Baggage with them but what they could not be without and having procur'd store of good Guides he became exactly inform'd by them of the nature and situation of the Country and Towns and instructed in every thing he had a mind to know Here Aristophontus the Acarnanian Praetor came to the King at the head of all the Forces of that People for having been heretofore great Sufferers by the Aetolians they came with Minds full of Revenge and to repay them in their own Coin Wherefore they embrac'd the occasion with great joy of being thus assisted by the Macedonians so that not only such as by the Law were oblig'd to go to the War but those who were exempted by their Age listed themselves for this Expedition The Epirots incited by the like Motives were not less forward tho' by reason of the great extent of their Country and the sudden arrival of King Philip they were not so well able to draw their Troops together Dorimachus as was noted had led with him the one half of the Aetolian Forces leaving the other half at home which he conceiv'd would be strength sufficient to answer any sudden occasion and be guard enough to the Towns and the Country And now the King leaving the Baggage under a good Guard departed in the close of the Evening from Limnoea and after they had march'd about eight Miles he caus'd the Army to halt to take some refreshment and after 〈◊〉 short repast he continu'd his march and by break of Day came to the River Achelous his purpose being to surprize the Town of Therme Leontius who had two Reasons to conclude on the probability of his Master's Success and that all the present strength of the Enemy on that side would be too little to defend them for the Macedonian Army had surpriz'd them and came both when and where they were least look'd for being persuaded that Philip would not be so prodigal of his own proper safety to hazard himself among such Fastnesses and Defilées as the parts about Therme abound with Wherefore persisting in his treacherous purpose he advis'd the King to incamp about the River Achelous to give some repose and refreshment to the Army after so hard a Night's march being willing to do his best at least that the Aetolians might have some small space to bethink them and provide for their defence But Aratus who judg'd rightly of the importance of the occasion that it was now favourable but would not stay and perceiving Leontius openly now to withstand all wholesome Counsel and promising Designs urg'd Philip by no means to consent to the least delay nor upon any reason whatsoever respite his March the success whereof lay in the dispatch Wherefore the King approving his Advice would not be drawn to make the least stay but after the Army had pass'd the River march'd away directly towards Therme putting all to Fire and Sword that lay in his way On his Left he march'd by Stratus Agrinium and Thestium on his Right he left Conope Lysimachia Triconium and Phoeteum Then he arriv'd at a Place call'd Metapa standing on the entrance of a Pass or Defilée near the Lake of Trichonium about eight Miles distant from Therme Wherefore he took possession of that Place which had been abandon'd by the Aetolians and strengthned it with a Garrison of five hundred Men forecasting it might be of use to him and be a good retreat in case he should be press'd in his march in or out of the Defilée For the Lake is surrounded with mountainous and broken Ground and inclos'd every where else with thick and unpassable Woods leaving no access but by this streight and difficult Passage In short the King order'd his march after this manner In the Van of the Army march'd the Mercenaries after them the Illyrians then the Buckler-men and the Legionaries of the Macedonian Phalanx in the Rear of all march'd the Candiots the Thracians and light-arm'd Troops covering the Right their Left being defended by the Lake After they had march'd a while by thiâ— Streight they came to a Place call'd Pamphia where the King plac'd a Guard and 〈◊〉 prosecuted his way to Therme by a Passagâ— not only broken and difficult but barracâ—do'd and bounded on both sides by steeâ— Rocks and so narrow in many places that the Passage it self was not without danger Thiâ— Desilée tho' at least four Miles long Philiâ— soon pass'd the Macedonians marching like Soldiers in pursuit of Victory and arrivâ— near Therme when it was now broad Day As soon as the Army was encamp'd he permitted the Soldiers to plunder and ravage fat and wide and to spoil and plunder both thâ— Town and Territory which abounded not only in Corn and all sorts of Provision and Military Stores but in the Town was found great quantities of the most valuable Movables of the Aetolians For over and above that their Fairs were kept and their Feasts celebrated there and it was the place where their Assemblies met the Aetolians had lodg'd both for their use and the better security thereof all they had that was most preciouâ— in Therme in confidence that there was nâ—â— Place more secure it having never at anâ— time before been visited by an Enemy anâ— by reason of its situation was held for the Bulwark of Aetolia Furthermore through the long Peace they had enjoy'd all the Houses in the Neighbourhood and round about the Temple abounded so much the more with costly Goods and Furniture The Army remain'd that Night in the Town loaden with all sorts of Plunder and in the Morning chusing out what was most valuable and easie to be transported they made an heap of the rest and burnt it before the Camp They made choice likewise of the best Arms which they found in their Magazines exchanging them for such of their own as were less serviceable burning the rest to the number of above fifteen thousand Suits Hitherto their Proceedings were but just and the War fairly made but whether what they did afterwards will bear that Name is a doubt For calling to mind what the Aetolians had done at Dium and Dodona they were provok'd not only to burn and destroy the Portico's of the Temple and all the Ornaments thereof which were wrought with great Art and Expence But not herewith contented they proceeded to demolish the very Walls and levell'd the Structure to the Ground Furthermore they cast down all the Statues to the number of two thousand defacing and breaking in pieces the greatest part of those that were not consecrated to or erected in representation of the Gods While to these they reserv'd a Respect ingraving on certain Stones those Verses that were afterward so much spoken of being written by Samus Son of Chrysogonus who had been educated with the King and began to give some proofs of his Wit Dium behold how far our angry Shafts Have pierc'd in thy Revenge In short the Desolation was such as to strike the King himself and
those about him with a kind of Terrour while they believ'd however that they had not over acted their Revenge for the Sacrilegious Impieties of the Aetolians at Dium Nevertheless we must take the libertty to be of a different Opinion and it will not be hard to discover whether we are in the right or no by barely enumerating some Examples of the Actions perform'd by the Ancestors of this Prince without seeking further When Antigonus had overcome Cleomenes King of the Lacedaemonians in Battel and compell'd him to sly the Land he thereby became Master of Sparta And albeit it was then in his Power to dispose of them both City and People at his pleasure nevertheless far from evil intreating the vanquish'd he restor'd them to their Liberty and Privileges and giving them other Marks of his Bounty return'd home to his Country by which Magnanimity he acquir'd the Title of Benefactor of the Lacedaemonians and their Redeemer after his death and won a glorious Name not only among that People but with the whole Nation of the Greeks King Philip who began and laid the Foundation of the Macedonian Power raising his Family to that pitch of Greatness gain'd not more by his Arms than his Humanity after he had vanquish'd the Athenians near Chaeronea For as he subdu'd those who encounter'd him in the Field by Force so he reduc'd the whole City and People of Athens by his Goodness and Moderation Nor was it his manner to give the Reigns to his Indignation in time of Hostility nor to pursue his Enemies by Arms any longer than till he had gotten it in his Power to make them Examples of his Clemency Thus by restoring the Athenian Prisoners without Ransom by giving decent Burial to those that were slain and sending their Bones by Antipater to Athens and in a word by Clothing many of those that return'd home he gave an easie Period to a most difficult Enterprize For by this Method and Greatness of Mind he so charm'd the proud Athenians that from Enemies they became Friends and approv'd themselves ready to serve and assist him on all occasions What shall we say of Alexander afterward 'T is true his Indignation so far transported him against the Thebans that he raz'd their City and sold the Inhabitants by Out-cry yet he nevertheless forgot not what was due to the Gods expresly forbidding that on no score whatever they should violate either Temple or any Sacred Thing When he pass'd into Asia to revenge the Outrages done by the Persians against the Greeks he did his utmost 't is true against the People and was willing to render their Punishment propoâ—tion'd to their Fault but still he spar'd the Temples and every thing that was dedicated to the Gods Albeit the Persians in theâ—â— Invasion of Greece had therein principally exercis'd their Rage Philip then ought to have practis'd according to these excelleâ—â— Examples whereby to give proof that he did not succeed these his glorious Ancestors less in Magnanimity than in State and Authority But in short he labour'd all his Life long to give proofs of his being descended from Philip and Alexander but too little care to imitate their Vertues Wherefore as his Actions had no resemblance with those of his Predecessors so his Reputation fell likewise short of that which they had acquir'd And it was visible by what he did at that time for his Indignation against the Aetolians wrought him to act the same Outrages he would be thought to punish and as the Saying is to remedy one Evil with another but he believ'd himself in the right when he did no more than repay them measure for measure And while he himself incurr'd the same Guilt to revenge the Sacrileges of Dorimachus and Scopas dream'd not that he should fall under the same Imputation and share the like Infamy For to do our utmost to deprive an Enemy of his Fortresses Towns and Ports and in short of all that can be rightfully call'd their own and even to pursue to destruction both them and theirs to compass Success to our Enterprizes is not accounted Criminal or against the Law of Arms which compel to such Violences But to act such Parts as are neither profitable to our selves nor a weakning to the Enemy such as casting down and defacing of Statues destroying of Temples and spoiling the Ornaments Who can reckon this other than Rage and the effect of Madness In a word it is the Office of a Man of Honour tho' in Hostility with the vilest Enemy to pursue them no further than the Correction of their Faults and the Reparation of the Injuries they have sustain'd To distinguish between the Innocent and the Guilty and not involve them in the same Punishment and when he cannot discriminate between them he ought to preserve the Guilty for the sake of the Innocent For 't is the Property of a Tyrant to be ever acting Mischief and to Reign by Violence to hate his Subjects out of Fear and be detested by them While 't is the Character of a King to be Beneficent to all Mankind to acquire the Love of his Subjects by Clemency and Acts of Grace and so to manage their Minds that he shall not more desire to reign than they to be govern'd But Philip had no mind to walk by these wholesom Maxims and if we reflect how the Aetolians were likely to have understood it in case he had pursu'd a less violent course and not profan'd their Temples and left his other Excesses unacted for my own part I take for granted they would have been compell'd to consider him with Veneration as 〈◊〉 Prince abounding in Honour and Goodness and would themselves have been seiz'd with remorse for their own Inhumanities at Dium and Dodona while they knew it was in his power to have dealt them the like usage but was restrain'd by Motives of Clemency and Magnanimity Most certain it is I say that the Aetolians would have been driven to blush at their own Proceeding while they should behold King Philip out of a truly generous and Kingly Spirit so mindful of his Duty towards the Gods while he was wreaking his Revenge on his Enemies For what can be more Noble than to vanquish our Foes by Vertue and Moderation And how much more glorious and safe than to subdue them by Arms Victory acquir'd by Force compels Obedience but when 't is gain'd by Gentleness and Humanity it attracts it The one reduces not the stubborn Mind but at the cost of mighty Evils and grievous Calamities while the other leads us and engages our Consent Furthermore where Victory is won by Arms the Soldier hath his part of the Merit but the other way the Prince reaps all the Glory But it may be objected That this Errour was not entirely due to Philip who was then but young but ought principally to be ascrib'd to the Counsels of those about him of which number were Aratus and Demetrius the Pharian But it will not be
Abode for some time But on the Death of Seleucus his Brother who was Treacherously slain in his Expedition over Mount Taurus as we have elsewhere Noted Antiochus Succeeded him who made Achoeus Governour of all that part of Asia on this side Mount Taurus and gave to Molon and his Brother the Government of the Upper Provinces namely to Molon the Satrapie so call'd of Media and to Alexander that of Persia But these two Brothers contemning the Youth of the King and being in hopes Achoeus would join with them in the like Design and apprehending above all things the Cruelty and perverse Mind and Calumnies of Hermias who at that time Rul'd Affairs at Court wherefore they came to a Resolution of casting off their Obedience and of endeavouring to withdraw the other Satrapa's from their Duty to the King Hermias was a Carian by Birth and receiv'd his Authority and the Administration of the Government at the Hands of Seleucus who at his Departure towards Mount Taurus had committed the Affairs of the Kingdom during his Absence to his Care who beholding himself thus Exalted grew to Envy and Suspect all who had any Trust or Share in the King's Esteem In a Word being naturally a Tyrant he would ordinarily punish the slightest Faults with Rigour making them greater by his Exaggerations and often appear'd a Cruel and Inexorable Judge towards others who had no Faults but of his finding But above all things he was bent on the Ruine of Epigenes who had the Charge of leading back the Troops that were Assembled out of Affection to Seleucus For he well knew him to be a Man both Eloquent and Able for Execution and who had great Authority in the Army This he could not brook wherefore he watch'd him with a Malicious Eye and study'd by all ways possible to render him Obnoxious In short it chanc'd that while they were deliberating in Council about the Rebellion of Molon and on the King's Command that every one should deliver his Judgment freely touching the Means of Suppressing the Rebels Epigenes speaking first gave it as his Opinion That it was an Affair that would not endure delay and that the Remedies ought speedily to be applied to the Disease That he Conceiv'd the King's Presence was absolutely necessary whose Authority on the place would weigh much That in such case neither Molon nor his Partizans would have the assurance to persist in their Errour beholding the King himself at the Head of his Army Or should they chance to continue obstinate the very Soldiers would Mutiny and deliver them up to the King Hardly had Epigenes finish'd his Discourse when Hermias in passionate manner reply'd That this was not the first Traiterous Counsel he had given That he had long harbour'd Evil Purposes towards the King That it now pleas'd him however to behold him openly declaring his Wickedness in the pernicious Advice he had offer'd wherein he plainly shew'd his Design of giving up the King into the Hands of the Rebels He added nothing further at that time on that Subject seeming content to have thus sown the Seeds of Suspicion and Calumny against him expressing rather his Indignation than Hatred In a Word his Ignorance in Military Affairs it may be gave him greater Apprehension of the Danger than needed Wherefore his Advice was That no Army should be sent against Molon but that they should March against Ptolomy who being a Vicious and Careless Prince he concluded that War would be Manag'd with less danger Howbeit after he had thus astonish'd the Assembly he yielded that Molon should be Prosecuted by War and that the Chief Command in that Expedition should be given to Xeno and Theodotus Counselling the King to pursue the Recovery of the Lower Syria to the end that Young Prince being Engag'd and Surrounded with Troubles from all Quarters and keeping him in perpetual Action he might as he conceiv'd render himself the more necessary and cover with more safety the Crimes of which he was Conscious and better secure his Credit with his Master Pursuant to which Design he Forges Letters from Achoeus and brought them to the King which Letters contain'd King Ptolomy's Solicitations to him to take on him the Royalty promising him his Assistance both of Money Ships and all things he should stand in need of provided he would Assume the Crown and the other Marks of Regality whereof he was in effect already Possess'd tho' he shun'd the Title and neglected the Tender of a Diadem which Fortune her self made him This Letter found so much Credit with the King that he thereupon determin'd forthwith earnestly to pursue the War in Caelo-Syria While these Matters were under agitation Antiochus being at Seleucia Diognetus his General at Sea arriv'd bringing with him Laodice the Daughter of Mithridates who was Espous'd to Antiochus This Mithridates boasted of his being Descended from one of the Seven Persians who slew the Magi holding Possession of that Dominion which Darius had heretofore given to his Ancestors extending as far as the Coast of the Euxine Sea Antiochus went in great Pomp to receive this Princess whom he presently Marry'd the Nuptials being Solemniz'd with all possible Magnificence As soon as the Ceremony was over he carry'd her to Antioch where he caus'd her to be receiv'd as Queen and then turn'd his Thoughts to prepare for the War In the mean time Molon had prepar'd the People of his Government for every thing he might be dispos'd to attempt as well by the hopes of Reward as through the fear wherewith he had possess'd the Principal Officers by angry and menacing Letters counterfeited from the King Furthermore his Brother was in a readiness to join him and he had well provided against all danger that might threaten from the Neighbour-Provinces having been at great Expence to Purchase the Good Will of those who had any Authority among them and in a Word March'd with his Army to Incounter the King's Forces While Xeno and Theodotus were so terrify'd at his approach that they retir'd and secur'd themselves in the Neighbouring Towns Whereupon Molon making himself Master of the Territory of Apollonia became supply'd with all sorts of Provisions of War in great abundance and was already grown formidable in appearance and in effect For first the King's breed of Horses was intirely in possession of the Medes which Country moreover abounds in Corn and all sorts of Cattel As to its Strength all that can be said would not amount to half what the Subject will bear Media is Situate in the heart of Asia and if comparison be made between that and the other parts it will be found to surpass all the Provinces thereof both in extent of Territory and height of the Mountains that surround it They have many powerful Nations that are their Borderers On the East are the Desarts which lie between Persia and Parasia The Caspian Pass call'd the Gates is in their keeping where they touch on the Mountains Tapyroe which
THE HISTORY OF POLYBIUS THE MEGALOPOLITAN CONTAINING A General Account OF THE Transactions of the World AND Principally of the ROMAN PEOPLE During the First and Second Punick Wars Translated by Sir H. S. To which is added A Character of Polybius and his Writings By Mr. Dryden The First Volume The Second Edition LONDON Printed by W. Onley for Sam. Briscoe in Covent-garden and R. Wellington at the Lute in St. Paul's Church-yard MDCXCVIII A Mapp of Antient SICELE Mentioned in Polybious by Sr. H.S. Vol I. THE CHARACTER OF POLYBIUS AND HIS WRITINGS THE worthy Author of this Translation who is very much my Friend was pleas'd to intrust it in my Hands for many Months together before he publish'd it desiring me to review the English and to Correct what I found amiss which he needed not have done if his Modesty wou'd have given him leave to have relied on his own Abilities who is so great a Master of our Stile and Language as the World will acknowledge him to be after the Reading of this Excellent Version 'T is true that Polybius has formerly appear'd in an English Dress but under such a Cloud of Errours in his first Translation that his native Beauty was not only hidden but his Sence perverted in many places so that he appear'd unlike himself and unworthy of that Esteem which has always been paid him by Antiquity as the most Sincere the Clearest and most Instructive of all Historians He is now not only redeem'd from those Mistakes but also restor'd to the first purity of his Conceptions And the Stile in which he now speaks is as plain and unaffected as that he wrote I had only the pleasure of Reading him in a fair Manuscript without the toil of Alteration At least it was so very inconsiderable that it only cost me the dash of a Pen in some few places and those of very small importance so much had the Care the Diligence and Exactness of my Friend prevented my Trouble that he left me not the occasion of serving him in a Work which was already finish'd to my Hands I doubt not but the Reader will approve my Judgment So happy it is for a good Author to fall into the hands of a Translator who is of a Genius like his own who has added Experience to his natural Abilities who has been Educated in Business of several kinds has Travell'd like his Author into many Parts of the World and some of them the same with the present Scene of History has been employed in Business of the like nature with Polybius and like him is perfectly acquainted not only with the Terms of the Mathematicks but has search'd into the bottom of that admirable Science and reduc'd into Practice the most useful Rules of it to his own Honour and the Benefit of his Native Country who besides these Advantages possesses the knowledge of Shipping and Navigation and in few Words is not ignorant of any thing that concerns the Tacticks So that here from the beginning we are sure of finding nothing that is not throughly Understood The Expression is clear and the Words adequate to the Subject Nothing in the Matter will be mistaken nothing of the Terms will be misapplied All is natural and proper and he who understands good Sence and English will be profited by the first and delighted with the latter This is what may be justly said in Commendation of the Translator and without the note of Flattery to a Friend As for his Author I shall not be asham'd to Copy from the Learned Casaubon who has Translated him into Latine many things which I had not from my own small Reading and which I cou'd not without great difficulty have drawn but from his Fountain not omitting some which came casually in my way by reading the Preface of the Abbot Pichon to the Dauphin's Tacitus an admirable and most useful Work which Helps I ingeniously profess to have receiv'd from them both to clear my self from being a Plagiary of their Writings and to give Authority by their Names to the weakness of my own Performance The taking of Constantinople by Mahomet the Great fell into the latter times of Pope Nicholas the Fifth a Pope not only studious of good Letters and particularly of History but also a great Encourager of it in others From the dreadful Overthrow of that City and final Subversion of the Greek Empire many Learned Men escap'd and brought over with them into Italy that Treasure of ancient Authors which by their unhappiness we now possess And amongst the rest some of these remaining Fragments of Polybius The Body of this History as he left it finish'd was consisting of Forty Books of which the eighth Part is only remaining to us entire As for his Negotiations when he was sent Ambassador either from his own Counttry-men the Common-wealth of the Achaians or afterwards was employed by the Romans on their Business with other Nations we are obliged to Constantine the Great for their Preservation for that Emperour was so much in Love with the dexterous Management and Wisdom of our Author that he caus'd them all to be faithfully Transcrib'd and made frequent Use of them in his own Dispatches and Affairs with Foreign Princes as his best Guides in his Concernments with them Polybius as you will find in reading of him though he principally intended the History of the Romans and the Establishment of their Empire over the greatest part of the World which was then known yet had in his Eye the general History of the Times in which he liv'd not forgetting either the Wars of his own Country with their Neighbours of Etolia or the concurrent Affairs of Macedonia and the Provinces of Greece which is properly so call'd nor the Monarchies of Asia and Egypt nor the Republick of the Carthaginians with the several Traverses of their Fortunes either in relation to the Romans or independent to the Wars which they wag'd with them besides what happen'd in Spain and Sicily and other European Countries The Time which is taken up in this History consists of Three and Fifty Years and the greast part of it is employ'd in the description of those Events of which the Author was an Eye-witness or bore a considerable part in the Conduct of them But in what particular Time or Age it was when Mankind receiv'd that irrecoverable Loss of this Noble History is not certainly deliver'd to us It appears to have been perfect in the Reign of Constantine by what I have already noted and neither Casaubon nor any other can give us any further Account concerning it The first Attempt towards a Translation of him was by Command of the same Pope Nicholas the Fifth already mention'd who esteem'd him the Prince of Greek Historians Wou'd have him continually in his Hands and us'd to make this Judgment of him That if he yielded to one or two in the Praise of Eloquence yet in Wisdom and all other Accomplishments belonging to a perfect
Historian he was at least equal to any other Writer Greek or Roman and perhaps excell'd them all This is the Author who is now offer'd to us in our Mother Tongue recommended by the Nobility of his Birth by his Institution in Arts and Sciences by his Knowledge in Natural and Moral Philosophy and particularly the Politicks by his being conversant both in the Arts of Peace and War by his Education under his Father Lycortas who voluntarily depos'd himself from his Soveraignty of Megalopolis to become a principal Member of the Achaian Commonwealth which then flourish'd under the management of Aratus by his friendship with Scipio Affricanus who subdued Carthage to whom he was both a Companion and a Consellour and by the Good-will Esteem and Intimacy which he had with several Princes of Asia Greece and Egypt during his Life and after his Decease by deserving the Applause and Approbation of all succeeding Ages This Author so long neglected in the barbarous times of Christianity and so little known in Europe according to the Fate which commonly follows the best of Writers was pull'd from under the Rubbish which cover'd him by the Learned Bishop Nicholas the Fifth And some parts of his History for with all his Diligence he was not able to recover the whole were by him recommended to a Person knowing both in the Greek and Roman Tongues and learn'd for the Times in which he liv'd to be Translated into Latin And to the Honour of our Polybius he was amongst the first of the Greek Writers who deserv'd to have this Care bestow'd on him Which notwithstanding so many Hindrances occur'd in this Attempt that the Work was not perfected in his Popedome neither was any more than a third Part of what is now recover'd in his Hands neither did that learn'd Italian who had undertaken him succeed very happily in that Endeavour for the perfect Knowledge of the Greek Language was not yet restor'd and that Translator was but as a one-ey'd Man amongst the Nation of the Blind only suffer'd till a better could be found to do right to an Author whose Excellence requir'd a more just Interpreter than the Ignorance of that Age afforded And this gives me occasion to admire says Casaubon that in following Times when Eloquence was redeem'd and the Knowledge of the Greek Language flourish'd yet no Man thought of pursuing that Design which was so worthily begun in those first Rudiments of Learning Some indeed of almost every Nation in Europe have been instrumental in the recovery of several lost Parts of our Polybius and commented on them with good Success but no Man before Casaubon had review'd the first Translation corrected its Errours and put the last Hand to its Accomplishment The World is therefore beholding to him for this great Work for he has collected into one their seattered Fragments has piec'd them together according to the natural Order in which they were Written made them intelligible to Scholars and render'd the French Translator's Task more easie to his Hands Our Author is particularly mention'd with great Honour by Cicero Strabo Josephus and Plutarch and in what rank of Writers they are plac'd none of the Learned need to be inform'd He is copied in whole Books together by Livy commonly esteem'd the Prince of the Roman History and Translated word for word Tho' the Latin Historian is not to be excus'd for not mentioning the Man to whom he had been so much oblig'd nor for taking as his own the worthy Labours of another Marcus Brutus who preferr'd the Freedom of his Country to the Obligations which he had to Julius Caesar so priz'd Polybius that he made a Compendium of his Works and Read him not only for his Instruction but for the Diversion of his Grief when his noble Enterprise for the Restoration of the Commonwealth had not found the Success which it deserv'd And this is not the least Commendation of our Author that he who was not wholly satisfied with the Eloquence of Tully shou'd Epitomize Polybius with his own Hand It was on the Consideration of Brutus and the Veneration which he paid him that Constantine the Great took so great a pleasure in Reading our Author and collecting the several Treaties of his Embassies of which tho' many are now lost yet those which remain are a sufficient Testimony of his Abilities and I congratulate my Country that a Prince of our Extraction as was Constantine has the honour of obliging the Christian World by these Remainders of our great Historian 'T is now time to enter into the particular Praises of Polybius which I have given you before in gross and the first of them following the Method of Casaubon is his wonderful Skill in Political Affairs I had Read him in English with the pleasure of a Boy before I was ten Years of Age and yet even then had some dark Notions of the Prudence with which he conducted his Design particularly in making me known and almost see the Places where such and such Actions were perform'd This was the first distinction which I was then capable of making betwixt him and other Historians which I Read early But when being of a riper Age I took him again into my Hands I must needs say that I have profited more by reading him than by Thucydides Appian Dion Cassius and all the rest of the Greek Historians together And amongst all the Romans none have reach'd him in this particular but Tacitus who is equal with him 'T is wonderful to consider with how much care and application he Instructs Counsels Warns Admonishes and Advises whensoever he can find a fit occasion He performs all these sometimes in the nature of a common Parent of Mankind and sometimes also limits his Instructions to particular Nations by a friendly Reproach of those Failings and Errours to which they were most obnoxious In this last manner he gives Instructions to the Mantinaeans the Elaeans and several other Provinces of Greece by informing them of such things as were conducing to their Welfare Thus he likewise warns the Romans of their Obstinacy and Wilfulness Vices which have often brought them to the brink of Ruine And thus he frequently exhorts the Greeks in general not to depart from their Dependence on the Romans nor to take false Measures by embroiling themselves in Wars with that Victorious People in whose Fate it was to be Masters of the Universe But as his peculiar Concernment was for the Safety of his own Country-men the Achaians he more than once insinuates to them the care of their Preservation which consisted in submitting to the Yoke of the Roman People which they could not possibly avoid and to make it Easie to them by a chearful compliance with their Commands rather than unprofitably to Oppose them with the hazard of those remaining Priviledges which the Clemency of the Conquerours had left them For this reason in the whole Course of his History he makes it his chiefest business to
one hand might in some degree be supply'd by the long Acquaintance and Conversation I have had in those Matters which are principally treated by Polybius who himself and most others of that sort who have been interpreted to us by meer Scholars and Book-learned Men have been so misus'd that it may be said They are rather Tradue'd than Translated And I dare appeal to the discernment of the knowing World Whether the great Genius of one of the most extraordinary Men of the last Age Mr. Hobbs appears like himself in his Translation of Thucydides And if he who when he writes his own Thoughts and Matter is so admirable both for Purity of Language and Strength of Reason does not there for the most part disappoint the Expectation of the Reader 'T is no wonder then if Vndertakers of so much a lower Form as most are who ingage in these Works so seldom succeed notwithstanding their Knowledge in Letters and Skill in Tongues when in their own Mother-language I will be hold to affirm they will be often found at a loss to conceive rightly of the Sâ—nce of many Passages in History where Military Naval or the like Occurrences are handled So necessary it will be found to be a Man of the World of Business Science and Conversation who wou'd ingage with any prospect of doing well in such Enterprizes How it may happen to me in this Essay is left to the Candor of the knowing Reader And if it shall appear I have play'd the Fool it chances to be in so very good Company that I shall be content with my share of Shame It is an Imployment wherein he who performs best Trafficks for small Gain and it would be unfair and unconscionable to make the Loss more than the Adventâ—â—â— and at the worst it having been rather a Dâ—version than a Task helping me to while away a few long Winter Hours which is some Recreation to one who has led a Life of Action and Business and whose Humour and Fortune suit not with the Pleasures of the Town Wherefore I shall have little cause of complaint if my well-meaning in consenting to its Publication be not so well receiv'd I have been worse treated by the World to which I am as little indâ—bted as most Men who have spent near Thirty Years in Publick Trusts wherein I labour'd and wasted my Youth and the Vigor of my Days more to the Service of my Country and the Impairment of my Health than the Improvement of my Fortune having stood the Mark of Envy Slander and hard Vsage without gleaning the least of those Advantages which use to be the Anchor-hold and Refuge of such as whether wrongfully or otherwise suffer the Stroaks of Censure I was saying how difficult I thought it was to Translate a good Author well there is no way more beaten and travell'd yet none more hard to find Xenophon and Thucydides have the Voice of the Learn'd in favour of their Eloquence and other Advantages of Style and Manner in their Writings But where I say do these Excellencies shine in their Interpreters who I take for granted wanted not competent Furniture of Knowledge in the Greek Tongue For my self I can own without scruple that I am not touch'd nor edify'd by what I there read their Charms are not by their Spokesmen convey'd to my Vnderstanding Let us for trial consult an Example out of Thucydides and make choice of Pericles's Funeral Oration so much applauded by Learned Men what I pray does it speak in English The Substance and Materials I confess are seen but the Composition the Style and Structure are slight and Gothick And for my own particular I can ingenuously say that I have no Bowels no Tears for those poor Men I neither hear their Groans nor see their Merits as they are render'd in our Language And this will always happen to Translators who are but plain meer Scholars and even to others who with over anctious scrupulosity walk so timorously in the Track of their Authors that they cannot hold pace with them and think they do enough if they but keep them in view tho' at never so great a distance For 't is not Transcribing his Words but Transfusing his Mind that does an Author justice if the Spirit and the Genius do not in some degree every where appear we do but slammer out his Meaning and so draw his Picture that but for the Title no body could know it Yet I am in no doubt that Mr. Hobbs cou'd have abundantly shown and displayed all the Beauties and justly express'd the Energy of the Style and the Graces and Perfections of that Oration and given us another kind of Version of Thucydides had not his fear of falling into the Hands of merciless Criticks withheld him But while I study to conceive aright and explain my Sence of the Duty of a Translator I am at the same moment deeply conscious of my own weak Performance so much easier it is to think justly than to do well and under this Self-sentence I trust I may find some shelter against Censure I know that to have done Polybius exact justice I ought to have study'd him longer I shou'd have been better acquainted with his Life and Manners and as familiar with him if possible as his Friends Scipio and Lelius for so I might in many places obscure in words have penetrated his Meaning by my knowledge of the Man But what shall I say I have dealt him the fairest measure I was able I have made him speak the best English I cou'd without hurting his Sense while I have neither setter'd my self to his Words nor been ty'd so much as to his Expression But when I thought I knew his Mind I utter'd it in the best manner I cou'd Thus I have proceeded in the Narrative-part and his Accounts of Matter of Fact but where he Moralizes Instructs and Acts the Orator which are the most difficult to be handl'd I have there dealt more tenderly and shown the best care I was able to approach his manner Polybius was without all question a very great Man he was Noble and of the first Rank of his Country a Souldier a States-man and a Philosopher and withal of an excellent Vnderstanding Polish'd and Cultivated by Business and eminent Trusts and Temper'd and Balasted by his own and his Country's Afflictions So that it may be said No Man ever ingag'd in a Work of this sort better furnish'd with Requisites and he seems to fill the Chair when he treats distinctly on any of the above-nam'd Subjects But when he talks of War which is the Favourite Subject and Darling of History How like a General and perfect Master in that Trade does he acquit himself How exact and painful is he in his Descriptions of Battles by Land and Sea descending to every particular that may afford light to his Reader How finely fruitfully justly and morally does he Instruct and Reason on Events of Councils Battles and all kind
afterwards King of Syracuse he was then indeed but young howbeit Nature had given him all the good Qualities to be wish'd in a Prince He was no sooner advanc'd to this Power but by the secret Practices and Address of some of his Friends he got possession of the City where he soon suppress'd those of the contrary Faction but proceeding in all things with so much Gentleness and Humanity that tho' the Syracusians would not approve the Election made by the Army he was nevertheless received as Praetor without the least Contest From the very beginning by the manner of his Administration of that Authority it plainly appear'd to those who could best discern that he was Born to something yet greater than the Praetorship For having rightly inform'd himself of the Humours and Manners of the Syracusians that they were Seditious and no sooner in Arms but they fell into Factious and Mutinous Practices and farther observing that Leptines one of the prime Citizens Superiour to the rest both in Credit and Interest and in great Reputation with the People for his Justice and Probity would be very useful to him with him he made an Alliance by taking his Daughter to Wife and proposing to lodge the Authority in the City with him during his Expeditions with the Army abroad Having compass'd these things and observing the old Mercenary Souldiers to have lost their Discipline to be quite spoil'd with Idleness and Debauchery and to be over and above not very well affected to him but were bandying and meditating some new Commotions he therefore forms a pretence of an Expedition against the Barbarians who were possess'd of Messina and having march'd out his Forces he Incamp'd near Centuripa in sight of the Enemy where drawing up to ingage them not far from the River Cyamosoros he so ordered his Battel that keeping his own Horse and Foot near himself with shew of attacking the Enemy elsewhere he by that means designedly expos'd the Mercenaries to the entire shock of the Mamertines where they were all cut off and while the Enemy were busied in the Execution withdrew his own People in safety to Syracuse By this Artifice he punish'd his Mercenaries and got rid of the disorderly and seditious part of his Army In brief having form'd an Army to his own Mind he govern'd and preserv'd his Authority in great Peace and Security and observing the Enemy to be grown Inrolent by their late Success and that they made Inroads and spoil'd the neighbouring Country he march'd out of the City with his new Army which he had now well Disciplin'd and meeting them in the Plains of Mylaeus near the River Longanus he obtain'd an entire Victory routing their Army and taking their principal Officers Prisoners By which Success they were so humbled that they lost all Courage for the future Having perform'd these things against the Barbarians he return'd with his Army to Syracuse where he was proclaim'd King by the Souldiers As to the Mamertines they being now depriv'd of their wonted Succours from Rhegium and their own strength being greatly diminish'd by their late losses one Party apply'd to the Carthaginians and deliver'd the Citadel into their Hands another sent Ambassadours to the Romans praying their Assistance and offering them the possession of the City imploring their Protection on the account of their Alliance and common Original The Romans were long debating what to determine herein nor indeed could they honestly resolve to assist them it being apparent how great a blemish it would be to their Honour who while they animadverted on the Treachery of their own Citizens at Rhegium should be found abetting and supporting the Mamertines eminently guilty of the like Crime But they saw too that the Carthaginians had not only subdu'd Africa but had made themselves Masters of many places in Spain and that Sardinia and all the adjacent Islands on the Coast of Italy were already in their possession these Reflections were weigh'd with apprehension enough for the Romans already look'd on the Carthaginian Neighbourhood with an Eye of Jealousie being as it were now surrounded by them and knowing that they had designs on Italy it self they foresaw how formidable they would grow by the Accession of all Sicily to their State and perceiv'd too that this Island unless they interpos'd to prevent it by assisting the Mamertines would certainly fall into their Hands For Messina would soon be theirs and Syracuse would not then be long able to withstand them the Territory of which two places contain'd a principal part of the Island All this they clearly understood and knew it would not be fafe for them to abandon those of Messina and permit the Carthaginians to be Masters of a Post that might prove as it were a Bridge to conduct them into Italy These Points were long and solemnly debated and yet the Senate could not be drawn to determine without mighty difficulty foreseeing that the Reproach in assisting the Mamertines would be greater than the Benefit But the People who had been greatly impoverish'd by their late Wars and each Man propounding to himself some way or other to repair his own particular damage decreed to carry on the Enterprise and the rather for that those who were to have Command of the Armies manifested how profitable an Undertaking it wou'd be both for the State in general and each Man in particular The Decree therefore pass'd and was confirm'd by an Ordinance of the People and Appius Claudius one of the Consuls was ordered to conduct an Army forthwith into Sicily to the Relief of Messina To him the Mamertines deliver'd up the City after either by Art or Force they had got rid of the Carthaginian Officer who commanded in the Citadel But the Carthaginians suspecting Treachery or Cowardise ordered the said Governour to be Crucified At the same time they directed their Fleet to make towards Pelorus and encamp'd with their Land-Army near a Town called Senes and besieg'd Messina with all their Forces Hieron conceiving he saw now a fair prospect of exterminating the Barbarians Possessors of Messina out of Sicily enters into a Confederacy with the Carthaginians and forthwith marches with an Army from Syracuse towards Messina and encamp'd along the Mountain Chalcidicus to cut off all Correspondence with the besieg'd on that side But Appius Claudius with unspeakable Bravery passing the Streight by Night got at length into Messina Howbeit perceiving the Besiegers resolute and the Town straitly press'd on both sides and the Army superior by Sea and Land and apprehending both Danger and Dishonour in the Enterprise he dispatch'd Ambassadours to the Carthaginians and Hieron to treat about an Accommodation and obtain Peace for the Mamertines But the Negotiation not taking effect and finding there was now no Remedy but Fighting he resolv'd first to attack the Syracusians Accordingly he march'd out against Hieron who oppos'd him with great Readiness and Gallantry but after a long and very sharp Conflict the Romans had the day beating
