Reign of the said King Henry and the very next year after the said Richard was slain in the same quarrel but the House of Lancaster say these men was never attainted of any such
of all the Roman Emperours and in the Life of one of them that was an excellent Governour named Antonius Pius the said Knight hath this discourse ensuing There was in this mans Governments said he great Contentment and Joy on all hands great Peace and Quietness and very great Justice and truely it is a thing worthy in this place to be considered what was the humane Power and how infinite the Forces of the Roman Empire at this day and how great was the Liberty Quietness Security Wealth and Contentment of the Subjects that lived under that Government when good Princes had the managing thereof as was this Antoninus and his Son Aurelius that followed him and as were Adrian Trajan and divers others What a thing was it to see their Courts frequented freely by all the Noble Valiant and Learned men of the World to see the union and friendly dealing of diffierent Nations together when all served one Prince so as a man might have gone over the whole World or most and best parts thereof with all security and without all fear all Nations and Countries being their Friends Neighbours or Subjects neither was there need at that time of any Pasports or safe Conducts nor of so often change of Coyn to travel as now there is neither yet were there new Laws every foot as now be found in different Countries neither was there danger of Enemies or to be taken prisoners and captives nor could any malefactor do a mischief in one Countrey and flee into another thereby to be free from punishment and he that was born in the very Orcades or furthest part of Europe was at home though he were in Africa or Asia and as free a Denizen as if he had been born there Merchants also might pass at that day from Countrey to Countrey with their Merchandise without particular Licences or fear of Forfeits and finally the temporal state of a Subject was wonderful happy at that time Thus far discourseth that learned Knight and no doubt but that his discourse and consideration is founded on great Reason and he that will leave at this day the many commodities of being under a Great and Potent Prince if it lie in his own hands to chuse for this only circumstance that he is not born in the same Countrey with him is a man of small judgment and capacity in these mens opinion and measureth matters of publick utility with a false weight of fond affection And thus much may be said of the first way of being under Strangers and Foreign Government which is that which vulgar men do most abhor and inveigh against to wit to be under a foreign Prince that liveth absent and ruleth by his Governours But besides this there is another manner of being under a Foreign Prince as when an Alien Prince cometh to dwell among us and this by either of two ways to wit that either this Prince cometh without Forces as did King Stephen and King Henry the II. that were French-men as hath been said and came to live and govern in England but without external Forces and as King Philip of Spain came afterwards when by Marriage of Queen Mary he became King of England and as the last King Henry the III of France went into Polonia by the free Election and Invitation of that Nation and as his Brother Monsieur Francis Duke of Alenson should have entred afterward to have been King of England if the Marriage pretended between her Majesty and him had gone forward and taken effect as many thought once that it should This I say is one way and another is that this Prince do bring Forces with him for his own assurance and these either present as the Danish Kings Sweno Canutus Haraldus and Hardicanutus did and as after them the Norman Princes also used I mean not only William the Conquerour himself but also his two Sons William Rufus and Henry the I who either by help of the Normans already in England or by others brought in by them afterwards wrought their will or else that this Prince so entring have Foreign Forces so at hand as he may call and use them when he will for that they have no Sea to pass which is the case of the King of Scots and of both these wayes these men do give their sentence distinctly For as concerning the former way when a Foreign Prince entreth without any Forces at all and with intention to live among us they hold that there is no danger nor yet any inconvenience can justly be feared for that in this case he subjecteth himself rather to the Realm and Nation than they to him and if he live and marry in England both himself and his Children will become English in a little space And for his own assurance he must be inforced to favour and cherish and make much of the English Nation and be liberal gentle and friendly to all for gaining their good wills and friendship And in one very great and important point his condition is different and better for the English than any English Kings can be which is that he entreth with indifferent mind towards all men hath no kindred or alliance within the Land to whom he is bound nor enemy against whom he may be inticed to use cruelty so as only merit or demerit of each man must move him to favour or disfavour which is a great Foundation say these men of good and equal Government Again they say that in respect of the State present of England and as now it standeth and for the publick good not only of the common Subjects but also of the Nobility and especially and above others of the English Competitors and Pretenders that cannot all speed no way were so commodious as this to avoid bloodshed to wit that some external Prince of this time should be admitted upon such Compositions and Agreements as both the Realm should remain with her ancient Liberties and perhaps much more than now it enjoyeth for such Princes commonly and upon such occasions of Preferment would yield to much more in those Cases than a home-born Prince would and the other Pretenders at home also should remain with more security than they can well hope to do under any English Competitor if he come to the Crown who shall be continually egged on by his own kindred and by the aversion emulation and hatred that he has taken already by contention against the other opposite Houses to pull them down and to make them away and so we have seen it by continual Examples for many years though no occasion say these men hath ever been offered to suspect the same so much as now if any one of the home English Bloud be preferred before the rest and this is so much as they say to this second kind of being under Foreign Princes To the third they confess that it standeth subject to much danger and inconvenience to admit a foreign Prince
