administration of Justice amongst his people at common times it is naked and plain but when the King is expected it is clothed with blew-purple Velvet semied with flowers de lys on each side of it are two formes or benches where the Peers of both habits both Ecclesiasticall and Secular use to fit and accompany the King But this is little to the ease or benefit of the Subject and as little availeable to try the integrity of the Judges his presence being alwayes foreknown and so accordingly they prepared Far better then is it in the Grande Signeur where the Divano or Councell of the Turkish affairs holden by the Bassas is hard by his bed-chamber which looketh into it the window which giveth him this entervenue is perpetually hidden with a curtain on the side of the partition which is towards the Divano so that the Bassas and other Judges cannot at any time assure themselves that the Emperor is not listning to their sentences an action in which nothing is Turkish or Mahometan The authority of this Court extendeth it self unto all causes within the jurisdiction of it not being meerly ecclesiasticall It is a law unto it self following no rule written in their sentences but judging according to equity and conscience In matters criminall of greater consequence the processe is here immediately examined without any preparation of it by the inferior Courts as at the arraignment of the Duke of Biron and divers times also in matters personall But their power is most eminent in disposing the affaires of State and of the Kingdome For such prerogatives have the French Kings given hereunto that they can neither denounce War nor conclude Peace without the consent a formall one at the least of this Chamber An alienation of the Lands of the Crown is not any whit valid unlesse confirmed by this Court neither are his Edicts in force till they are here verified nor his Letters Patents for the creating of a Peer till they are here allowed of Most of these I confesse are little more then matters of form the Kings power and pleasure being become boundlesse yet sufficient to shew the body of authority which they once had and the shadow of it which they still keep yet of late they have got into their disposing one priviledge belonging formerly to the Conventus ordinum or the Assembly of three Estates which is the conferring of the regency or protection of their King during his minority That the Assembly of the three Estates formerly had this priviledge is evident by their stories Thus we finde them to have made Queen Blanche Regent of the Râ—…alm during the nonage of her son St. Lewis 1227. That they declared Philip de Valois successor to the Crown in case that the widow of Charles le bâ—…l was not delivered of a son 1357. As also Philip of Burgogne during the Lunacy of Charles VI. 1394. with divers other On the other side we have a late â—…xample of the power of the Parliament of Paris in this very case For the same day that Henry IV. was 〈◊〉 by Ravilliae the Parliament met and after a short consultation declared Mary de Mâ—…dices Mother to the King Regent in France for the government of the State during the minority of her son with all power aâ—…d authority Such are the words of the Instrument Dated the 14 of May 1â—…10 It cannot be said but that this Câ—…urt deserveth not only this but also any other indulgence whereof any one 〈◊〉 of the Common-wealth is câ—…pable So watchfull are they over the health of the State and so tenderly do they take the least danger threatned to the liberty of that Kingdom that they may not unjustly be called patres patriae In the year 1614. they seized upon a discourse written by Suarez a Jesuite Entituled Adversus Anglicanae sectae errores wherein the Popes temporall power over Kings and Princes is averred which they sentenced to be burnt in the Palace-yard by the publick hangman The year before they inâ—…cted the same punishment upon a vain and blasphemous discourse penned by Gasper Scioppius a fellow of a most desperate brain and a very incendiary Neither hath Bellarmine himself that great Atlas of the Roman Church escaped much better for writing a book concerning the tâ—…mporall power of his Holinesse it had the ill luck to come into Paris where the Parliament finding it to thwart the liberty and royalty of the King and Countrey gave it over to the Hangman and he to the fire Thus it is â—…vident that the titles which the French writers give it as the true Temple of French Justice the â—…uttresse of equity and the gardian of the rights of France and the like are abundanâ—…ly deserved â—… it The next Chamber in esteem is the Tournelle which handleth all matters criminall It is so called from tourner which 〈◊〉 to change or alter because the Judges of the other severall chambers give sentence in this according to their severall turns the reason of which institution is said to be lest a continuall custome of condemning should make the Judges lesse mercifull and more prodigall of bloud an order full of health and providence It was instituted by the above named Philip de bel at the same time when he made the Parliament sedentarie at Paris and besides its peculiar and originall imployments it receiveth appeals from and redresseth the errors of the Provost of Paris The other five Chambers are called Des Enquestes or Camerae inquâ—…sitionum the first and antientest of them was erected also by Philip le bel and afterwards divided into two by Charles VII Afterwards the multitude of Processes being greater then could be dispatched in these Courts there was added a third Francis the first established the fourth for the better raising of a sum of money which then he wanted every one of the new Counsellors paying right deerly for his place The fifth and last was sounded in the year 1568. In each of these severall Chambers there are two Presidents and 20 Counsellors besides Advocates and Proctours ad placitum In the Touâ—…nelle which is an aggregation of all the other Courts there are supposed to be no sewer then 200 officers of all sorts which is no great number considering the many causes there handled In the Tournelle the Judges sit on life and death in the Chamber of Enqâ—…s they examine only civill 〈◊〉 of estate title debâ—… or the like The pleaders in these Courts are called Advoâ—…ates and must be at the least 〈◊〉 in the study of the Law At the Parliaments of 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 they admit of none but Doctors Now the 〈◊〉 of admitting them is this In an open and frequeâ—…t Court one of the aged'st of the Long roab presenteth the party which desireth admission to the Kings Attorney generall saying with a loud voice Paise a cour recevoir N. N. 〈◊〉 or Docteur en droict civil a la office a' Advocate This said the Kings Attorney biddeth him hold up
made by the Seine and the Marne a river of Campagne which constitute that part hereof which commonly and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is called by the name of the Isle of France and within the main Island makes divers little petty Isles the waters winding up and down as desirous to recreate the earth with the pleasures of its lovely and delicious embraces This Isle this portion of Gaul properly and limitedly styled France was the seat of the Francs at their first coming hither and hath still continued so The rest of Gallia is in effect rather subdued by the French then inhabited their valour in time having taken in those Countries which they never planted so that if we look apprehensively into Gaule we shall finde the other Nations of it to have just cause to take up that complaint of the King of Portugall against Ferdinand of Castile for assuming to himself the title of Catholick King of Spain Ejus tam non exigua parte penes reges alios as Mariana relateth it Certain it it that the least part of all Gallia is in the hands of the French the Normans Britons Biscaines or Gascons the Gothes of Languedoc and Provence Burgundians and the antient Gaules of Poictou retaining in it such fair and ample Provinces But it is the custome shall I say or fate of lesser and weaker Nations to lose their names unto the stronger as wives do to their husbands and the smaller rivers to the greater Thus we see the little Province of Poland to have mastered and given name to the Pruteni Mazovii and other Nations of Sarmatia Europaea as that of Mosco hath unto all the Provinces of Asiatica Thus hath Sweden conquered and denominated almost all the great Peninsula of Scandia whereof it is but a little parcell and thus did the English Saxons being the most prevailing of the rest impose the name of English on all the people of the Heptarchie Et dedit imposito nomina prisca jugo And good reason the vanquished should submit themselves as well unto the appellation as the laws of the victor The French then are possessors of some parts of old Gallia and masters of the rest possessors not of their Cities only but their conditions A double victory it seemeth they enjoyed over that people and took from them at once both their qualities and their Countries Certainly whosoever will please to peruse the Commentaries of Julius Caesar de bello Gallico he will equally guesse him an Historian and a Prophet yea he will rather make himself believe that he hath prophecied the character of the present French then delivered one of the antient Gaule And indeed it is a matter worthy both of wonder and observation that the old Gaules being in a manner all worne out should yet have most of their conditions surviving in those men which now inhabit that region being of so many severall Countries and originals If we dive into naturall causes we have a speedy recourse unto the powerfull influence of the heavens for as those celestiall bodies considered in the generall do work upon all sublunary bodies in the generall by light influence and motion so have they a particular operation on particulars An operation there is wrought by them in a man as borne at such and such a minute and again as borne under such and such a Climate