and pursuing the Enemy into their Camp and so Appius return'd Victorious into Messina loaded with the Spoils of the Enemy And Hieron who perceiv'd he had made a wrong Judgment touching the Issue of the War march'd away immediately towards Syracuse Claudius receiving next Morning Intelligence of his Retreat and being now full of assurance by his late Success resolv'd to lose no time but forthwith to Attack likewise the Carthaginians Pursuant to which Resolution he order'd his Army to take their repast betimes and to be under their Arms earlier than ordinary and sallying out by break of Day he surpriz'd the Enemy and routed them with great Slaughter those who escap'd being broken and scatter'd securing themselves in the Neighbouring Towns Having obtain'd these Victories and rais'd the Siege from before Messina he began now to make Inroads here and there upon the Neighbouring Country and proceeded without impediment to plunder as far as the Territory of the Syracusians and their Confederates whither at length-he march'd with his Army and sate down before Syracusa Thus have I related the Motives and given the History of the Romans first Expidition out of Italy And for as much as we have judg'd and chosen this Conjuncture as the most proper and sure Basis whereon to superstruct our whole Design we have therefore concluded that we cannot better prepare the Mind of the Reader for what follows than by setting out from hence Tho' we have look'd yet a little farther back the better to open and explain the Reasons of Things to the end there may not remain the least doubt For in my Judgment whosoever would attain a right Knowledge of the present Greatness of the Roman State should first be inform'd when and how Fortune began to Espouse their Cause for they had once lost their Country and farther to be well instructed in the Means by which and the time when they had intirely reduc'd Italy under their Dominion they began to form Designs of their remoter Conquests It will not therefore be thought strange if when we are to Treat of Great States and Mighty People we should labour to unfold the remotest Accounts of Antiquity and draw our Supplies from as near the Spring-head as may be which is the course we have taken that we might be sure to build on sound and unshaken Principles so that whatsoever People shall be the Subject of our Story we shall endeavour to shew how and when they began and the Steps that conducted them to that degree of Power and Greatness wherein we shall behold them And this is the Method we have been already pursuing touching the Affairs of the Romans But we will forbear farther Digressions and proceed to our History after we have lightly touch'd on some Preliminary Matters and what falls in order principally to be noted is the Transactions between the Romans and the Carthaginians during their Contention about Sicily next will be the War in Africk To which is annex'd the War the Carthaginians wag'd in Spain mannag'd first by Hamilcar and after him by Asdrubal about which time the Romans invaded Illiria and other remote Countries of Europe then shall be handled the War they made on the Gauls inhabiting Italy and in course we shall mention that in Greece call'd the Cleomenick War which gives a period to our Second Book Of these in order with some necessary Remarks for better light into our History for we have not conceived it necessary or in any manner profitable to be over particular in those things it not being our purpose to write their History but so to touch them as may suffice the better to guide the Reader into what we purpose to relate In a word it will be easily perceiv'd by the Thread of our Discourse how necessary it was to make some recital of what others have said before so as to let in the Mind of the inquisitive by an easier passage to subsequent Occurrences But above all it behoves us to be punctual in setting down the Revolutions in Sicily during the War there between the Romans and Carthaginians than which for duration there is hardly any Example of the like in History nor of the Provisions that were made to Prosecute it nor for the Greatness of Action or importance and hazard of Enterprises number of Battels and extraordinary Adventures For in short those two States had liv'd hitherto under an exact observance of their Laws their Diicipline was pure and unshaken their Wealth not burthensome and their Strength equal Whosoever therefore shall carefully consider the Form and Power of those two States respectively will be better able to collect Matter whereby to make a juster Comparison by this War only than by any subsequent Transactions whatsoever between them And now we have but one weighty Impediment to stay the Course of our History which is that Philinus and Fabius the Historians who have the repute of excelling all others in their Exactness and Fidelity in delivering this Story have not nevertheless been so just in their Relations as became them And yet when I consider their manner of Life I cannot well tell-how to charge them with design'd Falshood I am therefore inclin'd to think it hath happen'd to them as it often does to Lovers Philinus's Affection for the Carthaginians hath brib'd his Belief in favour of their great Conduct Wisdom and Generosity in all their Actions and Deliberations and perverted his Judgment on the other hand touching the Romans As to Fabius he acts the same part for his Country-men nor would it be blam'd in the other Deportments of his Private Life it being but just that a Man of Honour should bear Affection towards his Country and his Friends and that he shew Aversion to their Enemies and Love to their Friends But when once a Man hath taken upon him the Character of an Historian his Affections are no more his own and he is to divest himself of every Passion For how often falls it out to bâ— the Duty of a Writer to applaud the Merits of an Enemy and blame the Conduct of a Friend when their Faults and Follies so require For as a Horse that is become blind is render'd almost useless so History if Truth be once wanting ceaseth to be of any use or instruction We are therefore to make no difficulty to detect the Errors of a Friend and to do right to the Vertues of an Enemy Nor must we scruple sometimes to blame those who but now had as just a Title to our Applause It being impossible that such who have the Authority and Administration of Publick Affairs should not sometimes miscarry or that those who often err should not be now and then in the right We are not therefore to weigh the Rank or Fortune of those who are in Authority but to be careful that our Writings speak the Truth of their Actions And that this is a just Observation will appear by what follows Philinus in the beginning of his Second
all expedition Accordingly he taking with him Five Thousand Foot and Five Hundred Horse came forthwith to Carthage where being chosen their Third General he and Asdrubal fell to consult about the present posture of their Affairs and concluded That above all things they ought to Succour the Province and not endure that the Romans should make their Incursions and such Spoil upon the Country In the mean while M. Atilius Regulus proceeds and in a short space makes a mighty Progress all such Towns as he attack'd that had no Walls he carry'd at the first Assault and such as were fortify'd he Besieg'd and coming to Adda which was a Place of Importance he incamp'd not far from the Walls and sat down before it But the Carthaginians knowing the usefulness of that Place and being resolv'd to defend the Country march'd out forthwith against him where arriving with their Army they posted themselves on an Eminence which albeit it gave them an Advantage against the Romans was nevertheless very incommodious to themselves in all Respects for as their greatest Strength and Hopes were in their Horse and Elephants so abandoning the plain and proper Country and marching and inclosing themselves in rough and inaccessible Places they pointed out as it were to the Enemy the Methods of their own Destruction And so in effect it prov'd for the Roman Commanders who were Men of Experience saw well enough that the main Strength and most formidable Part of the Carthaginian Army was render'd useless by their thus keeping the Mountains they therefore wisely manag'd this Error of of the Enemy and not delaying till they should be better advis'd improv'd the Occasion and accordingly march'd at break of Day and surrounded the Hill where they were thus incamp'd when now there could be nothing more useless to them than their Horse and Elephants In this Occasion the Mercenaries of the Carthaginians behav'd themselves gallantly and ingaging with the first Legion forc'd them to retreat howbeit being attack'd in the Rear by another Party marching about the Hill they were at length forc'd to give ground and retire and now being hard press'd they forsook their Camp with their Horse and Elephants and gaining the plain Country sav'd themselves the Romans pursuing their Foot for some space so they took their Camp and proceeded as before to make Inroads taking of Towns and spoiling the Country round about without any Impediment Then they march'd to Tunes and becoming Masters of that Place they lodg'd within the Walls which they chose to do in regard the Situation was proper for the Purpose they had in hand and was of all Places the most useful to incommode and distress Carthage itself and the Country round about it The Carthaginians who had so unfortunately manag'd their Affairs both by Sea and Land not so much thro' the Cowardise oâ— their Armies as the Insufficiency of their Chiefs began now to despair For over and above the Calamities we have related the Numidians taking the advantage of these their Troubles had made Inroads upon them and did them as much hurt as the Roman and in some parts of the Country under their Dominion a great deal more Insomuch that the People were compell'd to retire and save themselves in the City whither they brought both Fear and Famine a mighty Multitude of all sorts flocking at once thâ—ther And now Regulus having weigh'd that they had been too hard for the Carthaginianâ— both by Sea and Land and that Carthage itselâ— was not likely to be able long to hold out admonish'd them to treat about an Accomodation fearing least his Successor that was expected from Rome should if he made not a Peace deprive him of the Glory of putting an End to that War The Carthaginians on their part gladly listen'd to the Proposal and accordingly dispatch'd to Regulus some of their principal Citizens who after some time of Conference were so far from yielding to the Propositions that they had not Patience so much as to hear them repeated they were so Infamous For Regulus as if he had made a compleat Conquest would have had them esteem it as a singular Grace and Benifit to accord them a Peace upon whatsoever Conditions he should think fit to propound But the Carthaginians were of a different Mind and reckon'd that nothing could befal them more shameful and calamitous than what was demanded and that it could not be worse with them to be entirely conquer'd and brought under the Roman Yoke So they return'd not only full of Shame to be so treated but of Indignation at the intollerable Insolence of Regulus The Senate likewise after they had heard the Terms of Peace repeated which the Romans propos'd withstood it with so much Courage and Greatness of Mind that albeit they were at the brink of Despair the determin'd rather to abide any Adversity their worst Fortune could bring on them than stain the Nobility of their Name and Actions by so shameful a Treaty About this time there was return'd out of Greece a Carthaginian who had been sent thither to raise Souldiers in those parts for the Service of the State who brought a considerable number of Recruits with him and among the rest a certain Lacedemonian call'd Xantippus who had been educated according to the Spartan Discipline and was a Person well seen in Military Affairs he informing himself of the late Defeat of the Carthaginians and after having been thoroughly instructed in their Strength and the Provision they had made for the War their number of Horse and of their Elephants he concluded upon the whole Matter and so publish'd among his Friends That it was not the Enemy that had vanquish'd the Carthaginians but the Ignorance of their Leaders This Discourse of Xantippus was quickly spread among the People and came at length to the knowledge oâ— of the Magistrates who forthwith commanded he should be brought before them when he reason'd the whole matter to them and did endeavour to Demonstrate that if by taking his Advice they would alter their manner of Fighting and descending from thâ— Hills incamp and deal with the Enemy iâ— the Champain Country he assur'd them no only of Safety but of Victory The Souldiers who were edify'd by these Reasons concurr'd entirely with Xantippus to whom thereupon the Conduct of the Army was forthwith given and indeed this Advice of his was no sooner understood in the Army but they took Heart and conceiv'd new Hopes And as soon as they were march'd out of the Town and disciplin'd and form'd according to his Rules the Abilities of this their new Leader and the Ignorance of their former Captains became so visible that the Army express'd their Joy by loud and general Acclamations and a mighty Forwardness to be let against the Enemy having conceiv'd a firm Assurance that they could not miscarry under the Conduct of Xantippus In a word the Officers observing this Change in the Minds of the Souldiers incourag'd them with their Exhortations to
know how to behave themselves well again out of their Retrenchments There was great Joy at Rome on the arrival of the News of this Defeat not so much on account of the Elephants which had been taken tho' it was a very sensible Blow to the Enemy but because the taking of those Animals and the Victory obtain'd against them had restor'd the Soldiers Resolution Wherefore they determin'd once again as had been propos'd to the end they might at any rate put a Period to this War to dispatch the Consuls away with a new Navy And when all things were in readiness for the Expedition they departed for Scicily with a Fleet of Two Hundred Sail it being now the Fourteenth Year of the first Punic War And being arriv'd on the Coast of Lilybaeum and their Troops already in Sicily being assembled thereabout they resolv'd to sit down before that City concluding that the possession of such a Post would greatly facilitate the transporting the War into Africk The Carthaginians were of the same Opinion with the Romans in that Point they therefore Postponing all other matters for the present employ'd their utmost Counsels and Endeavours to succour and secure that Place leaving nothing undone whereby to compass it Foreseeing that should it once fall into the Enemies Hands the Island being now entirely theirs Depranum only excepted the Carthaginians would be without any Stake or Footing whereby to sustain or carry on the War But that I may not talk obscurely to those who are not acquainted with the Geography of Sicily I will here endeavour first to give some light into the Situation of that Island The whole Island of Sicily is situate with respect to the extream Parts of Italy in a manner as Pelopennesus is to Greece and the Frontiers thereof with this difference only that this latter is a Peninsula In brief one may arrive at Pelopennesus by Land by means of the Isthmus but to Sicily we cannot go but by Sea Sicily bears the form of a Triangle at each Corner whereof is a certain Cape or Promontory That which looks Southward and runs out into the Sea of Sicily is call'd Cape Pachine That which regards the North is call'd Pelorus where the Sea is almost shut out the Island being there not above Fifteen Hundred Paces distant from the Continent The third Cape which looks toward Africa is call'd the Cape of Lilybaeum This Island is commodiously situate to Navigate from any of these Head-lands to Carthage which hath been already noted being distant about an Hundred and Twenty Five Miles the Wester-most Coast winds somewhat with a Compass and parts the African and Sardinian Seas There is a City near this foremention'd Cape bearing likewise the same Name being that which we have already mention'd which the Romans besieg'd it was begirt a strong Wall and inviron'd with a good Ditch which was fill'd with Water from the Sea from whence likewise one might go to the Haven which was extream difficult of access unless to such who by long Practice were perfectly acquainted with the way This Town then the Romans besieg'd making their Attacks in two several places investing it with their two Camps which held Communication by means of a Retrenchment fortify'd with a Ditch a Rampart and a Wall They made their first Approaches against a Tower or Work standing by the Sea-side which looks towards Africk and by their Diligence and incessant Application adding something every Day they soon demolish'd that and Six other Towers standing near it and then they made way to approach with their Ram to batter the other Works And having now demolish'd a great part of the Wall and many of their Towers being shaken and some laid level with the Ground the Besieg'd began to be hard press'd the Enemy having made a Lodgment even within their Works Insomuch that tho' they had a Garrison in the Town of Ten Thousand Men Besides the Inhabitants they could not conceal the Terrour they were under Nevertheless Hamilcar the Governour perform'd the part of a Diligent and Able Officer by Fortyfying and Rebuilding such Works as the Enemy had demolish'd by making Countermines where it was found needful and in a word by endeavouring to find Work enough for the Besiegers where-ever they press'd him His Diligence was such as it might be said He was present every-where he was watchful of all Occasions of molesting the Enemy sometimes by burning their Engines sometimes to the end to divert them Day and Night he would make hazardous Sallies insomuch that it might be said They lost more Men than if they had fought rang'd Battles in the Field While Affairs stood in this Posture a piece of Treachery was discover'd Certain Officers of a principal Rank among the Mercenaries who serv'd in the Town confiding in the Soldiers readiness to follow them conspir'd to deliver up the Place and by Night went over to the Roman Camp to Negotiate their Purpose with the Consul but it happen'd that a certain Achaian Alexo by Name one who had done the like grateful piece of Service in the Preservation of Agrigentum which the Mercenaries would have likewise betray'd to the Syracusians discover'd this Conspiracy to Hamilcar who immediately thereupon assembled the Commanders of those Mercinaries that remain'd in the Town to whom he imparted the Treason conjuring them with Promises of great Rewards and Preferments to preserve their Fidelity and not to be Partakers in the Villany wherein those who were now absent were engag'd Whereupon having frankly assur'd him of their Faith he dispatch'd them to deal likewise with their Soldiers He likewise employ'd Hannibal to the Gauls whom they both knew and lov'd having serv'd among them observing by the way that this Hannibal was Son of Him of the same Name who was murder'd in Sardinia He likewise sent Alexo to the other Foreigners who was in great Esteem among them and in whom they had great Confidence In short the Persons thus employ'd having summon'd the several Nations with which they were to Treat and Exhorting and Conjuring them to continue firm in their Obedience and promising them ample Rewards from their General they were easily won to give them sincere assurances of their Faith insomuch that when their Agents were return'd from the Roman Camp to render an Account of their Negotiation they were so far from consenting or listening to them that they drave them away with Darts and Stones Thus by the Infidility of their Mercenaries the Carthaginians had been reduc'd to great Straits and their Enterprises defeated had not Alexo who had already by his singular Virtue preserv'd Agrigentum both the Town and Country their Laws and Liberties perform'd now the like eminent piece of Service for them in detecting so dangerous a Conspiracy Altho' at Carthage they were yet without any account of the Pressure of Lilybaeum they were not nevertheless unmindful of the Necessities they concluded they must needs be in who had undergone so long and strait a Siege
while himself with his Land-forces attended on the Shoar So the Vessels were posted on both sides and plac'd as near the Shoar as the Shallows would permit having their Oars a-peike as the Term is like so many Wings display'd ready for flight after the Quarry they expected But the Rhodian relying on his Knowledge and the Lightness of his Vessel pass'd in open Day through all those Guards of the Enemy that awaited him nor did he only escape without Hazard of himself and those that were with him but in a kind of Mockery and Contempt of the Enemy he would often lie upon his Oars and then take a turn and row quite round them as it were to provoke them to Fight In short Hannibal happily executed his Enterprise and found plainly that by the excellent make of his Gally the Romans despair'd to deal with him and beheld himself as it were Triumphing over their whole Fleet. He frequently after pass'd and repass'd whereby he perform'd great Service to the Carthaginians by bringing Advice and carrying their Orders to the great Encouragement of the Besieg'd and the Amazement of the Romans at so successful a Temerity But we are to consider the Incouragement he had for so adventurous an Undertaking namely his perfect Knowledge of the Passage and Channel that was to conduct him over the Flats or Shallows moreover his use was that whensoever he was discover'd at Sea he would work his Vessel in such manner as if he had steer'd his course from Italy and then bring a certain Tower that stood nearest the Sea right ahead that Tower cover'd him from the sight of the other Towers which respected the Coast of Africk and by that very means alone it was that Vessels coming with a frank Gale under the covert of that Tower gain'd a safe Passage The lucky Hardiness of the Rhodian gave Incouragement to others who were well acquainted with the Place to attempt the like which being found of very ill Consequence to the Romans they resolv'd upon blocking and choaking the Mouth of the Port intirely up but found it a Work of mighty difficulty not being able to fix the the Matter that was brought for that purpose so as to hinder the Stream from removing and carrying it away insomuch that they labour'd long at this Work without effect Nevertheless this Rubbish which by mighty labour they had brought together chanc'd on a place at length wherein to settle and there begat a new Bank or Shallow whereon a certain Carthaginian Gally attempting to get out in the Night-time ran aground and so fell into the Enemies Hands The Romans being Masters of the Vessel equipp'd her and Manning her with chosen Souldiers and their best Rowers plac'd her on the Guard to have an Eye on those Vessels that went in and out of the Port and to have a special Watch upon the Rhodian who getting into the Haven in the Night by his usual Address was returning out in broad Day But when he perceiv'd the working of this new Vessel that she pursu'd him turning and bording lightly after him according to his own manner for she happen'd to be a Gally of a singular Built he became much surpriz'd and thought it his best course to trust now to the lightness of his Vessel and make the best of his way from them but finding himself now in the Snare and no other way left but Fighting he resolutely determin'd to Ingage them but the Romans out-numbring them and being all chosen Men soon determin'd the Dispute So that now being Masters likewise of this excellent Vessel they Mann'd her and furnish'd her with all things necessary after which there were no more Attempts to go in and out of the Port of Lilybaeum When the Carthaginians had spent much time and had with great Industy and Travel repair'd the Ruines and rebuilt and fortify'd the Breaches made in their Walls and when they had given over all hopes of destroying the Enemies Works there happen'd a great Storm of Wind to arise which blew with that violence on the Romans that it brake and render'd useless their Machines and Engines with which they shot into the Town and even overturn'd some of their Towers whereupon certain Greek Soldiers took Assurance to believe it would not be very hard to prosecute what the Tempest had already done in a good degree to their hands and imparted their Project to the Governour who approving the Proposition forthwith made provision of all things necessary to put it in execution accordingly they sally'd out and applying Fire in three several places to the Roman Machines the Wind and the dryness of the Materials their Works having been long built soon set all in a flame insomuch that the Romans found it impossible to stop its Progress or apply any present Remedy such was their Fright and Surprise Furthermore it being in the Night the Smoak and Fire which by force of the Wind were driven in their Faces greatly annoy'd them as did the fall of their Engines and Works which destroy'd many e'er they could approach near enough to extinguish the Flame besides the Wind which molested the Romans in this Conflict much assisted the Carthaginians carrying their Darts and Weapons farther and with more certainty and the Fire they shot into their Works was convey'd with greater violence and took effect at a farther distance every Object was likewise more visible to them whereby they were enabled to gall and molest the Enemy with greater advantage all which conduc'd very much to their Success in the Enterprise In conclusion the Roman Works were in this Action so much damnify'd that their Rams and Towers were of no use insomuch that they utterly despair'd of taking Lilybaeum by force They therefore inclos'd it round with a Rampire environ'd with a Ditch and fortifying their Camp with good Retrenchments expected from Time and Patience what they could not compass by Force On the other hand the Besieg'd having well repair'd the Walls where they had been batter'd and Breaches had been made gave evidence of fresh Courage resolving to suffer generously all the Incommodities of a Siege When Advice came to Rome that a great number both of Sea and Land-forces had been lost in Defence of their Works and Engines and in the other Services of the Siege the Youth of the City thereupon chearfully listed themselves with resolution to revenge the Cause of their Country So an Army was levy'd consisting of Ten Thousand Men and dispatch'd over into Sicily upon whose arrival at the Camp Pub. Claudius assembling the Tribunes made them an Oration touching his Purpose to surprise Drepanum with their Naval-forces remonstrating that Adherbal the Governour of that Place and Commander of the Carthaginians was not of sufficient present Strength to resist them that he dream'd of no approaching Danger knowing nothing of the Re-inforcement of the Roman Army and that after the Losses sustained in the Siege he would not be perswaded they could be Masters of a
Naval Army In short the Design being generally approv'd the Seamen old and new Comers were forthwith order'd to Embark and out of the Legions the choicest best known and willingest Men were pick'd to Embark in this Expedition which they concluded would be but short and the Profit they should reap being as it were certain Orders being now accordingly given and obey'd without giving the least Jealousie to the Enemy the Army departed about Midnight the Men stowing close and mingling promiscuosly a-board keeping the Coast on their Right-hand As soon as Day broke and the headmost of the Fleet were descry'd from Drepanum Adherbal became much surpris'd at this unlook'd for Danger but soon recollecting his Mind and beholding the Enemy now at hand he determin'd to perform all that was possible for him to execute and ingage in any Hazard rather than endure a Siege which by the Preparations he saw threatned him He therefore assembled all the Seamen and Souldiers belonging to the Fleet upon the Shoar and order'd by sound of Trumpet the Mercenary Troops to march out of the Town and joyn them with whom being now assembled he declar'd to them in few words That he was well assur'd they should be too hard for the Romans if they would resolve to oppose them resolutely On the contrary if they through Fear behav'd themselves Ill the Consequence would be to endure all the Sufferings and Calamities incident to a Siege Hereupon the Army unanimously declar'd their forwardness to Engage and requir'd with one Voice to be led forthwith a-board Adherbal after he had let them know that their Behaviour pleas'd him and applauded this their Forwardness made them Embark and leading himself the Van directed the Fleet to follow and do as he did so putting out to Sea he drew up near the Rocks that lye on the Coast facing the Enemy who was now entring into the Haven The Consul Publius observing the Enemy contrary to his Opinion to make this Stand and that this his sudden Attempt did not only afright them but that on the contrary he beheld them in a posture ready to give him Battel order'd the Fleet to tack and stand back again whereof the headmost were now enter'd into the Port some were in the Haven's Mouth and others not far off But while those in the Van who had receiv'd their Orders were hasting back they encounter'd the others who were yet standing in by which means falling fowl one of another many both Ships and Men were in great danger of perishing But in short they drew out as they were able and as they got clear and obtain'd Sea-room they put themselves in order of Battel along the Shoar with their Prows pointing towards the Enemy Publius who brought up the Rear of his Fleet stood off to Sea and posted himself on the Left of his Line But Adherbal having pass'd the Right-wing of the Romans at the head of five Gallies with arm'd Beaks turning the Prow of his own Vessel upon the Enemy and making a Signal for the rest that follow'd him to do the same and being now drawn up in Front he puts out his Sign for the Attack and so in good order they advanc'd against the Romans who as was observ'd were drawn up along or under the Shoar attending the arrival of their Vessels which were not all yet got out of the Port which was the cause of their Fighting greatly to their Disadvantage so near the Land The two Fleets being now near and the Flags of Defiance on both sides put abroad the Battle began where for a while the Conflict seem'd to be equal both Fleets having on Board the hardiest Men they could pick out of their respective Land-armies But in the end Victory began by degrees to declare for the Carthaginians who from the beginning had in many points the Advantage of the Romans In short they surpass'd them in the nimbleness of their Ships which were every way of a better Built and Contrivance their Seamen were likewise more experienc'd and abler Men they were posted also greatly to their advantage having Sea-room wherein to work their Vessels as occasion requir'd so that at any time when press'd by the Enemy they could draw off spread themselves or draw close together at pleasure wherein the lightness of their Vessels very much avail'd Furthermore if at any time the Enemy had given Chace to any of their Gallies and were seperated any distance from their Fleet they would then tack upon them and intercepting them who by reason of their heavy working and the unskilfulness of the Roman Marriners could not disengage themselves so rowing round them and coming on their Flank with their Prows they Sunk many of them on the other hand when any of the Carthaginian Vessels chanc'd to be hard press'd they could come with expedition up to their Relief and Succour them without Hazard But we may say of the Romans that all those Benefits which their Enemy enjoy'd were wanting to them If they chanc'd to be chac'd they were not able to retire for the Shoar under which they sought insomuch that when they were hard driven and were forc'd to give back they were either run aground on the Sands or lost against the Rocks Furthermore the Romans were bereft of one principal Benefit which much conduces to Success in Naval Ingagements namely that through of the sluggishness of their Vessels and the insufficiency of their Marriners they were not able to come up and attack the Enemy in Flank as occasion offer'd nor come and fall on them in the Rear who were already engag'd In a word those who were a-stern were not able to come up the Assistance of those who were press'd at a distance a-head being obstructed by the Neighbourhood of the Shoar wanting void Space wherein to move and bring their Succours where it was needful The Consul observing at length the Distress of his Fleet that some were a-ground on the Sands and others lost against the Rocks himself and about Thirty Vessels that follow'd him stood away to the Left and retir'd out of the Battel leaving Ninety Three of his Gallies taken by the Carthaginians very few of the Men belonging to those that were lost against the Shoar escaping This was a glorious Action for Adherbal to whom the Carthaginians did very great Honour attributing the Success purely to his single Vertue and Bravery While the Romans treated their Consul with grievous Reproaches laying the whole Disaster and the Danger to which his Country was thereby reduc'd to his sole Folly and Temerity formally calling him to his Tryal and loading him with a very rigorous Sentence nevertheless they abated nothing of their Resolution upon these Misfortunes which did not in any wise slacken their Purpose to stretch their utmost strength to recover new Forces for prosecute the War such was the Contention between those two People who should remain Superior And now one of the two new chosen Consuls L. Junius was dispatch'd over
Battel made directly towards them for his Seamen being strong in good plight and well exercis'd tho' the Sea and Wind was against them surmounted the difficulty and contemning all Opposition advanc'd in good order against the Enemy When the Carthaginians saw themselves thus way-laid by the Enemy and their Passage barr'd they forthwith struck their Sails and after the Captains of their respective Ships had exhorted their Men to behave themselves as they ought they prepar'd for the Battel But the Scene was now shifted and the circumstances of the Combatants being totally chang'd from what it was in the Battel near Drepanum it will not therefore be thought strange that the Success should fall out otherwise In short the Romans were to seek till now in the good Contrivance and Built of their Ships they had now no Lumber on board to pester and incommode them having nothing with them but what was of use in the Battel Furthermore their Seamen who were now able and well exercis'd were a mighty help towards their Success in this occasion they were likewise for Soldiers furnish'd with the choicest Troops they could pick out of the Land-army The Carthaginians on the other hand could boast of none of those Benefits for their Ships were loaden and pester'd and in no wise in condition for fight their Seamen were raw and unable being taken up and entertain'd in haste their Soldiers were likewise new-rais'd Men having never before seen a Battel for they had laid aside all thoughts of Naval Preparations on Presumption that the Romans would never more adventure to Sea In a word the Carthaginians being in every thing inferiour to their Enemy the Dispute was soon ended the Romans routing them at the first Encounter Fifty of the Carthaginian Vessels were sunk and Seventy taken with all their Men a-board the rest making the best of their way afore the Wind back towards Hieronnesus there being scarce an Example of so sudden and seasonable a change of Wind which came about as it were to supply a present pressing Necessity After the Battel the Consul stood away with the Fleet for Lilybaeum to dispose of his Prizes and Prisoners which gave him business enough there being at least Ten Thousand taken When the Carthaginians had notice of this Defeat so contrary to their Expectation tho' they were surpris'd yet they were not humbled and would willingly have continu'd the War could they have found means to sustain it but of that they had no Prospect For while the Romans continu'd Masters at Sea there was no way whereby to succour and sustain their Forces in Sicily and on the other hand utterly to abandon them would be in a manner to betray them and leave themselves destitute both of Officers and Soldiers for the Service of the Commonwealth they therefore dispatch'd a plenary Power to Hamilcar Barcas committing the entire Conduct of their Affairs in Sicily to his Management who with great Reputation and Honour acquitted himself of that Commission performing in every thing the part of a Wise and Able Commander for so long as he had but the shadow of Hope to advance the Interest of his Country he left nothing unattempted that was not Imprudent and Temerarious to promote it acting so as hardly any Man in Military Performance may be nam'd before him but Fortune had deserted the Carthaginians and he after he had unprofitably taken all the best Measures that Experience had taught him or Reason could suggest began at length to take thought for the safety and preservation of those under him and wisely yeilding to Necessity and the Circumstances and State of their present Fortune dispatch'd Ambassadours to the Consul to treat about a Peace For 't is fit we should know that the same Prudence is seen in the Management of a Defeat as of a Victory Lutatius lent a willing Ear to this Message knowing full well how much the Roman State had suffer'd by the War and that they themselves were sinking under the Burthen So a Period was given to that bloody Strife the Articles of Peace being a little more or less as follows If the People of Rome approve thereof there shall be Peace and Friendship between the Romans and Carthaginians on Condition That the Carthagians intirely depart out of Sicily that they shall not make farther War upon Hieron nor the Syracusians nor against their Confederates That the Carthaginians shall deliver up all the Roman Prisoners Ransom-free and shall pay them within the space of Twenty Years the Sum of Two Thousand Two Hundred Talents of Silver These Articles were forthwith dispatch'd to Rome but forasmuch as the People were not intirely satisfy'd Ten Deputies were impower'd to go into Sicily and after they had thorowly inform'd themselves of the State of their Affairs to determine on the place what should be concluded who upon their arrival after they had maturely consider'd of all things they agreed to the Treaty with this Alteration of shortning the Time for Payment adding Two Hundred Talents to the Sum and obliging the Carthaginians to depart our of all the Islands scituate between Italy and Sicily Thus the War determin'd which was wag'd between those two People for the Mastery of Sicily which had lasted full Four and Twenty Years and was the longest and most Memorable that History hath any where recorded nor was there ever any that had been prosecuted with so little Intermission In conclusion not to recount the numerous Conflicts and the mighty Preparations that were made during that space let it suffice to note as hath been already abserv'd that they once fought at Sea with Five Hundred Vessels comprehending both Fleets afterwards with few less than Seven Hundred Sail. On the part of the Romans were lost during this War what by Tempest what by other Accidents Seven Hundred Ships and on the Carthaginians part near Five Hundred So that if People were surpris'd and wonder'd at the Naval Battles heretofore fought between Antigonus Ptolomy and Demetrius they will have much more cause of Doubt and Astonishment when they shall hear related the stupendous Transactions that compose our History And if we shall make Comparison between the Fleets wherewith the Persians wag'd War with the Greeks and the Athenians and Lacedemonians among themselves it will be a farther Subject of their Wonder how such mighty numbers could be brought to fight in a Sea-Ingagement Whence it will become manifest as we have remark'd in the beginning of our History that if tho Romans Design extended to the Subjection of the Universe and they arriv'd at their End it will not be found owing so much to Fortune or Accident as some Greek Authors would suggest as to the plain and evident measures of Reason inasmuch as they had acquir'd a perfect and through Knowledge and Insight into all those extraordinary Enterprises which they had made the subject of their Meditation But it may be demanded How it comes to pass that now at this day when they are