day though some men think that it cannot be very certain which part of the Nobility and Council will stick unto them for that many in heart are presupposed to favour the Puritan And for the Privy Council in particular though during the Princes Life their Authority be Supream yet is it not so afterward nor have they any publick Authority at all the Prince having once expired but only as Noblemen or Gentlemen according to each mans State and Calling in several and for the next Successor seeing none is known nor sworn in the Life of this Prince nor were it her safety that any should be clear it is that after Her Majesties decease every man is free untill a one wne be established by the Commonwealth which establishment doth not depend upon the appointment or will of any few or upon any mans proclaiming of himself for divers are like to proclaim themselves but upon a general consent of the whole Body of the Realm which how it will be brought to pass God only knoweth and to him we must commend it I do not know quoth he of any certain person pretendent to whom this Protestant Party is particularly devouted at this day more than to the rest though the House of Hartford was wont to be much favoured by them but of latter years little speech hath been thereof but rather of Araâ—â—lla whom the Lord Treasurer is said especially to be at this present though for himself it be held somewhat doubtful whether he be more fast to the Protestant or to the Puritan but if the Protestant Party should be divided then their Forces will be the less The Authority of Her Majesty is that which at this present overbeareth all when that shall fail no man knoweth what the event will be for that now mens hearts are hardly discerned Their Foreign Friends and Allies are of good number especially if the King of France proceed well in his Affairs and do not indeed change his Religion as he pretendeth that he will but yet if the Puritan do stand against them he is like to pull much from them both in France and Holland and as for Scotland it must needs be against them both and this in respect of his own pretence except the same be favoured by them I mean by these two Factions in England which is hardly thought that any of them both will do for the reasons before alledged though some more hope may be that way of the Puritan than of the Protestant by reason of the said Kings nearness to them in Religion The Puritan is more generally favoured throughout the Realm with all those which are not of the Roman Religion than is the Protestant upon a certain general perswasion that his Profession is the more perfect especially in great Towns where Preachers have made more impression in the Artificers and Burgesses than in the Countrey People And among the Protestants themselves all those that are less interessed in Ecclesiastical Livings or other Preferments depending of the State are more affected commonly to the Puritans or easily are to be induced to pass that way for the same reason The Person most favoured by the Puritans hitherto in common voice and opinion of men hath been the Earl of Huntington some speech of late of some diminution therein and that the Lord Beacham since his Marriage hath entâ—ed more in affection with them The King of Scots no doubt if he were not a stranger and had not the difficulties before mentioned were for his Religion also very plausible I do not hear that the Earl of Darby or his Mother is much forward with these or with the Protestant though of the latter sort some are supposed to wish them well The Friends and Allies of the Puritans abroad are the same that are of the Protestant to wit those of Holland and Zeeland and such Towns of France as follow the new King and jointly have changed their Religion which are not many for that his greatest Forces are yet those of the Roman Religion but yet if the said King prevail and persevere in his Religion which of late as I have said is called in doubt by his often Protestations to the contrary and open going to Mass then will he be able to give good assistance though both these Countries I mean both Holland and France are likes in some mens opinions to assist the Puritan than the Papist if the matter come in difference between them for that in truth they are more conform to the Puritan Religion And as for the German Cities that keep yâ—t and follow the particular form of Luther in Religion they are like to do little for either Party both for their difference from both Parties in Religion and for that they are poor for the most part and not active nor provided to give succour abroad except they be drawn thereunto by force of Money The Puritan Part at home in England is thought to be most vigorous of any other that is to say most ardent quick bold resolute and to have a great part of the best Captains and Souldiers on their side which is a point of no small moment Greatly will import among other points which way inclineth the City of London with the Tower whereof the Puritan as is said wanteth not his probability as neither doth he of some good part if not more of the Navy to be at his devotion which point perhaps at that day will be of as great consequence as any thing else And so much of him The third Body of Religion which are those of the Roman who call themselves Catholicks is the least in shew at this present by reason of the Laws and Tides of the time that run against them but yet are they of no small consideration in this Affair to him that weigheth things indifferently and this in respect as well of their Party at home as of their Friends abroad for at home they being of two sorts as the World knoweth the one more open that discovers which are the Recusants and the other more close and privy that accommodate themselves to all external proceedings of the Time and State so as they cannot be known or at least wise not much touched We may imagine that their number is not small throughout the Realm and this party for the reason I mentioned before in that the most part of the Countrâ—y-People that live out of Cities and great Towns in which the greatest part of English Forces are want to consist are much affected ordinarily to their Religion by reason that Preachers of the contrary Religion are not so frequent with them as in Towns and partly also for that with these kind of men as with them that are most afflicted and held down at this time by the present State many others do joyn aâ— the manner iâ— omnes qui amaro animâ— sâ—nt cum ilâ—s se conjungunt as the Scripture said