The one derived from the setting of the Houses and the Lord of the Horoscope at the time of his Nativity the other from that constellation which governeth as it were the Province of his birth and is the genius or deus tutelaris loci Hinc illa ab antiquo vitia saith an Author modern rather in time then judgment patriae sorte durantia quae totas in historiis gentes aut commendant aut notant Two or three Authors by way of parallel will make it clear in the example though it appear not obscure in the search of causes Primus Gallorum impetus imajor quam virorum secundus minor quam soeminarum saith Florus of the Gaules What else is that which Mr. Dallington saith of the French when he reporteth that they begin an action like thunder and end it in a smoak Their attempts on Naples and Millain to omit their present enterprise on Genoa are manifest proofs of it neither will I now speak of the battail of Poicteirs when they were so forward in the onset and furious in the flight Vt sunt Gallorum subita ingenia saith Caesar I think this people to be as hare-brained as ever were the other Juvenal calleth Gallia foecunda causidicorum and among the modern French it is related that there are tryed more law causes in one year then have been in England since the Conquest Of the antient Germans the next neighbours and confederates of the Gaules Tacitus hath given us this note Diem noctemque continuare potando nulli probrum and presently after De jungendis affinitatibus de bello denique pace in conviviis consultant Since the time of Tacitus hath Germanie shifted almost all her old inhabitants and received new Colonies of Lombards Sueves Gothes Sclavonians Hunns Saxons Vandals and divers other Nations not known to that writer Yet still is that exorbitancy of drinking in fashion and to this day do the present Germans consult of most of their affairs in their cups If the English have borrowed any thing of this humor it is not to be thought the vice of the Countrey but the times To go yet higher and further the Philosopher Anacharsis and he lived 600 and odd yeers before Christ noted it in the Greeks that at the beginning of their feasts they used little goblets and greater towards the end when they were now almost drunken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Laertius reporteth it George Sandys in the excellent discourse of his own travailes relateth the same custome to continue still amongst them not with standing the length of time and all the changes of state and people which have since hapned Their Empire indeed they have lost their valour learning and all other graces which set them out in the sight of the World and no marvell these were not nationall conditions but personall endowments I conclude then this digression with the words of Barklay Haeret itaque in omni gente vis quedam inconcus sa quae hominibus pro conditione terrarum in quibus naâ—…i contigeri sua fata diviserit The present French then is nothing but an old Gaule moulded into a new name as rash he is and as head strong and as hare brain'd A nation whom you shall win with a feather and lose with a straw Upon the first sight of him you shall have him as familiar as your sleep or the necessity of breathing In one houres conference you may indeer him to you in the second unbutton him the third pumps him drie of all his secrets and he gives them you as faithfully as if you were his ghostly father and bound
and Guise in particular the Duke of Maien the Duke of Vendosme the Dukes of Longueville Espernon Nemours the Grand Prior the Dukes of Thovars Retz and Rohan the Viscount of Aubeterre c. who all withdrâ—…w themselves from the Court made themselves masters of the best places in their governments and were united presently to an open faction of which the Queen Mother declared herself head As for the Commons without whom the Nobility may quarrel but never fight they are more zealous in behalf of the Count as being brought up alwayes a Papist and born of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereas the Prince though at this 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 yet non fuit sic ab initio he was born they say and brought up an Hugonot and perhaps the alteration is but â—…mbled Concerning the Prince of Conde he hath a sentence of Parliament on his side and a verdict of Pâ—…ians bâ—…th weak helpes to a Soverainty unlesse well backed by the sword And for the verdict of the Phyâ—…tians thus the case is stated by the Doctors of that faculty 〈◊〉 a professour of Montpellier in Langueâ—… in his â—…xcellent Treatise of Anatomie maketh three terms of a womans delivery primus intermedius and ultimus The first is the seventh moneth after conception in each of which the childe is vitall and may live if it be borne To this also consenteth the Doctor of their chaire Hippocrates saying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that a child born in the seventh moneth if it be well looked to may live We read also how in Spain the women are oftentimes lightned in the end of the seventh moneth and commonly in the end of the eight And further that Sempronius and Corbulo both Roman Consuls were born in the seventh moneth Pliny in his Naturall History reporteth it as a truth though perchance the women which told him either misreckoned their time or â—…lse dissembled it to conceal their honesties The middle time terminus intermedius is in the ninth and tenth moneths at which time children do seldome miscarry In the former two moneths they hâ—…d gathered life in these latter they only consummate strength so said the Physitians generally Non enim in duâ—…us sequentibus mensibus they speak it of the intermedâ—…i adâ—…tur aliquod od perfectionum partium sed perfectionem roboris Thâ—… lâ—…st time terminus ultimus in the common account of this profession is the eleaventh moneth which some of them hold neither unlikely nor rare Massurius recordeth Papiâ—…us a Roman Praetor to have recovered his inheritance 〈◊〉 open Court though his Mother confessed 〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉 in the thirteeenth moneth And Avicen a Moore of Coâ—…ba reâ—…eth as he is cited in Laurentius that he had sâ—…n a a childe born after the fourteenth But these are but the impostures of women and yet indeed the modern Doctors are more charitable and refer it to supernaturall causes Et extraordinariam artis considerationem On the other side Hippocrates giveth it out definitively 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that in ten moneths at the furthest understand ten moneths compleat the childe is borne And Ulpian the great Civilian of his times in the title of the Digests de Testamentis is of opinion that a childe born after the tenth moneth compleat is not to be admitted to the inheritance of his pretended father As for the Common Law of England as I remember I have read it in a book written of Wils and Testaments it taketh a middle course between the charity of nature and the severity of the Law leaving it meerly to the conscience and circumstance of the Judge But all this must be conceived as it was afterwards alleaged by the party of the Earl of Soissons taking it in the most favourable construction of the time alter the conception of the mother and by no means after the death of the Father and so no way to advantage the Prince of Conde His Father had been extremely sick no small time before his death for the particular and supposed since his poison taken anno 1552. to be little prone to women in the generall They therefore who would have him set besides the Cushion have cunningly but maliciously caused it to be whisppered abroad that he was one of the by-blowes of King Henry IV. and to make the matter more suspiciously probable they have cast out these conjectures for it but being but conj ctures only and prosecuted for the carrying on of so great a project they were not thought to be convincing or of any considerable weight or moment amongst sober and impartiall men They therefore argued it First From the Kings care of his education assigning him for his Tutor Nicholas de Fâ—…bure whom he also designed for his Son King Lewis Secondly From his care to work the Prince then young 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 agi to become a Catholick Third y The infirmity of Henry of Conde and the privacy of this King with his Lady being then King of Navarre in the prime of his strength and in discontent with the Lady Marguerite of Valoys his first wife add to this that Kings love to fair Ladies in the generall and then conclude this probability to be no miracle For besides the Dutchesse of Beauforte the Marchionesse of Verneville and the Countesse of Morret already mentioned he is believâ—…d to have been the Father of Mr. Luynes the great favourite of King Lewis And certain it is that the very year before his death when he was even in the winter of his days he took such an amorous liking to the Prince of Condes wife a very beautifull Lady and daughter to the Constable Duke of Montmorencie that the Prince to save his honour was compelled to flie together with his Princesse into the Arch-Dukes Countrey whence he returned not till long after the death of King Henry If Mary de Medices iâ—… her husbands life time had found her self agrievâ—…d it I cannot blame her she only made good that of Quinâ—…ian Et uxor mariti exemplo incitata aut imitari se putat aut vind core And yet perhaps a consciousnesse of some injuries not only mooved her to back the Count of Soissâ—…ns and his faction against the Prince and his but also to resolve upon him for the husband of her daughter From the Princes of the bloud descend we to the Princes of the Court and there in the first place we meet with Mr. Barradas the Kings present favourite a young Gentleman of a fresh and lively hew little bearded and one whom as yet the people cannot accuse for â—…ny oppression or misgovernment Honours the King hath conâ—…erred none upon him but only pensions and offices he is the Governour of the Kings children of honour Pages we câ—…ll them in England a place of more trouble then wealth or credite He is also the Master of the horse or Legrand 〈◊〉 the esteem of which place recompenseth the empâ—…inesse of the other for by vertue of this office he carryeth the Kiâ—…s sword sheathed before