Possession of certain advantageous Posts and to seize on such Eminencies as were not too remote from the Camp And now the Illyrians advancing upon the light arm'd Troops soon beat them from their Ground as being more in Number and marching in close Order Then they forc'd the Horse likewise to retire and winning the advantage of Ground they charg'd those who were drawn up in the Plain by which means they were the more easily routed the Besieg'd likewise at the same time made a Sally and between them the Aetolians were at length defeated many were slain on the Place and many taken Prisoners with great store of Arms and all their Baggage Thus as soon as the Illyrians had executed their Masters Orders and loaded their Vessels with Booty they immediately embark'd again and made Sail back to their Country The Mydionians finding themselves thus happily rescu'd when they dispair'd of Succour call'd an Assembly of their Magistrates to consult of their Affairs and principally to determine of the Disposal of the Booty where 't was agreed that the present Praetor and he who was in Election for the ensuing Year should joyntly have the Authority in the Distribution thereof This Adventure of the Mydionians is a sort of Lesson to the rest of Mankind where Fortune seems by a singular Instance to put us in mind of her All-sufficiency for when they thought themselves ruin'd past Redemption she then puts an occasion in their hands whereby to deal to their Enemies the self same Measure which they had decreed for them As to the Aetolians who were thus surpriz'd and defeated their Misfortune may instruct us not over-boldly to determine of Events and to let Doubt have a share in all our Adventures while there is a Possibility that things may fall out otherwise than we expect For it behoves us in all the Transactions of our Life especially in Military Matters to remember that we are at best but Men whose wisest Counsels can never suffice to obviate the Fatality of such surprising Stroaks Upon the return home of King Agro's Fleet which he had dispatch'd on this Expediton he fell into such a Fit of Joy at the Report his Captains made him of the Success of the Battel and their having vanquisht the Aetolians a People held in great Esteem for their Valour that falling into great Excess of Drinking and Revelling to Celebrate the Victory he was seiz'd by a Pleuresie which soon put an end to his Days After him Tuta his Wife reign'd and was govern'd by the Counsels of such Friends as she had about her But the Queen according to the manner of her Sex amus'd with the Joy of her present Prosperity took no Thought for the future and without any regard of Danger that might befal her from abroad First permits her Subjects to practise Piracy who made Prize of all they met with at Sea then she sitted out a Fleet equal to that we have mention'd with Command to the Leaders to Treat all Nations as Enemies Their first Enterprize was on the Eleans and those of Messene who stood most expos'd to the Incursions of the Illyrians For that Country lying along the Sea-coast and their Towns standing but thin it was the more liable to their Attempts it being hard to send at any time seasonable Relief wheresoever they should be invaded by reason of the remoteness of their Succours So that the Illyrians ravag'd all that Country with Impunity From thence they steer'd towards Phoenice a City of Epyrus whether they went to Revictual their Fleet when coming to Anchor in the Port they there entred into Treaty with certain Gauls who compos'd part of the Garrison to betray the Town into their Hands there being no less than eight Hundred of that Nation then in Pay in the City The Gauls agree to their Proposal whereupon they landed their Forces and were receiv'd into the Town plundring them of all they had assisted in their Attempt by the said Gauls then in Garrison The Epirots upon receiving Intelligence of what had hapen'd march'd forthwith to the Relief of the Place and coming within a little distance of Phoenice they incamp'd their Army which they did in such manner that the River which runs through the Town serv'd for a kind of Retrenchment and for their better Security they took away the Timber of the Bridge that gave passage over the said River But receiving Intelligence that Scerdilaidus was coming by Land at the Head of five Thousand Illyrians and intended to pass by the Straits of Antigonia they thereupon detach'd a part of their Army thither to secure that Place while the other part lay idle in the Camp careless of their Duty and negligent of their Guard spending their time in Riot and Feasting toward which the Country abounding plentifully supply'd them but for the Military Part they set little by it as holding that Profession in a sort of Contempt Insomuch that when the Illyrians got notice of this their Negligence and that they had divided their Army they march'd away in the Night and repairing the Bridge boldly pass'd over the River and presently possess'd themselves of a secure piece of Ground and there pass'd the rest of the Night and in the Morning by break of Day both Armies drew up in Battalia where they fought in sight of the Town in which Dispute the Epyrots were beaten many were slain upon the place and taken Prisoners and the rest escap'd by taking the way towards the Antitanes After this Defeat the Epyrots dispairing of better Fortune sent their Ambassadours to the Aetolians and the Achaians to sollicit Succours who in Compassion of their Misfortunes readily accorded them a Supply and pursuant to their Promise shortly after brought their Forces to Helicranus in order to their Relief The Illyrians who were possess'd of Phoenice advanc'd towards that Place likewise in Conjunction with Scerdilaidus and incamp'd not far from the Enemy with Intention to give them Battel but the inconveniency of the Ground prevented them During these Transactions there came Letters from the Queen containing Orders for their speedy return Home to assist her against certain of her revolted Subjects who had join'd with the Dardanians So after they had spoil'd and plunder'd the Epyrots they consented to a Cessation of Arms and pursuant to the Treaty deliver'd back their Town and all the Inhabitants of free Condition that were in their Possession But they embark'd and carry'd away their Slaves and the Plunder Scerdilaidus returning by the Straits of Antigonia These Attempts greatly alarm'd all the Greek Cities upon the Coast for when they consider'd that so strong and important a Town of the Epyrots had been taken so contrary to the Opinion of all the World they began to take thought every one for themselves and were not now only in pain for the Country but for their Towns and Cities And now who would not have thought that the Epyrots should have consulted how to be reveng'd for these
Africk but we shall have occasion else-where to speak more particularly thereof and the Benefit accruing thereby to both those Countries When the Romans came to understand that the Carthaginians had acquir'd so great a Reputation in that Country as to become formidable to the Spaniards they resolv'd to attempt something likewise on that side and concluding that the Growth of the Carthaginian Greatness was principally owing to their Negligence who by a profound Carelessness had as it were slept away their Jealousie they therefore determin'd to repair that Error by their future Care and Vigilance They did not dare however for the present to exact any thing of the Carthaginians that might appear hard and severe nor declare a War with them from the Apprehensions they were under of the Gauls who at that time as it was bruited were preparing an Army to march against Rome They resolv'd therefore for the present to sooth and amuse Asdrubal by Art that they might have the more leisure to deal with the Gauls For they rightly judg'd that while they should have that Enemy at their backs it would be not only impossible for them to become entire Masters of Italy but their City itself would not be out of Danger Wherefore after they had concluded a Treaty with Asdrubal by their Ambassadours by which the Carthaginians were oblig'd not to advance their Arms beyond the River Eber without making mention of any other Countries of Spain they prepar'd to attack the Gauls that inhabited Italy But before we come to speak of that War we have thought it not improper to say something of the Nation of the Gauls whereby to Conduct the Reader to a right Knowledge of those Matters which we purpose to deliver It will also beget a better Connexion of the Parts of our History to shew the Time when that People first planted themselves in Italy In short we have not only judg'd their Actions worthy Recording and that they ought to be deliver'd to Posterity but have concluded it necessary to our Purpose so to do For we shall learn by that means what sort of People it was that serv'd under Hannibal and with what kind of Aids he sustain'd his great Design of Subverting the Roman Government But it seems fit first to make mention of the Country to the end that by being instructed in the Nature and Situation of their Towns we may give a clearer Insight into the principal Parts of our History Italy then is in Form of a Triangle that part which regards the East is terminated by the Ionian Sea and Adriatick Gulf The Western and Southern Parts are bounded by the Tuscane and Sicilian Seas and where these two Lines meet is one Part of the Triangle here is a Promontory looking towards the South which is call'd Cothinthus which separates the Sicilian and Ionian Seas The part which regards the North and joins it to the Continent is bounded by the Alpes which take their beginning about Marseilles and the Places bordering on the Sardinian Sea stretching and extending from thence to the bottom of the Adriatick Gulf if they do not reach quite as far as Adria beneath these Mountains which Line makes the Base of the Triangle there are spacious and fertile Plains ranging North and South which terminate the Continent of Italy These Plains which have likewise a triangular Form whereof the joining of the Alpes and Appennine Hills near Marseilles make one Point exceed in Fertility all other Parts of Europe On the North they are bounded by the Alpes extending above two hundred and sixty Miles in length but the Bounds thereof towards the South are made by the Appennines containing in length about four hundred and sixty Miles towards the Sea where the Coast of the Adriatick made another side of the Triangle is computed from Senagallia to the bottom of the Gulf in length about three hundred Miles So that this Plain or Champaign Country contains in Circuit little less than eleven hundred Miles Now touching the Fertility of Italy it is hardly possible to set it forth It abounds so much in Bread-corn that very often and even in our Days the Sicilian Bushel of Wheat hath been sold for four Oboli and Barly at two and a Metreta of Wine at the same price They have Plenty likewise of Millet and all other Grain beyond expression It may be judg'd also that they abound in Oak-mast insomuch as the Italians breed infinite numbers of Swine which are spent in their Sacrifices and common Uses and carry'd in Heards with their Armies In a word it will be seen by what follows how plentifully this Country is stor'd with all things necessary to Human Life those who travel in these parts never cheapen any thing in their Inn but demand only how much they are to pay by the Head where you shall be very well treated for a quarter of an Obolus and it is seldom or never that they demand more Their People are numerous their Men proper and well-propotion'd and by their Actions they make appear that they are no less qualify'd for War The Gauls who are call'd Trans-Alpine inhabit on the North side of the Alpes about the River Rhone the Tauricks the Agonians and many other Barbarous Nations live on the Skirts of the Plains we have been speaking of Those Gauls differ nothing from the others but because they inhabit on the other side of the Alpes the Italians have given them that Appellation The very Tops of these Mountains are not habitable by reason of the Difficulty of Access and the perpetual Snow that covers them The Ligurians live on the Appennines and those Mountains towards Marseilles that join with the Alpes possessing likewise the other two sides that regard the Tuscane Sea and the great Plains but towards the West they spread themselves as far as Pisa which is the first Town in Tuscany and on the Inland-side as far as Arrezzo Then we come to the Tuscans and Ombrians their Borderers who dwell on both sides the Mountains we have mention'd From thence the Appennines which are there distant from the Adriatick Sea at least Sixty Miles leaving the Plains turn away to the Right-hand and dividing Italy as it were in the midst run stretching along as far as the Sicilian Sea As to the Plains but now nam'd where the Appennines turn off they extend to the Sea and advance as far as Sienna The River Po so much celibrated by the Poets who have given it the Name of Erydanus hath its Source in the Alpes about that part which makes one Point of the Triangle This River runs first towards the South watering the Country lying under those Hills and from thence falling into a level Country it takes its Course towards the East and by two Out-lets runs into the Adriatick It is the noblest and most useful River of the whole Continent of Italy for the Waters that fall either from the Alpes or Appennines run thither And as it is the
greatest so it is the most beautiful its Streams swelling to their greatest height about the Month of July when the Snows by the excessive Heats are melted and dissolve from the Mountains Vessels navigate up this River from the Sea by the Out-let call'd Olana from whence they sail at least two hundred and fifty Miles into the Country This River for many Miles together preserves its Water in one Chanel but as it approaches towards the Sea by the accession of many other Rivers it becomes divided into two Streams and from the Country of the Trigaboles it forms two Chanels bearing two different Names that of Padua the other of Olana where it makes the safest and most beautiful Port in all the Adriatick The People of the Country call this River Bodencus Other fabulous things spoken of it by the Greeks namely that Phaeton receiv'd his Fall into these Waters of the Weeping Poplars of the People going perpetually in Black who inhabit thereabout to Commemorate the loss of Phaeton And in a word the many other Stories that have been invented are too Poetical and in no wise useful to our present Purpose Howbeit we may have occasion to make Recital of them else-where to be able thereby the better to prove that Timaeus was not sufficiently instructed in the History of this Country The Tuscans then heretofore possess'd all the Champaign Country and at the same time were Masters of that which was call'd Phlaegria bordering on Capua and Nola. And as that People had with great Resolution withstood those who Invaded them they grew to have a mighty Name among Strangers and acquir'd much Reputation for their Courage and Vertue Hence it comes to pass that those who read the History of the Tyrrhenians are to be cautious how they judge concerning that People by their present Possessions and the Country they now Inhabit but are to consider them by the Rule of those Times of which we now speak and by the Authority and Power of which they were then Masters The Gauls liv'd in their Neighbourhood by which means they had Commerce together but in process of Time beholding so beautiful a Country with an avaricious and envious Eye taking slight Occasion for their Motive they rais'd a numerous Army and attacking the Tuscans by Surprize forc'd them to abandon all that Country bordering on the Po and peopl'd it themselves The Laians and Lebecians and those who border on the Insubrians which at that time compos'd a mighty Nation were the first that inhabited that part of the River towards the East The Cenomans live likewise on the Banks of this River and all beyond as far as the Adriatick was possess'd by an ancient People call'd the Veneti who spoke a different Language from the Gauls but much resembl'd them in their Habit and Manners The Tragick Poets have said many fabulous things touching this People Beyond the Po near the Apennines inhabit first the Anians then the Bojans after these towards Adria dwell the Aegones and lastly the Senones living near the Sea-coast In a word these we have recounted were the principal Nations that possess'd the Country we have describ'd they dwelt in Villages open and without any Walls they had few or no Moveables they slept without Beds they eat Flesh and their chief Employments were Husbandry and War being totally ignorant of all other Arts and Sciences their Substance consisted chiefly in Cattel and Gold two Commodities that they could easily carry with them whensoever by any Accident they should be necessitated to remove They understand making their Court and the Art of acquiring Friends which they greatly covet for he among them who hath most Friends is most honour'd and he who is most honour'd is most fear'd and hath most Power Furthermore they were not only Masters of this Country but compell'd the neighbouring Nations aw'd by the Fame of their Valour to pay them Obedience At length they made War on the Romans whom after they had vanquish'd in Battel together with those that took part with them they pursu'd three Days together and took at last the City of Rome itself all but the Capitol But it happening that some new Adventures calling them home the Veneti having march'd into their Country with an Army they Accorded a Peace to the Romans and restoring their City departed Then they fell into Civil Dissentions those of them who inhabited the foot of the Mountains beholding the Prosperity of these with an Eye of Envy join'd to make War on them In the mean time the Romans recover'd strength and enter'd into Alliance with the Latins Thirty Years after the Taking of Rome the Gauls made a second Expedition marching with their Army as far as Alba but forasmuch as the Romans were surpris'd by those sudden Motions of the Enemy and had not leisure to receive Aids from their Allies they did not adventure to march against them Twelve Years after this the Gauls with a powerful Army attack'd them again but the Romans having now timely notice of their Purposes and leisure to summon there Allies to their Assistance march'd out to meet them and offer them Battel when the Gauls out of Countenance at this their Bravery began to waver in their Resolution and grew at length to apprehend the Issue and did not only not adventure to ingage the Romans but secretly by Night rais'd their Camp and fled as if they had lost a Battel Then they lay quiet for the space of thirteen Years when observing the Romans Power daily to augment they at length came to an Agreement with them and enter'd into Articles of Peace After thirty Years of Repose the Trans-Alpine Gauls took Arms again but fearing the Success of the War they compos'd the Difference by Address and great Presents and remonstrating the Evil of making War among themselves who were of one and the same Nation a Pacification thereupon ensu'd and they now labour'd to turn the joint Edge of their Courage against the Romans They march'd their Armies therefore in one entire Body through Tuscany those in that Country having taken part with them and after having ravag'd the Roman Territories and taken much Booty they retir'd home without Molestation where they were no sooner arriv'd but they fell into Feuds about the Partition of their Plunder which went so far that it cost them the loss of the greatest part both of their Booty and their Army And this is a frequent Folly of that People upon any Success especially if they happen to have Disputes when they have drank Wine Four Years after this the Gauls and Samnites join'd their Arms and made War on the Romans giving them Battel in the Country of the Clusians who are likewise call'd Camartines where they made great slaughter of them But soon after this the Romans inrag'd as it were by their Misfortunes march'd against them with a fresh Army and fighting with the same Enemy having all their Legions in the Field in the Country of the
Sentinates they got a memorable Victory destroying the greatest part of their Army putting the rest to flight who retir'd back to their Country Ten Years were hardly past when the Gauls besieg'd Arrezzo with a mighty Force whither the Romans came to the Relief and fought them in View of the Town but were worsted and retreated Lucius the Consul was slain and Manlius succeeding sent Ambassadours to the Gauls to treat about the Redemption of ther Prisoners which Ambassadours were by them barbarously slain This base Action of the Gauls greatly provok'd the Romans who forthwith march'd with another Army against them giving Battel to the Senones who had the Assurance to encounter them singly but the Romans had the better killing many of the Enemy and compelling the rest totally to abandon the Country so they took possession of the Territory of the Senones and this was the first Colony they planted in Gaul It is call'd Sena-gallia from the name of those Gauls who before had held it Of this Country we have already spoken and shewn that it lies near Adria on the Skirts of the Plains that are water'd by the Po. The Bojans seeing the Senones expell'd their Country and becoming apprehensive of the like measure betook themselves to Arms exempting none who were able to march and having drawn the Tuscanes to their Party they march'd against the Romans And when their Troops on both sides were drawn together near the Lake of Vadimon a pitch'd Battel was fought wherein the greatest part of the Tuscans fell on the place and but few of the Bojans escap'd by flight Nevertheless the Mind of this People was not subdu'd who making a new League united all their Forces and arming all the Gauls compos'd a fresh Army with which they gave Battel again to the Romans but they were entirely defeated and dispers'd and thus humbl'd they now send their Ambassadours to the Romans and had Conditions granted them These Adventures preceeded Pyrrhus's Invasion of Italy about four Years and happen'd five Years before the Destruction of the Gauls at Delphos as if some fatal Influence charg'd with a Commission of Mortallity against this People only had then reign'd so severely were they persecuted from all Quarters of the World As for the Romans they reap'd by the Contests they had with them two mighty Benefits namely first by a long Exercise of Arms in the many Conflicts they had with that People wherein it was hardly possible for them to see or suffer more then befel them they became admirably instructed in the Art of War and this they made plainly to appear in the ensuing Hostilities with King Pyrrhus Furthermore having thus tam'd and reduc'd this Savage Nation they had the more leisure to attend their Affairs with that Prince having nothing then to divert their Counsels or Forces and in conclusion they contested by that means afterwards with more Assurance for the Dominion of Sicily with the Carthaginians The Gauls after having suffer'd so many Losses and Calamities remain'd quiet for the space of five and forty Years preserving the Peace unbroken which they made with the Romans but after the old Men and that Generation were extinct that had tasted the Hardships and felt the Sufferings of former Wars the young Men that succeeded them who knew nothing of Danger and fear'd nothing from Fortune had a mind to exercise their Courage and with a generous kind of Assurance took to their Arms and renew'd the War against the Romans upon a very slender Motive drawing their Allies into the Confederacy This Design was first form'd and conceiv'd among their principal Men who assembled and consulted thereon without imparting it to the People insomuch that when the Army of the Trans-alpine Gauls had march'd as far almost as Rimini the Bojans who were not well assur'd of their Sincerity mutiny'd against their Officers and attack'd the Army that had come thus far to join them and having first kill'd their two Kings Ates and Gallatus they at length came to a Battel wherein they mutually destroy'd each other In the mean time the Romans who were surpris'd and astonish'd at the News of this new Eruption of the Gauls took the Field with their Armies and when they came to understand that the Enemy were defeated by their own Swords they proceeded no farther but march'd home Five Years after this Adventure during the Consulship of M. Lepidus the Romans made Division of the Lands taken from the Senones in Cis-alpine Gaul for Caius Flaminius to make his Court to the People had propos'd that Law and had it receiv'd But it may with good reason be averr'd That 't was this that first corrupted the Peoples Manners and was the Cause afterwards of Civil Dessention among them In short many of the Gauls and principally the Bojans who had most cause of Fear as being nearest Neighbours to the Romans perceiving now that their Designs were not so much for Glory and Empire as to subdue and entirely exterminate their Nation and possess their Country readily enter'd into the League that was now forming against the them The Bojans and Insubrians who were the two greatest People on that side pursuant to their Design sent Ambassadours by common Consent to the rest of their Nation inhabiting on the other side the Alp about the Rhine these People are call'd Goesates from their serving in the War for Pay for so that word properly imports and prevailing on their two Kings Concolitanus and Aneroestus by means of great Sums of Mony and by the hopes they gave them of rich Booty that would be shar'd by this Enterprize if they succeeded ingag'd them to join in a War against the Romans giving them their Faith to assist and abide firmly by them but the Goesates were not hard to be perswaded And now farther to incite them they reminded them of the Glory of their Ancestors who had not only vanquish'd the Romans in Battel upon the like Expedition but subdu'd and became Masters of their City itself and that being Lords of all the Romans held kept their City seven Months in their Possession and at length freely and of their own meer Motive restor'd it to that conquer'd People as an Effect of their Generosity and afterwards return'd to their Country inrich'd with infinite Booty without any Danger Damage or Impediment These Discourses so animated the Leaders of the Goesates and incited them so powerfully to the War that it may be said so great an Army never march'd out from among that Nation nor braver and more war-like Men. In the mean time the Romans who were not without Intelligence of what was agitated among the Gauls saw their Danger and perceiv'd it at hand and justly fearing the Consequence apply'd themselves to the levying of Troops and making Provision of all things necessary for the War and march'd with their Armies to defend their Frontiers believing them already invaded when the Enemy had not yet mov'd from their Quarters These Traverses
hand we weigh their Designs and Enterprises and the blind and shallow Administration of their Affairs in all things we shall see nothing therein that doth not justly beget our Contempt for the Gauls are ever transported by Heat and Fury never conducted by Reason and Council we will not say for the most part but in all their Determinations And now having related how soon after they were beaten from their Seats in the Neighbourhood of the Po some few places excepted under the Alpes we therefore held it but reasonable to relate how they came first into Italy what they did afterwards and in a word how they were at length totally exterminated For it seems to me to be the Duty of an Historian to instruct future Times in these memorable Events which are no other than the Sports and Entertainments of Fortune lest Posterity thro' want of due Information should be to seek for Examples to fortifie their Minds against the frequent and temerarious Descents of these Barbarians Furthermore Instruction may be gather'd by the Example now before us how certainly they may be repell'd where they are resisted with Resolution and that we ought to suffer every thing rather than yield to them in any thing And there is no doubt but those who have oblig'd Posterity with the Relation of the Persians Expedition into Greece and the Attempt of the Gauls upon Delphos gave great Light to the Greeks in their Designs afterwards of rescuing their Countries Liberty For if the mighty things perform'd by them were duly weigh'd what Myriads of Men and what wonderful Preparations were lost and defeated by the single Vertue of a few who had a right Knowledge in the Art of War and were led by the Conduct of Reason There would be no Force so great nor Armies so numerous that might not be resisted And who would not run any Hazard and suffer any Extremity to win Glory and redeem his Coutry In short the Greeks were not molested only in the Days of our Fore-fathers but even frequently in our Times which was in part my Motive for giving the World this short History of the Acts of that People and albeit it be but an Epitome it comprehends at least their Story from the beginning of their Enterprises But it is now time to remember from whence we have digress'd After Asdrubal the Carthaginian General had govern'd in Spain for the space of eight Years he was treacherously murder'd in his Tent by a certain Gaul provok'd by some Injury he had receiv'd This Leader had greatly augmented the Dominion of the Carthaginians not only by Force of Arms but by his Wisdom and the Gentleness whereby he gain'd and attracted the Good-will of many Princes of that Nation After his Death notwithstanding the Youth of Hannibal the Carthaginians made him his Successour in the Govenment of Spain who among his other promising Qualities gave Indications of an extraordinary Courage and Greatness of Mind and was no sooner confirm'd in his Government but it was easie to foresee by his Actions and Councils that he meditated a War with the Romans which in effect soon after came to pass The Romans and Carthaginians were already on Terms of Jealousie and Provocations had been mutually given by Injuries done on either side The Carthaginians on their part could not digest their Loss of Sicily which they long'd to revenge and secretly laid their Designs to effect it while the Romans who were not without Intelligence of their Practices were on their Guard insomuch as it was now visible to every Eye that it could not be long before a War would break out between those two States It was likewise about the same Period of Time that the Achaians and King Phillip with the rest of the Confederates ingag'd in a War against the Aetolians which was call'd the War of the Allies But since we have already treated of the Affairs of Sicily and Africk and touch'd what was memorable therein and pursuant to the Method we have propos'd are now arriv'd at the said Confederate War and the second that was wag'd between the Romans and Carthaginians call'd by some the War of Hannibal where we promis'd should be the Commencement of our History it will therefore be necessary without entertaining the Reader with farther Digression that we come now to set down the Occurrences of Greece to the end that having previously and summarily made the Way plain before us by reducing the general Account of Affairs to one and the same Period of Time we may thence take the Beginning of the General History we have especially undertaken to write wherein the Causes will be found very visible which have produc'd so wonderful Effects Furthermore in regard our Design is not laid to write the Story and Adventures of any one single or particular Nation as some have done that of the Greeks and others of the Persians but on the contrary since we have determin'd to make a General History of Occurrences in all those Parts of the World that have fallen under our Observation it will not be therefore unprofitable to Discourse principally of those Places and People that are most Eminent and Remarkable inasmuch as because the present Age sufficiently furnishes Materials for that Work and in case we do not inlarge on that Subject here we shall however supply it else-where Touching the Asiaticks and the Aegyptians it may suffice to Treat of their Affairs no higher than from our own Times since their Story of remoter Date has been already the Subject of divers Authors to to which every one may have Recourse And indeed they have seen so few Revolutions and Changes of Fortune of late that there will be no need to resort to distant Accounts to be enlightned in their Affairs On the other hand the History of the Achaians and the Royal Family of Macedon will require a necessary Recourse to Antiquity in regard the latter is now quite extinguish'd and the other by their good Conduct and Intelligence risen to a marvellous Height of Prosperity For tho' it hath been the Argument of many heretofore to perswade the Peloponnesians to a Union for their common Defence and Safety which could not however be brought to pass inasmuch as those who have seem'd to contend therein could never relinquish their own Interests and Advancement while they deliberated for the Publick Wherefore this Felicity was reserv'd for our Days and is accomplish'd in such a manner as that they are not only United by a firm Alliance but the better to fasten the Bond of Union their Laws are now the same as also their Mony Weights and Measures furthermore they have the same Magistrates the same Council and the same Judges So that to comprize all in one Word Peloponnesus is not one entire City and Corporation only because one Wall does not Begirt and Environ it every thing else is Uniform throughout all their Cities And it would be no fruitless Curiosity to enquire why and for what
Achaians Tisamenus Son of Orestes flying from Sparta upon the return of the Heraclidoe govern'd in Achaia and was the first King of that People the Dominion by him there founded was continu'd in a rightful Succession down to Gyges whose Sons rendring him odious by their Tyrannical Practices the first Form of their Government became chang'd and reduc'd to a popular State which lasted to the time of Alexander the Great and albeit their Affairs were govern'd and regulated according to the Diversity of Times and Occurrences nevertheless all possible Endeavours were us'd to preserve the Form of a popular State The Commonwealth was compos'd of Twelve Cities which are in being at this Day Olenus and Helice only excepted which were swallow'd up by the Sea in an Earth-quake that happen'd not long before the Battel of Leuctra which Cities are Patra Dyma Phara Trytoea Leontium Aegira Pellene Aegium Bura Ceraunia Olenus and Helice After the Death of Alexander and since the Olympiad we have mention'd these Cities fell into dangerous Dissentions chiefly by the Artifices of the Macedonian Princes when every City apart meditated on nothing but their own private Profit and Ends to the Prejudice and Destruction of their Neighbours and this gave occasion to Demetrius and Cassander and afterward to Antigonus Gonatus to put Garrisons in some of their Cities and that others were invaded and govern'd by Tyrants who in those Days were very numerous in Greece But about the Hundred and four and twentieth Olympiad when Pyrhus invaded Italy these People began to see the Errour of their Dissentions and labour'd to return to their former Union Those who gave the first Example were the Dymoeans the Patroeans and the Pharoeans Five Years after those of Aegium having cast out the Garrison that was plac'd over them were receiv'd into the Confederacy Those of Bura follow'd their Example having first kill'd the Tyrant and shortly after those of Ceraunia did the like for Iseas their Tyrant considering how that those of Aegium had expell'd their Garrison and he who govern'd in Bura was already slain by the Practices of Marcus and the Achaians and that it would be his Lot to have them all quickly for Enemies he therefore resign'd the Dominion after having first stipulated with the Achaians for his Indemnity for what was pass'd and so incorporated the City into the Union of the Achaians But it may be demanded Why we take so remote a View into Antiquity To which we Answer Because in the first place we would shew after what Manner and at what Time this Common-wealth was founded and who were the first of the Ancient Achaians that laid the Foundation and to the end it may appear that we say nothing without Proof of the Institutions of that People and that what we have Recorded is too evident to be confuted it is manifest they have all along observ'd the same Methods of Government So that consenting to Equality and Liberty which is in the utmost Perfection among that People and opposing their Arms against those who by themselves or by the Assistance of such Princes as would willingly have had them fallen into Servitude they have been able to compass their great Design partly of themselves and partly by their Confederates In short we may have recourse to their Laws and Institutions to be satisfy'd in what afterwards succeeded For in a word tho' they have been in many Occasions of greatest moment serviceable to the Romans nevertheless their Success never alter'd them or lent them Ambition to Exalt their Fortune but they barely contented themselves to be permitted in reward of the good Offices they had render'd their Allies Liberty only to every one in particular and a Confirmation of the general Union of Peloponnesus But this will be more evidently seen by their Actions The Cities then we have mentiond continu'd for the space of five and twenty Years to preserve their Form of Government unchang'd chusing in their General Assembly two Praetors and a Secretary Afterward they concluded to have but one Praetor only who should be charg'd with the Management of their Affairs and the first who enjoy'd that Dignity was Marcus the Carian who after four Years of his Administration gave place to Aratus the Sicyonian who at the Age of twenty Years after he had by his Vertue and Resolution rescu'd his Country from Tyranny join'd it to the Common-wealth of the Achaians so great a Veneration had he from his Youth for the Manners and Institutions of that People Eight Years after he was a second time chosen Praetor and won Acro-corinth which Antigonus had fortify'd with a Garrison whereby Aratus freed all Greece from no small Apprehension when he had restor'd Liberty to Corinth he united it to the Achaians together with the City of Megara which he got by Intelligence during his Praetorship All these things happen'd about a Year before the last Battel that was fought between the Romans and Carthaginians for the Dominion of Sicily when the latter were oblig'd to quit their Claim and become Tributaries to the Romans In a word Aratus who in a short space brought many and great things to pass made it manifest by his Counsels and Actions that his greatest Aim was the Expulsion of the Macedonians out of Peloponnesus to suppress Tyranny and assert the Liberty of his Country So that during the whole Reign of Antigonus Gonatus Aratus constantly oppos'd all his Designs and Enterprises as he did the Ambition of the Aetolians to raise themselves on the Ruines of their Neighbour States And as in all the Transactions of his Administration he gave singular Evidences of a steady Mind and firm Resolution all his Attempts succeeded accordingly notwithstanding many States confederated to hinder the Union and to destroy the Commonwealth of the Achaians After the Death of Antigonus the Achaians enter'd into a League with the Aetolians and generously assisted them in their War against Demetrius so that the ancient Hatred between these two People seem'd for the present extinguish'st and the Desire of Concord began by degrees to grow in the Minds of the Aetolians Demetrius reign'd ten Years and dy'd about the time that the Romans made their first Expedition into Illyria when many great and noble Occasions were given to the Achaians of finishing the Project they had conceiv'd For the Tyrants who reign'd in Peloponnesus having lost the Support of Demetrius who greatly favour'd them began now to Despair and on the other hand being aw'd by Aratus who admonish'd them to quit their Governments on Promise of great Honours and Rewards to such as voluntary resignd and threatning others with Hostility who refus'd Whereupon they resolv'd to Despoil themselves of their Dignities restore their People to Liberty and Incorporate them with the Achaians As to Lysiadas the Megalapolitan he wisely foreseeing what was likely to come to pass frankly renounc'd his Dominion during the Life of Demetrius and was receiv'd into the General Confederacy of Rights