ambiguous as hath been declared it is to be presupposed that none or few of them will presently at the beginning cast away their hope and forego their Titles but will prove at least wise what friends shall stand unto them and how matters are like to go for or against them especially seeing they may do it without danger no Law being against them and their Rights and Pretences so manifest that no man can say they do it of ambition only or malice treason or conspiration against others and for this essay or first attempt Arms are necessary Moreover if any man in process of time would forego or give over his Title as it is to be imagined that divers will at length and many must for that one only can speed yet to the end he be not suddenly oppressed or laid hands on at the beginning by his adversary party or made away as in such cases is wont to succeed it is very likely that each Pretender for his own safety and defence will arm himself and his Friends at the beginning for that better conditions will be made with armour in hands than when a man is naked or in the power of his adversary and no doubt but the more Pretenders shall stand together armed at the beginning the easier and the surer peace will be made with him that shall prevail for that they being many with whom he hath to compound he will respect them the more and yield to more reasonable and honourable conditions than if there were but one and he weak that should resist for that a fault or displeasure is more easily pardoned to a multitude and to a potent adversary then to one or two alone that are of less account And on the other side the peril of these other pretenders that should not prevail being common to them all would knit them better together for their own defence in living under the person that should prevail and reign and he would bear more regard unto them as hath been said and this both for that they should be stronger by this union to defend themselves and he that reigneth should have less cause to suspect and fear them to work treason against him for that they are many and consequently not so easy to agree between themselves who should be preferred if the other were pulled down which to the person regnant would be also a ground of much security These are my Reasons and Conjecturs why it is like that Arms will be taken at the beginning in England before this controversy can be decided My second Position and Conjecture is that this matter is not like to come easily to any great or main Battel but rather to be ended at length by some composition and general agreement and my reasons for this be these First for that the Pretenders be many and their Powers and Friends lying in divers and different parts of the Realm and if there were but two then were it more probable that they would soon come to a Battel but being many each one will fear the other and seek to fortify himself where his own strength lieth and especially towards the Ports and Sea-side for receiving of Succours as easily may be done by reason of the multitude of Competitors as hath been said which will cause that at home the one will not much urge or press the other at the beginning but every part attend rather to strengthen than it self for the time A second Reason of this is for that the foreign Princes and States round about us are like to be much divided in this matter some as Pretendents for Themselves or their Kindred and Friends and others as favourers of this or that Party for Religion so as there will not want presently offers of Helps and Succours from abroad which Succours albeit they should be but mean or small at the beginning yet will they be of much importance when the Forces at home be divided and when there shall be different Ports Harbours and Holds ready within the Land to receive and harbour them so as I take it to be most likely that this Affair will grow somewhat long and so be ended at length by some composition only and that either by Parliament and General Consent of all Parts pretendents and of all three Bodies of Religion meeting together by their Deputies and treat and conclude some form of agreement as we see it practised now in France or else by some other means of Commissaries Commissioners Legatss Deputies or the like to make the conclusion with every Party asunder My third and last conjecture and for a meer conjecture only I would have you to hold it that seeing there be two sorts of pretenders whiâ—h stand for this Preferment the one Strangers the other English my opinion is that of any one Foreign Prince that pretendeth the Infanta of Spain is likest to bear it away or some other by her Title laid upon him by her Father the Kings good will and on the other side of any domestical Competitors the second Son of the Earl of Hartford or of the Issue of Countess of Darby carrieth much shew to be prefeted My Reasons for the former part about the Lady Infanta are that she is a Woman and may easily join if her Father will the Titles of Britany and Portugal together she is also unmarried and by her Marriage may make some other composition either at home or abroad that may facilitate the matter she is a great Princess and fit for some great State and other Princes perhaps of Christendom would more willingly yield and concur to such a composition of Matters by this Lady and by casting all Foreign Titles of Britanny and Portugal upon her then that the King of Spain should pretend for himself and thereby encrease his Monarchy which other Princes his Neighbours in reason of State would not so well allow or bear In England also it self if any Party or Person be affected that way he would think hereby to have the more reason and if any be against Strangers some such moderation as this would take away much of this aversion as also of Arguments against it for that hereby it seemeth that no subjection could be feared to any Foreign Realm but rather divers utilities to the Realm of England as these men pretend by the reasons before alledged in the precedent Chapter I said also that this Lady Infanta or some other by her Title and her Fathers good will was likest of all Strangers to bear it away for that if she should either dye or be married in any other Countrey or otherwise to be disposed of as her pretence to England should be disenabled before this Affair came to be tried then may her said Father and she if they list cast their foresaid Interests and Titles as divers men think they would upon some other Prince of their own House and Blood as for example either upon some of the Families of Parma or