Subjects by the Kings Officers with great rigour for though they have some of their last provision in the house or perchance would be content through poverty to eat meat without it yet will these cruell villaines enforce them to take such a quantity of them or howsoever they will have of them so much money But this Tyranny is not generall the Normans and Picards enduring most of it and the other Paisant the rest Much like unto which was the Licence which the Popes and Bâ—…shops of old granted in matter of keeping Concubines For when such as had the charge of gathering the Popes Rents happened upon a Priest which had no Concubine and for that cause made deniall of the Tributes the Collectours would return them this answer that notwithstanding this they should pay the money because they might have the keeping of a wench if they would This Gabell as it sitteth hard on some so are there some also which are never troubled with it Of this sort are the Princes in the generall released and many of the Nobless in particular in so much that it was proved unto King Lewis anno 1614. that for every Gentleman which took of his Majesties Salt there were 2000 of the Commons There are also some intire Provinces which refuse to eat of this Salt as Bretagne Gascoine Poictou Quercu Xaintogne and the County of Boulonnois Of these the County of Boulonnois pretendeth a peculiar exemption as belonging immediately to the patrimony of our Lady 〈◊〉 Dame of which we shall learn more when we are in Boviâ—…on The Bretâ—…gnes came united to the Crown by a fair marriage and had strength enough to make their own capitulations when they first entred into the French subjection Beâ—…ides here are yet divers of the Ducall family living in that Countrey who would much trouble the peace of the Kingdome should the people be oppressed with this bondage and they take the protection of them Poictoâ—… and 〈◊〉 have compounded for it with the former Kings and pay a certain rent yearly which is called the Equivalent Xaintâ—…gne is under the command of Rochell of whom it receiveth sufficient at a better rate And as for the 〈◊〉 the King dareth not impose it upon them for fear of Rebellion They are a stuborne and churlish peopâ—…e very impatient of a rigorous yoak and such which inherit a full measure of the Bisâ—…anes liberty and spirit from whom they are descended Le droict de foâ—…age the priviledge of levying a certain piecâ—… of money upon every chimney in an house that smoketh was in times not long â—…nce one of the jura regalia of the French Lords and the people paid it without grumbling yet when Edward the black Prince returned from his unhappy journey into Spain for the paying of his Souldâ—…rs to whom he was indebted laid this Fouage upon this people being then English they all presently revolted to the French and brought great prejudice to our affairs in those quarters Next to the Gabell of Salt we may place the Tailâ—…e or Taillon which are much of a nature with the Subsidies in England as being levied both on Goods and Lands In this again they differ the Subsidies of England being granted by the people and the sum of it certain but this of France being at the pleasure of the King and in what manner he shall please to impose them Antiently the Tailles were only levyed by way of extraordinary Subsidie and that but upon four occasions which were the Knighting of the King Son the marriage of his Daughters a Voyage of the Kings beyond sea and his Ransome in case he were taken Prisoner Les Tailles ne sont point devis de voir ordinaire saith Ragneau ains ont este accordeès durant la necessite des affaires seulement Afterwards they were continually levyed in times of war and at length Chales the VII made them ordinary Were it extended equally on all it would amount to a very fair Revenue For supposing this that the Kingdome of France containeth 200 millions of Acres as it doth and that from every acre there were raised to the King two Sols yearly which is little in respect of what the Taxes impose upon them That income alone besides that which is levyed on Goods personall would amount to two millions of pounds in a year But this payment also lyeth on the Paisant the greater Towns the officers of the Kings house the Officers of War the President Counsellors and Officers of the Courts of Parliament the Nobility the Clergy and the Scholars of the University being â—…reed from it That which they call the Taillon was intended for the ease of the Countrey though now it prove one of the greatest burdens unto it In former times the Kings Souldiers lay all upon the charge of the Villages the poor people being fain to finde them diet lodging and all necessaries for themselves their horses and the harlots which they brought with them If they were not well pleased with their entertainment they used commonly to beat their Host abuse his family and rob him of that small provision which he had laid up for his children and all this Câ—…m privilegio Thus did they move from one Village to another and at the last again returned to them from whence they came Ita ut non sit ibi villula una expers calamitatis 〈◊〉 quae non semelaut bis in anno hac nefanda pressura depiletur as Sir Fortesâ—…ueâ—…bserved â—…bserved in his time To redresse this mischief King Heâ—…ry II. anno 1549. raised this imposition called the Taillon The Pancaâ—…te comprehendeth in it divers particular Imposts but especially the Sol upon the Livre that is the twentieth penny of all things bought or sold Corne Sâ—…ts and the like only excepted Upon wine besides the Sol upon the Livre he hath his severall Customes of the entrance of it into any of his Cities passages by Land Sea or Rivers To these Charles the IX annâ—… 1461. added a Tax of five Sols upon every Muye which is the third part of a Tun and yet when all this is done the poor Vintner payeth unto the King the eight penny he takes for that Wine which he selleth In this Pancarâ—…e is also contained the Haut passage which are the Tolles paid unto the King for passage of Men and Cattell over his bridges and his City gates as also for all such commodities as they bring with them a good round sum confidering the largenesse of the Kingdome the through-fare of Lyons being farmed yearly of the King for 100000 Crowns Hereunto belong also the Aides which are a Tax of the Sol also in the Livre upon all sorts of Fruits Provision Wares and Merchandise granted first unto Charles Duke of Normandy when John his father was Prisoner in England and since made perpetuall For such is the lamentable fate of this Countrey that their kindnesses are made duty and those moneys which they once grant out of
The durt brake plentifully in upon us through the rails of our Chariot and the unequall and ill proportioned pase of it startled almost every bone of us I protest I marvell how a French man durst adventure in it Thus endured we all the diseases of a journey and the danger of three severall deaths drowning choaking with the mire and breaking on the wheel besides a fear of being â—…amished before we came to our Inne which was six French miles from us The mad Duke in the Play which undertook to drive two snailes from Millaine to Museo without staffe whip or goade and in a braverie dared all the world to match him for an experiment would here have had matter to have tryed his patience On the left hand we saw Arques once famous for a siege laid about it by our Richard the first but raised speedily by the French It is now as before I told you the Parish Church of the Dieppe Protestants Their Preachers Mr. Corteau and Mr. Mondenis who have each of them an yearly stipend of 40l or thereabouts a poor pay if the faithfull discharge of that duty were not a reward unto it self above the value of gold and silver To instance in none of those beggerly Villages we past through we came at last unto Tostes the place destinated to be our lodging a Town somewhat like the worser sort of Market-towns in England There our Chareter brought us to the ruines of an house an Ale house I should scarce have thought it and yet in spight of my teeth it must be an Inne yea and that an honorable one as Don Quixotes hoste told him Despair of finding there either Bedding or Victuals made me just like the fellow at the gallowes who when he might have been reprieved on condition he would marry a wench which there sued for him having viewed her well cryed to the hangman to drive on his Cart. The truth is I' esehappay la tonnnere et rencheus en l' eschair according to the French proverb I fell out of the frying-pan into the fire One of the house a ragged fellow I am sure he was and so most likely to live there brought us to a room somewhat of kindred to a Charnel-house as dark and as dampish I confesse it was paved with brick at the bottom and had towards the Orchards a prety hole which in former times had been a window but now the glasse was all vanished By the little light which came in at that hole I first perceived that I was not in England There stood in this Chamber three beds if at the least it be lawfull so to call them the foundation of them was of straw so infinitely thronged together that the wool-packs which our Judges sit on in the Parliament were melted butter to them upon this lay a medley of flocks and feathers sowed up together in a large bag for I am confident it was not a tick but so ill ordered that the knobs stuck out on each side like a crab-tree cudgell He had need to have flesh enough that lyeth on one of them otherwise the second night would wear out his bones The sheets which they brought us were so course that in my conscience no Mariner would vouchsafe to use them for a sail and the coverlet so bare that if a man would undertake to reckon the threads he need not misse one of the