constrain'd to level and open his Retrenchments before his Camp and to order all his Troops to march out in Front And the Trumpets sounding to the Charge on both sides he order'd his light arm'd Soldiers to retire and now the Phalanxes on either side mov'd to the Encounter with their Pikes charg'd and one while the Macedonians seem'd inferiour in Courage to the Lacedemoniaus and appear'd dispos'd to fly then again the Lacedemonians seem'd too weak to sustain the Shock of the Macedonian Phalanx and were giving Ground In conclusion Antigonus now advancing against them with an Impetuosity peculiar to the double Phalanx forc'd the Lacedemonians at length off their Ground the rest of the Army either fell in Battel or sav'd themselves by Flight and Cleomines with a small Party of Horse escap'd unhurt to Sparta from whence he departed the Night following to Gythia where he imbark'd on certain Vessels prepar'd for such an Incident and sail'd to Alexindria accompany'd with some few only of his intimate Friends Afterwards Antigonus made his Entry into Sparta without resistance where he treated the Lacedemonians with all possible Humanity and as soon as he had Re-establish'd their Ancient Form of Government he march'd away with his Army having receiv'd Intelligence That the Illyrians had Invaded Macedonia and made great Spoils upon the Country Thus it is true that Fortune is pleas'd sometimes to permit Actions of highest Consequence to move and determine on the slendrest Accidents and Occasions least expected For if Cleomenes had respited coming to a Battel but a few Days only or when he had retir'd to the City after the Fight had he but stood upon his Guard and temporis'd never so little he most certainly had preserv'd his Dominion In short Antigonus took his way by Tegea and after he had restor'd that Republick he came two Days after to Argos at the time of the Namoean Games where he obtain'd by an Ordinance of the Achaians and by the Suffrage of every City all those Honours that are done to Great Men to render their Fame immortal From thence he proceeded by long Journies to Macedon where encountering with the Illyrians who were wasting the Country he gave them Battel and wan a Victory but in that occasion straining his Voice to Animate his People he broke some Vein in his Lungs whereby voiding Blood at his Mouth he fell into a Languor and evil Habit of Health which soon after took him out of the World This Prince had maâ—velously gain'd on the Good-will of the People of Greece not only by his perfect Skill in Millitary Matters but more particularly for his Probity and the exact Discipline he always observ'd His Death left Philip Son of Demetrius to enjoy his Right to the Kingdom of Macedon And now if it be ask'd why we have remain'd thus long on the History of the Cleomenic War I answer Because it occur'd in a Period of Time that confines on the Beginning of the Affairs and Adventures that are to be the Subject of our History and we conceiv'd it was not useful only but necessary to set down the then State of Macedonia and the Greek Affairs especially since we have resolv'd to perform punctually what we have promis'd About the same time died Ptolomy to whom succeeded that other Ptolomy Surnam'd Philopater Seleucus who was Surnam'd Pogon Son to Seleucus and Grand-son to Calinychus died likewise near that Time whose Successour in the Government of Syria was his Brother Antiochus thus died those who succeeded Alexander namely Seleucus Ptolomy and Lysimachus all within the Hundred and twenty fourth Olympiad as did the others in the Hundred and thirty ninth Having now laid the Foundation of our Work and made it visible in what Times and in what Manner and by what Means the Romans took Assurance to extend their Empire beyond the Bounds of Italy after they had compleated their Conquests in that Country and had made their first Essay with the Carthaginians for the Dominion of the Sea After having likewise spoken of the Affairs of the Greeks the Macedonians and the Carthaginians and given a Summary of the State of these Governments in those Times we are arriv'd I think at a proper Place to put an End to this our Second Book which we Conclude with the Wars we have treated and with the Death of the Actors and according as we have laid our Design we are come at length to that Period of Time wherein the Greeks deliberated about the War of the Confederates the Romans touching the Second Punick War and the Kings of Asia about that which was wag'd for the Dominion of Syria The End of the Second Book POLYBIUS'S General History OF THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE WORLD VOL. I. BOOK III. VVE promis'd in our First Book to begin our History at the Second Punick War the War of the Confederates and that which was wag'd for the Dominion of Syria We have likewise deliver'd our Reasons why in our two preceeding Books we deduc'd and brought down our Story from so remote Times Now we are come to treat of the Wars themselves and the Causes that begat and prolong'd them and that render'd them so terrible But first it will be necessary that we preface something farther touching our purpose for since what we have determin'd to deliver is propos'd to center in one and the same End being to be but one entire Work and as one may say one Spectacle or Representation where will be seen how when and by what means all the known Parts of the World became reduc'd under the Dominion of the Romans we have therefore concluded it not impertinent to our Method to give a previous Draught as it were in little of what occurr'd of Importance during so many and great Wars conceiving the Reader will be thereby more enlighten'd and better instructed in our main Design For as the knowledge of the whole cannot but yield some conception of the Parts and that to be rightly inform'd of the parts must necessarily enable us to judge better of the whole we shall therefore pursue this course which we have judg'd the most proper for Instruction in opening what might else seem obscure and shall produce a Table as it were or Index of our whole History where will be review'd what we have related We have indeed already given a kind of Summary of our intire Work and have prescrib'd its bounds but for the particular Occurrences as the Wars whereof we have already made recital will be the beginning so we shall prescribe its Period with the desolation and extinction of the Royal House of Macedon In brief it will be the Adventures only of Three and fifty Years in which space will be sound Occurrences so numerous and extraordinary that no Age within the same compass of Time hath shown the like Our beginning shall be at the hundred and fortieth Olympiad and the Order we purpose to observe will be as followeth When we have opened the Reasons that
reports that not only the Injuries done to the Saguntines but the Avarice and Ambition of Asdrubal were the cause of the War with Hannibal That after Asdrubal had strengthen'd himself by his great Power and Acquisitions in Spain he made a Voyage into Africk where he attempted with all his Might to subvert and abolish the Laws and Constitutions of his Country and to change the Republick of Carthage into a Monarchy but that the principal Citizens suspecting his Design oppos'd and totally abandon'd him who after he had vainly urg'd his Project return'd at length into Spain where he govern'd absolutely without any regard to the Authority of the Senate of Carthage and that Hannibal who took part in all his Adventures and pursu'd his steps in every thing did both succeed and imitate Asdrubal in the Design he had form'd and soon after he of his own head declar'd War against the Romans contrary to the inclination of the Senate and that there was not one of any Condition or Authority among the Carthaginians who did not disapprove his proceedings against the Saguntines He further adds That after the taking of that Town the Romans dispatch'd Ambassadors to Carthage to require the delivering up of Hannibal or on refusal to declare War against them But now if it should be demanded of Fabius whether the Carthaginians could have done a juster or wiser thing than to have comply'd with the demand of the Romans in yielding up Hannibal for if as he says his Proceedings displeas'd them what safer or more profitable course could they have taken to be rid of one who stood tainted with the Character of a common Enemy to his Country They had thereby establish'd the Security of the State and by a single Decree of the Senate deliver'd themselves from the War which threaten'd them What now would our Historian be able to say to all this certainly he would be greatly to seek for an answer But the Carthaginians were so far from such Deliberations that on the contrary they stedfastly prosecuted the War which was begun by the Opinion of Hannibal for the space of seventeen Years together and did not yield to relinquish it till they were quite hopeless of success and beheld both their Fortune and Country sinking But why have I thus enlarg'd on Fabius and his History 'T is not because I conceive it to be written with such a fashion of Truth as to fear that some one or other might be perswaded to believe it For in short all that he hath deliver'd hath so little show of Reason or Probability that without any Remarks of mine it is very easie to perceive him a faithless Author by the Matter he delivers I would therefore only barely advertise the Readers of his History not so much to consult the Title of the Book as the Verity of things for there are those who are more biass'd by the Character of a Speaker than the Matter he delivers and while they reflect that Fabius was a Senator of Rome and liv'd in these times they conclude that all he says hath the stamp of Truth For my own part as I will not affirm he ought in every thing to be rejected so I will take the liberty to think we are not to trust him before our own Eyes To return therefore to our Discourse It was the indignation of Hamilcar Barcas Father of Hannibal that ought to be esteem'd the first cause of that War between the Romans and Carthaginians For after the Sicilian War as it was visible he lost nothing of his greatness of Mind and firmness of Resolution by his preserving the Legions under his Command at Erix unbroken and that albeit after the Carthaginians defeat at Sea he was compell'd to dissemble his Resentments and yield to a treaty of Peace with the Romans his Anger was not however extinguish'd and he labour'd after nothing more than to find an occasion of renewing the War and had soon brought his purpose to effect had not the Carthaginians been diverted by the Sedition of their Mercenaries so great was his Authority but being prevented by by those Commotions he was constrain'd to apply himself first to compose the Disorders that happen'd in his own Country After these Tumults were over the Romans declar'd War against the Carthaginians who readily at first embrac'd the occasion hoping for Victory from the justice of their Cause as we have already shown But as the Romans has no regard to the Argument of the Quarrel so the Carthaginians finding at length it wou'd be their safest course to yield to necessity submitted with great reluctancy to deliver up Sardinia and further to buy off the danger of a War they yielded to a Stipulation over and above the first Tribute to pay yearly the summ of twelve hundred Talents whereupon it may be safely reckon'd that this Disgrace became a second and the greatest cause of the War that ensu'd In short Hamilcar perceiving now the Indignation of his Fellow-Citizens to concur with his own that he had appeas'd the Disorders of his Country which was now in Tranquility and the Government establish'd turn'd his Thoughts towards Spain from whence he propos'd to derive Succours and all sorts of Assistance to further his Project of War upon the Romans We are to reckon for the third cause of that War the great success of the Carthaginians in Spain by which being reinforc'd by so many Helps and Advantages they chearfully prosecuted the Design In short it may be collected by manifold Instances that Hamilcar was the Author of the second Punick War albeit he liv'd not to the beginning of the enterprize by eight Years which will be better understood by what follows After Hannibal's Defeat by the Romans being constrain'd to fly his Country he made his retreat to the Court of Antiochus the Romans who foresaw the purposes of the Aetolians dispatch'd Ambassadors to Antiochus the better to pry into the Designs of that Prince and after they had discover'd that Antiochus was determin'd to take part with the Aetolians and consequently to ingage in a War with the Romans they thereupon began to visit and hold Conferences with Hannibal with no other intention than to render him suspâ—â—â—â—d to Antiochus which Plot succeeded to their wish And as Antiochus's Jealousies grew every Day greater they came at length to a mutual opening of each others Mind on the subject of the Diffidence that was grown between them and tho' Hannibal said much to purge himself of the Imputation he lay under yet perceiving it avail'd little he came at length to impart to Antiochus that when Hamilcar went into Spain at the head of an Army he being then about nine Years old his Father sacrificing for the success of the Voyage after the Ceremony was ended and he had perform'd all the customary Rites practis'd on those occasions he caus'd the rest of the Company to withdraw and making him approach to the Altar he there gently demanded of him If he
were inclin'd to accompany him in his Voyage to Spain To which he joyfully reply'd That he would go most willingly And after he had besought him with all the moving Reasons which a Child was capable to urge that he would take him with him his Father then taking him by the Hand led him to the Altar where he made him swear on the same Altar That he would never be in Friendship with the Romans Wherefore he besought Antiochus to rest assured That he could never change his Sentiments towards that People and that if he had determin'd any thing against them that he would make no difficulty to rely on his Secresie and Fidelity and that he would serve him with joy and sincerity But that if he should enter into Terms of Friendship and Alliance with the Romans there should be no need of suggesting Accusations against him who would himself be the first that should declare his Aversion to Antiochus who in such case would have reason to hold him as an Enemy forasmuch as he could never be other than a mortal Foe to the Romans against whom he would attempt all things to the utmost of his power By this Discourse of Hannibal Antiochus perceiving he spoke from his Heart was cur'd of the Jealousie he had conceiv'd of him Behold here a singular Instance of the Hatred of Hamilcar and of the Determination he had taken which was yet made more visible by the effects For he bequeath'd two such Enemies to the Romans in Asdrubal his Son-in-Law and Hannibal his Son as nothing could be thought to surmount their Hatred But Asdrubal liv'd not to put his Purposes in execution while Hannibal surviv'd to wreak abundantly the Aversion he had inherited from his Father Which furnishes safe Advice to those who have the Administration of Publick Affairs to consult carefully the Minds and Motives of those with whom they treat a Reconciliation or with whom they make a new Friendship whether it be by force or necessity of the Times or an effect of Good-will as weary of Hostility For against the one we are to be carefully on our guard as being such who only attend the Advantage of a new Occasion while we may rely with assurance on the others and treat them with the sincerity of Subjects or of Friends We may justly then esteem these for the Causes of the War made by Hannibal and the Beginnings to be what we shall now further deliver The Carthaginians had deeply resented their loss of Sicily but after they had been compell'd to part with Sardinia and to pay the heavy Tribute they had contracted their Hatred grew to excess insomuch that when they had augmented their Dominion by the Conquest of so great a part of Spain they began to lend a more willing ear to the Clamours every where utter'd against the Romans In the mean time they lost Asdrubal to whom after the Death of Hamilcar they had given the Government of Spain The Carthaginians upon the death of Asdrubal remain'd a while in suspence touching their choice of a new General being willing to sound first the Inclinations of the Army but they no sooner understood that the Soldiers had unanimously made choice of Hannibal for their Leader when they forthwith call'd an Assembly and ratify'd with one Voice the Suffrages of the Soldiers Soon after Hannibal's confirmation in his Government he deliberated on reducing the Olcades under the Dominion of the Carthaginians pursuant to which Design he march'd against the City of Althaea a rich and well-fortify'd Place and sat down before it in which Siege he gave so many Marks of his Bravery and Ability that he soon became Master of the Place where his Success so terrify'd the neighbouring Towns that they readily yielded themselves up to the Carthaginians After he had amass'd much Treasure by the sale of the Booty he had taken in the several Towns he march'd to New-Carthage which he made his Winter-Quarters where he express'd great Generosity to those who had serv'd under him and paying the Soldiers their Arrears and promising further Marks of his Bounty he so won upon the Affections of the Army that they had already conceiv'd extraordinary hopes of his Government Early the next Spring he march'd against the Vaccoeans and soon became Master of Salmantica Then he besieg'd Arbucala which Place being great well-peopl'd and the Inhabitants obstinate in their defence gave him much trouble but in the end tho Town was surrender'd but on his return being attack'd by the Carpetanians a People reckon'd among the most powerful of those Nations he became on the sudden reduc'd to very great straits for these being join'd by those of the neighbouring Provinces whom the Oâ—â—ades being driven out of their Country had incens'd against the Carthaginians with whom came likewise those who had fled from Salmantica insomuch as if they could have compell'd Hannibal to a pitch'd Field he had doubtless been driven to great extremity But he who was singular both in Prudence and Dexterity so artfully made his retreat covering himself by the Tagus and contriv'd so to attack them in their passage over that River that what by the help thereof and the service of forty Elephants he had with him he happily effected what he had design'd when every body was in despair In short the Enemy being determin'd to attempt their utmost resolv'd to pass the River by several Fords at once but being encounter'd by the Elephants which were posted along the Banks for that service great numbers were slain as they came to Land before any could come in to their succour many were likewise cut off by the Horse who mingled in the River with the Enemy where by the strength of their Horses which better resisted the Current than the Foot and sighting from a higher place they had much the advantage In a word Hannibal at length pass'd the River himself and vigorously pursuing his success routed an Army of above an hundred thousand of these Barbarians who being thus defeated there remain'd none on that side the River Eber except the Saguntines that could give him any molestation But Hannibal cautiously abstain'd from any the least Hostility against that People pursuant to the Advice of Asdrubal which was To make himself first Master of the rest of the Country and insure his Conquests there before he gave occasion openly to the Romans to declare War against the Carthaginians In the mean time the Saguntines dispatch'd frequent Advices to the Romans led thereunto partly out of fear and foresight of their own impending Danger partly likewise out of Good-will to the end the Romans might be perfectly instructed in the Successes of the Carthaginians in Spain In short after a cold reception of many of these Intimations they determin'd at length to dispatch Ambassadors into Spain to be eye-witnesses of those things whereof they had been inform'd About which time Hannibal having subdu'd all those People which he had purpos'd to reduce was march'd
or Instruction can result from it for our future guidance And if perchance any one should be of Opinion That this our Work will find but few Readers or such as will give it entertainment by reason of the number and bulk of the Books it contains yet this would happen only to those who want discernment in the difference between purchasing and studying forty Books digested in order and which regularly instruct the Reader by one continu'd Thread of Discourse in the Transactions of Sicily and Africa from the time when Timaeus puts an end to his History of Pyrrhus down to the taking of Carthage and of all Occurrences in other Quarters of the World from the flight of Cleomenes King of Sparta to the time wherein the Battel was fought between the Romans and Achaians on the Borders of Peloponnesus I say they do not rightly consider the difference betwixt reading such a General History and the searching after the several Books of other Authors who have treated the same things distinctly and apart for over and above that these Writings exceed what we have deliver'd both in number and measure the fruit they yield for our Instruction will be less For first those Authors do not always agree in their Accounts of the same matters of Fact and then they touch not on any contemporary Occurrences And after all when you come to conferr them together you shall be oblig'd to make another Judgment of what they re-report so compar'd than when you study and consider them singly and distinctly one from the other Furthermore that sort of History never arrives at the principal point of Utility namely to show as we but now observ'd what was the issue of such and such Actions what was contemporary and principally the Causes of Events which is that which animates the Body of History For to exemplify in our History it will appear how the War of Philip gave occasion to that of Antiochus and that of Hannibal to the War of Philip and the War of Sicily to the Hanniballick or second Punick War In a word by the study of General History we easily arrive at the knowledge of many important Things that come to pass during such Wars which contribute to the War themselves and which by no means is attainable by the study of particular History as namely in the Macedonian War against Perseus or Philip unless we can imagine it possible to be entirely instructed in the Art of War upon reading only in History the description of Battels But since this cannot be I may presume to say That this our Undertaking may be justly reckon'd as much superiour to Relations of single or particular Occurrences as certain Knowledge is more noble than meerly to discourse by hear-say But to proceed The Roman Ambassadors having heard the Carthaginians Reasons made no other Answer than this The gravest among them pointing to his Bosom told those of the Senate who were present That they had brought with them both Peace and War and That it was left to the Carthaginians election to take which they pleas'd To which the principal Senators reply'd That they were willing to give the Romans the preference in the Choice Whereupon the Ambassadors reply'd That they then made War their Choice Which the majority of the Senate accepted with Acclamations whereupon they were dismiss'd In the mean while Hannibal who held his Winter-Quarters at New-Carthage gave leave to his Spanish Soldiers to retire to their respective Habitations the better to dispose them to his service when he should have occasion to call upon them In short he furnish'd Asdrubal his Brother with Instructions how to comport himself in his Government of Spain in his absence and in what manner he was to defend himself against the Romans in case they should chance to separate After this his next chief care was to provide for the safety of Africk and by a singular foresight and sagacity of Judgment he supply'd Spain with Soldiers from Africk and Africk with the like from Spain the better to engage and tie those two People as it were by mutual Bonds together Those that were transported into Africk were the Thersites the Mastians and the Olcades and some Spaniards of the Mountains composing altogether an Army of twelve hundred Horse and thirteen thousand Foot There were likewise Soldiers from the Baleares who were a sort of Slingers to whom together with their Island the Greeks gave that Name from the kind of Sling they us'd It was found expedient to place the greatest part of these Troops in Metagonia a Country and Promontory of Africk and some were receiv'd into the City of Carthage it self They likewise drew out of the Metagonian Territory three thousand Foot who were sent to keep Garrison in New-Carthage and to remain likewise as Hostages But with Asdrubal in Spain he left fifty Quinque-reme Gallies two Quadriremes and five of Three Banks of which number there were two and thirty of the Quinque-remes and two Triremes that were equipp'd for War He likewise left him four hundred and fifty African Horse and of Liby-Phoenicians a People mix'd of Africans and Phoenicians three hundred Lorgites eighteen hundred Numidians Massyles Massaesyles Macians and Mauritanians who inhabit the Sea-Coast eleven thousand eight hundred Foot three hundred Ligurians five hundred Balearians and one and twenty Elephants And here let it not seem a Wonder that we have undertaken to treat of Hannibal's proceeding at that time in Spain thus minutely descending to so many particulars that even those who had a share in the Conduct of those Affairs could not be thought to observe things more narrowly Nor let me be condemn'd if herein I imitate those who to gain Belief and Credit with their Readers mingle their Falshoods with the like Particularities For it being my lot at Lacinium to peruse there the engrav'd Tables or Records of Copper left by Hannibal during his abode in Italy I made no difficulty to copy the Contents since there was no reason to doubt the verity thereof When Hannibal had well provided for the safety of Spain and Africk he then turn'd his Mind wholly to the business of some new Enterprizes while he attended the return of his Ambassadors who had been dispatch'd to the Gauls for he well knew that the Country at the foot of the Alpes and about the River Po was very fertile and abounding in brave People given to War and what was yet more to his wish implacable haters of the Romans ever since the War they made on them But of this we have expresly treated in our preceding Book to the end to help the Reader to a clearer conception of what was to follow Hannibal then us'd his utmost Diligence and imploy'd all his Forces to advance his purpose he promis'd every thing liberally he sent frequent Dispatches to the several Princes of the Gauls inhabiting on this side the Alpes and in the Mountains themselves conceiving it wou'd be a main step towards a
happy issue of the War against the Romans to compass his passage through those Countries we have nam'd and that after having surmounted the many difficulties of a long march to be able to ingage the Gauls to take part with him and joyn in the Enterprize as he had labour'd to bring to pass In short after he had receiv'd an account by his Messengers that the Gauls accorded to his Proposal and expected him with impatience and after they had inform'd him that tho' the Passage of those Mountains was difficult yet that it was not insuperable he began to move his Army out of their Winter Quarters early in the Spring And having receiv'd intelligence of what had been determin'd at Carthage his Hopes were greatly augmented and beholding now his Purposes fortify'd by the concurrence of his Fellow-Citizens he began openly to discourse of making War upon the Romans and to exhort the Soldiers chearfully to ingage therein he told them that the Romans had the Impudence publickly to demand that both he and his Chief Officers should be deliver'd up to them he laid before them likewise the Fertility of the Country into which he would lead them the Good-will of the Gauls and the Confederacy he had made with them and when the Army had loudly proclaim'd their readiness to march whithersoever he was dispos'd to command them and he had gratefully applauded their chearful Behaviour and had prefix'd the Day for their march he dismiss'd the Assembly After he had duly provided for the security of Africk and Spain and had spent the Winter in all necessary Deliberations upon the Day he had appointed the Army took the Field consisting of fourscore and ten thousand Foot and twelve thousand Horse After he had pass'd the River Eber he reduc'd the Illyrgeti and Bargusians the Aerenosians and the Andosins or Ausetans People that inhabit and spread as far as to the Pyraeneans He took likewise sundry Towns by force which he effected in a short time and even beyond his hopes but these Successes cost him some hard Conflicts wherein he lost many Men. In short he establish'd Hanno Governour of the Country on this side the Eber and order'd that he should have likewise the Government of the Bargusians of which People he had the greatest Jealousie as having been in Amity with the Romans and appointed ten thousand Foot and one thousand Horse to be drawn out of the Army to be left under his Command committing likewise to his keeping the weighty Baggage of the whole Army that march'd with him the like number he sent to their own Home that by that means he might confirm the Affections of those to whom he gave that Licence and afford hopes to the others who adventured with him to return one day to their Native Country and that those who were already in Arms as such of the Natives who remain'd hitherto at ease in their Houses might yield readier obedience to his Summons into Italy if there should happen any occasion to call upon them to recruit his Forces So the Army march'd light and disincumber'd of Baggage to the number of Fifty thousand Foot and Nine thousand Horse which he lead over the Pyrenaeans in order to their passing the Rhosne This was no very numerous Army but they were good Men and had been long train'd and in continual Action during the Wars in Spain But forasmuch as our History will be in danger of obscurity should we omit the necessary description of Places it seems therefore behoveful that we here describe from the place of Hannibal's departure the vast extent of ground he travers'd and what Countries and Nations he visited in his march into Italy For I hold it not enough barely to set down the names of Rivers and Cities as is the method of some Writers who imagine there is nothing more requir'd and that the knowledge of things is attain'd meerly by their Names While for my own part I conceive it sit to observe that as 't is true that with respect to places and things we already know the naming only may suffice to renew the Notices of them in the Memory yet where we are totally in the dark I reckon it equally as useless to insist barely on the Names as to rehearse a certain number of Words that have no signification For while the Mind is destitute of the means to conceive rightly of what is the Subject of our Contemplation and is not inabled to apply what we hear to something that we know we gather no more Fruit from such a Discourse than if it were spoken to a deaf Ear. It will import us then to propose some certain method whereby we may be able to give right and easie Images of things when we deliver Matter whereof the Understanding hath not yet taken the least Impression The first and most general receiv'd Notion and that which as one may say is common to Mankind is the repartition that we have made of the Heavens whereby we assign the seat and position of the respective Climates and Regions For who the most stupid doth not know East and West North and South The next Notion is that by assigning to those repartitions in the Heavens certain divisions of such a position here on Earth as are subjected to those above whereby we arrive at a sort of Science of those Places and Countries which we have never seen and otherwise know nothing of This Proposition is only touching the Earth in general What is next to be done is to instruct the Reader to make the same division as far as we know of the Earth which is understood to be distributed into the principal Parts as namely Asia Africk and Europe then that these three are bounded by the Tanais the Nile and the Streight of Hercules Asia extends from the River Nile Eastward and Southward Africk stretcheth from the Nile towards Hercules Pillars then extends Southward and South-westward to the Equinoctial In short these two Parts with respect to the whole Globe contain that entire proportion of Continent to the Southward of Mediterranean Sea stretching from East to West As to Europe its situation is Northward in opposite position to the other two and is continu'd as it were in a Line from East to West The principal and greatest part thereof hath Northerly Situation lying between the River Tanais and that of Narbona which on the Western part is not far from Marseilles and the Mouth of the Rhosne near which that River empties it self into the Sardinian Sea The Celtae inhabit all the Country in the Neighbourhood of Narbona and spread from thence to the Pyrenaeans which are a Chain of Mountains continu'd from our Sea quite to the great Ocean The other parts of Europe running from those Hills to the utmost West and to the Pillars of Hercules are in a great measure bounded by our Sea and that of the Ocean that Portion thereof which borders on our Sea to Hercules-Pillars is called Iberia
but that which is wash'd by the main Ocean remains yet without a Name it being not long since any discovery has been made thereof and found to be inhabited by many barbarous Nations whereof we shall have occasion to speak in particular in the pursuit of our History In short as it is not yet known whether Aethiopia Africk and Asia are join'd and in one continu'd Continent extending to the South or be inviron'd by the Sea so likewise all that Tract of Land contain'd between the Tanais and Narbona towards the North is to us at this day totally unknown And those who speak or write otherwise are to be held only as Reporters of Fables amusing us with the Effects of their own Dreams and Visions Thus much I have thought needful to say the better to qualifie those who are not over conversant in Geography to study our History with greater Profit and to the end they may arrive with more Facility at the knowledge of what they are yet to know by conferring them with things whereof they are already inform'd and as to what relates at least to the general distribution of the Parts they may be taught to apprehend rightly of the Regions below from the position of the Climates above For as it is ordinary with us to turn our Eyes towards the Object that is pointed to us to observe so in proportion to the evidence whereby things are set before the Understanding by Words or Discourse the Mind conceives and becomes enlightened But to return from our digression The Carthaginians were in those times Masters of all that tract of Country in Africk that runs along the Coast of our Sea from the Philaenian Altars which are by the great Syrtis to the Streight of Hercules Pillars which Dominion contains above six hundred Leagues in length They had now likewise carry'd their Conquests into Spain being on the other side the Streight which divides the two Continents having subdu'd that Country intirely as far as the Promontory or Rock in our Sea which terminates the Pyrenaean Hills that are the boundaries between the Gauls and Spaniards This Acquisition extending at least three hundred Leagues in length from Hercules Pillars to New Carthage from whence Hannibal set out on his Expedition to Italy is computed about one hundred and twenty Leagues This Town we call according to some New Carthage it being by others call'd Cainopolis or the New Town From thence to the River Eber it is at least one hundred Leagues from the Eber to Emporium about sixty Leagues and thence to the Passage of the Rhosne near the same distance but these distances the Romans have set down in their Miles each Mile containing eight Stades or Furlongs It is computed from the Passage of the Rhosne up towards the head of the River to the beginning of the Alpes which lead into Italy about seventy Leagues without taking in the way in the Mountains which is reckon'd fifty Leagues from whence you descend into Italy coming into a Campaigne Country water'd by the River Po so the March of Hannibal from New Carthage into Italy will amount to about three hundred and forty Leagues And now if we take only the length of the way into our consideration Hannibal had already perform'd half his Journey but when the difficulties yet behind come to be weigh'd the worst by much will be found yet remaining Hannibal therefore labour'd his utmost to get the Pyrenaeans at his back being not without suspicion of the fidelity of the Gauls doubting lest they should block up his passage which he found difficult enough without encountring other Impediments In the mean time after the Romans were inform'd by their Ambassadors whom they had sent to Carthage of all that had pass'd and had been determin'd there and receiving notice earlier than they expected of Hannibal's passing the Eber they decreed that Publius Cornelius Scipio should be dispatch'd into Spain and Tiberius Sempronius into Africk But while they were busied about their Levies and the necessary Preparations for the War they leâ—t not however to prosecute another design they had before in hand namely to dispatch Colonies to the Country of the Cis-Alpine Gauls They proceeded likewise with great diligence to begirt their Towns with Walls ordering those who were ordain'd for the Colonies which amounted to about six thousand who were to People the two Towns that were to be built to be at the Rendezvouse within the space of thirty days One of which Towns they plac'd on this side the Po and gave it the name of Placentia the other beyond the River which they call'd Cremona These Colonies were hardly arriv'd when the Boians who endeavour'd nothing more ardently than to break with the Romans but for want of a proper conjuncture had not yet attempted any thing hearing of the approach of the Carthaginians began to conceive new hopes and abandoning their Hostages which had been given to the Romans at the end of the War which was observ'd in our preceding Book revolted and took Arms against them These drew likewise to their side the Insubrians who were easily lead to take part with them out of an ancient hatred they bare to the Romans So they march'd out and fell to spoil the new planted Territories and advancing after those who had fled to Modena for Succour pursu'd them thither and there besieg'd them where likewise were shut up the three Commissioners who had been sent to conduct the Colonies and set out the Lands Men of great account the one Caius Lutatius who had been Consul and the two others Praetors These propos'd to come to some Treaty which the Boians seem'd to accept but when they adventur'd out to debate about the Terms they brake their word and seiz'd their Persons perswading themselves that with such a gauge they should be able to preserve their Hostages Upon notice of these Stirs Lucius Manlius the Praetor who then commanded an Army in those Parts march'd to their Relief with all the speed he could But the Enemy getting notice of his approach laid an Ambush in a certain Forest in his way where the Romans had no sooner entred when the Boians fell upon them attacking them on all sides and putting the greatest part to the Sword the rest â—led and having gain'd the Hills there made a stand and with difficulty enough defended themselves but at length made a good Retreat Tho' the Boians left not the pursuit till they had chas'd them into a Town call'd Tanetus which some call Canetus where they block'd them up When the news came to Rome that the fourth Legion was thus besieg'd by the Boians they order'd the Roman Legion that had been appointed to Publius to march to their Relief giving the Command thereof to the Praetor Lucius Atilius with orders to raise more Troops among their Allies This is the account of what was transacted in Gaul after the War broke out to the arrival of Hannibal the state of Matters in
to the open Sky with that part of the Army that was with him remote from the Horse and the rest of the Troops and the Baggage the better to cover and defend them from danger who were hardly able in all that Night with great labour to compass their passage through the Valley In the Morning the Enemy being now retir'd Hannibal join'd his Army and Baggage and advanc'd towards the top of the Alpes After this the Gauls attempted no more to attack them in Bodies but in smaller Parties and with less ardour than before nevertheless falling sometimes on the Van sometimes on the Rear of the Army they seldom fail'd of making some spoil of the Baggage The Elephants happen'd to be of great use to the Carthaginians in these Conflicts for wheresoever they chanc'd to appear they so terrify'd the Enemy that the Army march'd by that means with much less molestation In nine Days after this Hannibal gain'd the top of the Mountains where he halted two Days being willing to give some repose to such of his Army as were come thus far without Wound or Sickness and to attend the coming of the rest of his Troops that were yet behind During this stay many Horses and Beasts of Carriage which had fallen and stray'd out of the way came in of their own accord following the Track of the Army to the great wonder of the Beholders But whereas the Snows were yet great in the Mountains Winter not being there quite over Hannibal perceiving his Soldiers to be somewhat discourag'd by reason of the Sufferings they had already felt and out of apprehension of what yet threaten'd them caus'd the Army to be assembled to the end he might speak to them and inspire them with new Resolution which he could no way better effect than by giving them a view and prospect of Italy which in a word lies so fairly to the Eye spreading and extending it self at the foot of those Mountains that Nature seems to have design'd them as a Rampart to cover and defend it So he gave them a survey of the Champaign Country that spreads it self all about the River Po and gave them to understand how welcome they should be to the People that Inhabited it He pointed out likewise to them whereabout the City of Rome stood and by this Artifice animated his harass'd Army The Day following he decamp'd and began to descend the Mountains and now saw no more of the Enemy to molest them in their march saving some small scatter'd Parties who rather awaited occasions how to steal than to fight Howbeit Hannibal's Losses were not lessen'd by reason of the great Snows and the exceeding bad march they had had which much weaken'd the Army Nor was their passage much better in the descent for what with the streight steep and slippery ways and the depth of the Snow the Soldier knew not where to set his Foot with safety for when-ever they slipp'd they were in danger of being lost and swallow'd up in the depths and precipices which lay hid and cover'd by the Snow Nevertheless the long practice in those Hardships and Dangers taught them to suffer all with Constancy But at length coming to a place where neither their Elephants nor Horses could pass the Way which was very steep before being now by the falling away of some of the Earth become more difficult renew'd their Fears which was manifest over the whole Army Upon this accident Hannibal took a resolution to attempt another way by taking a compass about those Mountains tho' there was no appearance of any passage but forasmuch as the great Snows render'd that Resolution too hazardous all places being cover'd and hid from the view he therefore chang'd his purpose In the interim there having fallen much new Snow on that which remain'd of the Winter before this last being loose and not yet deep yielded firm footing enough to the Soldiers but this was no sooner trampled on but it dissolv'd into Dirt and Mire whereby the Snow of last Year being frozen under it it became impossible to march thereon any more than on Ice it self none being able to keep their Feet and when they endeavour'd to sustain themselves on their Hands and Knees they often slid and were lost in Pits and Precipices When their Horses at any time slip'd they by their weight and labouring broke the Ice under them and so became buried and frozen to Death Whereupon Hannibal now desperate of obtaining his passage that way encamp'd his Army at the entrance of this Pass after he had first order'd the Snow to be remov'd which cover'd all the Ground and then by the labour of his Soldiers he wrought into the Hill it self and by unspeakable Pains made his Passage at length through it So in one Day he made way for his Horses and other Beasts to pass which immediately march'd on And now decamping the Army he sent his Horse and other Beasts to forrage and recruit themselves as they could come at Pasture where the Ground was not cover'd with Snow In the mean time he order'd the Numidians to make a passage for the Elephants which cost them three Days labour with great difficulty to effect but at length they made way for those Animals which had suffer'd much and were almost dead with Hunger For there was neither Forage nor Tree to be found on that part of the Alpes nor in the neighbourhood the Ground lying ever cover'd with Snow Winter and Summer but the lower Grounds on all sides produce Woods and Covert and there is no place thereabout that is not habitable After Hannibal had united his Troops he prosecuted his march and in the space of three Days got past these difficult and incommodious Places whereof we have given an account and recover'd the Plains howbeit with the loss of great numbers of his People for many fell by the Enemy many were drown'd in passing the Rivers and many of Sickness and the Hardships of their march to and over the Alpes And as he lost many Men so his loss of Horses and other Beasts of Burthen was yet much greater In a word after a march of five Months from his departure from New-Carthage and fifteen Days passage over the Alpes he boldly advanc'd into the Champaign Country lying about the River Po and the Frontiers of the Insubrians Of the Troops that march'd out with him there now remain'd of Africans about twelve Thousand eight Thousand Spaniards and six Thousand Horse according to his own Register left by him engrav'd on the Column at Lacinium which specify'd that number About this time Publius Cornelius who had left his Troops with Cneius his Brother to prosecute the War against Asdrubal in Spain embark'd for Pisa and from thence passing through Tuscany joyn'd the Armies of the Praetors who were in service in that Country against the Boians with these he took his march towards the Po where he encamp'd with design to come speedily to a Battel with
Hannibal And now that we are arriv'd in Italy and have translated the War Armies and Leaders on both sides thither it seems necessary that we preface something to the Reader as the order of our History requires before we enter on the account of the Battels and Transactions that occurr'd in that Province For some may possibly be apt to remark and inquire why having spoken so copiously of Spain we should have yet said nothing touching other Points of Geography namely of the Streight that parts the two Continents of Europe and Africk nor of the great neighbouring Sea and its qualities nor of the Islands of Britany nor of their Lead-Mines their Gold and Silver in Spain whereof Historians have said so much that they contradict one another But we have not spoken of these matters not only because it serves to little purpose in the use of History but first because such digressions at every turn are apt to perplex the course of our Work and to divert the Reader 's attention from the genuine purpose and thread of our Story Furthermore our purpose being not to discourse superficially and by the bye of things but to take them up when they fairly and regularly present themselves and then seasonably and duly to deliver the Truth copiously and plainly as far as we shall be able Let it not appear strange then that neither in this place nor heretofore we have â—orborn to touch on many Points as we have said For if any one fansies it to be the Duty of an Historian to be taken with every hint that falls in his way and to touch promiscuously on all Subjects on the least motive let such take care lest they be justly compar'd to the Glutton at a Feast who while his Appetite tempts him to taste of every Dish he receives neither present Pleasure nor future Profit on the contrary he contracts only ill Digestion and worse Nourishment People of that Humour I say in the study of History have neither present Diversion in the Reading nor Fruit in the Application for the time to come There are many Vices in History whereof we shall mention some that ought carefully to be reform'd whereof this we have now nam'd is among the greatest Do not all or most part of Historians affect to entertain their Readers with Descriptions of the remotest parts of the known World setting down the situation of Places and Countries and describing their Nature and the like Where it is odds but the greatest part of them are deceiv'd in many particulars they deliver it will be but just therefore to show them their Faults and endeavour solidly not superficially to refute them not taking up the Argument as it were by chance The course we shall take to correct these Errors shall not be to blame and inveigh against the Authors but rather in a manner of compassion to show candidly wherein they have fail'd through Ignorance For most certain it is that had they arriv'd at our times they themselves would have seen things by a better Light and reform'd much of their own Failures For there were sew Greeks to be found heretofore who had over-diligently visited remote Nations not having the means to gratifie their desires therein it not being to be compass'd in those days without running extreme dangers both by Sea and Land Furthermore if any one by chance at any time happen'd of necessity to visit distant Countries even the remotest Provinces of the known World what would the Remarks of a single Traveller amount to Since it could not be possible those Places should be known as they ought for the greatest part of those People are Barbarous and Savage and many parts Desart and Inhospitable In short another difficulty would spring through the diversity of strange Languages whereby it would hardly be possible to be rightly inform'd in any thing they saw And albeit People should happen to see and learn the situation of those Regions there would be few found whose Candor might be trusted and Men wou'd doubt that much of what they deliver is fabulous and of their own coining So hard it is in such cases not to mingle with Truth the Tales of their own Invention Since it seems then impossible that our Fore-Fathers could be thorowly instructed in all the Subjects of History Authors therefore who have been silent in matters which it may be conceiv'd they ought to have better open'd and even those who have said more than we find they ought are however without much blame tho' they do not deserve our praise since they were not without some tincture of Knowledge and farther'd in some degree the Curiosity of others But now in our days that Asia by the Victories of Alexander hath been travell'd and discover'd and the Armies of the Romans have open'd a passage both by Sea and Land whereby to arrive at the certain knowledge of the rest of the World our Informations come with more certainty of those things which heretofore we could not speak of with assurance Especially in this Age when many who have been employ'd in the administration of Publick Affairs are now releas'd from the cares of both Military and Civil Applications and have leisure and means to apply their studies in other curious Speculations I shall strive to do my part at least when occasion shall seasonably serve to bring things to a better light and mingle in these my Labours such proper Matter as may to those who delight in this Subject minister to their better Information And since I have been at the cost of so much time and peril in my Travels into Gaul Africk Spain and on the Ocean that borders on these Countries spent in the acquisition of Knowledge I hold it not a vain design to detect and reform the Mistakes of ancient Authors by enlarging my Accounts and Descriptions of these Parts of the World But it is now time we return to prosecute our Story and prepare to relate the Battels and Transactions of the Romans and Carthaginians in Italy We have already set down the number of Hannibal's Troops when he made his entry into Italy Who at the end of his march first encamp'd at the foot of the Mountains to recruit and refresh his Army which was not only greatly harrass'd in their passage over the Alpes but much spent through the great scarcity of Provisions in their way and the Diseases they contracted thereby many in despair neglected their own Preservation through the continual Hardships and Calamities to which they were expos'd For it was an insuperable difficulty to find Victuals that might suffice for so numerous an Army where many who were commanded out to provide and bring what they wanted miscarry'd both Men and Beasts in their Journey So that Hannibal who pass'd the Rhosne at the head of eight and thirty Thousand Foot and above eight Thousand Horse muster'd not half that number at his arrival in Italy as hath been already noted And those who remain'd so
chang'd from what they were that both in Cloths and Countenance they appear'd more like Savages than Soldiers Wherefore his first and chief care was to restore Health and Strength to their Bodies and Vigour to their Minds and to recruit and strengthen his Horse When his Army was refresh'd his next business was to endeavour an Alliance with the Taurinians who inhabit at the foot of the Alpes and who at that time had War with the Insubrians but they would not be drawn to trust the Carthaginians Wherefore after having long sollicited them to Friendship in vain he sat down before their Capital Town which in three Days he took and all that made resistance he put to the Sword which struck the neighbouring Barbarians with such terror that they came all afterwards in to him as one Man giving themselves up to his discretion These indeed were constrain'd but the other Gauls who possess'd the Country about the Po chearfully took part with Hannibal as was lately observ'd But in regard now that the Roman Army was advanc'd so near they adventur'd not presently to show their Good-will but some of them were constrain'd to take part with them Whereupon Hannibal thought it the wisest way not to deferr longer but to take his March into their Country to the end that by some notable Action he might establish the Courage and renew the Hopes of those who were dispos'd to engage with him During these Motions he receives Intelligence That the Consul had pass'd the Po with all the Legions and was not now far off But this News he did not presently believe inasmuch as he knew he had left Scipio about the Rhosne and that the Passage by Sea from Marseilles to Tuscany was tedious and difficult Furthermore he was inform'd that the March from Tuscany to the Alpes was not only long but hardly to be surmounted by an Army But in the end fresh Advices coming daily to him of the truth thereof he became greatly surpriz'd at the Diligence of the Roman General who was no less astonish'd at the Expedition of the Carthaginian For he was of Opinion That Hannibal would not have attempted to adventure over the Alpes at the head of an Army compos'd of so many divers Nations or that if he was so hardy he must have miserably perish'd by the way But when he became assur'd that they were got over those Difficulties and were now in Italy and farther that they had already besieg'd and taken Towns he admir'd the intrepid Boldness of their Leader whose Attempt had exceeded the Power of Imagination it self This News was likewise heard at Rome with terror enough where after they had been inform'd of the taking of Saguntum by the Carthaginians and while they were as it were deliberating to send one of their Consuls into Africk to attack Carthage and the other into Spain to make War on Hannibal they receiv'd notice that Hannibal himself was in Italy besieging of Towns This was so surprizing to the Romans that the dread thereof made them send an express to Tiberius now at Lilybaeum to acquaint him with the arrival of the Enemy and to enjoin him to postpone all other Affairs whatsoever and repair with all the expedition he could to the rescue of his Country Whereupon Tiberius assembles his Maritime Forces and embarks forthwith for Rome leaving his Orders with the respective Tribunes to draw together what Troops they could out of their several Garrisons and set them a Day to rendezvous at Rimini a Town standing on the Coast of the Adriatick on the edge of the Plains that are water'd by the River Po towards the South So that great trouble and tumult was spread all over the Country which being alarm'd on all Quarters with evil Tidings the Romans were in great suspence about the issue of the War And now Hannibal and Scipio drew near each other and mutually animating their Soldiers spake to them in such terms as the time and the occasion requir'd Hannibal incited his Troops after this or the like manner He caus'd to be brought to the head of the Army which he had assembled for that purpose certain young Men who were Prisoners of the number of those that had been taken vexing and plundering the Army in their march over the Alpes whom he had therefore kept in very hard durance In short they appear'd loaden with Irons starv'd almost to death bearing on their naked Bodies the marks of the ill treatment they had suffer'd In this state these Wretches were presented to the view of the Army where Arms were brought and laid before them such as were us'd among the Gauls and not unlike those the Princes of that Nation make use of in their single Combats Besides these there were produc'd Horses and rich Habits and Furniture Then it was demanded If any among them were willing to engage and fight one with the other to the death on condition the Vanquisher should have the Prize and the Reward there propos'd while the Vanquish'd thereby put an end to his Misfortunes by laying down his Life on the place Which Proposition they all unanimously cry'd out they were most willing to accept Whereupon Hannibal order'd a certain number to be chosen by lot to enter the Lists two and two each imploring Fortune's favour Those to whom the Lots â—ell manifested great joy while the others on the contrary exceeding Grief So they fought it out while the rest of the Prisoners look'd on the Vanquish'd as hardly less fortunate than the Victors having by their death put a period to the Miseries they endur'd Nor had the Carthaginians themselves other Sentiments who comparing the Life of those that surviv'd with the Circumstances of those they saw slain their Pity seem'd to encline to the Survivers conceiving the Dead to be of the two the least unfortunate After Hannibal had entertain'd his Army with this Spectacle he told them That his purpose in so treating those Prisoners was to instruct them by an Example of the Calamities of others in the Contingences of Human Life and to the end to mind them of the State and Circumstances wherein they now were for that in a word Fortune had now put them under the very same choice and held out the same Prize and Rewards That they were ty'd up to the same necessity of vanquishing dying or being made Captives to their Enemies That if they obtain'd Victory not fine Horses only magnificently furnish'd wou'd be their Lot but by subduing the Romans they would be the richest and happiest of all that ever had born Arms That if they chanc'd to die doing their Duty bravely such a Death was a Dignity full of Glory and Renown a Death without pain or fear and purchas'd in pursuit of the greatest Good that can happen to Mankind But should they chance to be vanquish'd and that the fear of Death or Danger should betray them to a base Flight or if they had entertain'd any Thought otherwise to be safe
Numidians charging their Flank Many made their escape some one way some another some rally'd about the Consul who forthwith decamp'd from about the Tesin and led his Troops towards the Bridge over the Po with intention to pass there for as the Champaign Country in those Parts is of great extent and that Hannibal was stronger in Horse Scipio for that reason labour'd to lead the Legions into some safer and more proper Country and the rather for that he was himself indispos'd of a Wound he receiv'd in the Battel Hannibal staid some time in expectation the Legions would have appear'd but after he understood that the Romans had abandon'd their Camp he follow'd them in the Rear as far as the Bridge which he found broken where he took about six hundred Prisoners of those that were left there on the Guard And being told that the rest of the Army were now march'd a good distance off he led his Troops up along the River in search of a proper place where he might make a Bridge and after two Days march having found means to make one of Boats he order'd Asdrubal to lead over the Army passing himself likewise there he gave Audience to sundry Ambassadors who came to him from several places For the bruit of his Victory was no sooner spread when all the neighbouring Gauls became dispos'd to declare for the Carthaginians and as it had been before suggested they now courted their Friendship supplying them with whatever they wanted and offering frankly to joyn their Forces and take part in their Adventures Hannibal gave courteous Reception to those who were come with these Tenders and after the Army had pass'd the River he led them back down the Stream and march'd with great Diligence to intercept the Enemy But Publius Scipio after he had pass'd the Po march'd directly to Placentia a Colony of the Romans where he staid among the rest who were hurt in the Battel to attend the cure of his Wounds and believing the Army to be now in Safety he there remain'd without further attempting any thing But Hannibal arriving in two Days after he had pass'd the River drew out his Army the next Day in Battalia in view of the Enemy but the Romans not offering to stir he retir'd and encamp'd about ten Miles off In the mean time the Gauls who bore Arms under the Romans beholding Fortune now to declare in favour of the Carthaginians deliberated by common Consent to desert their Service but continu'd quiet in their Tents waiting the time to put their purpose in execution And now when the Army was reposing in their Quarters about the fourth Watch they put themselves into Arms and falling on the Romans that were nearest at hand kill'd many and wounded many more and cutting off the Heads of those they had murder'd march'd to the Carthaginians to the number of two Thousand Foot and two Hundred Horse Hannibal by the kind reception he gave them manifested how welcome the Action was to him and after he had with great gentleness invited them into his Service and with ample Promises to every one according to his degree he gave them leave to retire for the present to their respective Habitations thereby to spread the Fame of his Actions and to win over others to the Service and Friendship of the Carthaginians And he had reason to conclude they would now be constrain'd for the most part to come in to him after so persidious an act done by their Country-men At the same time Ambassadors came to him from the Boians bringing with them a Present of the three Roman Commissioners they had taken as was observ'd on the breaking out of the War who had been deputed for the dividing and setting out the Lands in their Colonies Hannibal gratefully receiv'd their Message and their Offer and enter'd into Confederacy with them but restor'd back the Prisoners to their keeping advising them to secure them under a safe Guard whereby to redeem their Hostages as they had formerly propos'd Sciplo much lamented the loss of his People who had been cut off by so vile an Act of Treachery and rightly judging that the Gauls who of a long time had nourish'd an inbred Aversion to the Romans would especially those of the neighbouring Countries after having acted so criminal a Part go over to the Carthaginians he therefore thought it Wisdom for the time to come to be more on his guard touching that People Wherefore he decamp'd about the fourth Watch of the Night following and march'd and encamp'd near the River Trebia upon certain Eminences not far off resting pretty well assur'd of the strength of the situation it being in the neighbourhood of many of their Allies Hannibal getting intelligence of the motions of the Romans sent his Numidians in pursuit of them after these march'd the whole Horse of the Army and himself with the Gross soon follow'd them The Numidians coming to the Romans Camp and finding it empty stay'd to set it on fire which greatly avail'd the Romans in their retreat For the Horse but for this delay caus'd by the Numidians had certainly overtaken the Romans before they had pass'd the Plains in which case they undoubtedly had been very much expos'd But forasmuch as the Roman Army had now time to pass over the Trebia the Enemy coming short had only the occasion left them of attacking their Rear-guard whereof some were slain and others made Prisoners Scipio then having thus compass'd his Passage over the River encamp'd I say on high ground not far from it and intrenching himself there attended the coming of Tiberius and the Legions that were with him using all possible care and skill to get well of his Wounds that he might be in a state to give the Enemy speedy Battel But Hannibal arriving two Days after he had pass'd the River drew up his Army in view of the Romans who not being dispos'd to engage him he march'd away and encamp'd six Miles off the Gauls who had now recover'd Courage by the hopes he had given them supplying him with Provisions in abundance and all things else of which he stood in need being determin'd to share with the Carthaginians in all that should befal them When the News came to Rome of the Battel of the Horse they were astonish'd at the account of the issue as expecting quite other success but they comforted themselves with many Reasons to conclude that at least they were not quite vanquish'd in that occasion Some took leave to blame the Temerity of their Leader and others rag'd against the perfidious Gauls But in a word while they were assur'd that their Legions were entire and had suffer'd nothing they were resolv'd to abate nothing of their Hopes And when Tiberius Sempronius arriv'd and they beheld his Troops pass through the City they were persuaded That such an Army by barely showing themselves to the Enemy would do enough to vanquish them When the Troops were rendezvous'd at Rimini pursuant
to the Orders they had receiv'd and that they had taken the customary Oath the Consul march'd forthwith in quest of Scipio and as soon as he arriv'd he encamp'd by him taking care to refresh his Soldiers who had had a tedious Voyage of forty Days betwixt Lilybaeum and Rimini In the mean space Preparations were making to fight the Enemy during which time Tiberius never departed from Scipio informing himself of every thing that had pass'd and deliberating with him about what was best farther to be done About the same time Hannibal became possess'd of Clastidium which he got by Intelligence the Town being deliver'd up to him by one Publius a Brundusian who had receiv'd the Government from the Romans Here Hannibal found store of Corn which he now stood in great need of The Pris'ners he took with him whom he treated with lenity enough endeavouring to make show by that Action of the gentle usage those might hope from him who tho' they had taken part with the Romans should so deliver themselves up to his discretion and to the end they might with less apprehension resign themselves to his Clemency He treated likewise the treacherous Governor with great respect and rewarded him magnificently the better to work upon others to do the like who had any charge under the Romans And now receiving Intelligence That certain Gauls his Confederates inhabiting between the Po and the Trebia held secret Commerce with the Romans who it seems conceiv'd that by covertly favouring both Parties they should be able to insure their Safety either way against those he sent a Detachment of about two thousand Foot and a thousand Numidian and Gaulish Horse who punctually perform'd their Orders ravaging the Country and taking much Booty Whereupon the Gauls so treated apply'd to the Romans to succour and secure them Sempronius who had long thirsted after an occasion to come to action having now found it forthwith orders the major part of his Horse and about a thousand Darters to march who fall on the Numidians and Gauls that were still pillaging the Country on the other side the Trebia taking them by surprize and without any order and while they were in contest among themselves about sharing their Plunder and being too hard for them beat and pursu'd them to their Camp But they were no sooner discover'd from the Rampart when the Carthaginians taking the Alarm sally'd to their relief and made the Romans in their turn to show their Backs and hasten to their Camp Which being observ'd by Sempronius he commanded out all the Cavalry and Darters he had who oblig'd the Carthaginians to return as hastily as they came and cover themselves in their Retrenchments Hannibal who was not yet ready to come to a Battel and believ'd that he ought not to hazard all at one hasty Cast and without mature Deliberation behav'd himself in this Rencounter in such manner as that all the World must own became a Great General For contenting himself barely to make those who had sled into the Camp to face about and make head against the Enemy he then sounded a retreat not permitting them to pursue the Romans or longer to engage The Romans stood their ground for a space and after they had sustain'd some loss themselves but done greater execution on the Enemy they retir'd Sempronius being inflam'd by this success his Passion grew yet greater to come to a Battel and decide at once the Fortune of the War And albeit he was determin'd to attempt his utmost by his single Authority during Scipio's Indisposition yet because it would be a mighty pleasure to him to have his Colleague's Concurrence he imparted his Design to him but found him not of his Opinion Scipio told him That the new untrain'd Soldiers would be better in the Spring if care were taken to exercise them during the Winter and accustom them to Military Duties And if the Carthaginians attempted nothing further and were driven to be quiet for a while the Gauls who were naturally an inconstant People it was likely would once again desert them Furthermore he told him That as soon as Strength would enable him he had something to put in execution which would much redound to the Service of his Country With these and such-like Reasons it was that Publius sought to prevail on Sempronius not to engage in any hazardous Enterprize And Sempronius himself could not but see that the Counsel was wholesome which Scipio propounded but blinded with Ambition and a good Opinion of his own Sufficiency he resolv'd to do his utmost to be at the head of some Action before his Colleague could be able to appear in the Field and the new Election of Consuls should be made which now drew near Forasmuch then as since he found he could not accommodate the Occasion to his purpose and was yet resolv'd to bend it to his Will he soon made it visible that nothing was likely to be prudently done under his Direction and that things would run a mighty hazard On the other hand Hannibal thought as Scipio did touching the present posture of Affairs and therefore sought all occasions to come to a Battel For as he was willing to make use of the forwardness the Gauls manifested while there Minds were yet unshaken so he well knew that the sooner he fought the rawer his Enemy would be with whom he was to engage the Army being for the most part compos'd of young new-rais'd Men. Furthermore Scipio he knew continu'd indispos'd of his Wounds And in a word what was yet of greater weight he thought it not safe to remain long without Action For who so enters with an Army into a Foreign Country and hath great Designs to execute hath but one way to succeed and be secure namely by incessantly engaging in new and signal Enterprizes whereby to renew and support the Courage and Hopes of his Friends Hannibal then observing Sempronius's precipitate forwardness to come to a Battel did all he could on his part to gratifie him When he had carefully survey'd the Plain that lay between the two Camps tho' he found it for the most part very level nevertheless he discover'd certain Places proper enough for laying of Ambushes In short there was a Brook hard by the Banks whereof were somewhat rais'd above the level of the Plain and over-grown with Bushes and Brambles which place he resolv'd to make use of to execute what he had in his Mind to do and he concluded his Design was the more promising by how much the Romans were only jealous of the Woods and Forest and Places of Covert which the Gauls for the most part made choice of for their Ambushes but thought themselves safe from that danger in bare and open Countries not considering that such situations often yield better and safer means to form such Designs than the thickest Woods For in short those who are so lodg'd are better able to look about them and discover from far all that passes and
now rising and falling unlook'd for on the backs of the Romans who were got beyond them put them into great disorder And those on the two Points of the Roman Battel finding themselves press'd in Front by the Elephants and in Flank by the light-arm'd Troops no longer able to sustain it forsook their Ground and flying were pursu'd by the Carthaginians to the River In a word the Numidian Ambush coming to Charge the Rear of the Roman Battel slew many of them While those in the first Ranks animated by necessity charg'd the Gauls and some Africans with whom they had to deal with great Resolution and killing many broke the Carthaginian Battalion Nevertheless when they beheld the two Points naked and defeated being now without hope of succouring them or of being able to gain their Camp by reason of the multitude of the Carthaginian Horse which greatly terrify'd them and the Rivers being also much risen by the Rains that had fallen by which Impediments despairing to gain their Camp they safely retreated to the number of ten Thousand to Placentia the greatest part of the rest being slain on the Banks of the River Trebia partly by the Elephants and partly by the Enemies Horse some few Foot only and a good Party of Horse escaping who following the rest got likewise into Placentia As to the Carthaginians after they had pursu'd the Enemy to the River not being able for excessive cold to follow them further they retir'd to their Camp There was great joy in the Carthaginian Army on the occasion of this Success for their loss fell not heavy either on the Spaniards or Africans but mostly on the Gauls Howbeit they had suffer'd so much by the Snow and the extream rigour of the Weather that many Men and Horses dy'd afterwards of Cold and all their Elephants save one Sempronius was not ignorant of the great consequence of this Defeat but was willing however to hide it all he could from the Senate accordingly he sent his Dispatches to Rome wherein he gave them to understand that the severity of the Weather had snatch'd the Victory out of his hands This the Romans were at first willing to believe but when they understood soon after That the Carthaginians were possess'd of their Camp That the Gauls from all Quarters had revolted to them and That the Roman Soldiers were scatter'd here and there after the Battel securing themselves in the neighbouring Towns and that they had no subsistence but what was convey'd to them by Water up the Po they then became better instructed how to reckon of the issue of that Battel Nevertheless tho' their Affairs had so ill succeeded contrary to the expectation of all the World they proceeded to new Preparations for the War they consulted how to secure such Places as were in the neighbourhood of the Enemy they determin'd to dispatch Forces into Sardinia and Sicily and supply'd Tarentum and other proper places with good Garrisons Furthermore they equipp'd and sent to Sea a Fleet of sixty Ships Cn. Servilius and C. Flaminius also who were the new Consuls rais'd Levies among their Allies and made provision of Victual which they sent to Rimini and into Tuscany with show of purposing to send Troops into those Parts They likewise demanded Supplies of Hieron who sent them five Hundred Candiots and a Thousand Buckler-men Thus with mighty providence they proceeded in all necessary Preparations and it must be confess'd of the Romans that they are every way a terrible Enemy even when they are most terrify'd and menac'd with Danger During these Transactions in Italy Cn. Cornelius Scipio to whom his Brother had given the Command of the Naval Army as we have elsewhere noted landed on the Coast of Spain somewhere not far from the Empories where showing his Army he coasted along as far as the Eber reducing such by force as made resistance and receiving with singular Humanity into his protection such as voluntarily came in and took care above all things that the Army offer'd violence to none And after he had secur'd by good Garrisons such Places as he had brought under the Obedience of the Romans he march'd further up into the Country with his whole Army having been reinforc'd with new Auxiliaries which he levy'd among the Spaniards taking in all Places by force that lay in the way of his march In the mean time Hanno who Commanded for the Carthaginians in these Parts observing the progress Scipio made presently march'd his Army and came and encamp'd close by him not far from the City of Cissa Whereupon they came to a Battel and the Carthaginians were beaten the Romans taking very much Plunder those who had march'd with Hannibal having as we noted left the greatest part of their Substance in their keeping He made Alliance also Offensive and Defensive with all those on this side the River Eber. Hanno the Carthaginian General was taken Prisoner together with Indibilis the Spaniard who had usurp'd Kingly Authority over those who inhabited the inland Country and had preserv'd a particular and fast Affection for the Carthaginians As soon as Asdrubal had notice of this Adventure he pass'd the Eber to come to the succour of his Party but in the interim receiving advice That the Roman Sea-men belonging to the Fleet behav'd themselves negligently being grown careless and presumptuous on the success of their Land-Forces he march'd first against them taking with him eight Thousand of his best Foot and a Thousand Horse and finding the Romans dispers'd and scatter'd about the Country he fell upon them killing the greatest part and pursuing the rest to their Fleet. But he attempted nothing further but march'd back the way he came and repassing the Eber remain'd the Winter at New-Carthage where he made all necessary provision to sustain the War and for the defence of the Towns on that side the River As to Cn. Scipio as soon as he was come back to the Fleet he there animadverted on those according to the Roman Law of Discipline who he found had been guilty of the occasion of that Defeat And after he had drawn together and embody'd all his Forces by Sea and Land he march'd and kept his Winter-Quarters at Tarracona He divided the Booty that had been taken among the Soldiers by which he greatly gain'd their Good-will and establish'd in them a more chearful Disposition of Obedience to such future Orders as the Service should make necessary Thus we have set down the state of Affairs at that time in Spain Early the following Spring Cn. Flaminius led the Legions through Tuscany and came to Arezzo where he encamp'd But Cn. Servilius march'd to Rimini to do his best to shut up the Enemy's passage that way As to Hannibal he held his Winter-Quarters in the Cisalpine Gaul where he us'd his Roman Prisoners with great rigour for over and above their being under severe restraint their Sustenance was dispens'd to them very parcimoniously while on the other hand their
that Bostar was a plain well meaning Man of easie Faith unpractis'd in subtile Arts and had a good Opinion of him He therefore imparts to him what he seign'd was the best Counsel he could take namely that since the Romans had now gain'd their passage over the River the Carthaginians would be no longer able to hold the Spaniards in subjection by fear but that it imported them in the present evil Conjuncture of their Assairs to acquire by some extraordinary means the Affection and Good-will of the Natives That the Romans were already under the Walls of Saguntum which was in a manner besieg'd and would be soon streightned That therefore if he would give a check to their Ambition and Success he could not take a wifer or more safe course than presently to resolve on the restoring all the Hostages to their Parents and Relations For that the Enemy coveted nothing with more passion than to be able to get them into their hands to the end that by delivering them up they might acquire and conciliate thereby the good Opinion of the Spaniards That in a word it would be an act of great Wisdom in him to obviate this Inconvenience by restoring the Hostages himself which would bind the Spaniards to him for ever and that he for his part would labour his utmost that the Carthaginians might reap the best fruit of so fair a proceeding if they should think sit to commit the Conduct thereof to his management For if it were transacted by him he should be both able and willing to negotiate the Affair with such regard to the Interest of the Carthaginians in the respective Towns concern'd that their Relations should not only be made sensible of the Benefit but the People in general dispos'd to acknowledge their Good-will when they beheld such remarkable Instances of the Carthaginians Friendship He likewise gave Bostar himself hopes of a valuable Reward from those whose Children should be so deliver'd and that in short by his restoring in so generous a manner and contrary to all expectation what was so dear to them every one would emulate the other in their Expressions of Gratitude to such a Benefactor In a word he dealt with Bostar by all the fair Arguments he was able to urge to win him over to his purpose After this Conference matters being concluded between them and a Day set when he should return with all necessary Preparations to receive and conduct the Hostages Abilyx return'd home The following Night he went to the Roman Camp where after some Discourse with certain Spaniards that serv'd in the Army he was by them conducted to the Scipio's to whom he made it appear by many Reasons That the whole Body of the Spaniards would come in to them were it but once known that their Hostages were in their Possession and thereupon gave them his Word to deliver them into their hands Publius list'ned with great pleasure to the Proposition and after solemn promise of a noble Recompence and the time when and the place where they should attend to execute the Design agreed on he dismiss'd them who return'd back to Sagunrum And now Abilyx having provided Persons proper for his Enterprize came to Bostar and after the Hostages were put into his hands he departed by Night from Saguntum as feigning thereby to be able to go more conceal'd from the Enemy's Sentinels But having pass'd their Camp he then took another way and led them at the time agreed on to the place appointed where he deliver'd them to those who had been order'd to take charge of them This was so great an Instance of Abilyx's Good-will to the Romans that Scipio held him ever after in great esteem making use of him in conjunction with People of his own to see the Hostages restor'd to their Parents and their Country who went accordingly from Town to Town where he negotiated so well for the Romans giving the People such Impressions of their Generosity and Humanity and declaiming so justly against the Carthaginians Cruelty and Insidelity and producing himself as an Example of deserting them that he wrought many Towns over to the Romans who enter'd into Confederacy with them Bostar who had committed these Children to the Faith of Abilyx acted a very Child's Part himself and not like an Officer of his Age and Experience becoming afterwards thereby liable to many and great Dangers But forasmuch as the Season of the Year forbad any further present action they withdrew on both sides into Winter-Quarters Afterwards the Romans Fortune changing in favour of their Affairs receiv'd manifold Advantages by means of the Hostages they had so given up being thereby greatly assisted in their future Enterprizes Thus have we deliver'd a state of the Occurrences in Spain But to return to our History of Hannibal He receiving intelligence by his Spies That there was much Corn at Luceria and Gerunium and that Gerunium was a commodious place wherein to make his Magazines thereupon resolv'd to make that Country his Winter-Quarters and so lead his Army by the way of the Mountains of Liburnum to the said Towns When he arriv'd at Gerunium which stands about twenty five Miles from Luceria he sought by all fair Means and large Promises to win them to take part with the Carthaginians offering to bind himself by Oath to the punctual execution of the Conditions that should be accorded to But seeing he could not so prevail he sat down before the Town and laying siege to it soon 〈◊〉 it putting all the Inhabitants to the â—â—word reserving the greatest part of the Buildings undemolish'd whereof to make Granaries and lodging his Troops under the Walls fortify'd his Camp with a good Retrenchment From thence he sent two third parts of his Army to gather in Corn ordering them by turns to supply daily the other third part that remain'd with him with a certain quantity for their Expence he continuing with them constantly in Battalia as well for the guard of the Camp as to prevent any sudden attempt on those who were employ'd in gathering in the Corn. In short the Country being very fertile and the time of Harvest at the heighth they daily brought in very great quantities As soon as Minutius had receiv'd the Command of the Army from Fabius as we noted he lost no time but march'd by the tops of the Mountains to find out the Enemy hoping for an occasion to deal with Hannibal there But when he came to understand That he was already Master of Gerunium that the Carthaginians were spread all over the Country gathering in Corn and that the Army was encamp'd under the Walls of the Town he forthwith descended from the Hills into the Champaign Country and encamp'd in the Territory of Larinam on a high Ground call'd Calela with a full determination to do his utmost to come by any means speedily to a Battel Hannibal having notice of the approach of the Romans permitted only one part of his Army to pursue
their Harvest-work while he with the other two thirds advanc'd toward the Enemy posting himself on an Eminence about two Miles distant from Gerunium to try if he could from thence awe them and also to be in a better Post to succour his Foragers in case they should chance to be press'd But there happening to be a piece of high Ground between the two Armies which commanded near the Roman Camp he sent thither in the Night two Thousand of his light-arm'd Troops to take possession thereof This being observ'd in the Morning by Minutius he immediately order'd out his light-arm'd Soldiers likewise against them who attack'd them in their Post The Dispute was very warm for a while but in the end the Romans prevail'd and dislodging the Enemy came and posted themselves there Hannibal after this remain'd quiet in his Camp for some Days with all his Troops for that they had the Romans now so near Neighbours but after a while he was necessitated to send abroad for Forage for his Horse and to fetch in Corn for the supply of his Camp for that he was unwilling not only to spend out of the Store they had laid up but sollicitous to add to what they had already gather'd to the end they might live in plenty during Winter both Horse and Man placing his greatest hopes of success in the Service of his Horse In the mean time Minutius being inform'd that the Enemy was abroad in great numbers dispers'd here and there about the Country for the Services above-mention'd order'd his Troops to march at an Hour he thought most proper and being not far from the Enemies Camp drew up his Army in Battalia and ordering his Horse and light-arm'd Troops to be drawn up in Parties and small Divisions commanded them to march and attack the Foragers and to give no Quarter This Action did not a little perplex Hannibal who had not then Strength enough at hand to make head against the Enemy nor to succour those who were scatter'd stragling about the Country Those of the Romans who were commanded out against the Foragers kill'd many as they found them wand'ring to and again and those who stood drawn up in Battalia began so to contemn the Carthaginians that not satisfy'd to confine them to their Camp they were hardly with-held from attempting their Works insomuch that Hannibal seem'd to be greatly streightâ—ed Yet albeit he was reduc'd to that extremity that it was all he could do to keep his Ground and defend the Camp yet he deserted not his Post In short Asdrubal receiving those into the Camp under the Walls of Gerunium that had escap'd thither from the Enemy march'd at the head of four Thousand Men to the relief of Hannibal who being now in some sort reinsorc'd advanc'd against the Romans and stood some time in Battalia not far distant from their Camp so that in the end he came fairly off of the Danger that threaten'd him tho' with difficulty enough but in a word he came off Minutius having slain many of the Enemy in this Rencounter and more of the Foragers retir'd to his Camp full of assurance of future Success and on the Morrow upon the Carthaginians marching out of their Works he follow'd them and took possession of their Camp For Hannibal fearful lest the Romans should by surprize in the Night attempt and assault his Camp at Gerunium which was not in a very good state of Defence and might thereby become Masters of their Baggage their Plunder and all the Stores they had there laid up was therefore determin'd to return and abide in those Quarters In the mean time the Carthaginians forag'd for the furture with more caution and the Romans manifested less apprehension of the Enemy The news of this Action being brought to Rome and publish'd with more Vanity than Truth there was great Joy in the City For after the Consternation they had been in they reckon'd it a Change greatly for the better and as an Omen of their future good Fortune and that if their Armies had not of a long time perform'd any thing to the purpose it was not at least through the Cowardice of the Soldiers but the pusillanimity of the Dictator who apprehended every thing So that all the World began now to reproach Fabius and blame his Conduct for having lost so many fair occasions plainly through want of Resolution But they heap'd so many Praises on Minutius that in the end they decreed him an Honour that was without any example in the Republick For they invested him with absolute Authority imagining that by that act they should put it in his Power to give a speedy Period to the War and now by this Decree they came to have two Dictators at one and the same time to Conduct their Affairs which never happen'd at any time before among the Romans When Minutius came to understand how highly he was exalted in the Opinion of the People and that they had given him full Power he grew more determin'd and forward to attempt every thing how hazardous soever In the mean time Fabius returns to the Army without any change of Judgment through the Injuries which had been done him but rather more confirm'd in the Rules he had laid down to himself and observing that Minutius was now become insolent and uneasie to him by his new Authority and Successes and that he oppos'd him in every thing through a kind of Jealousie he had conceiv'd and that he was likely to push Matters to a decisive Battel he therefore put it to his choice whether they should command the Army by Days alternately or divide the Army and command the distinct Bodies apart and have two separate Camps and act as each of them saw good Minutius thereupon inclin'd to divide the Army whereupon the Legions were divided and encamp'd a-part about a Mile and an half asunder Hannibal as well by the Prisoners he had taken as by their Proceedings had now learn'd there was an ill understanding between the two Generals and well knew too the Mind of Minutius wherefore rightly judging that this posture of their Affairs would in the end work more Mischief to them than to him he began to contrive how to lay Baits for Minutius that he might a little restrain his Insolence and confound his Designs And observing a small rising Ground between his and Minutius's Camp by which either might incommode the other Hannibal therefore resolv'd to possess it and for that he was well assur'd the Roman embolden'd by his late Success would oppose him he therefore devis'd this Stratagem The Country round about near this piece of Ground was in truth plain and Champaign no part thereof seeming in any wise capable of Ambushes but forasmuch as in the plainest Countries there are little insensible Risings and Fallings Turnings and Windings Rocks and Caverns where Men may be conceal'd as here there was wherefore in these places he hid five Hundred Horse and five Thousand Foot divided into