number The napperie of the Table was sutable to the bedding so foul and dirty that I durst not conceive it had been washed above once and yet the poor clothes looked as briskly as if it had been promised for the whole year ensuing to scape many a scouring The napkins were fit companions for the clothes Vnum si noveris omnes nosti By my description of this Inne you may guesse at the rest of France not altogether so wretched yet is the alteration almost insensible Let us now walke into the Kitching and observe their provision And here we found a most terrible execution committed on the person of a pullet my Hostesse cruell woman had cut the throat of it and without plucking off the feathers tore it into pieces with her hands and after took away skin and feathers together just as we strip Rabbets in England this done it was clapped into a pan and fryed into a supper In other places where we could get meat for the Spitte it useth to be presently broached and laid perpendicularly over the fire three turns at the most dispatcheth it and bringeth it to the Table rather scorched then roasted I say where we could get it for in these rascally Innes you cannot have what you would but what you may and that also not of the cheapest At Pontoyse we met with a Rabbet and we thought we had found a great purchase larded it was as all meat is in the Countrey otherwise it is so lean it would never endure roasting In the eating it proved so tough that I could not be perswaded that it was any more then three removes from that Rabbet which was in the Ark. The price half a Crown English My companions thought it over deer to me it seemed very reasonable for certainly the grasse which sed it was worth more then thrice the money But to return to Tostes And it it time you might perchance else have lost the sight of mine Hostesse and her daughters You would have sworne at the first blush they had beeu of a bloud and it had been great pity had it been otherwise The salutation of Horace Omatre pulchra filia pulchrior was never so unseasonable as here Not to honour them with a further character let it suffice that their persons kept so excellent a decorum with the house and furniture that one could not possible make use of Tullies Quà m dispari dominaris domina But this is not their luck only The women not of Normandy alone but generally of all France are forced to be contented with a little beauty and she which with us is reckoned with the vulgar would amongst them be taken for a Princesse But of the French women more when we have taken a view of the Dames of Paris now only somewhat of their habit and condition Their habit in which they differ from the rest of France is the attire of the head which hangeth down their backs in the fashion of a Vail In Roven and the greater Cities it is made of linen pure and decent here and in the Villages it cannot possible be any thing else then an old dish-clout turned out of service or the corner of a tablecloth reserved from washing Their best condition is not alwayes visible They shew it only in the mornings or when you are ready to depart and that is their begging you shall have about you such a throng of those illfaces and every one whining out this dity Pour les servants that one might with greater ease distribute a dole at a rich mans Funerall then give them a
competent ditch and at every gate a draw-bridge They are still sufficient to guard their Pullen from the Fox and in the night times to secure their houses from any forain burglary Once indeed they were able to make resistance to a King of France but the English were then within it At last on honorable termes it yeelded and was entred by Charles VII the second of August anno 1449. The Town is for building and bignesse somewhat above the better sort of Market Towns here in England The last Town of Normandy toward Paris is Pontoyse a Town well fortifyed as being a borderer and one of the strongest bulwarks against France It hath in it two fair Abbies of Maubuissâ—…n and St. Martin and six Churches Parochiall whereof that of 〈◊〉 dame in the Suburbs is the most beautifull The name it derives from a bridge built over the river of Oyse on which it is situate and by which on that side it is well defended the bridge being strengthned with a strong gate and two draw-bridges It is commodiously situate on the rising of an hill and is famous for the siege laid before it by Charles VII anno 1442. but more fortunate unto him in the taking of it For having raised his Army upon the Duke of Yorks coming to give him battail with 6000 only the French Army consisting of double the number he retired or fled rather unto St. Denis but there hearing how scandalous his retreat was to the Parisians even ready to mutiny and that the Duke of Orleans and others of the Princes stirred with the ignominiousnesse of his flight began to practise against him he speedily returned to Pontoyse and maketh himself master of it by assault Certainly to that fright he owed the getting of this Town and all Normandy the French by that door making their entrie unto this Province out of which at last they thrust the English anno 1450. So desperate a thing is a frighted coward This Countrey had once before been in possession of the English and that by a firmer title then the sword William the Conqueror had conveied it over the Seas into England and it continued an Appendix of that Crown from the year 1067 unto that of 1204. At that time John called Sans terre third son unto King Henry II. having usurped the estates of England and the English possessions in France upon Aâ—…thur heir of Bretagne and son unto Geofry his elder brother was warred on by Philip Augustus King of France who sided with the said Arthur In the end Arthur was taken and not long after was found dead in the ditches of the Castle of Roven Whether this violent death happened unto him by the practise of his Uncle as the French say or that the young Prince came to that unfortunate end in an attempt to escape as the English report is not yet determined For my part considering the other carriages and virulencies of that King I dare be of that opinion that the death of Arthur was not without his contrivement Certainly he that rebelled against his Father and practised the eternall imprisonment and ruine of his Brother would not much stick this being so speedy a way to settle his affaires at the murder of a Nephew Upon the first bruit of this murder Constance mother to the young Prince complaineth unto the King and Parliament of France not the Court which now is in force consisting of men only of the long robe but the Court of the Paiâ—…rie or 12 Peeres whereof King John himself was one as Duke of Normandy I see not how in justice Philip could do lesse then summon him an homager being slain and a homager being accused To this summons John refused to yeeld himself a Counsell rather magnanimous then wise and such as had more in it of a English King then a French Subject Edward III. a Prince of finer metall then this John obeyed the like warrant and performed a personall homage to Philip of Valoys and it is not reckoned amongst his disparagements He committed yet a further errour or solecisine in State not so much as sending any of his people to supply his place or plead his cause Upon this non-appearance the Peers proceed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Il fut â—…ar Arrest dâ—…la dite cour saith Du Chesne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 da crime de parrâ—…e de felonie Parrie de for killing his own Nephew and Felony for committing an act so execrable on the person of a French Vassill and in France John du Serres addeth a third cause which was contempt in disobeying the Kings commandment Upon this â—…rdict the Court awarded Que toutes les terres qu'il 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 acquâ—…ses confiâ—…es a la Couronne c. A proceeding so fair and orderly that I should sooner accuse King John of indiscretion then the French of injustice When my life or estate is in danger let me have no more sinister a tryall The English thus outed of Normandy by the weaknesse of John recovered it again by the puissance of Henry but being held only by the sword it was after 30 years recovered again as I have told you And now being passed over the Oyse I have at once freed the English and my self of Normandy here ending this Book but not that dayes journey The End of the First Book A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE FRANCE specially so called OR THE SECOND BOOK CHAP. I. France in what sense so called The bounds of it All old Gallia not possessed by the French Countries follow the name of the most predominant Nation The condition of the present French not different from that of the old Gaules That the heavens have a constant power upon the same Climate though the Inhabitants are changed The quality of the French in private at the Church and at the table Their language complements discourse c. JUly the third which was the day we set out of St. Claire having passed through Pontoyse and crossed the river we were entred into France France as it is understood in its limited sense and as a part only of the whole for when Meroveus the Grandchild of Pharamond first King of the Franci or Frenchmen had taken an opportunity to passe the Rhine having also during the wars between the Romans and the Gothes taken Paris he resolved there to set up his rest and to make that the head City of his Empire The Country round about it which was of no large extent he commanded to be called Francia or Terra Francorum after the name of his Frankes whom he governed In this bounded and restrained sense we now take it being confined with Normandy on the North Champagne on the East and on the West and South with the Province of La Beausse It is incircled in a manner with the Oyle on the Northwards the Eure on the West the Velle on the East and a veine riveret of the Seine towards the South but the principall environings are
his hand and saith to him in Latine Tu jurabis observare omnes regias consuetudines he answereth 〈◊〉 and departeth At the Chamber door of the Court whereof he is now sworn an Advocate he payeth two crowns which is forth with put into the common treasury appointed for the relief of the 〈◊〉 widows of ruined Advocates and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 veniam peâ—…imusque damusque it may be their own cases and therefore it is paid willingly The highest preserment of which these Advocates are capable is that of Chancâ—…llor an office of great power and profit the present Chancellor is named Mr. d' 〈◊〉 by birth of Chartres He hath no settled Court wherein to exercise his authority but hath in all the Courts of France the Supream place whensoever he will vouchsaâ—…e to visite them He is also Pâ—…sident of the Councell of Estate by his place and on him dependeth the making of good and sacrâ—…d laws the adminâ—…stration of Justice the reformation of 〈◊〉 and abrogation of unprofitable Edicts c. He hath the keeping of the Kings great seal and by virtue of that either 〈◊〉 or putteth back such Letters pâ—…tents and 〈◊〉 as are exhibited to him He hath under him immediately for the better dispatch of his affaires four Masters of the Requests and their Courts Their office and manner of proceeding is the same which they also use in England in the persons there is thus much dâ—…fference for that in France two of them must be pâ—…rpetually of the Clergy One of their Courts is very antient and hath in it two Presidents which are two of the Mâ—…sters and 14 Counsellors The other is of a later erection as being â—…ounded anno 1580 and in that the two other of the 〈◊〉 and eight Counsellors give sentence Thus have I taken a view of the severall Chambers of the Parliament of Paris and of their particular jurisdictions as far as my information could conduct me One thing I notâ—…d further and in my mind the fairest ornament of the Palace which is the neatnesse and decency of the Lawyers in their apparell for besides the fashion of their habit which is I assure you exceeding pleasing and comely themselves by theiâ—… own care and love to handsomenesse add great lustre to their gaâ—…ments and more to their persons Richly drest they 〈◊〉 and well may be so as being the ablâ—…st and most powerâ—…ull men under the Princes and la Noblesse in all the Countrey an happinesse as I conjecture rather of the 〈◊〉 then the men 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 been the fate and destinie of the Law to strengthen and inable its professors beyond any other Art or Science the pleaders in all Common-wealthâ—… â—…h for sway amongst the people and 〈◊〉 amongst the military men having alwayes had the preheminence Oâ—… this rank were Pericles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Dâ—…sthenes amongst the Athenians Antonius Cato Caesar and Tully at Rome men equally famous for Oratory and the Sword yet this I can confidently say that the severall states above mentioned were more indebted to Tully and Demosibenes bâ—…ing both meer gown-men then to the best of their Captains the one freeing Athens from the armies of Macedon thâ—… other delivering Rome from the conspiracy of Catiline O fortunatam natam te Consule Romam It is not then the fate of France only nor of England to see so much power in the hands of the Lawyers and the case being generall me thinks the envie should be the lesse and lesse it is indeed with them then with us The English Clergy though otherwise the most accomplisht in the world in this folly deserveth no Apologie being so strongly ill affected to the pleaders of their Nation that I fear it may be said of some of them Quod invidiam non ad causam sed per sonam ad voluntatem dirigunt a weaknesse not more unworthy of them then prejudiciall to them For by fostering between both gowns such an unnecessary emulation they do but exasperate that power which they cannot controul and betray themselves to much envie and discontentednesse a disease whose cure is more in my wishes then my hopes CHAP. IX The Kings Palace of the Louure by whom built The unsutablenesse of it The fine Gallery of the Queen Mother The long Gallery of Henry IV. His magnanimous intent to have built it into a quadrangle Henry IV. a great builder His infinite project upon the Mediterranean and the Ocean La Salle des Antiques The French not studious of Antiquities Burbon house The Tuilleries c. WE have discharged the King of one Palace and must follow him to the other where we shall finde his residence It is seated at the West side of the Town or Ville of Paris hard by Portenufue and also by the new bridge A house of great fame and which the Kings of France have long kept their Court in It was first built by Philip Augustus anno 1214. and by him intended for a Castle it first serving to imprison the more potent of the Nobles and to lay up the Kings treasury For that cause it was well moated strengthned with wals and drawbridges very serviceable in those times It had the name of Louure quasi L'oeuure or the work the building by way of excellency An etymologie which draweth nigher to the ear then the understanding or the eye and yet the French writers would make it a miracle Du Chesne calleth it Superbe bastiment qui n'a son esgal en toute la Christientè and you shall hear it called in an other place Bestiment qui passe aujourd hui en excellence et en grandeur tous les autres Brave elogies if all were gold that glistered It hath now given up its charge of money and great prisoners to the Basâ—…ile and at this time serveth only to imprison the Court. In my life I never saw any thing more abused by a good report or that more belyeth the rumors that go of it The ordinary talk of vulgar travellers and the big words of the French had made me expect at the least some prodigie of architecture some such Majâ—…sticall house as the Sunne Don Phoebus is said to have dwelt in in Ovid. Regia Sâ—…lis erat sublimibus alta columnis Claramicante auro flamasque imitâ—…nte pyropo Cujus ebur nitidum c. Indâ—…ed I thought no fiction in Poetry had been able to have paralleld it and made no doubt but it would have put me into such a passion as to have cryed out with the young Gallant in the Comedy when he had seen his sweet-heart Hei mihi qualis erat talis erat qualem nunquam â—…di But I was much deceived in that hope and could finde nothing in it to admire much lesse to envie The Fable of the Mountaine which was with childe and brought forth a mouse is questionlesse a fable this house and the large â—…ame it hath in the world is the morall of it Never was there an house more unsutable to it self in the particular
of Paris exceeding joyfull that we yet lived to see the beauty of thâ—… fiâ—…lds again and enjoy the happinesse of a free heaven The Countrey such as that part of the Isle of France towards Normaâ—…y only that the corn grounds were larger and more even On the left hand of us we had a side-glance of the royall house of Boys St. Vincennes and the Castle of Biseâ—…re and about some two miles beyond them we had a â—…ight also of a new house lately built by Mr. Sâ—…ery Chancellor of the Kingdome a pretty house it promised to be having two base Courts on the hither side of it and beyond it a park an ornament whereof many great mansions in France are altogether ignorant Four leagues from Paris is the the Town of Moâ—…liherrie now old and ruinous and hath nothing in it to commend it but the carkasse of a Castle without it it hath to brag of a large and spacious plain on which was fought that memorable battail between Lewis the 11. and Charles le hardie Duke of Burgogne a battail memorable only for the running away of each Army the field being in a manner emptiâ—…d of all the forces and yet neither of the Princes victorious Hic spe celer ille salute some ran out of fear to die and some out of hope to live that it was hard to say which of the Souldiers made most use of their heels in the combat This notwithstanding the King esteemed himself the coâ—…querour not that he overcame but because not vanquisht He was a Prince of no heart to make a warriour and therefore resistance was to him almost hugged as victory It was Antonies case in his war against the Parthians a Captain whose Launce King Lewis was not worthy to bear after him Crassus before him had been taken by thâ—…t people but Antonius made a retreat though with losse Haâ—…â—…aque fugam suam quia vivus exierat victoriam vocabat as Paterculus one that loved him not saith of him Yet was King Lewis so puffed up with this conceit of victory that he ever after slighted his enemies and at last ruined them and their cause with them The war which they undertook against him they had entituled the war of the Weal publick because the occasion of their taking armes was for the liberty oâ—… their Countrey and people both whom the King had beyond measure oppressed True it is they had also their particular purposes but this was the main and failing in the expected event of it all that they did was to confirm the bondage of the Realm by their own overthrow These Princes once disbanded and severally broken none durst ever afterwards enter into the action for which reason King Lewis used to say that he had brought the Kings of France Hors pupillage out of their ward-ship a speech of more brag then truth The people I confesse he brought into such terms of slavery that they no longer merited the name of subjects but yet for all his great boâ—…st the Nobles of France are to this day the Kings Guardians I have already shewn you much of their potency By that you may see that the French Kings have not yet sued their livery as our Lawyers call it Had he also in some measure broken the powerableness of the Princes he had then been perfectly his words-master and till that be done I shall still think his successors to be in their pupillage That King is but half himself which hath the absolute command only of half his people The battail foughten by this Town the common people impute to the English and so do they