Parties of two and three Hundred in a Division according to the capacity of the places where they were to lodge and to be so dispos'd that the Enemies Foragers might not discover them This done he order'd his light-arm'd Troops to march and take possession of the Ground we mention'd whereupon Minutius who concluded the Enemy had given him a new occasion of Victory orders out his light-arm'd Troops to attack them and after these his Horse while he himself follow'd with the gross of the Army in Battalia keeping their Order The Sun was now risen and while every Bodies Eyes were fix'd on the place of Action Hannibal's Ambush riseth and advanceth by degrees unobserv'd by the Romans While Hannibal in the mean while was not slack to send Succours constantly to the Charge and at length advancing himself at the head of his Horse and the rest of the Army the Horse on both sides came soon to ingage Whereupon the light-arm'd Romans not being a match for the Carthaginian Horse were beaten and retreated to their Body putting them in great disorder Hitherto the Ambush remain'd expecting the Signal to fall on which being now given they come boldly to the Charge and attack the Romans on all sides as well on the gross as the light-arm'd Troops so that the dispute was very warm and bloody And now Fabius who saw how things went and fear'd lest Minutius and his Army should be lost march'd out of his Works and came in to his relief who was at his last stake whereupon the Romans who before were broken and disorder'd observing his approach took Heart and rally'd about their Ensigns and made a stand after their having lost many of their light-arm'd Men and more of the best and bravest of their Legionary Soldiers Upon the coming in of the fresh Legions that advanc'd to the Relief boldly and in firm order Hannibal began to be in doubt and therefore founded a Retreat and commanded his People from the Pursuit And now all Men justly judg'd who were ingag'd in the dangers of this Action and in a word concluded that the Romans had been beaten by the rashness of Minutius and that the Common-wealth had been at this time and always heretofore preserv'd and rescu'd through the wise and slow Temper of Fabius And they were soon satisfy'd in Rome of the wide disserence there was between the Prudence of a good General of an Army and a rash hot-headed Soldier Wherefore the Romans now taught by sharp Experience thought it Wisdom for the time to come to abide in a Body and in one Camp and that none was sit to be obey'd but Fabius As for the Carthaginians after they had made a Retrenchment between their Camp and this piece of Ground and had Garrison'd and well Fortify'd the Post and perform'd what was necessary to secure it from any further danger they betook themselves to their Winter-Quarters And now the time for election of their Consuls at Rome was come where L. Aemilius and C. Terentius were chosen and the Dictator's Authority thereby superseded As to the last Years Consuls Cn. Servilius and M. Regulus who had fill'd the place of Flaminius they were invested by Aemilius with Pro-consular Power and having the Camp committed to their Charge had the entire present Conduct of the War In the mean time Aemilius took care to make new Levies after he had imparted his Counsels to the Senate and sent Recruits likewise to fill up the Legions Orders were also dispatch'd to Servilius to be careful not to ingage in a general Battel but to exercise the Troops as often as occasion serv'd in Skirmishes and Rencounters to acquaint the young Soldiers with Danger and their Duty and qualifie them for more important Occasions For they were persuaded that much of their misfortune in the War hitherto was owing to the rawness and inexperience of their Troops who had not for the most part seen any Action of weight The Senate likewise dispatch'd the Praetor Posthumius into Gaul to endeavour to bring over those who had taken Arms under Hannibal to another Mind furthermore it was committed to his Care to Conduct over the Army that had winter'd at Lilybaeum They likewise supply'd the Scipio's who conducted the War in Spain with whatsoever they could be thought to need In a word both Consuls and Senate acted with great attention in all things that might avail towards a vigorous prosecution of the War As soon as Servilius had receiv'd the Consuls Orders he carefully put them in execution performing every other thing that related to his Charge but for Occurrences there happen'd nothing memorable enough to be related whether it was that his Instructions were too much limitted or that the Season of the Year permitted him not to enter on any considerable Action but little was done towards the advancement of their Affairs What was perform'd was by Pickeering and small and frequent Skirmishes and Rencounters wherein the Leaders were not without their share of some Praise acting in their Posts always with singular Temper and Prudence Thus then the two Armies remain'd encamp'd in view of each other all the Winter and a good part of the Spring But as soon as Hannibal saw there was Forage to be had he decamp'd from under Gerunium concluding there was nothing so advantageous for his Affairs as to labour by all ways possible to compel the Enemy to come to a Battel In the mean time he besieg'd and took the Citadel of Cannae where the Romans had laid up their Corn and Provisions of War for the Service of the Army The Town had been demolish'd the Year before and having now lost the Fortress with all their Provision and Stores within it the Roman Army became greatly streighten'd and were not only press'd through want of Provisions which they could not now obtain but with great difficulty the Enemy being possess'd of their Magazine but also because the Fortress of Cannoe commanded the whole Country round about They therefore dispatch'd Messenger on Messenger to Rome for Instructions how to comport themselves letting them understand That if the Enemy approach'd and press'd them there would be no means left to avoid coming to a Battel and that the Country being every-where wasted and destroy'd their Allies began to grow jealous of their Safety and seem'd only at present to stand in a sort of doubtful Neutrality to take their measures as the success of a Battel should determine them Whereupon the Senate came to a Resolution that they should give the Enemy Battel Howbeit they admonish'd Cneius to deferr it if possible to the coming of the Consuls whom they now dispatch'd away All People's Eyes were now on Aemilius their Hopes being in him as well on account of his Vertue as for that he had not long before conducted the War in Illyria much to the Honour of the Republick It was decreed That the Roman Army should consist of eight Legions which was what the People of Rome had
had liv'd to act in every thing the part of an able and vertuous Citizen and especially in this occasion The Romans resisted yet a while but as their Men fell their Ground by degrees became more and more streightned till at length they were so huddled up that they had not space to move and weild their Arms so they were all put to the Sword The two Consuls of the preceding Year likewise fell in this occasion Men of great Reputation for their Wisdom and Probity and who in this Action gave noble Proofs of the power and extent of Roman Vertue While matters pass'd thus here the Numidians who went in pursuit of the Roman Horse kill'd the greatest part of them and took some Prisoners A few got into Venusia and among these the Consul Terentius Varro a Person every way unworthy and who was chosen into the Magistracy for a Curse to his Country This issue had the Field of Cannae famous for the number of illustrious Men there present on both sides as well on the part of the Vanquish'd as the Victors And certainly the Action it self witnesseth its own Greatness for of six Thousand Roman Horse there escap'd no more than Seventy who got with the Consul into Venusia and about three Hundred of the Allies some by one means some by another As to the Foot ten Thousand were made Prisoners who were not in the Action Of the rest not above three Thousand escap'd all the rest dying bravely with their Swords in their Hands to the number of Seventy Thousand In a word the great advantage the Enemy had in Horse mainly contributed to their Success and prositable Instruction may be gather'd by remarking from hence That it is more safe to Fight with one hals the number of Foot less while you exceed the Enercy in Horse than to have both sides equal in Foot and Horse in a Battel But this Victory came not cheap to the Carthaginians for there dy'd in Battel on their part four Thousand Gauls fifteen Hundred Spaniards and Africans and about two Hundred of their Horse The Romans who were taken Prisoners were not in the Battel for Aemilius had left then in the Camp with Orders to march and attack that of the Enemy after the Battel should begin thereby to become Masters of their Stores and Ammunition in case Hannibal should chance to leave his Camp without a good Guard and in case he did he was sure to find his Army thereby diminish'd and the Romans with less business on their hands These then were taken much after this manner Tho' Hannibal left not his Camp without a good Guard nevertheless as soon as the Battel began the Romans pursuant to their Orders march'd to the Attack the Carthaginians for a while gallantly opposing them but at length when they were on the point of yielding to the superiour force of the Enemy Hannibal who was by that time Master of the Field came in to their Relief and routing the Romans forc'd them to take Refuge in their own Camp of these were kill'd about two Thousand the rest were taken alive Such as were scatter'd and dispers'd about the Country and had got into Fortify'd Places shar'd no better Fortune for the Numidians attack'd them where-ever they went taking to the number of two Thousand of their Horse Prisoners as we before noted The issue of this Battel prov'd in effect what either Party foresaw for the Carthaginians thereby became soon possess'd in a manner at least of all that part of Italy call'd the Ancient Province and Magna-Graecia Those of Tarentum the Arpinates and some Capuans putting themselves presently into their hands and all the rest giving manifest signs of their good Inclinations toward them Nor was Hannibal in doubt but that Rome it self would be his on the first Attempt while the Romans became now desperate after this Defeat of preserving their Dominion of Italy And under these Agitations terrify'd at once at their own and Countries Danger expected every moment to see Hannibal at their Gates And as if Fortune had a mind to make them drink the Dreggs of this bitter Cup they receiv'd news shortly after while the City was sinking under the weight of their Adversity that their Praetor whom they had sent to the Cisalpine Gauls was himself with his whole Army routed and cut off by an Ambush they had laid in his way Howbeit the Senate deserted not their Duty in this exigent They call'd on the Inhabitants to strengthen the Works of the City and gave all those needful Orders which their Circumstances would permit as by the success soon appear'd And tho' in truth the whole World was now witness that the Romans at this time were vanquish'd and gave place in Military Reputation to their Enemy nevertheless it will also be confess'd That what by their Constancy of Mind and the Wisdom of their Counsels they overcame at length these their Conquerors and not only rescu'd their Country but added not long after to their recovery of Italy the Conquest of the World Here then we have thought it proper to sinish this Book which contains so many memorable Tranfactions as well in Spain as Italy during the hundred and fortieth Olympiad And when we shall have spoken of the Occurrences of Greece during the same Olympiad we shall then return to Rome and discourse at large on the subject of that Common-wealth being persuaded that such Remarks as may be thence collected will not only be found worthy the Pen of an Historian but of excellent use both to those who would improve their Minds in such Contemplations as others who are actually in the Ministry of Publick Affairs as well for the correcting the Errors of present Governments as the forming and founding of new Common-wealths The End of the First Volume A Catalogue of BOOKS Printed for Rich. Wellington at the Lute in St. Paul's Church-yard and Sam. Briscoe near Covent-garden THE Italian Voyage or a compleat Journey through Italy In two Parts being an exact Character of the People and a Description of the chief Towns Churches Monasteries Tombs Libraries Pallaces Villa's Gardens Pictures Statues Antiquities as also of the Interest Government Rules Force c. of all the Princes By Richard Laswell Gent the second Edition with large Additions by a modern Name A Discourse of the Nature and Faculties of Man in several Essays with some Considerations on the Occurrences of Humane Life By Tim. Nourse Gent. Familiar Letters Written by John late Earl of Rochester to the Honourable Henry Savile Esq and several other Persons of Quality with Love-letters writ by the ingenuous Mr. Otway with several other Letters writ by his Grace the Duke of Buckingham Sir George Etheridge and Mr. Tho Brown In 2 Vol. Each may be had singly The Histories and Novels of the late ingenuous Mrs. Anne Behn Vol. I. viz. Oroonoko or the Royal Slave The fair Gilt or Prince Tarquin Agnes de Castro or the Force of generous Love The Lovers
to any thing they can take away Nevertheless during the Life of Antigonus the sear the Aetolians were under of the Lacedaemonians withheld them a while from Violence but he was no sooner dead and Philip then very young come to the Crown when setting little by his Youth they meditated by what means or pretexts they might make War on the Peloponnesians whom after their ancient Custom they had a mind to plunder and believ'd they had a better right to make War on the Achaians than any other People whatsoever While they were thus consulting there happen'd an accident that further'd their purpose and which in short they made use of to colour it Dorimachus of Trichonia was Son of Nichostratus who had acted so perfidious a part in the Assembly of the Baeotians This Dorimachus a turbulent young Man and every way an Aetolian and after their manner looking with a covetous Eye on other Mens Possessions was employ'd by Publick Authority to Phigalia a Town of Peloponnesus under a shew of taking care for the Security and Defence of the Town and Territory but indeed his Commission was to make Observations from thence of the Transactions of Peloponnesus Soon after his arrival there drew a numerous confluence thither from sundry Quarters of loose piratical People who resorted to him then residing in that Town which was a Confederate of the Aetolians and situate on the Frontiers of the Messenians and he not being able to gratisie these Robbers with the Prey they hunted after the Peace of Antigonus as yet subsisting among the Greeks and in short having no better way to entertain them permitted them to spoil the Messenians of their Cattel who were also Friends and Confederates of the Aetolians Who beginning on the Skirts of their Frontiers driving away their Herds from thence their Insolence grew at length to attempt such of their Habitations by Night as lay at any distance dispers'd about the Country The Messenians were thereupon urg'd to dispatch their Deputies with Complaints of those Outrages to Dorimachus and to demand reparation of the wrongs they had receiv'd who did not only not incline to redress them but seem'd rather to incourage those who bare Arms under him and indeed to inrich himself by sharing a good proportion of all their Booty But at length being press'd by new and frequent Importunities his People continuing to act every day new Villanies he told the Deputies he would come himself to Messina and do right to those who had complain'd of Injuries done them by the Aetolians But upon his coming and the Application of those who had been thus molested some he dismiss'd with Scoffs others by adding further Injuries to those they had sustain'd and terrifying others with hard and menacing Language In short it so happen'd that while Dorimachus remain'd at Messina this lewd Rabble approaching near the Town in the Night rifled a certain Country-House call'd Chyron where killing all that made resistance they bound the rest in Chains and carry'd them away together with the Cattle Whereupon the Messenians who had long lain under the resentment of this barbarous Treatment and the little account Dorimachus seem'd to make of their Complaints cited him to appear before their Assembly Sciron happen'd to be at this time their Chief Magistrate of whom so his Vertue his fellow Citizens had a singular esteem He was of Opinion that Dorimachus should be held under restraint till reparation were made of the Damages they had suffer'd and the Authors of the Slaughter that had been committed were deliver'd into their hands which Counsel was thought but just and had the ready concurrence of the Assembly Dorimachus inrag'd at this proceeding angrily told them That they shew'd themselves but weak in such a Determination if they could not distinguish that thereby they did not affront him but the whole Aetolian People that their Proceeding was unaccountable and that it would not be long ere it were reveng'd There was at this time a certain ridiculous Fellow in Messina call'd Babyrtas who was every way so like Dorimachus that had he been habited like him the resemblance both in Person Countenance and Voice was so great that it would have been difficult to know them afunder Hereof too Dorimachus had been inform'd Who on occasion treating the Messenians after his insolent and menacing manner Sciron a little transported How now Babyrtas saith he do you think that you or your Threats can awe the Messenians To this Affront Dorimachus made no Reply and not able now otherwise to avoid it yielded that the Messenians should pursue the Reparation of the Injuries that had been done them and the Punishment of those who were sound Guilty But he was no sooner return'd to his Country when this Ouâ—rage they had done him so wrought in his Mind that without any other known Motive he prevail'd with the Aetolians to make War on the Messenians Ariston was at that time Praetor of the Aetolians whose Infirmities did not permit him to be at the Head of their Army to him Dorimachus was ally'd as likewise one Scopas to Dorimachus then he committed in a manner the intire Execution of his Authority who nevertheless did not adventure in their Publick Assemblies to persuade them to this War with the Messenians not being furnish'd with Matter sufficient to determine them to such a Resolution and he knew moreover that his meaning would be too well understood and that his Revenge and his Profit were the true Motives to such Counsels So that forbearing to press it publickly he labour'd to win Scopas to assist him in his Designs against the Messenians Telling him there was nothing to be feared from the Macedonians while the Authority was in such raw hands Philip not having attain'd the Age of Seventeen Years he further added that the Eleans were the Aetolians fast Friends and in Alliance with them and concluded there could be no hazard from thence in breaking the Peace with the Messenians But the Argument that weigh'd most with Scopas as an Aetolian was the great Profit and Plunder that would arise thereby For that their Country was rich naked and unguarded and might be easily surpriz'd and in a word he promis'd himself greater Advantage by how much that in the Cleomenic War that Territory alone had escap'd the Rapine and Violence of the Soldiers and had felt none of those Evils of War by which the whole Country beside had been wasted He further and above all things endeavour'd to persuade him that nothing could fall out more agreeable to the Aetolians And for what could happen with respect to the Achaians if they should chance to oppose their march they could have no just subject of Complaint while they did no other than barely repel Force by Force and in case they attempted nothing that then the execution of what they had projected would be so much the more feasible That after all that had been said there were not wanting fair Pretexts to take up
Arms against the Messenians who had long given occasion enough by their entering into Security to the Macedonians and Achaians to take part with them in all their Enterprizes Thus he prevail'd with Scopas and his Friends and wrought so far upon them that without attending the Resolution of a general Convention of the Aetolians or so much as imparting their Purpose to the Magistrates in being or making any one step according to ancient Custom they did at once and of their own Heads in effect declare War against the Messenians Epirots Achaians Acarnanians and Macedonians At the same time they sent out their Fleet of Pilserers to infest the adjacent Seas who meeting with a Ship of the Kings of Macedon off of Cythera made Prize of her and carrying her into Port sold both the Ship and her Company In short they proceeded to plunder all along the Coast of Epirus imploying for that service Vessels of Cephallania and made an attempt on Thyrea a Town of Acarnania Afterwards dispatching Troops by secret ways into Peloponnesus they surpriz'd and kept possession of a Fortress call'd Clarium in the heart of the Megalopolitan Territory which they made use of for a Retreat and place of Refuge and to lodge and secure their Plunder But some time after they lost it again to Timoxenus Praetor of the Achaians assisted by Taurion who had been left by Antigonus on his departure out of Peloponnesus to administer the Affairs of the Kings of Macedon in those Parts For Antigonus was in possession of Corinth which he took and held by the consent of the Achains during the Reign of Cleomenes and had not restor'd Orchomenus which be had taken by force but on the contrary kept it still in his Hands and held it for his own His Motive it may be presum'd for so doing being not only to preserve by that means an easie ingress into Peloponnesus but to be able by keeping a Garison in Orchomenus to secure and awe the neighbouring Territory to better Obedience Dorimachus and Scopas then chusing their time when the Praetor Timoxenus was upon resigning up his Charge and Aratus who was to succeed him not yet invested in the Authority call'd an Assembly of the Aetolians in Rhium and having given their Orders to have the Cephallenian Vessels in a readiness they embark'd their Troops and transported them into Peloponnesus taking their march towards Messina and passing through the Territories of Patroe Pharoe and Tritoea they made show to the Achaians of having no design to molest them in their Passage Howbeit the covetous Soldiers withheld not their Hands but plunder'd and spoil'd the Country every where as they went till they came to Phigalea This Town they made their place of Arms and the Seat of the War and from hence made their Inroads on the Lands of the Messenians without any regard to the right of Nations and the ancient Friendship and Alliance that had been made and continu'd between them but led by their Avarice against all Rules of Honour or Equity robb'd and spoil'd the Country with impunity the Messenians not finding themselves of strength sufficient to adventure out against them The Achaians in the mean time according to Custom assembled at Aegium where the Patroeans and Pharoeans preserr'd their Complaints of the Damages that had been done them by the Aetolians in their march through their Country The Messenians likewise complained of their Outrages and perfidious Dealing and sent their Deputies to pray speedy Succours After the Assembly had deliberated on these Matters it was concluded That the resentment of those of Patroe and Pharoe was just and ought to be prosecuted and that the case of the Messenians was to be commiserated And it was especially agreed That the State in general had been affronted by this insolent proceeding of the Aetolians who had presum'd in hostile manner to enter upon Achaia not only without their permission but against the Treaty of Peace Whereupon justly provok'd by these Infractions they resolv'd to send Succours to the Messenians and that as soon as the Praetor should have put them in Arms they would then proceed further to execute what should be thought expedient by the Assembly Timoxenus who was yet in the Praetorship was not very well pleased with the Expodition noâ— consequently with the Decree of the Assembly for his Authority being not yet expir'd he had no mind to the Command as having but a doubtful Opinion of the Achaian Militia which had been long unexercis'd in Arms. For after the expulsion of Cleomenes the Peloponnesians weary of former Wars and believing the present peaceable posture of their Affairs was likely to endure had totally relinquish'd the Trade of Warfare and neglected the use of Arms. But Aratus provok'd at the Indignities they had suffer'd by the audacious Aetolians pursu'd the matter with another Spirit nor was this the first occasion he had conveiv'd of aversion to that People Wherefore he lost no time in putting the Achaians under Arms but determin'd to come speedily to a Battel with the Aetolians In a word five Days before he was to enter on his Charge Timoxenus delivering up the Seal he dispatch'd his Orders to all the Towns and Cities assigning them a Day when all their young Men fit to carry Arms should assemble at Megalopolis And here we have thought it a Debt due to the Merit of Aratus to say something of him in particular Aratus was endu'd with almost all the good Qualities that could be wish'd to compose a Man for great and publick Employments He was able in the Art of Persuasion conceiv'd rightly and readily executed and when it was prudent to be silent he very well knew how to hold his peace He had not his Equal in supporting with constancy the Dissentions of his fellow Citizens second to none in composing them and artful in acquiring Friends and Confederates He was subtile to contrive and conceal his secret Practices and none better at devising Stratagems and laying Ambushes against an Enemy And in a word he compass'd the most difficult Enterprizes by Patience and Application Whereof manifold Instances may be enumerated namely and principally his surprizing of Sicyon and Mantinoea his expelling the Aetolians out of Pellene and his getting possession of Acro Corinth by intelligence And yet after all it is as true that at the Head of an Army in the Field he was quite another Man for as he was too slow in his Resolutions so was he too backward in Danger and wanted assurance to look on any Attempt that bore the least appearance of Terrour which were defects that gave occasion of great advantage to the Enemy who spoil'd and pillag'd the whole Country of Peloponnesus and coming once to know his unguarded part they never fail'd of succeeding when they attack'd him there So true it is that Nature hath not only diversify'd Men in their Bodies and Minds but triumphs in dissimilitude of Mind in one and the same Man who
gain'd the Hills and the Horse in the Plains bringing up and sustaining the Rear and who now drew near an Eminence call'd Propus They sent out their Horse after them to whom they joyn'd their light-arm'd Troops under the leading of Epistratus the Acarnanian these had order to fall on their Rear-guard to make some proof of the mettle of the Enemy Now if it were reasonable to come to a Battel they could not have made a worse choice than to attack the Enemy in the Rear for their Gross had already pass'd the Plains but to have done as they ought would have been to have ingag'd their Van as soon as they had enter'd on the Champaign Ground In which case they had had the benefit of fighting with the Advantage both in the nature of their Arms and the strength of their Order wherein in plain Ground they were in both superior to the Enemy who could not possibly have then fought without great odds against them But while they committed this over-sight and attack'd not the Aetolians till they had gain'd the Advantage of Ground it was no wonder that the Success fell out accordingly For the light-arm'd Troops no sooner came to the Charge when the Aetolian Horse had gain'd the Mountain firm and in good order keeping a good round march whereby to come up and Joyn their Foot Aratus who could not very well discover how the Affair went and not rightly judging of the Danger to which he was going to expose himself imagining the Enemies hasty Motion to be no other than Flight detach'd his Curiassiers from the Wings and commanded them to advance to the Charge to reinforce and sustain the light-arm'd Soldiers In the mean time drawing up the rest of his Troops into one Battalion he march'd himself at the Head of them and hastily advanc'd towards the Enemy doing every thing with precipitation But the Aetolian Horse had no sooner pass'd the Plain and joyn'd the Foot who had the Rear-guard and had now gain'd the Mountain when they immediately made a halt and ordering their Foot on the Flanks incourag'd one another to fear nothing And now facing about the Shouts they made caus'd those who were at a distance to return and hasten to their assistance so that their number increasing in confidence of their superiour Strength and the benefit of charging from higher Ground they boldly attack'd the Enemies Horse and their light-arm'd Troops and after a long and obstinate Dispute the Achaians were worsted Who flying so terrify'd those who were coming in no very good order to their Relief that they likewise retreated as fast as they came partly out of ignorance of the state of the Battel partly by meeting those of their Party who were flying for Safety from the Enemy This was the reason why it came to pass that this Party only of five Hundred of their Men was beaten and above two Thousand betook themselves to flight without ingaging And now the Aetolians who took Counsel of the present posture of the Field follow'd them hard in the Rear with great Shouts and Acclamations In short while the Achaian Troops were retreating back to the Gross as they thought of the Army which they hop'd would afford them a safe reception their Retreat was Soldier-like in good and safe order but as soon as they perceiv'd them to have quitted the advantageous Post they had taken that their Order was broken and confus'd marching in a Defileé then they sell into Confusion likewise and scattering and dispersing themselves here and there some got into neighbouring Towns others meeting a Battalion of their own Troops that advanc'd to their Succour so terrify'd each other tho' no Enemy were near that they both broke and dispers'd Of those that shifted for themselves as we observ'd some got into the Towns round about and a good Party escap'd to Orchomenus and Caphya which were not far off For had they not had those safe Retreats at hand they had been intirely ruin'd Thus have we related the Story of this Battel which was fought near Caphya As soon as the Megalopolitans came to understand that the Aetolians were encamp'd in the Territory of Methydrium they drew their whole Forces together and march'd to the Assistance of the Achaians but they arriv'd not till the Day after the Battel and their coming prov'd of no other use than to take care of burying the dead Bodies of those with whom they expected to have joyn'd and hop'd to have reliev'd So that digging a great Ditch in the Territory of the Caphyans they there bury'd the dead performing the Obsequies of those unfortunate Men with great Honour and Solemnity And now the Aetolians having obtain'd a Victory so contrary to their Hopes by the single service of their Horse and light-arm'd Soldiers took their march thereupon without fear or danger quite cross the Country of Peloponnesus And after making an attempt on Pellene and harrassing the Territory of Sicyon they took their way by the Isthmus These matters then which we have now related were the cause of the Confederate War and the Decree that was conceiv'd thereupon and confirm'd in a general Assembly of the Allies at Corinth where King Philip who procur'd the same and was present was the beginning of the said War In the mean time the Achaians soon after this Defeat call an Assembly where Aratus was severely prosecuted with Complaints on all hands As having been manifestly the occasion of the loss and dishonour they had sustain'd And by how much his Enemies press'd him with Accusations and with strong Reasons laid open his mismanagement by so much did the Hatred and Indignation of the People increase against him First there was no dispute but that Aratus had greatly err'd in having as one may say usurp'd the Magistracy by taking it upon him before he was regularly elected into his Charge And he could not deny but that what he had enterpriz'd thereupon had very ill succeeded Furthermore they blam'd him for that seeing the Aetolians yet in the heart of Peloponnesus he had been prevail'd with to dismiss the Achaian Troops notwithstanding he had been before well assur'd that Scopas and Dorimachus were sirmly determin'd to embroil their Affairs and to do all they could to ingage them in a War The third Article against him was His adventuring to ingage with so few Troops when he might with ease have made a good Retreat to the neighbouring Towns where he might at leisure have reinforc'd his Army and then given the Enemy Battel if he had seen cause The last and heaviest Charge against him was That after he had resolv'd to give the Enemy Battel he did not make one Soldier-like step in the whole Conduct of the Action For it had been in his choice to have sought on plain Ground which would have been much to his advantage for there the heavy-arm'd Troops could have ingag'd from whose service he could hardly have sail'd of Success While on the contrary he
Achaian This being the Posture of Affairs in that Town those who were under sentence of Bunishment had a little before the arrival of the Aetolian Army labour'd about a Reconciliation and besought the Government that they might be restor'd to their Country Upon which Overtures the Citizens were prevail'd with to yield to their admittance but to the end they might not transact any thing without the concurrence of the Achaians they first dispatch'd their Deputies to them to obtain their Approbation The Achaians readily accorded to the request of the banish'd Persons conceiving they should thereby ingratiate themselves and gain the good will of both Parties of those in whose Hands the Magistracy was then lodg'd for their greatest hopes was in the Achaians and of the others who were restor'd to their Country as owing the benefit to their Favour So that these Differences being compos'd the Cynoethians dismiss'd their Garison and their Governour and being now reconcil'd to their Exiles who were to the number of about three Hundred receiv'd them to their Friendship who gave them all the evidences of Fidelity and fair Dealing that could possibly be interchang'd between People firmly dispos'd to love and oblige one another But without the least appearance of any new Motive of Dissention they were no sooner receiv'd into the Town when they conspir'd together to betray their Country and destroy those who but just before had been the Authors of so great a Benefit So that it may be said That while they were protesting Fidelity by the Victims on the Altar they were meditating the most horrible Crime that could be conceiv'd against God or Man For they had scarce made an end of swearing Fidelity on their being receiv'd into the Town when they call'd in the Aetolians and deliver'd it into their Hands proud of being the Authors of their Countries ruine that had given them Being and of inslaving those who had redeem'd them Behold the manner how this piece of Treachery was contriv'd Some of the Exiles had been Polymarchs that is they had been in command in the Army Which sort of Magistrates it seems had a right to take charge of the Gates of the Town had the custody of the Keys and by Night the Command of the Guard Now the Aetolians who were not far off having Ladders and all proper Provision with them lay conceal'd waiting the occasion when the Polymarchs who had been banish'd after having dispatch'd their Companions of the Guard who were not partakers of the Villany presently threw open the Gates Whereupon one Party of the Aetolians enter'd that way and another scal'd the Walls In the mean time the Inhabitants terrify'd at an attempt so surprizing were confounded in their Judgments what to do or which way first to go for in short they no sooner advanc'd against those who had enter'd by the Gate when they were alarm'd by the others who were scaling their Walls but those who enter'd by the Gate being the greater number found them more than work enough So that in the end the Aetolians became Masters of the Place and amidst the many Crimes they committed perform'd this one act of Justice namely to cut those in pieces first who had betray'd the Town into their Hands making Booty of their Goods Howbeit the rest afterwards far'd no better their Houses being expos'd to Plunder and many of the Inhabitants put to Torment on suspicion they might have conceal'd their Goods of greatest value After this severe treatment of the Cynoethians they plac'd a Garrison in the Town and march'd with their Army towards Lussi when arriving near a Temple of Diana between Clytoria and Cynoetha a place of great Devotion and a Sanctuary among the Greeks they were about to rob the Goddess of the sacred Cattel and all that was near the Temple But to prevent this Violence and with-hold them from greater Crimes the Lussiatoe freely bestow'd part of what appertain'd to the Goddess upon them Whereupon they dislodg'd from thence and went and encamp'd before Clytoria In the mean time Aratus Praetor of the Achaians having sent to demand Aids of King Philip proceeded to make extraordinary Levies of Men and call'd on the Lacedaemonians and Messenians for the Succours they were oblig'd to contribute pursuant to the Treaty The Aetolians likewise press'd the Clytorians to renounce their Alliance with the Achaians and take part with them Which being refus'd they endeavour'd to reduce them by force scaling the Walls of the Town But being resolutely oppos'd by the Inhabitants they were compell'd to retire From thence they return'd to Cynaetha pillaging the Country all about and carrying away the sacred Cattel of the Goddess Then they propos'd to put the Town into the hands of the Eleans which not being accepted they resolv'd to keep it for themselves putting in Euripides for their Governour But shortly after being allarm'd at the news of the approach of the Macedonians they burnt the Town and retir'd taking their march towards Rhium with purpose to pass that way into Aetolia In the mean time Taurion having notice of the Success of the Aetolians and of what they had done at Cynaetha and hearing that Demetrius of Pharus was arriv'd from the Cyclades to Cenchrea he importun'd him to come to the Assistance of the Achaians to draw his Vessels over the Isthmus and fall on the Aetolians in their passage Demetrius who had fled from the Rhodians that were in pursuit of him and had brought with him no less Shame than Plunder from the Cyclades readily yielded to the Demand especially in regard Taurion was to be at the expence of transporting over the Vessels But that Work was no sooner over when they understood that the Aetolians had gain'd their Passage two Days before whereupon Demetrius contenting himself to make Inroads on them here and there near the Sea-coast retir'd to the Port of Corinth In conclusion the Lacedoemonians industriously and with evil intent deferr'd sending those Aids to which by the accord they were oblig'd covering their malicious Purpose however with dispatching an inconsiderable Supply of Horse and Foot While the Achaian Troops rendezvous'd about Aratus who in short govern'd his Affairs in such sort in that occasion as render'd him rather a cautious and wise Citizen than an able General of an Army For indeed the reflection on his late Disasters had so warn'd him that he remain'd long undetermin'd how to proceed till at length Dorimachus and Scopas having leisure given them to act the Part for which they came return'd home without molestation While Aratus in the mean time well knew they must of necessity take their March by such Ways and Passes so difficult and dangerous that as one may say they might have been beaten by the Sound only of a Trumpet As for the Cynaethians tho' their usage from the Aetolians was barbarous enough yet so it was that all the World look'd on their Misfortunes as a Punishment justly inflicted But forasmuch as the Arcadians are