also many others which they had no hand in For hearing their Grandames talk of their wars with our nation and of their many fields which we gained of them they no sooner hear of a pitched field but presently as the nature of men in a fright is they attribute it to the English good simple souls Qui nos non solum laudibus nostris ornare velint sed onerare alienis as Tully in his Philippicks An humour just like unto that of little children who being once frighted with the tales of Robin Goodfellow do never after hear any noise in the night but they straight imagine that it is he which maketh it or like the women of the villages neer Oxford who having heard the tragicall story of a duck or an hen killed and carried to the University no sooner misse one of their chickens but instantly they cry out upon the Scholars On the same false ground also hearing that the English whilest they had possessions in this Countrey were great builders they bestow on them without any more adoe the foundation and perfecting of most of the Churches and Castles in the Countrey Thus are our Ancestors said to have built the Churches of Roven Amiens Bayon c. as also the Castles of Bois St. Vincennes the Bastile the two little forts on the river side by the Louure that of St. Germans and amongst many others this of Mont l' Hierrie where we now are and all alike as for this Castle it was built during the reign of K. Robert anno 1015. by one of his servants named Thiâ—…ld long before the English had any possessions in this Continent It was razed by Lewis the Grosse as being a harbourer of rebels in former times and by that means as a strong bridle in the mouth of Paris nothing now standing of it save an high Tower which is seen a great distance round about and serveth for a land mark Two leagues from Mont l' Hierrie is the Town of Castres seated in the sarthest angle of France where it confineth to La Beause A Town of an ordinary size somewhat bigger then for a Market and lesse then would beseem a City a wall it hath and a ditch but neither serviceable further then to resist the enemy at one gate whilâ—…st the people run away by the other nothing else remarkable in it but the habit of the Church which was mourning for such is the fashion of France that when any of the Nobles are buried the Church which enâ—…ombeth them is painted black within and without for the breadth of a yard or thereabouts and their Coats of Armes drawn on it To go to the charges of hanging it round with cloth is not for their profits besides this counterseit sorrow feareth â—…o theef and dareth out-brave a tempest he for whom the Church of Castres was thus apparelled had been Lord of the Town by name as I remember Mr. St. Benoist his Armes were Argent three Cressants Or a Mullet of the same but whether this Mullet were part of the Coat or a mark only of difference I could not learn The like Funeral Churches I saw also at Tostes in Normandie and in a village of Picardie whose name I minde not Nec operae pretium And now we are passed the confines of France a poor river which for the narrowness of it you would think to
which were very theevish and full of insolences But when I had made a survey of their apparel I quickly altered that opinion and accounted them as the excrement of the next prison deceived alike in both my jealousies for these pretty parcels of mans flesh were neither better nor worse but even arrant fidlers and such which in England we should not hold worthy of the whipping-post Our leave not asked and no reverence on their parts performed they abused our ears with an harsh lesson and as if that had not been punishment enough unto us they must needs add to it one of their songs By that little French which I had gathered and the simpring of a fille de joy of Paris who came along with us I perceived it was bawdy and to say the truth more then could be patiently endured by any but a French man But quid facerem what should I do but endure the misery for I had not language enough to call them Rogues handsomely and the villains were inferiour to a beating and indeed not worthy of mine or any honest mans anger Praeda canum lepus est vastos non implet 〈◊〉 Nec gaudettenui sanguine tanta sitis They were a knot of rascals so 〈◊〉 below the severity of a statute that they would have discredited the stocks and to have hang'd them had been to hazard the reputation of the gallowes In a year you would hardly finde 〈◊〉 some vengeance for them which they would not 〈◊〉 in the suffering unless it be not to hearken to their ribaldry which is one of their greatest torments To proceed after their song ended one of the company the Master of them it should seem draweth a dish out of his pocket and layeth it before us into which we were to cast our benevolence custome hath allowed them a Sol for each man at the table they expect no more and they will take no lesse No large sum and yet I le assure you richly worth the Musick which was meerly French that is 〈◊〉 in the composure and French also that is 〈◊〉 handled in the playing Among the Ancients I have met with three kindes of Musick viz. first that which the Greeks call ` 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which consisteth altogether of long notes or spondaeus This was the gravest and saddest of the rest called by Aristotle in the last chapter of his Politicks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or morall because it setled the affections Boetius whom we account the Classical author in this faculty calleth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in much use with those of that Nation at this day we may call it Italian as being 〈◊〉 a peculiar musick to that 〈◊〉 This is the musick which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for to invite unto him the spirit of 〈◊〉 1 King 3. 15. and this is it which is yet sung in our Churches A practice which we derive from the ancients 〈◊〉 some of late have opposed it and which is much commended by S. 〈◊〉 this being the use of it Ut per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in pietatis affectum assurgat The second kinde the artists call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which 〈◊〉 of a mixture of long and and 〈◊〉 notes or of the 〈◊〉 The philosopher termeth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or active because it raised up the affections Boetius termeth it the Dorian because it had 〈◊〉 in much esteem amongst the Dores a Greek nation we may now call it English and is that musick which cheereth the spirits and is so soveraign an antidote to a minde 〈◊〉 and which as the Poet hath it doth saxa movere sono The third sort is that which the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 consisting altogether of short notes or Tribrachys 〈◊〉 calleth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or ravishing because it unhinged the affections and stirred them to lasciviousnesse Bâ—…etius termeth it Phrygian as being the strain of the wanton and luxuriant people In these times we may call it French as most delighted in by the stirring spirits and lightness of this nation A note of musick forbidden unto youth by Aristotle and Plato and not countenanced by any of them but on the common theatres to satisfie the rude manners and defires of the vulgar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to give them also content in their recreations yet is this musick altogether in use in this Countrey no lesson amongst their profest Musitians that I could hear which had any gravity or solid art shewed in the composition They are pretty fellowes I confess for the setting of a Maske or a Caranto but beyond this nothing which maketh the musick in their Churches so base and unpleasing So that the glory of perfect musick at this time lyeth between the English and Italian that of France being as trivial as their behaviour of which indeed it is concomitant Mutata musica mutantur mores saith Tully and therefore he giveth us this lesson Curandum itaque est ut musica quam gravissima sedatissima retineatur a good Item for the French CHAP. II. The Country and site of Orleans like that of Worcester The Wine of Orleans Praesidial Towns in France what they are The sale of Offices in France The fine walk and pastime of the Palle Malle The Church of St. Croix founded by Superstition and a miracle Defaced by the Hugonots Some things hated only for their name The Bishop of Orleans and his priviledge The Chappel and Pilgrims of St. Jacques The form of Masse in St. Croix Censing an Heathenisâ—… custome The great siege of Orleans raised by Joane the Virgin The valour of that woman that she was no witch An Elogie on her WEE are now come into the Countrey of Orleans which though within the limits of La Beause will not yet be an entire County of it self It is a dainty and pleasing Region very even and large in the fields of it insomuch that we could not see an hill or swelling of the ground within eye-sight It consisteth in an indifferent measure of Corn but most plentifully of Vines and hath of all other fruits a very liberall portion neither is it meanly beholding to the Loyre for the benefits it receiveth by that river on which the City of Orleans it self is sweetly seated Of all places in England 〈◊〉 in mine opinion cometh most nigh it as well in respect of the Countrey as the situation of the Town For certainly that Countrey may be called the Epitome of England as this of France To the richest of the corn-fields of Orleanâ—…s we may compare the Vale of Evesham neither will it yeeld for the choise and variety of fruits the Vine only excepted The hedges in that Countrey are prodigall and lavish of those â—…ees which would become the fairest 〈◊〉 of the rest and in a mâ—…nner 〈◊〉 the want of Wine by its pl nâ—…y of Perry and 〈◊〉 In a word what a good writer hath 〈◊〉 of oâ—… we may say of both 〈◊〉 solum adeo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ut