make an easie passage through all Impediments which increasing their Rage they come to pierce and remove by their violence the hardest Rocks carrying Sand Stones and all before them filling up and so changing the face of things that the View and Landscape becomes in a short space quite another prospect Let it not be thought strange then I say that Rivers so great and rapid should produce such effects as we have Calculated by their descent into the Pontic Sea which we have maintain'd must at length be fill'd up and levell'd For he who weighs the matter rightly will not only perceive it probable but necessary For if we reason but from hence that as the Waters of the Palus-Maeotis are fresher than those of the Euxine and those of the Euxine in a degree different to those in our Seas it is a plain consequence that the Euxine must at long run become a Lake of fresh Water and at length a Moor or Fenny Continent But this effect must be the product of so much a longer space than it hath been brought to pass in the Palus-Moeotis by how much the Euxine is of greater depth and content than the other Howbeit we may justly conclude it will be by some degrees proportionably sooner by how much more the Rivers there are greater and more numerous We have been thus extensive the better to inform such as think it impossible that the Euxine which hath already visibly suffer'd some advance towards it should ever become fill'd up and that so ample a Sea should in process of time grow into Continent We had likewise a further end by thus enlarging on this Subject namely to reprove the fond and fabulous Relations of Sea-faring People and that the Readers may not do like Children who being yet ignorant of all things listen with astonishment to every extravagant Tale that is told them But having their Minds cultivated by the notions of Verity they may become qualify'd to determine of the truth or salshood of what they hear But let us further examine the situation of Byzantium The Streight then that lies between the Euxine and the Propontis is in length about fifteen Miles as was noted On that part towards the Euxine stands the City of Hieron on the extremity thereof the other part towards the Propontis terminates in the space or opening that lies between Byzantium and the opposite Shore Between these on the side of Europe and in the very narrow of all stands the Temple of Mercury built on a Rock that like a Promontory jets a good way into the Sea where the Streight is not above five Furlongs broad Here it was that Report makes Darius to have built his Bridge in his Expedition against the Scythians Now forasmuch as the Coast on both sides from hence downward towards the Propontis trends away streight and preserves a parallel distance as it goes the Current by that means moves equally But as soon as these vast Waters that descend from the Euxine Sea come to be pent up and streighten'd by the narrow passage made by the Promontory where the Temple stands which we but now mention'd on Europe side here driven as it were by some mighty force they recoil over to the Asian Shore and from thence return to the Coast of Europe beating on those Head-lands or Promontories call'd Hestiae and from thence with unspeakable violence take their course over to Asia again towards that part of the Country call'd the Ox where there stands a place bearing that Name and where the Fable tells us Io having swam over the Streight first set her Foot From hence as one may say being push'd off it takes its course at length over to Byzantium where the Waters now dilated and spreading themselves about the Town the Current loseth it self and carries but a weak stream into the Gulf but terminates in a manner at the Cape call'd the Horn. In a word tho' the greatest part of these Waters make their traverse over again towards the Asian Shore yet forasmuch as the strength of the Current is now lost the motion ceaseth ere it arrives so far as Chalcedon situate on that Coast For after so many reverberations the Streight now opening wider the force of the Stream being spent cannot reach directly over but with a kind of Biass declines and steals away And leaving Chalcedon dies in the Channel and so pursues a direct course by the Streight Hence it comes to pass that Byzantium enjoys so many Benefits and Chalcedon so few while to the view one would be apt to judge their situation equally Advantageous But as we have noted the Navigation to the one is very tedious and difficult while to the other the Stream compels and gives a quick and easie passage Hence those who are bound from Chalcedon to Byzantium cannot stand directly over by reason of the strength of the Current but are forc'd first to gain the Point call'd the Ox and the Town of Chrysopolis whereof the Athenians were heretofore possess'd and were the first who by the Counsel of Alcibiades exacted a Toll from all that Traded into the Pontic Sea From hence advancing a little they fall at length into the Current which then forceth them away directly to Byzantium The like happens whether you are bound upward or downward to this place For if Ships are bound from the Hellespont towards the Euxine while the Wind blows at South or from the Euxine towards the Hellespont during the Levants the Passage is direct and easie along the Coast of Europe from Byzantium to the Streight of the Hellespont where stand the Towns of Sestos and Abydus But those who sail from Chalcedon coasting it along find quite the contrary for they are forc'd to ply and turn to Windward by reason of the Land of the Cyzicenians which runs far out into the Sea In short as 't is difficult for those who are bound from the Hellespont to Chalcedon to Coast it along on the Europe side so when they arrive near Byzantium 't is as hard to fetch over to Chalcedon through the exceeding violence of the Current and the other Impediments we have mention'd which cross their Passage It is impossible then to arrive directly from thence at the Coast of Thrace by reason of the strength of the opposing Current and contrary Winds which let us stand which way soever we can blowing almost constantly Trade is ever out of the way for that Navigation For as the Southerly Winds blow fair to waft us into the Pontic Sea and the opposite Point is fair to bring us back so but with one or the other of these two Winds 't is impossible to gain our Passage Thus have we open'd the Causes from whence these great Benefits arrive to the Byzantines by Sea And what we shall now further observe will explain the Reason of their Misfortunes by Land Byzantium stands in the Country of Thrace which borders on and begirts their Territory quite round from Sea to
Sea whence it comes to pass that the Byzantines are in perpetual Hostility with that People And by how much these Barbarians are a very numerous Nation and govern'd by many Princes by so much is the Task more difficult to reduce them nor have the Byzantines any prospect of being able with all the Provision they can make ever to deliver themselves from the Molestations of that War For when at any time they chance to obtain any signal Victory over any one of these Princes they are sure to have three or four combine with much greater Power to revenge and ingage in the Quarrel And in case they should be dispos'd for Peace sake to yield to pay the least Acknowledgment to any one of these their Neighbours they were to expect by gaining one Friend to purchase five Enemies Whence it falls out that in this Warfare there can be no end and there is nothing more irksome than the Neighbourhood of so brutal a Race of Men or more terrible than Hostility with a barbarous Enemy Furthermore over and above all these Evils to which they stand expos'd to the Landward they are condemn'd to one kind of suffering not unlike that to which the Poets have sentenc'd Tantalus For possessing a rich and fruitful Territory which they take care to Cultivate their Harvest is no sooner ripe when these Thieves visit them and rob them for the most part of the Fruit of their Labour which misfortune they lament in vain Thus then the Byzantines become familiar with the Calamities they suffer and by the force of Custom endure the Hardships of incessant Hostilities persisting to preserve their ancient Alliances with the Greeks inviolate But after the Gauls to fill the Measure of their Adversity came to be their Neighbours under the leading of Comontorius their Condition became then most deplorable These Gauls were a part of those who swarm'd out of their Country with Brennus who after the execution done on them at Delphos did not presently pass into Asia on their arrival at the Hellespont but invited by the Fertility of the Country about Byzantium resolv'd there to six their Abode Afterwards subduing the Thracians they establish'd a Regal Seat in Tula and grew quickly to be Formidable to the Byzantines whom they drove to great Streights being oblig'd on Comontorius his invading and spoiling their Frontiers to buy off that Burden by an Annual Present sometimes of three Thousand Aurei sometimes of five Thousand and some Years it amounted to no less than ten Thousand whereby to redeem their Country from the Rapine of these Barbarians Till at length they became driven to be plain Tributaries to the yearly summ of fourscore Talents which lasted to the Reign of Clyarus In whom the Gallic Dominion expired the whole Nation being utterly exterminated by the Thracians It was at this time that the Byzantines sinking under the weight of their Adversity sent their Ambassadors to sollicit Succours from the Greeks and seek Relief from the many Hardships they endur'd And in a word press'd by their Wants they came at length to a Resolution of exacting a Toll from all who navigated into the Pontic Sea for but few of the Greeks it seems laid their Sufferings to Heart But they no sooner began to levy this Duty when the Innovation was resented on all Hands and the Rhodians above the rest were censur'd who being at that time Masters of the Sea submitted to so undue an Imposition And this in a word produc'd the War which we are about to relate The Rhodians then provok'd as well by their own seeling of this new Tax as through the Instigation of others dispatch'd their Ambassadors jointly with those of their Allies to the Byzantines to persuade them to abolish it But the Byzantines could not be brought to accord to the Proposition in confidence of the Equity of the Motives they had for what they did and they were the more confirm'd in their refusal by the Authority of Hecatoâ—dorus and Olympiodorus who being at thaâ— time first in the Magistracy of the City oppos'd it with all their Power Whereupon the Ambassadors return'd home with a Negative Reply from the Byzantines and the Rhodianâ— thereupon declar'd War against them and 〈◊〉 the same time sent to sollicit King Prusias to joyn and take part with them being well assur'd that Prince did not abound in good Will towards that People The Byzantines by the Example of the Rhodians dispatch'd likewise their Ambassadors to Attalus and Achaeus to sollicit Aid from them They found Attalus dispos'd to assist them but he was not in a present Condition to yield them any great effects of his Friendship inasmuch as he had been lately compell'd by the Power of Achoeus to retire and confine himself to the ancient Limits of his Father's Kingdom As to Achaeus who now held the Dominion of the whole Territory in Asia on this side Mount Taurus and had lately assum'd the Title of King he fairly promis'd the Byzantines and frankly embracing their part put them in mighty hopes and thereby gave matter of apprehension both to Prusias and the Rhodians Achoeus was of Kin to Antiochus who succeeded to the Kingdom of Syria and became possess'd of the Power he held by the means we shall now relate After the Death of Seleucus Father of Antiochus and that Seleucus his Eldest Son had taken possession of the Kingdom Achaeus accompany'd him in his March and Passage over Mount Taurus about two Years before those Matters were transacted whereof we shall by and by make relation Seleucus had no sooner taken possession of the Kingdom when he receiv'd Intelligence that Attalus had already seiz'd and brought under his Dominion all that part of Asia lying on this side Mount Taurus whereupon he forthwith fell prudently to deliberate about the Affairs of his Government But he had no sooner pass'd Mount Taurus at the Head of a powerful Army when by the treasonable Practices of Nicanor and Villainy of one Apaturius a Gaul he was Murder'd But Achoeus soon compass'd a just Revenge on the Traytors for the Death of the King his Kinsman and taking upon him the Conduct of the Army and the Government manag'd all things with great Prudence and manifested in all his Deportments a singular sufficiency and vivacity of Mind And albeit the Soveraign Authority became now left to his Election and the People freely courted him with Tenders of the Diadem he nevertheless rejected the Offer and determining to reserve the Succession to Antiochus Brother of the dead King led the Army from place to place and manag'd the War so prosperously that he soon recover'd all that had been lost on this side the Mountains But vanquish'd at length by the Temptations of his Felicity and after having beaten and confin'd Attalus to his own City of Pergamus and reduc'd all those places that had been forceably possess'd he renounc'd all those noble and generous Purposes he had taken and invading the Dominion
to march to Rhium and fall by that way on the Aetolians After Philip had given Audience to the Ambassadors he did not presently dismiss them but holding them in hand told them he would deliberate on their Proposals So decamping he march'd the Army to Metropolis and Conope At Metropolis the Aetolians held the Citadel but â—â—â—tred the Town which the King destroy'd and so prosecuted his march to Conope In the mean time the Aetolian Horse were got together and boldly resolv'd to attempt the obstructing his Passage over the River about two Miles from the Town believing they should be able either to hinder his passing or at least to do the Army much damage in the attempt But the King who had knowledge of their Purpose commanded the Buckler-Men first to enter the River and to approach the other Bank by Troops or Cohorts well cover'd with their Bucklers after the Tortoise manner These Orders being observ'd as they gain'd the other Shoar the Aetolians attack'd the advanc'd Party and in truth made some dispute but when they observ'd these to halt and to draw into close order and that the second and third Cohorts joining them compos'd as it were a Wall of Defence with their Bucklers they then gave back and retreated into the Town despairing to perform any further Service After this occasion the Aetolians presum'd no more to come into the Field but shut themselves up in their Places of Defence After the King had pass'd the River and spoil'd all the low Country without opposition he advanc'd to Ithoria a Place fortify'd and strong by Art and Nature and standing in the way of his march Nevertheless on the approach of the Army the Garrison thought it best to retire and abandon their Works Thus becoming Master of this Place he order'd it forthwith to be dismantled and demolish'd commanding his Troops that ravag'd the Country far and wide to do the like to all the Fortresses they could get into their hands After he had pass'd this Streight he mov'd by easier marches the better to enable the Soldiers to carry their Plunder Then having furnish'd the Army with all things necessary he led them towards Oeniade and by the way sitting down before Paeanium which Town he resolv'd to be first Master of he took it by force after many Assaults This was a Place of no great extent being hardly a Mile about but no way inferiour to the others as well for the Beauty of the Buildings as the Strength of the Wall and Works He caus'd the Fortifications to be raz'd and the Edifices to be demolish'd taking order with the Timber and Rafters to make Floats to transport himself to Oeniade The Aetolians seem'd at first resolv'd to fortifie and keep possession of the Citadel of that Place but on the approach of King Philip the fear prevail'd so they quitted that likewise After the King was become Master of Oeniade he march'd into Calydonia where he invested a well-fortify'd Place having a strong Wall and which was well furnish'd with Stores and Provisions of War For King Attalus it seems had supply'd the Aetolians with all things needful to the Defence of this Town But Philip taking it by force the Macedonians wasted all the Country of Calydonia and afterwards he march'd back to Oeniade The King having well consider'd the commodious situation of the Place as well for the passage it gave into Peloponnesus as other Advantages resolv'd to fortifie and begirt it with a Wall Oeniade is situate on the Sea upon the very out-skirts of Acarnania where it borders on the Aetolians at the entrance of the Gulf of Corinth it stands fronting towards Peloponnesus and lies opposite to the Coast of Dyma and not distant above twelve Miles from the Country that borders on Araxus wherefore he fortify'd the Castle and laid the Design of joining the Arsenal and the Port and destin'd for that Service the Materials he had caus'd to be transported from Paeanium But while these Things were under consideration he receiv'd Letters from Macedon whereby he understood that the Dardanians believing he had taken his march into Peloponnesus had resolv'd to fall on him at home That they had levy'd Forces for that Enterprize and were making great Provision of all kinds for prosecuting the War Whereupon judging it but just to repair to the relief of his own Country he therefore dismisseth the Achaian Ambassadors giving them assurance That as soon as he should be able to compose his Affairs at home there was nothing more in his Thoughts than to come and give them his utmost Assistance Whereupon he departed marching with great diligence back by the same way he came At his passage of the Gulf of Ambracia in his way out of Acarnania into Epirus he was met by Demetrius of Pharus who had been compell'd to fly out of Illyria by the Romans as we have already noted having only one single Vessel with him The King receiv'd him kindly ordering him to go first to Corinth and from thence to take his way through Thessaly and come and meet him in Macedon After Philip had pass'd through Epirus he continu'd his march without halting and on his arrival at Pella a Macedonian Town the Dardanians who had got intelligence of his return by certain Thracian Fugitives terrify'd at his diligence and sudden appearance dismiss'd their Army after they were got near the Frontiers of Macedon Whereupon having notice that the Dardanian Army was broken he dismiss'd the Macedonians that were then with him to go and gather in their Harvest passing himself into Thessaly to spend the remaining part of the Summer at Larissa About the same time Paulus Aemilius triumph'd magnificently at Rome for his Victory over the Illyrians And Hannibal after taking Saguntum by storm march'd his Army into Winter-Quarters The Romans now assur'd of the loss of Saguntum sent Ambassadors to Carthage to demand the delivering up of Hannibal but did not in the mean time respite their Preparations for the War having created Publius Cornelius Scipio and Tiberius Sempronius Consuls But forasmuch as we have treated at large of these Occurrences in our preceding Book we only give here this hint thereof a little to refresh the Reader 's Memory and to the end contemporary Affairs may be the better understood And here we are come to the end of the First Year of the Hundred and fortieth Olympiad The Aetolians having in their Assembly created Dorimachus Praetor he was no sooner seated in his Authority when assembling their Troops he led them into the upper Epirus where he acted all the Violences of War not so much now in prospect of Profit to himself as in Malice to the Epirots And on his arrival near the Temple of Dodona he there burnt and demolish'd all the Portico's spoiling the Ornaments and destroying in short the Temple it self Thus the Aetolians careless of what is practis'd in time of Peace or War acted such outrageous Parts in both Peace and War as
the Siege and ordering his Troops to refresh themselves and to be in a readiness under their Arms by break of Day he commanded them to march down and pass the Bridge over the Erymanthus which they did without any Impediment none suspecting they would adventure on so hardy an Enterprize Then bravely approaching the Town they came and lodg'd themselves at the foot of the Wall Upon this Euripidas and all within the Town were struck with great Terror and Amazement having always concluded it most improbable that the Enemy would ever be so adventurous as to make an essay of their Strength against a place so well fortify'd and provided nor to resolve on a long Siege by reason of the Winter and bad Weather Nevertheless with these Thoughts were mix'd certain Jealousies among themselves and an apprehension lest Philip should become Master of the Place by intelligence But these Fears were soon over and after they found there was no ground of Suspicion of that there being none so much as inclin'd to Philip's Party they then unanimously betook themselves to the defence of the Works the greatest part of the Garrison mounting the Walls while the Elean Mercenaries made a Sally by a Gate in the upper part of the Town to surprize the Enemy on that side In the mean time the King having appointed three several Attacks order'd Ladders to be rais'd by People destin'd to that particular Service against each assign'd place with a sufficient Guard of Macedonians to sustain them Then commanding to sound to the Charge they advanc'd to the Assault on all Quarters of the Town The Garrison for a space made brave resistance casting down many of their Ladders But it coming to pass that their Darts and other Weapons of Defence in such occasions beginning to fail them for they were drawn to the Walls in haste as was noted and the Macedonians bravely maintaining the Attack notwithstanding the opposition they found new Men boldly succeeding and filling up the places of those who had been cast from the Works that the Townsmen no longer able to withstand them deserted their Defence and betook themselves for safety to the Citadel So the Macedonians mounted and became possess'd of the Walls while the Candiots who were come to Blows with the Party that had made the Sally beat them back and in the pursuit enter'd pell-mell with them into the Town whereby it so chanc'd that the place was subdu'd and taken in all Quarters at once The Inhabitants with their Wives and Children likewise took Sanctuary in the Citadel as did Euripidas and all that had time to provide for their safety The Macedonians were no sooner Masters of the Town when they fell to plunder and rifle both publick and private Places where they remain'd till they should receive further Orders In the mean while those who had retir'd to the Citadel foreseeing what must inevitably besal them having nothing there to sustain them deliberated on yielding it up accordingly they sent a Trumpet to the King who gave them his Pass for the security of those whom they should appoint to Treat who were the principal Men of the City and with them Euripidas who obtain'd Indemnity for all who were retir'd to the Citadel both Towns-Men and Strangers Nevertheless the Deputies were order'd to return back and there to remain till the Army should be drawn off lest some of the unruly Soldiers less observant of the King's Commands should be tempted to rifle them The Weather being bad much Snow falling the King was constrain'd to take up his abode here for some days where assembling all the Achaians that were with him he first discours'd with them touching the situation of the Place that it was well fortify'd and of great use to them in the War they had on their hands Then repeating the assurances of his fast Friendship to the Nation in general he bestow'd the Town upon them telling them he was fully determin'd to give them all the assistance in his utmost Power and would let no occasion pass whereby he might express his Affection to them After Aratus and the rest of the Achaians had express'd their grateful Acknowledgments for so many Favours and good Offices the King dissolv'd the Assembly and march'd the Army away towards Lasion upon which the Psophidians left the Citadel and came down into the Town to their respective Habitations As to Euripidas he departed thence to Corinth from whence he went to Aetolia The Magistrates of the Achaians gave the Government of the Citadel to Proslaus the Sicyonian placing therein a good Garrison and Pythias they made Governor of the Town Thus were Matters accommodated at Psophis The Elean Garrison in Lasion receiving notice of the approach of the Macedonians and being inform'd of what had pass'd at Psophis deserted the Town into which the King immediately enter'd on his arrival to give further instance of his Kindness to the Achaians he made them a Present likewise of this Place He also restor'd Stratus to the Telphussians which the Eleans had abandon'd and in short in five Days marcht to Olymphia where after he had sacrific'd and magnificently treated the prime Officers of the Army and allow'd three Days to repose and refresh his Troops he march'd them into the Territory of the Eleans where he no sooner enter'd when he sent Detachments abroad to waste and plunder the Country himself encamping in the Neighbourhood of Artemissium whither having order'd the Booty to be brought he afterwards return'd back to Dioscurium And here tho' they put all to Fire and Sword where-ever they came and took many Prisoners nevertheless the greater part sav'd themselves by flying to the neighbouring Towns and Places of strength For the Territory of the Eleans is the best Peopled Country of all Peloponnesus and the most abounding in all things for the Inhabitants are for the most part so in love with a Country Life that how Wealthy soever they are they cannot be drawn from thence to inhabit their Towns The reason of this seems to be that the Government greatly incourageth that sort of Life whereby their Lands become better cultivated and improv'd insomuch as they receive from them all kind of Protection and want no Privilege or Support it can give them For my own part I can easily believe they have been ever heretofore addicted to that manner of Living as well through the fertility of the Soil as the innocence and simplicity of the Manners of the ancient Inhabitants while by the general consent of the Greeks they enjoy'd their Possessions without any Molestation or fear of War or Violence in consideration of the Olympic Games that were there celebrated But after the Arcadians had now Challeng'd a right to Lasion and Pisa and they were become oblig'd to take Arms to defend their Possessions they became chang'd in their Manners and forgot the ancient Customs of their Country without thought of recovering their old Liberty and have long continu'd for the most
Garrison that Place Wherefore Philip composing a Body of all the Stranger-Troops of the Achaians the Candiots that were with him some Gaulish Horse and Two Thousand choice Achaian Foot put them into Dyma both for a reserve if occasion should require and to strengthen and secure that Place in case the Eleans should have a mind to attempt any thing that way Then sending his Dispatches to the Messenians Epirots Acarnanians and Scerdilaidas requiring them to hasten with their Ships and meet him at Cephalenia he parted from Patroe at a Day prefix'd and came to Pronos a Port of that Island Where observing the very great difficulty of succeeding by laying siege to that Place the Country about it being very streight he proceeded further and steer'd towards the Town of Palé Here finding plenty of Corn on the Ground whereby to sustain his Army he disembark'd and sat down before that Place drawing his Vessels ashoar and securing them with a good Ditch and Palissado he sent out his Macedonians to Forage while he approach'd to view the Place whereby to make a Judgment where he might best apply his Engines to the Walls it being his purpose there to attend the coming of the Confederate Forces and to become Master of that Place thereby to deprive the Aetolians of the Benefit it yielded them For whenever they had any design of making a Descent on Peloponnesus or to plunder the Coast of Epirus or Acarnania they made use of the Vessels of Cephalenia Furthermore he consider'd this Town would make a safe retreat both for himself and Friends and be of great use to them in all their Attempts on the Enemy on that side For Cephalenia stands not far from the Gulf of Corinth looking likewise toward the Sicilian Sea and that part of the Coast of Peloponnesus that lies North and North-West and is in the Neighbourhood chiefly of the Epirots Eleans Aetolians and Acarnanians whose Coast trends away West and South-West This Town then lying so commodiously for assembling the Forces of the Confederates for annoying the Enemy and protecting of Friends and Allies the King was therefore very desirous to get the Island into his possession After he had well consider'd that a great part of the Town was inviron'd by the Sea and by Rocks that were inaccessible and that there was but one small spot of good Ground lying towards the way of Zacinthus whereby they might approach he therefore resolv'd there to apply his Engines and make that the principal Attack In the mean time there join'd him fifteen Vessels sent by Scerdilaidas for the Commotions that had happen'd in Illyria among the Governours of those Provinces who had fallen into dangerous Dissentions among themselves was the cause he could not send a greater Supply Aids came likewise from the Epirots Acarnanians and Messenians for after the taking of Phialea the Messenians readily took their share of the War And now when all things were prepar'd and the Machines for casting of Stones and Darts in a readiness the King order'd them to approach the Walls after he had encourag'd his own People and had began to sap their Works The Macedonians then who wrought chearfully at the Work had soon undermin'd a great part of the Wall strongly sustaining the Burthen with great Posts of Wood as they proceeded whereupon the King summon'd the Town to surrender But they having no disposition to submit he order'd Fire to be apply'd to the Props that sustain'd the Wall whereupon a Breach was quickly made Then he order'd the Buckler-men who were under the Command of Leontius dividing them into Parties to march to the Attack and enter the Town over the Ruines of the Breach But Leontius mindful of the Agreement he had made with Apelles with-held certain forward Men who were already advanc'd to the top of the Breach from proceeding any further And having before corrupted some of the principal Officers of the Army and acting his own part but coldly it came to pass that after great loss of their Men they were beaten off when they had the fairest opportunity that could be wish'd of taking the Town When the King therefore had consider'd the backwardness of his Officers and that the Macedonians had much suffer'd in this Attack he rais'd the Siege calling a Council to debate what was best next to be done While King Philip was thus busie here Lycurgus march'd with an Army into the Territory of the Messenians and Dorimachus with part of the Aetolian Forces into Thessaly both with the same design of obliging the King to raise the Siege Whereupon Ambassadors were dispatch'd to him from the Acarnanians and Messenians Those from Acarnania proposing his falling on the Lands of the Aetolians so to compel Dorimachus by spoiling the Country to return to their relief But the Messenians pray'd present Succours adding That now while the Etesian Winds blew they might in a Day 's fail gain their passage from Cephalenia to the Coast of Messenia where Gorgus the Messenian was of Opinion they might endanger the surprizing of Lycurgus and that the Enterprize promis'd great advantage Leontius who saw this Counsel tended to his purpose strongly seconded the Advice foreseeing that if the King follow'd it he would spend the whole Summer without effect In short it was true that to Messenia 't was a short and easie passage but it was impossible to return back during the season of those Winds so that in all probability should the King have follow'd that Advice he would have been shut up in Messenia during the season of Action without doing any thing to the purpose while the Aetolians would be at liberty to spoil at their ease and put all to Fire and Sword in Thessaly and Epirus This Counsel therefore was very pernicious wherefore Aratus labour'd to divert the King shewing how much better it was to fall on the Aetolians by Sea and that the occasion of making Descents with their Fleet was not to be lost now that Dorimachus with the Aetolian Forces was diverted elsewhere The King who had already conceiv'd a doubtful Opinion of Leontius as well through his late Behaviour in the Siege as by other grounds of suspicion he had given him of his Fidelity became inclin'd to follow the Counsel of Aratus Whereupon he writ to Eperatus the Achaian Praetor to assemble his Troops and march to the relief of the Messenians while he himself weighing Anchor the next Day gain'd his passage under covert of the Night from Cephalenia to Leucas where all things having been duly prepar'd at the Isthmus of Dioryctus he caus'd his Vessels to be drawn over and so pass'd into the Gulf of Ambracia which as we have observ'd comes out of the Sicilian Sea and runs far up into the Country of Aetolia Having perform'd this Journey somewhat before Day he made sail towards a Town call'd Limnoea Here causing the Army to take a short refreshment and to be in a readiness to march and to take no
determination to march and to take their way by Laconia through the Territory of the Argians and to joyn the King's Forces with what speed they might Accordingly they took the Field and arriving near Glympia a Fortress on the Borders of the Argians and Lacedaemonians it chanc'd that they did not encamp with that circumspection which they ought having neither Retrenchment or Pallisade nor was the place where they Encamp'd well chosen but in confidence of the good Will of the Inhabitants they quarter'd themselves under the Walls of the place Lycurgus coming to understand the Messenians were arriv'd took with him his Mercenaries and a small Party of Lacedoemonians and march'd to attack them and coming upon them about the close of the Evening boldly attempted their Camp And now tho' the Messenians had acted otherwise imprudently in every thing and had march'd with too small a Force and destitute of Officers in whose Judgment and Abilities they might rely nevertheless their behaviour in this Rencounter was without blame considering the surprize For as soon as they receiv'd notice of the arrival of Lycurgus leaving all their Lumber and whatever might trouble them behind they retir'd to a certain Fortress so that the Enemy got nothing but their Baggage and a few Horses of their Foot they lost not a Man and of their Horse not above eight or nine who fell on the spot After this Defeat the Messenians return'd home by the way of Argos and Lycurgus exalted with his Success march'd back to Sparta where he fell to making of new Levies and to deliberate with his Friends how to proceed so as to oblige Philip to come to a Battel before he left Laconia But the King nevertheless march'd from Elia plundering and ravaging the Country all along in his way and four Days aster return'd to Amycla with his Army in view of the Enemy As soon as Lycurgus had given the necessary Orders to his Friends and Officers touching the Battel they had resolv'd on he commanded the Troops to draw out of the Town consisting of about Two Thousand Men taking Possession of all the nearest Posts to Menelaium leaving Instructions with those that were appointed to remain within the Town to have a special regard to a Signal that he would give them which as soon as they saw they should issue out of the Town with all expedition and by as many ways as they could and draw up on a certain Ground where the River ran nearest to the Town In this posture stood Matters between the two Armies But lest our Relation should seem obscure through want of due light in the nature and situation of Places about which we treat we shall therefore do our best to be as clear in that as in our accounts of matters of fact which shall be our manner throughout our whole Work Some Places which are unknown we shall describe by comparing them with others that are known distinguishing them by Marks and Notes of common Observation For through want of a right Information herein many and great Errors have been committed in the Conduct of Enterprizes both by Sea and Land But we shall labour our utmost that the Readers of our History may be instructed as well in the manner as matter of Occurrences and that nothing may be left unsaid touching the Description of Towns and Countries and principally in Military Adventures wherein the better to explain our Mind we shall have recourse sometimes to some certain Port of the Sea sometimes to an Island sometimes to some conspicuous Temple Promontory oâ— Mountain or the Name of some Country and in short the divers Regions of the Heavens as being things generally known and familiar to Mankind 'T is by this Method then I say that we hope to be able to lead the Reader to a just Conception of Places and Situations to him otherwise unknown To give a general description then of thâ— City of Sparta 't is observable that in figure it is round it stands on a plain or bottom where there rises here and there certain Hillocks or Eminences and some places are waste and barren On the West-side runs the River Eurotas which is deep and unfordable at certain Seasons of the Year The Mountains of Menelaium are on the other side of the River regarding the North-East part of the Town these being almost inaccessible and exceeding high command all the space of Ground lying between the Eurotas and the Town which space in a word taking likewise the River into the account which runs by the foot of the Hills is not above a Furlong and an half wide Now by this way King Philip was oblig'd to pass in his return from his Expedition having on his left the Town and the Lacedaemonians drawn up in Battalia and on his right the River and the Troops of Lycurgus posted on the skirts of the Hills Furthermore the Lacedoemonians having stop'd the course of the River had brought all that space of Ground we mention'd under Water so that it became impossible for their Foot much less their Horse to march Wherefore the King's Army had no other way to go but in defilée along the foot of the Mountains by which means neither Party could sustain or relieve the other and the whole Army would run a mighty hazard marching so expos'd to the continual shot of the Enemy Philip therefore well weighing the Peril resolv'd that nothing could be better first done than to attempt Lycurgus and endeavour to beat him from his Post Wherefore taking with him his Mercenaries and Buckler-men which were sustain'd by the Illyrians he pass'd the River and march'd directly towards the Hills Lycurgus who could not but understand the King's purpose put himself in a posture to receive him and at the same time gave Signal to those within the Town who immediately sally'd out and drew up as they had been order'd placing the Horse on their right When Philip was advanc'd somewhat near to Lycurgus he order'd the Mercenaries to march to the Attack and so began the Battel For a while the Lacedaemonians having the advantage both in their Arms and the Ground had also the better in the Dispute But as soon as the Buckler-men advanc'd to sustain the others and that Philip himself with the Illyrians fell on their Flank the Mercenaries on the coming up of this Relief took new Courage and engag'd with so much Bravery that Lycurgus was worsted and betook himself to flight leaving about an Hundred of his Men dead on the place and 〈◊〉 greater number that were taken Prisoners Many got into the Town and Lycurgâ—s himself favour'd by the coming on of the Night got likewise through by-ways into Sparta Whereupon Philip having now the Mountains to friend where he plac'd the Illyrians on the Guard return'd himself with the Buckler-men and Mercenaries to the gross of the Army At the same time Aratus came from Amyclâ—e with the Phalanx on whose approach to the Town Philip repass'd the River to
most difficult Enterprizes by Words and Discourse but few there are who rightly weigh the Difficulty of the execution The one is common and familiar the other rare and next to impossible and whosoever he may be that hath compass'd it it must have been at the cost of mighty Pains and the product of many Years of Life Thus much I have thought fit to say in reproof of such as over boastingly magnifie their Works and vain-gloriously exâ—â— their own Merit But now let us proceed to our Business Ptolomy King of Egypt surnam'd Philopater took on him the Government of that Kingdom on the death of his Father and the murder of Megas his Brother and his Adherents by which means and some other Acts of Caution he reckon'd himself secure against any Attempts from those of his own House and concluded Fortune Herself had cover'd him from all Dangers abroad Furthermore Antigonus and Seleucus being now dead and Antiochus and Philip succeeding them who were yet but young and hardly out of their Childhood Ptolomy I say for these Reasons beholding himself shelter'd on all sides from Danger govern'd his Kingdom as if his Pleasure and Ease had been now his only Business and resign'd up to a voluptuous Life forgot the Duties of his Dignity and grew to neglect every body and every thing all access to him became difficult as well to those of his own Court as others who had charge of Publick Affairs both within and without the Kingdom albeit the Kings his Predecessors had been no less solicitous for the one than the other and as jealous of their Authority abroad as at home For the Lieutenants of their Provinces in Caelo-Syria and Cyprus were wont to wage War with the neighbouring Princes of Syria by Land and Sea and those who had the Government of their principal Towns on the Sea-coast from Pamphylia to the Hellespont and who had the Command of the Country bordering on Lysimachia kept a watchful Eye on the Actions of the Princes of Asia and of the Islands while those that rul'd in Aenus Maronea and the Towns beyond them were as careful to observe the Macedonians and the Occurrences of Thrace Insomuch that the Aegyptian Kings embracing so wide a Dominion were cover'd as one may say with a Buckler against all those Princes and never took thought for Egypt it self while the Avenues were so carefully kept But forasmuch as the King we are speaking of now left all things at random while himself dissolv'd in Love and Wine took care for nothing it was not strange that he should soon find Enemies who would conspire against both his Life and Kingdom The first of these was Cleomenes of Sparta who attempted nothing during the Life of Ptolomy Euergetes with whom he was in great Friendship and by whose Favour and Assistance he had hopes of recovering his Kingdom But after his Death and his own Affairs inviting him to try his Fortune Antigonus being also now dead and the Achaians diverted by War and what Cleomenes had ever ardently labour'd to effect being come to pass namely that the Aetolians confederating with the Lacedaemonians who equally hated the Achaians and Macedonians should jointly enter into a War against these two States These things I say falling out were a motive to press by all means possible his departure from Alexandria And first he mov'd the King therein demanding Succours both of Men and Stores of War Afterwards perceiving him to lend no very willing Ear to his suit he besought him at least for permission for himself and Followers to depart for that be could not hope for a more favourable Conjuncture than that which now offer'd for the recovery of his Kingdom But Ptolomy amus'd neither with future nor present things giving himself up to his Pleasures and Debauches came to no Resolution touching the Request of Cleomenes Furthermore Sosibius who at that time was first Minister of State and govern'd the Affairs of Egypt coming to consult with his Friends thereupon it was concluded among them that it was not safe not only to supply Cleomenes with what he demanded but even to let him depart the Kingdom For after the death of Antigonus they came to neglect their Frontier Provinces taking for granted that the expence of those Affairs was now needless They furthermore consider'd that Cleomenes having now no Rival in Greece that could withstand him became jealous lest coming to recover the Dominion of that Country he might not become a formidable Enemy to them knowing as he so well did the Frailties of their King and the general State of the Egyptian Affairs and that their Provinces were remote and disjointed which he might greatly improve to their damage For at Samos they had a numerous Fleet and at Ephesus a great Body of Troops Wherefore I say they resolv'd that it would not be Wisdom to permit not only that Cleomenes should go with an Army but not safe to permit him to quit the Country at all considering the Greatness of his Character and how he had been disoblig'd which he would consequently study to revenge It remain'd then that they must determine to detain him by force and yet they wanted Resolution to conclude thereon looking on it as a dangerous Attempt to imprison a Lion among a Flock of Sheep and Sosibius himself became of that mind for the Reasons we shall now deliver At what time they were deliberating about putting Magas and Berenice to death fearing lest their Design might miscarry through the great Power and Resolution of Berenice The Conspirators therefore were oblig'd to flatter and treat with better usage than ordinary some Persons about the Court and to give them Assurances of great Advantages in case their Design succeeded Wherefore Sosibius well knowing of what importance it was to Cleomenes to acquire the Good-will of the King whose Assistance he needed and that he was an able and well experienc'd Person came to reveal the Conspiracy to him adding many fair Promises and Assurances of his good Offices in his Service whereupon Cleomenes taking hotice of the Disturbance he was under and that they very much apprehended Danger from their Mercenaries told him he might be ought of pain in that particular for that those People should give them no molestation but on the contrary if need were should lend them their assistance This was a surprizing Saying to Sosibius while Cleomenes proceeded adding that there were few less than three thousand Peloponnesians in the Army of Mercenaries and at least a thousand Candiots who upon his least beck would be at his Command and from the Troops of Syria and Caria there was no danger to be fear'd In short this Discourse at that time greatly pleas'd Sosibius and animated him to the murder of Berenice But afterwards as often as he ruminated on the Folly and Weakness of the King and the hardy and enterprizing Qualities of Cleomenes and the Affection the mercenary Soldiers bore him he could not contain his
Fear Wherefore he prevail'd with the King and those about him to consent that Cleomenes might be taken into custody And the better to compass his purpose he made use of an occasion we shall now relate There chanc'd to be at that time in these Parts a certain Messenian call'd Nicagoras who had been an old Friend of the Father of Archidamus King of Sparta and albeit with Archidamus himself he had not had that intimacy nevertheless upon his leaving the City out of fear of Cleomenes and retiring to Messena Nicagoras did not only hospitably receive him into his House and supply him with all things necessary but grew at length to cultivate a Friendship with him equal to that which had been heretofore between him and his Father Wherefore when afterwards it came to pass that Cleomenes had given Archidamus some hopes of his return and that there appear'd some likelihood of an Accord Nicagoras interpos'd his good Offices and acted in the Treaty between them After all things seem'd to be adjusted and that Archidamus on the Faith of Nicagoras's Treaty was returning and on his way to Sparta he was intercepted by Cleomenes and slain but without any Violence offer'd either to Nicagoras who was in his company or any body else of his Train Wherefore Nicagoras tho' he made publick profession of his Obligation to Cleomenes for sparing his Life nevertheless he harbour'd in his Mind Resentments suitable to that Outrage This Nicagoras then coming to Alexandria to dispose of certain Horses he had brought over as he was landing meets with Cleomenes who with Panteus and Hippitas were walking on the Strand As soon as Cleomenes knew him he came and saluted him in friendly manner demanding what business had brought him thither And when he told him he had brought over some Horses to sell Cleomenes reply'd That he would have made a better Voyage if he had brought a Cargo of Buffoons and Beautiful Boys for that the present King like'd that sort of Merchandise much better At which saying Nicagoras smiling reply'd little but a while after coming to have some Discourse with Sosibius about the disposal of his Horses he told him what Cleomenes had said not without design of doing him an ill Office at Court and perceiving Sosibius pleas'd with the Relation he proceeded to reveal to him the Subject of his Hatred and the Aversion he bore to Cleomenes Sosibius coming thus to discover that Nicagoras was an Enemy to Cleomenes prevail'd with him by Gifts and Promises to write a Letter to him containing Accusations against Cleomenes which Letter should be lest with one of his Servants on his departure to be by him brought some Days after as if Nicagoras had dispatch'd him for that purpose Accordingly a Letter was written and the Matter conducted as had been agreed and as soon as Nicagoras was gone the Messenger brought the Letter to Sosibius which together with the Bearer he immediately carried to the King The Contents were that in case Cleomenes were not speedily dispatch'd with a Body of Troops and all things necessary for his Enterprize he would be the occasion of great Troubles in the Kingdom This then was the Engine whereby Sosibius wrought with the King and his Creatures to determine on putting Cleomenes under Confinement and securing him with a good Guard Whereupon he was secur'd having a large House appointed him for his Prison which differ'd from others in nothing but that it was more spacious And now Cleomenes perceiving there was no hope left him resolv'd however to attempt his Inlargement by all the ways he could imagine whereby to compass it not that he saw how it could probably be effected being destitute of all necessary means to put his purpose in Execution at least he resolv'd to die like himself and never yield to stain that Vertue which had render'd him so considerable in the World And I am ready to believe he had his Mind prepossess'd and set before his Eyes what all great Men do in the like Exigencies To urge their Fate with safety to their Fame And to Posterity consign a Name Cleomenes then being inform'd of the King's purpose to make a Progress to Canopus contriv'd to have it bruited among his Guards that he was to be speedily set at liberty and on that pretext he caus'd Provision to be made for a great Entertainment to those of his Family sending to his Guards plenty of Meat and Wine Garlands of Flowers c. insomuch that the Soldiers drinking too plentifully he took that occasion about mid-day to escape out of Prison with all his Domesticks in his Company who with their drawn Swords meeting in the Market-place with the Governour of the Town they threw him out of his Chariot and kill'd him on the place amidst his Guards who stood astonish'd at the boldness of the Action in the mean time crying Liberty Liberty as they pass'd along But when they saw none appoach to join them all People standing amaz'd at the Greatness of the Enterprize they then betook them towards the Castle with design to set all the Prisoners at liberty and to make use of their assistance but those who Commanded in that Fortress suspecting their purpose and strengâ—hened the Guards and secur'd the Gates Whereupon Cleomenes and his Followers seeing now no hopes on that side turn'd their Swords on each other and so generously dy'd and as one may say Laconian-like Thus fell Cleomenes a Personage most agreeable and admirably gifted for Conversation but above all things qualify'd for the Conduct of great Affairs and in conclusion one whom Nature had endow'd with all the advantages requisite to a great Captain and a King Not long after Theodotus an Aetolian Governour of the Lower Syria revolted partly out of Contempt of the King who led so infamous a life and partly out of an apprehension of ill Offices done him by the great ones at Court some time before notwithstanding the good Service he had done the King in many occasions and principally in the War against Antiochus for the Lower Syria Nevertheless he was so far from being consider'd according to his Merit that being commanded to come to Court he there ran great hazard of his Life Wherefore on these Provocations Theodotus resolv'd to apply himself to Antiochus and to put the Towns of that Country into his Hands which Overture was gladly receiv'd by that Prince and the Design soon after put in Execution But that we may Treat of the Family of this Prince in the same Method we have done the last we shall have occasion to go a little back and taking our beginning from the time of Antiochus's coming to the Crown we shall descend to the Subject of the War whereof we purpose to Treat Antiochus the Younger then was the Son of Seleucus who was sirnam'd Callinicus who after the Death of his Father and the Accession of his Elder Brother to the Crown went into the Vpper Asia where he held his
reply'd with Indignation That he held no intercourse with Rebels But Alexis boldly affirming the contrary demanded leave to search and ent'ring by force into his Lodgings he found the Letter with which pretext he immediately kill'd Epigenes on the place the King being perswaded to think him Guilty And tho' the principal Men about him were aw'd into Silence and did not dare to move therein nevertheless the Action gave them great Jealousie and Offence Upon the Army's arrival at Euphrates Antiochus join'd the Troops that he found there and pursu'd his march and coming near Antioch in Mygdonia Winter being now at hand he there remain'd till the Colds were over and in forty Days after arriv'd at Liba Here he fell to deliberate with his Officers what course was best to take to find out Molon and by what means they should sustain the Army in their march for Molon was in possession of all the Country about Babylon Hermias propos'd to keep along the River Tigris by which means they should have the benefit of that River and two others Lycus and Kâ—pros to cover and defend their Camp But Zeuxes tho' he wanted assurance to deliver his Mind as he ought having the Fate of Epigenes before his Eyes nevertheless such was the Weakness and Danger of Hermias's Advice that with some difficulty he reply'd That there was a necessity of their passing the Tigris and made appear the great Impediments they should meet with in holding their march along the River He principally urg'd that after a long and tedious Journey and a march of six Days through a continu'd Desart they would come to a place call'd The King's Ditch which place if it should chance to be possess'd by the Enemy would entirely bar their further Progress which might be the means of exposing the Army to great danger by their being compell'd to return by the Desart where which was especially to be consider'd they should be reduc'd to want every needful thing On the other hand he made appear That in case they pass'd the Tigris it was more than probable that those of the Country of Apollonia would see their Error and return to their Duty who it was plain were compell'd and not out of Good-will but out of Fear and Necessity had taken part with Molon Furthermore being to march through a plentiful Country there would be no danger of being driven to streights for any thing And what was of further importance when Molon should see his passage â—ack into Media shut up and behold himself 〈◊〉 streights for Provision he would be constrain'd either to come to the issue of a Battel 〈◊〉 in case of refusal would hazard the desertion of his Troops to the King This Advice of Zeuxes was approv'd pursuant to which the Army being divided into three Bodies they pass'd over the Troops with their Baggage in three several places So they prosecuted their march towards Dura which was at that time streighten'd by one of Molon's Officers who on their approach left the Siege Then continuing their march without halting they pass'd by Oricum in eight Days and came to Apollonia And now Molon being inform'd of the King's Arrival and not being very well assur'd of the Good-will of the Susians and Babylonians whom he had but lately reduc'd and who were surpriz'd into submission and further fearing the Enemies design of blocking up his Passage back into Media he resolv'd to lay a Bridge over the Tigris and passing his Army determin'd to gain the Mountains of Apollonia before Antiochus should arrive for he rely'd much on his Slingers which they call Cyrthii Whereupon putting in execution what had been resolv'd he march'd the Army away with great diligence But the King chancing to move with all his Troops about the same time from Apollonia that Molon's Army approach'd the Mountains certain advanc'd Parties of choice Men of either Army happen'd to meet on the Hills These had some dispute and pickeer'd for a while but on the approach of the gross of the Army they retir'd and the two Armies Encamp'd about five Miles asunder But Molon during the Night made reflection how dangerous it was for Men in Rebellion to march against their Prince in broad-day and give him Battel wherefore he became of Opinion that the much safer course would be to fall on Antiochus by Night which was accordingly resolv'd so detaching a Body of select Troops he lead them by secret ways towards the Mountains and from thence determin'd to fall on the Enemies Camp from high Ground But while he was on his March he was given to understand That Ten of his People had deserted and stole away to the King whereupon he desisted and return'd back by the way he came but coming to the Camp about break of Day he fill'd the whole Army with Fear and Tumult For being surpriz'd and awaken'd with the Noise the Terror grew to that degree that they had like to have abandon'd their Works but by Molon's Care and Diligence all was appeas'd In the mean while the King who was prepar'd to come to a Battel order'd his Troops to march out by break of day On the right of the Battel he rang'd the Lanciers under the Leading of Ardyes of whose Conduct in War he had receiv'd sufficient Proofs After these he posted the Candiots who had been sent pursuant to the Treaty of Peace These were join'd by the Galatians and Tectosages and next these he plac'd the Mercenary Strangers who were brought from Greece The King himself was at the head of a strong Battalion where the Cohorts were dispos'd after the same manner On the left he posted the Horse that are call'd the Troops of the King's Allies ordering his Elephants by tens with Intervals between them a little advanc'd before the Battel On the Wings were posted the Auxiliary Troops both Horse and Foot who had Orders to attack the Enemy in Flank as soon as the Battel should begin Then the King going from Rank to Rank spoke to the Soldiers and in few words as the time and occasion permitted animated them to their Duty He gave the leading of the Left-Wing to Hermias and Zeuxes remaining himself in the Right Molon also march'd out his Army and rang'd them with difficulty enough by reason of the last Night's disorder nevertheless he form'd his Troops according to the Measures the other Army had taken and plac'd his Buckler-men Galatians and heavy-arm'd Soldiers in the Centre He distributed his Archers Slingers and all his light-arm'd Troops without the Horse on the Right and Left posted his Chariots arm'd with Sithes advanc'd before the Line of Battel He gave the Command of the Left to Neolaus his Brother reserving the Right to himself Being thus drawn up the Battel began and in a word the Right of Molon's Army preserv'd their Fidelity to the last engaging Zeuxes with great Resolution But the Left no sooner advanc'd near the King when they deserted and went over to him which Accident as
Ground which by a gentle descent terminates in a Plain from whence to the top of the Eminence it is near two Miles Here Antochus lodg'd an Ambush which in effect won him the Place For after by little Skirmishes and Disputes he had drawn the People out in one of these Ingagements feigning to be too weak his Party retreated while the others pursu'd when presently facing about the Enemy in their turn retir'd who meeting the Ambush in Front many were cut off and in short Antiochus himself pursuing the Advantage so terrify'd them that the Town was taken on the first Attack At the same time Keroeas one of Ptolomy's Captain deserted and came over to Antiochus whom receiving with great Solemnity it gave occasion for many other prime Officers of the King of Egypt to leave his Service For shortly after Hippolochus the Thessalian acted the same part bringing with him to the number of four hundred Horse Antiochus likewise Garrison'd Atabyrium and pursuing his Journey in his march receiv'd to his Obediâ—â—â—e the Cities of Pella Camus and Gephrus which surrender'd This great Success so wrought on the Minds of the neighbouring People that they unanimously took part with Antiochus whereby his Hopes increasing and his Power being augmented by this new accession of his Arabian Friends he advances into Galatis which reducing he took Abila and in it those who were come in to succour it under the leading of Nicias a Kinsman and Confident of Menea's In short Gadara was the only Place that now remain'd to be reduc'd which was esteem'd the most considerable for Strength in all that Country To this Town the King approach'd with his Army and so terrify'd the Inhabitants with his preparations to Attack them that they yielded themselves up And now being inform'd that great numbers of the Enemy were drawn together in a certain Town of Arabia call'd Rabath-ben-Ammon or Rabatamana from whence they made Excursions and plundred the Country of those who had contracted Friendship with him he therefore laying aside all his other Affairs bent his march that way and approach'd the Mountain whereon the Town stands After he had view'd the situation on all sides he concluded there were but two places by which they could be attack'd there then he posted his Troops and caus'd his Machines to approach The Conduct of the Works he divided betwixt Nicarchus and Theodotus whiâ—â— himself kept an equal and vigilant Eve of their Behaviour and remark'd the Affection that carry'd these two Leaders to advance his Service Who emulating each other and labouring who should first open a Breach the Wall was demolish'd by that means much sooner than was expected That Work done the King continu'd his Attacks Night and Day pressing by all means possible to get into the Town but therein they long labour'd in vain by reason of the multitude of the Defendents Till at length one of their Prisonen discover'd to the Besiegers a Vault or Passage under Ground by which the besieged descended to supply themselves with Water which Passage being once stop'd up the Inhabitants streighten'd by necessity confess'd themselves vanquish'd and so yielded up the Town Thus Antiochus became Master of Rabatamana where he left Nearchus Governor with a good Garrison and sending Hippolochus and Kâ—roeas who had deserted Ptolomy at the head of five thousand Foot into the Country in the neighbourhood of Samaria to Command in that Province and to Defend those who had submitted to him against Incursions of the Enemy he bent his march towards Ptolemais there to pass the Winter for so he had before determin'd During the same Summer those of Pedâ—elissa being attack'd and besieg'd by the Selgians and finding themselves in danger apply'd to Achoeus for Succour by their Ambassadors who readily promising them his Assistance they sustain'd the Siege with great Constancy in hopes of his sending them Relief which he accordingly did dispatching Garsyeres at the Head of Six Thousand Foot and Five Hundred Horse As soon as the Selgians had notice of the approach of these Succours they march'd with the greatest part of their Troops to possess the Streights near a certain Place call'd by those of the Country Climax or the Ladder posting his Troops on the Passage or Entrance hard by Saporda breaking the Ground and barracadoing the Passages every where Garsyeres marching into the Territory of the Milyades came and encamp'd near Cretompolis and finding it was impossible for him to advance any further for that the Enemy had every where made themselves Masters of the Defilées he therefore devis'd this Stratagem He caus'd his Troops to face about and march back by the way they came making show as if on finding the Ways so fortify'd that he could not march on he had despair'd of his Design of relieving the Besieg'd The Selgians were deceiv'd by this show and concluded Garsyeres had chang'd his purpose whereupon one part of their Troops return'd to their Camp and the◠〈◊〉 march'd home for that their time of Harvest was at hand This being observ'd by Garsyeres he there upon march'd back and gain'd the top of the Mountains without meeting any force to oppose him where posting sufficient strength to guard the Avenues he left Phaylus to Command there and march'd with the Army to Perga dealing with other People of Pisidiâ— and with the Pamphylians themselves by Persons he dispatch'd to them setting forth the insolent behaviour of the Selgians towards their Neighbours and exhorting them to enter into the League of Achoeus and to contribute to the Relief of Pednelissa While these things were in agitation the Selgians sent an Army against Phaylus which being well acquainted with the Country had conceiv'd hopes of terrifying him and forcing him from his Post But finding their Attempt in vain and losing many of their Men in the several Attacks they made upon him they lost their hopes likewise of succeeding that way howbeit they would not forsake their Enterprize but had recourse to their Machines In the mean while the Etennenses who inhabit the Mountains of Pisidia that over-look Sida supply'd Garsyeres with a re-inforcement of eight thousand Men and the Aspendians with four thousand But those of Sida who tho' they had a just Consideration for Antiochus yet bearing no Good-will to the Aspendians would not be drawn to send relief to the Besieged Garsyeres however thus strengthen'd with the Succours of the Allies march'd towards Pednelissa promising himself to be able to raise the Siege on the first attempt But when he perceiv'd the Selgians to be under no surprize at his arrival he drew near and Encamp'd his Army close by them The Pednelissians the mean while were driven to great streights for every thing wherefore Garsyeres resolving to put relief into the Town by one means or other drew out two thousand choice Men of his own Troops each Man taking with him a certain proportion of Corn order'd them to march and endeavour to get into the Town by Night
Philip return'd by Sea to Macedon where finding that Scerdilaidas who had already seiz'd certain Vessels in the Port of Leucas had lately plunder'd Pissoeum a Town of Pelagonia with the same Proetext as before of paying himself the Money that remain'd due that he had further drawn to his Party the Towns of Dassaretis that by Promises he had allur'd the People of Phoebatis as namely Antipatria Chrysondiona and Gertunta and had made Inroads on the Macedonians Philip therefore first led his Troops against the revolted Towns with Resolution however not to delay his march against Scerdilaidas judging it to be of great moment to compose the Affairs of Illyria in order to the Enterprizes he had conceiv'd especially his Voyage into Italy For Demetrius had so kindled his Ambition that it became his meditation Night and Day and was the subject of his Dreams talking in his sleep of a War in Italy While yet these Instigations grew not from the Love he bare to Philip whose Affairs he little consider'd but from his Hatred to the Romans and a Regard to his own Ends conceiving there was now no other means left him whereby to regain his Dominion of the Island of Pharus In conclusion Philip departing with his Army recover'd the Places we mention'd together with Creonium and Gerunte in Dassaretis And besides those Enchelanoe Cerax Station and Boei near the Lake Lychnidius Furthermore he made himself Master of Bantia in the Territory of Calicoeni and Orgysum on the Frontiers of the Pissantines and after these Successes march'd his Horse into Winter Quarters It was during the same Winter that Hannibal having spoil'd the best part of Italy held his Quarters in Apulia near Gerijon at which time Lucius Aemylius and Terentius Varro were created Consuls at Rome King Philip in the mean time calculating that to further the Enterprizes he was projecting he should stand in need of a good Supply of Ships and Sea-men not that he conceiv'd himself a Match for the Romans by Sea but to enable him to embark and transport his Troops where he should think it best whereby to take the Enemy by surprize and when they least suspected him Wherefore finding the Vessels of the Illyrian Fashion were properest for his use he caus'd forthwith an hundred of that sort to be built and was one of the first Macedonian Kings who had order'd so great a Fleet to be provided After he had rigg'd and equipp'd them with all things necessary he assembled his Troops about the beginning of Summer and when he had exercis'd his Macedonians a while in the Use of the Oar he put to Sea This was about the time that Antiochus march'd over Mount Taurus After Philip had pass'd down the Euripus with his Army and doubled the Cape of Malea he arriv'd near Leucas sailing by Cephallenia when taking Harbour he remain'd watching the Motions of the Roman Fleet having a careful eye to every thing But as soon as he became assur'd that the Fleet at Lilybaeum remain'd still at an Anchor he weigh'd and stood off to Sea steering as if he were bound for Apollonia But after they had pass'd the Mouth of the River Loius or rather Aous which runs by the Walls of Apollonia the Fleet was on the sudden terrify'd with a panick Fear such as usually surprizes Armies by Land It seems some of the Vessels in the Reer who had touch'd in a Port of a certain Island call'd Saso lying at the entrance of the Ionian Sea came up in the Night with the King to let him know That by certain Vessels that came out of the Sea of Sicily and arriv'd at the same Port they were assur'd that they had leâ—t the Roman Fleet at Rhegium and that they were making the best of their way for Apollonia with Orders to join Scerdilaidas Philip therefore apprehending the Roman Fleet to be at hand took the Alarm and in a fright stood about with his Fleet and return'd from whence he came his Ships sailing dispers'd and without any order The next Morning arriving at Cephallenia and being recover'd from his Fear he told his People That certain Affairs that imported him to negotiate in Peloponnesus had made him change his Purpose The News however that had so terrify'd Philip was not entirely false for Scerdilaidas being inform'd of Philip's great Naval Preparations during the Winter had concluded that his Design was to fall on him He had therefore given advice thereof to the Romans and pray'd Succours from them so that the Romans had sent him ten Vessels out of the Fleet at Lilybaeum which Squadron was seen at Rhegium as they pass'd by And if Philip's Surprize had been less he might have succeeded better in his Illyrian Expedition Furthermore it is not improbable but that the Romans themselves who were humbled by their Loss at Cannoe might have fallen into his hands But being terrify'd at the News he made the best of his way to Macedon without Loss indeed but not without Reproach But what Prusias ' did about the same time merits to be recorded to his great Honour Those Gauls whom Attalus had drawn out of Europe having an extraordinary Opinion of their Bravery to prosecute the War against Achoeus having deserted his Service for Reasons we have elsewhere noted fell to spoil and plunder the Towns about the Hellespont wherein they proceeded with great Violence and Cruelty and coming to lay siege to the Ilians the Alexandrians who inhabited the neighbouring Country â—ehav'd themselves with great Reputation on that occasion for sending out Themistas at the head of four thousand Men he did not only raise the Siege but forc'd the Enemy quite our of the Trojan Territory by cutting off their Convoys and opposing other ways their Designs Afterwards the Gauls having taken Arisba a Town of the Abydenians attempted other Places of that Country vexing them with continual Hostilities Wherefore Prusias march'd at the head of an Army to attack them and giving them Battel gain'd a memorable Victory where they were all cut off their Wives and Children only escaping to their Camp The Spoil he gave to his victorious Soldiers and by that Success deliver'd the Peloponnesians from their Fears and the great Danger that threatned them and instructed those Barbarians by that Example to be cautious for the future how they adventur'd out of Europe into Asia The Affairs of Greece and Asia then were in the posture we have related As to Italy after the Battel of Cannoe the People both of the Towns and Country for the most part gave themselves up to Hannibal as we have already observ'd But having now summarily recorded the Occurrences of the Hundred and Fortieth Olympiad we will here give a period to that History and after we shall have made a short Recital in the follow Book of what hath been deliver'd in this we purpose to treat about the Form of the Roman Commonwealth Finis Liber V.
their Annual Magistrates to resolve on the choice of some one single Person in whom the sole Authority should center In the mean time Hannibal who by the success of his Arms grew to believe he should be more than a Match for the Romans did not think it convenient to approach presently nearer Rome Wherefore he continu'd to harrass and spoil the Country destroying all by Fire and Sword where-ever he came taking his march toward Adria where he arriv'd in ten Days passing by the Frontiers of the Insubrians and Picentines The Country in his march being rich the Plunder of the Army grew so great and cumbersom that they could neither carry nor otherwise transport it The People where-ever he came he us'd with great Cruelty and according to the common manner of Treatment of Towns that are taken by force order'd all to be slain that they could find of Age to bear Arms such merciless impression had Hannibal's Hatred to the Romans given him Incamping now not far from Adria in a pleasant and fruitful Country abounding in all things he there gave order for the curing of his sick and infirm Soldiers and Horses for in his Winter-Incampments in the hither Gaul where he lay expos'd to all the rigours of the open Air incommoded by the stench of the filth and ordure of the Camp that what by their unwholsome Incampments what by their march through the Fens both Men and Horses the whole Army over were generally infected with a Disease call'd by the Greeks Lemopsoron but with us the Scurf or Scab which comes by Unwholsome Diet and hard Usage Wherefore happening into this place so commodious for every thing he was willing they should want for nothing that might advance their Recovery renew the Strength and recruit the Spirits of the Soldiers Hannibal being now possess'd of great quantities of Roman Arms of those he had either slain or taken he therefore arm'd his Africans after the Roman manner He also dispatch'd Letters by Sea to Carthage giving an account of his Successes having never since his coming into Italy till now approach'd the Sea-Coast The Carthaginians receiv'd the News with great acclamations of Joy and deliberated how best to re-inforce and supply their Armies both in Spain and Italy with all things of which they might stand in need The Romans in the mean time created Fabius Maximus Dictator a Person of a noble House and of so exemplary Vertue that his single Merit acquir'd to his Family the Title of Maximi from the great Actions he so happily WP2787atchiev'd There is this difference among others betwixt a Dictator and a Consul the Consul hath but twelve Axes carried before him the Dictator twenty four Furthermore the Consuls cannot act in many things without the Authority of the Senate but the Power of the Dictator is absolute and independent and during that Magistracy the Authority of all others become superseded that of the Tribunes of the People only excepted But we shall treat more particularly hereof in its proper place After Fabius had been nam'd for Dictator he chose M. Minutius for his Master of the Horse which is a Charge depending intirely on the Dictator and supplies his place in the Army when absent Hannibal after he had refresh'd his Army mov'd by easie marches along the Coast of the Adriatick thereby to gain time till he had fill'd his Troops here by washing his Horses with old Wine whereof the Country abounded he cur'd them of the Scratches and the Farcy Neither did he omit any care for the cure and recovery of his wounded Men by which means the rest were hearten'd and became the more chearfully dispos'd to go on such future hazardous Services as he should have further occasion to use them in Thus he continu'd his March and after he had plunder'd and forag'd the Territory of Pretutium Adria and that of the Marrucians and Ferentines he took his way towards Apulia which is distinguish'd by three Divisions each having its peculiar name One part is inhabited by the Daunians and another by the Messapians Hannibal first attack'd the Daunians and made spoil about Luceria a Colony of the Romans where he put all to Fire and Sword Then he encamp'd near Ibona from whence he sent his Troops to ravage the Lands of the Arpians and in short over-ran the whole Country of Apulia About this time Fabius enter'd on his Charge who after he had sacrific'd to the Gods march'd out of the City with his Master of the Horse at the head of four new-rais'd Legions which had been sevied according to Custom And after he had joyn'd his Troops near the Frontiers of the Dannians with those that had been sent to Rimini he sent the Consul back to Rome with Orders to Command the Fleet and have an Eye to the Enemies Motions by Sea while himself and the General of the Horse after he had taken possession of the Legions march'd and encamp'd near Aegas in view of the Enemy and not above six Miles from their Camp The Carthaginian as soon as he had notice of the arrival of Fabius led his Army out of the Camp and marching drew them up in Battalia near the Romans to amuse and terrifie them Where having remain'd some time and none appearing to oppose him he march'd back to his Quarters For Fabius who had determin'd to do nothing rashly and not to come presently to a Battel but to labour by all Arts and Means to secure the Interest of his Country held firm to his first Resolution By which means he soon grew into Contempt was reckon'd a Coward by his Country-men and one who out of poorness of Spirit shun'd all occasions of having to do with the Enemy But in the end his Actions taught them better how to value him and to confess That they could never have chosen a Leader who better knew his Business or could proceed with more Judgment and good Conduct which shortly after the issue of his Administiation abundantly manifested Hannibal's Troops who had been bred and broken to their Trade from their Childhood and he himself brought up among them and a perfect Master in Military Knowledge who had fought many Battels with Success in Spain and gain'd two important Victories already against the Romans and their Allies And what out-weigh'd all we have said and which to him was of greatest importance was that his Troops had no hopes or prospect of Safety but what they carry'd on the Points of their Swords which was Fabius's Motive to work with so much Cantion and Circumspection being well assur'd the Enemy would be superiour to him in Battel Wherefore by singular Prudence and Address he had recourse only to those Advantages wherein he was sure the Romans were the stronger In a word the Benefits the Romans enjoy'd and of which the Enemy could not deprive them were Provisions of Victuals and Stores of War in great abundance and plenty of good Men to recruit their Armies Fabius therefore held
on his March in the Enemies Rear and kept always near him ever encamping on proper Ground for his purpose which he very well knew how to chuse having a perfect knowledge of the Country And being supply'd from the places behind him with what he stood in need of he never adventur'd his Soldiers abroad to Forrage nor permitted them so much as to be seen out of the Camp Wherefore being enclos'd continually within their Ramparts and perpetually on the watch to spy any advantage by the means he surpriz'd and cut off great numbers of the Enemy who chane'd to straggle any distance from their Camp or who out of contempt of the Romans forrag'd near them By this means he diminish'd his Enemies numbers and bred Courage and Assurance in his own Soldiers and by these little Combats and Rencounters taught them to recover their Spirits which were much sunk by their late Calamities whereby those who had been hitherto vanquish'd might begin not to despair of Victory But nothing could draw him to come to a pitch'd Field While on the other hand Minutius his Master of the Horse was neither of his Judgment nor Humor For he leaning constantly to the Opinion of the Multitude made a little too bold with the Dictator in his Discourse representing him as a flow and bashful Man while he for his part was of another Temper ready to enterprize any thing and willing to come speedily to a Battel After the Carthaginians had wasted the Country round about as we but now mention'd they pass'd the Apennines and enter'd into the Territory of the Sannites a fertile Soil and where for a long time they had felt nothing of the desolations of War Here they met with such abundance of all things that it was not possible for them to consume the store either by their Expence or their Malice They plunder'd likewise the Lands of the Beneventines where there was a Colony of Romans and took the City of Venosa albeit a strong Town and furnish'd for defence In the mean time the Romans follow'd their steps keeping within a Days march or two at most of them but approach'd not nearer being in no wise dispos'd to come to a Battel Whereupon when Hannibal found that Fabius would not be persuaded to fight he resolv'd to take his march towards Falernum a Town in the Territory of Capua concluding that one of these two things would thereby be brought to pass namely that either he should compel the Enemy to give him Battel or in case of refusal it would be made manifest to all the World he was their superior and that the Romans wanted Resolution to come to a Decision And by this means he reckon'd that the Towns and Cities would be terrify'd into submission and to abandon the Romans For notwithstanding Hannibal's two Victories there was not yet one Italian Town that had taken part with him but preserv'd their Faith entire to the Romans tho' some were hard press'd and streighten'd by the Enemy from whence may be gather'd what deference and veneration they had for the Roman Government Nor did Hannibal take this Resolution rashly and without ripe Deliberation for the Champaign Country about Capua is the best part of the richest and most beautiful Soil in the World Furthermore it borders on the Sea by which Italy holds intercourse with all Foreign Countries Over and above these Incouragements the noblest and most beautiful Towns of all Italy are found here namely on the Sea-Coast Sinuessa Cuma Puzzola Naples and Nuceria On the Frontiers towards the West Calenum and Theano towards the South-East Apulia and Nola. Capua is situate in the heart of the Country and surpass'd heretofore in Riches and Luxury all other Cities so much like the Truth are the Fables that are recorded of this delicious Territory known likewise by the name of the Phlegraean-Fields with those sam'd in Greece for their Beauty and Amoenity In short it may be said That it was principally for this happy Country that the Gods once contended Furthermore this Country is fortify'd by Nature and the Accesses to it difficult For on the one hand it is defended by the Sea and on the other by a Chain of continu'd Mountains In a word there are but three Avenues to it and these very streight and difficult over the said Mountains The first is that which leads to Samnium the second to Eribanus and the third from the Country of the Hirpins Wherefore the Carthaginian was not without hopes that if he could compass the Conquest of this part of Italy he should be able from thence to awe all the World beside and bring a Contempt on his fluggish Enemy who had not the Courage to forbid him and that no body would then doubt but he was in effect Master of all without the Roman Retrenchments Hannibal wrought on by these Reasons having left Samnium and gain'd his passage by the way of the Mountain call'd Eribanus he encamp'd on the Banks of the River Athurnus which divides and runs through that part of Campania that regards Italy and from hence forag'd and made Devastations in the Country round about none appearing to impeach him while Fabius tho' wondring at the temerity of his Project held the faster to his first Determination But Minutius on the contrary and the rest of the prime Officers of the Army persuaded they had now coop'd-up the Enemy became very instant that they might hasten their march into Campania and that it was not to be supported that Hannibal should without controul pillage and destroy the best and most flourishing part of Italy Whereupon Fabius made show of being reason'd into their Opinion and feign'd to be as forward to find out the Enemy and give him Battel as they were till he had got into the Country whither he march'd the Army with great expedition But when he drew near the Territory of the Falernians he contented himself with barely making an appearance with his Army along the Mountains and to keep pace with the Enemy fearing lest their Allies should think that the Romans out of dread of the Carthaginian Army confin'd themselves entirely to their Camp Nevertheless he adventur'd not into the plain Country but continu'd to shun all occasions of coming to a Battel for the Reasons already render'd and for that the Carthaginians much out-number'd them in Horse Wherefore after Hannibal had challeng'd the Romans by all sorts of Provocations and Indignities plunder'd all Campania and amass'd a mighty Booty he began to consult about decamping resolving by no means to part with his Spoil but to convey it to some fase place where he should keep his Winter-Quarters to the end his Army might not only have a present enjoyment of the fruit of their Travail but a prospect of plenty of every good thing for the time to come Fabius then collecting that the Enemy had a mind to return by the way he came concluded to way-lay him by an Ambush in the Desile