salubritate ubertate 〈◊〉 non concedant But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 betwixt the Towns is more happy Both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the second river of note in their several Countreys 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 much unlike in their several couâ—…s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the wals of 〈◊〉 â—…d passing nigh unto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on a little 〈◊〉 and its homager divideth the 〈◊〉 Britains from the rest of the English The Loyre 〈◊〉 by the City of Tours and passing nigh to Augâ—…ire â—…ted also up the land on a little river and one of its 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the modern Bâ—…etagnes from the râ—…st of the French Posâ—… est in loco 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad flumen quâ—…d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 conjungitur muro satis firmo munita saith Mr. Camden of Worcester Orleans is seated on the like declivity of an hill hath its bridge well fortified with turrets and its wals of an equall ability of resistance Sed deâ—…us est ab incolis qui sunt numâ—… si humani ab aedificiorum nâ—…tore a templorum numero maxime a sede episcopali saith he of ours in general we shall see it fitly applyed to this in each particular The people of this town are not of the fewest no Town in France the capacity of it considered bâ—…ing more populous for standing in so delicate an air and on so commodious a river it inviteth the Gentry oâ—… Nobles of the Countrey about it to inhabit there and they accept it Concerning their behaviour and humanity certainly they much exceed the Parisians I was about to say all the French men and indeed I need not grudge them that Elogie which Caesar giveth unto those of Kent and verifie that they are omnium incolarum longe humanissimi my self here observing more courtesie and affability in one day then I could meet withall in Paris during all my abode The buildings of it are very suitable to themselves and the rest of France the streets large and well kept not yeelding the least offence to the most curious nosethrill Parish Churches it hath in it 26 of different and unequall being as it useth to be in other places Besides these it contains the Episcopal Church of St. Croix and divers other houses of religious persons amongst which St. Jacques of both which I shall speak in their due order Thus much for the resemblance of the Towns the difference betwixt them is this That Orleans is the bigger and Worcester the richer Orleans consisteth much of the Nobles and of sojourners Worcester of Citizens only and home dwellers And for the manner of life in them so it is that Worcester hath the handsomer women in it Orleans the finer and in mine opinion the lovliest of all France Worcester thriveth much on Clothing Orleans on their Vine-presses And questionless the Vine of Orleans is the greatest riches not of the Town only but of the Countrey also about it For this cause Andre du Chesne calleth it the prime cellar of Paris Est une pais saith he si heureuse si fecunde sur tâ—ut en vine qui on la dire l' un de premiers celiers de Paris These Vines wherein he maketh it to be so happy deserve no less a commendation then he hath given them as yeelding the best wines in all the Kingdome Such as it much griev'd me to mingle with water they being so delicious to the palat and the epicurism of the taste I have heard of a Dutch Gentleman who being in Italy was brought acquainted with a kinde of Wine which they there call Lachrymae Christi No sooner had he tasted it but he fell into a deep melancholy and after some seven sighs besides the addition of two grones he brake out into this pathetical ejaculation Dii boni quare non Christus lachrymatus esset in nostris regionibus This Dutch man and I were for a time of one minde insomuch that I could almost have picked a quarrell with nature for giving us none of this liquor in England at last we grew friends again when I had perceived how offensive it was to the brain if not well qualified for which cause it is said that King Lewis hath banished it his Cellar no doubt to the great grief of his drinking Courtiers who may therefore say with Martiall Quid tantum fecere boni tibi pessima vina Aut quid fecerunt optima vina mali This Town called Genabum by Caesar was reedified by Aurelian the Emperour anno 276. and called by his name Aureâ—…anum which it still retaineth amongst the Latines It hath been famous heretofore for four Councels here celebrated and for being the siege royal of the Kings of Orleans though as now I could not hear any thing of the ruines of the Palace The fame of it at this time consisteth in the University and its seat of justice this Town being one of them which they call Seiges presidiaux Now these Seiges Presidiaux Seats or Courts of Justice were established in diverse Ciâ—…ies of the Realm for the ease of the people anno 1551 or thereabouts In them all civil causes not exceeding 250 livâ—…es in money or 10 livres in rents are heard and determined soveraignly and without appeal If the sum exceed those proportions the appeal holdeth good and shall be examined in that Court of Parliament under whose jurisdiction thâ—…y aâ—…e This Court here consisteth of a Bailly whose name is Mr. Digion of 12 Counsellors two Lieutenants one civil and the other criminal and a publick notary When Mr. Le Comte de St. Paul who is Governor or Lieutenant Generall of the Province cometh into their Court he giveth precedency to the Bailly in other places he receiveth it This institution of these Presidentiall Couâ—…s was at first a very profitable ordinance and much eaâ—…d the people but now it is grown burthen some the râ—…ason is that the offices are made salable and purchased by thâ—…m with a great deal of money which afterwards they wrest again out of the purses of the pesants the sale of offices drawing necessarily after it the â—…ale of justice a misâ—… wâ—…ich is spread so far that there is not the poorest under fficer in all the Realm who may not safâ—…ly say with the Captain in the 22 of the Acts and the 28. vers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with a great sum of moâ—…y obtained I this freedome Twenty years purchase is 〈◊〉 to be no extraordinary rate and I have read that only by the sale of 〈◊〉 one of the Kings had raised in 20 yeâ—…rs 139 millions which amounteth to the proportion of seven millions yearly or thereabouts of all waiâ—…s to thrift and treasure the most unkingly In the year 1614 the King motioned the abolishing of the sales of this 〈◊〉 but it was upon a condition more prejudicial to the people then the 〈◊〉 for he desiâ—…d in lieu of it to have a greater imposition laid upon Sâ—…lt and on the Aides which those who were Commissioners for the Commonalty would not admit of because then a common misery
recovereth her health and ever since the custome hath continued For the truth of this story I intend to be no Champion for I hold it ridiculous and savouring too much of the Legend but this I am certain of that every new Bishop maketh a very solemn and majestick entry into the City and at his entry releaseth a prisoner Let us follow the Bishop into his Church and there we shall finde him entertained with an high Masse the ceremonies whereof are very pretty and absurd To go over them all would require a volume I will thereâ—…ore mention those only wherein they differ from other Masses and they are two the one fantastical the other heathenish For as soon as the priest at the altar hath read a certain lesson but what his voice was not audible enough to tell me out marcheth the Dean or in his absence the senior Canon out of the Church Before him two or three torches and a long crosse silvered over after him all those of the Church and lastly the lay people both men and women so that there is none leâ—…t to keep possession but the Priest and the Altar and such strangers as come thither for curiosity they go out at one door and having fiâ—…st circuited the quire and afterwards the body of the Church they return to their places and the Priest proceedeth I have seen many a dumb shew in a play just like it This only is the difference that here we had no interpreter nor Chorus afforded us to shew us the mysterie of this silent gesticulation The other addition which I observed here at the Masse though I have since been told that it is ordinary at high Masses in the Cathedral Churches was the censing of the people which was performed in this manner Whilest the Priest was busie at the Altar there entred into the quire at a side door two boyes in their Surplices bearing wax-tapers in their hands and immediately after them the foresaid fellow with the Crosse in the rere there came two of the Priests in their copes and other stately vestiments between both a young lad with the incense-pot made full of holes to let out the sume which he swingeth on all sides of him with a chain to which it was fastned having thus marched through the Church and censed the people he ascendeth unto the Altar and there censeth the crosse the relicks the bread the wine the chalice the images and I know not what not A custome very much used amongst the Heathen Omnibus viris factae sunt statuae ad eas thus cerei saith Tully and Jane tibi primum thura merumque fero saith Ovid in his de Fastis So have we in Martiall Teprimum piathura rogent and the like in divers other writers of antient At what time it crept into the Churches of the Christians I cannot tell Sure I am it was not used in the primitive times nor in the third age after our Saviour save only in their burials Sciant Sabaei saith Tertullian who at that time lived pluris cariores merces suas Christianis sepeliendis profligari quam fumigantibus Arnobius also in the 7 book adversus gentes disclaimeth the use of it and yet the Councell of Trent in the 22. Session defineth it to be as boldly ex Apostolica institutione traditione as if the Apostles themselves had told them so I know they had rather seem to derive it from the 30 chap. and 7. vers of Exodus and so Bishop Durand is of opinion in his Rationale divinorum but this will not help them Aaron there is commanded only to burn incense on the Altar and not to cense men and images crosses and relicks c. as the Papists do So that will they nill they they must be counted followers of the Heathen though I envie them not the honour of being Jewes From the history and view of the Church proceed we to that of the Town where nothing occurreth more memorable then the great siege laid before it by the English A siege of great importance to both parties France having been totally won unto King Henry if this Town had yeelded and once so nigh it was to submit it self that the people proffer'd to yeeld themselves to Philip Duke of Burgundie then a great consederate of our Nation who had not been present in the Camp But this the English Generall would not consent to and it was the resolution of Antigonus iâ—… long time before us Negavit Antigonus saith Justine se in ejus belli praedam socios admittere in â—…ujus periculum solus descenderat On this determinate sentence of the General he was Montacute Earl of Solâ—…bury the Town purposed to hold out a little longer and was at the last relieved by Joane D' Arc a maid of Vaucoleur in Lorrein whom they called La Pusille how that excellent souldier the Generall was slain and the siege raised I need not relate It is extant in all our Chronicles This only now that ever since that time the people of Orleans keep a solemn procession on every eighth day of May on which day anno 1427. their City was delivered from its enemies But the atchievements of this brave Virago stayed not here she thinks it not enough to repulse her enemies unlesse she also vanquish them arm'd therefore Cap ape she went to seek occasion of battail and was alwaâ—…es formost and in the head of her troops Ducit Amazonidum lunatis agmina bellis Penthiselea furens 〈◊〉 in millibus ardet For her first service she taketh Jargeau discomfiteth the English which were within it and maketh the Earl of Suffolk prisoner Soon after followed the battail of Patay in which the English were driven out of the field and the great Talbot taken This done she accompanieth Charles the 7. whose Angel Guardian she was through all Campagne unto Rhemes where she saw him solemnly crowned all the Towns of those Countreys yeelding upon the approach of her and the Kings Army Finally after many acts performed above the nature of her sexe which I will not stand here to particulate she was taken prisoner at the siege of Campâ—…igne delivered over unto the Duke of Bedford by him sent unto Roven and there burnt for a Witch on the 6. of July anno 1431. There was also another crime objected against her as namely that she had abused the nature of her sexe marching up and down in the habit of a man Et nihil muliebre praeter corpuâ—… gerens Of all accusations the most impotent for in what other habit could she dresse her self undertaking the actions of a Generall and besides to have worn her womans weeds in time of battail had been to have betrayed her safety and to have made her self the mark of every arrow It was therefore requisite that she should array her self in compleat harnesse and in that habit of complete armour have those of Orleans erected her Statua all in brasse upon the middle of their bridge
with a violent tempest makâ—…th it rubbish what therefore is wanting of present strength to the Haven in this ruine of a Tower the wisdome of this age hath made good in the Garrison And here me thinks I might justly accuse the imâ—… thrift of our former Kings of England in not laying out some money upon the strength and saâ—…ty of our Haven Towns not one of them Portesm uth only excepted being Garrisonâ—…d True it is that Henry VIII did erâ—…ct Block-houses in many of them but what bables they are and how unable to resist a Fleet royally appointed is known to every one I know indeed we wâ—…re 〈◊〉 garrisoned by our Navy could it either keep a watch on all particular places or had it not sometimes occasion to be absent I hope our Kings are not of Darius mind in the story 〈◊〉 gloriâ—…sius ratus est hostem repellere quam non admittere neiâ—…her will I take upon me to give counsell only I could wish that we were not inferior to our neighbours in the greatnesse of our care since we are equall to the best of them in the goodnesse of our Countrey But though the old man was too old to performe this service or to contribute any thing toward the defence of the Town and Haven yet I conceived my self obliged to give him a visite partly out of the reverent esteem which I had of Antiquity but principally that I might from thence take a â—…ull view of my dearest England from which sor want of winde and Company I was then restrained With these desires I made a boy of the Inne acquainted who told me that there was no way but by the Pâ—…st-houses from the Town to the Tower and that if we were noted to walke that way we should both be presently sâ—…ut up as infected persons or committed to the custody of the Brethren of Charity the 〈◊〉 â—…ondition of the two But finding the impatiencie of my desires not so easily satisfied and the temptation of a Quart d' esâ—…ue not to be 〈◊〉 he told me that if I would venture to climb up the Rocks as he and other boyes of the Town used to do sometimes he would undertake to bring me thither This offer I readily accepted and as soon as the tide was low enough for us we began our â—…alke upon the Beach till we came to the bottom of the Rocks where the old man dwelt and presently we began to mount as if we meant to take the Fortresse by Scalado I found the way more troublesome and dangerous then I had conceived and my self before I came â—…lfe way towards the top which seemed still to be farther of then it was at the first so vexed and bruised that I began to be amazed at my own fool-hardinesse and was many times in a minde to descend again and questionlesse I had done accordingly if a resolution of not giving over any enterprise which I was engaged in and a fear least the boy would laugh at me when we came to the Town had not pushed me on Having breathed our selves a while we advanced again The old cripplo who is fabled to have stolen Pauls weather-cock used not more pains and cunning in climbing to the top of that lofty 〈◊〉 then we in mounting to the top of these mighty Rocks which when we had attained at last me thought I was much of the same humor with old Tom of Odâ—…ombe on the top of the Alpes of whom the Poet hath informed us That to the top at last being got With very much adoe god wot He eagerly desired That mighty Jove would take the pains To dash out their unworthy brains Who offered to be tired No sooner had my eyes got above the height of the Cliffes but the first fight I met with was a row of Pest-houses not 〈◊〉 distant and some old women dry 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on a bank adjoyning the fight whereof had almost made me recoil backward with more hast then 〈◊〉 But having overcome the danger of that apprehension I first saluted the old man taking full notice of his great stature old age and many infirmiâ—…ies That done I turned my face toward England whâ—…ch afforded me a most pleasing object the course thereof lying within my view at so great a length that one might easily discerne from Dâ—…ver Castle Eâ—…stward to the West of 〈◊〉 an object of so rich contentment and so full of ravishing contemplations that I was almost of his mind who said Bâ—…num est nobis esse hic and certainly I had dwelt there lâ—…nger if the boy had not put me in mind that the flood was coming back amain as indâ—…ed it was and that if we made not speed to recover the Town before it was got near the foot of the Rocks we must of necessity be fain to abide there the greatâ—…st part of the night till the ebb ensuing On this advertisement there was no need to bid me hasten but then a new humor seized upon me when I beheld those dreadfull precipices which I was to descend together with the infinite distâ—…nce of the Beach from the top of the Rocks the danger of being shut up by the sea if we made not hast and of tumbling into it if we did But as curiosity had carryed me up so necessity brought me down again with greater safety I conâ—…esse then I had deserved This adventure being like some of those actions of Alexander the great whereof Curtius telleth us that they were magis ad temeritatis quam ad gloriae famam This Town of Boulogne and the Countrey about it was taken by Henry VIII of England anno 1545. himself being in person at the siege a very costly and chargeable victory The whole list of his Forces did amount to 44000 Foot and 3000 Horse Field pieces he drew after him above 100 besides those of smaller making and for the conveyance of their Ordinance Bâ—…gage and other provision there were transported into the Continent above 25000 hâ—…rses True it is thâ—…t his dâ—…signes had a further aime had not Charles the Emperor with 〈◊〉 he was to joyne left the field and made peace without him So that judging only by the successe of the expedition we cannot but say that the winning of Boulonnois was a deer purchase And indeed in this one particular Sir Walter Raleigh in the Preface to his most excellent History saith not amisse of him namely That in his vain and fruitlesse expeditions abroad he consumed more treasure then all the rest of our Victorious Kings before him did in their severall Conquests The other part of his censure câ—…ncerning that Prince I know not well what to think of as meerly composed of gall and bitternesse Onely I cannot but much â—…arvell that a man of his wisdome being raised from almost nothing by the daughter could be so severely invective against the Father certainly a most charitable Judge cannot but condemne him of want of true affâ—…ction and duty to his
Qâ—…een seeing that it is as his late Majâ—…sty hath excellently noted in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A thing monstrous to see a man love the childe and bate the Parents and therefore he earnestly enjoyneth his son Henry To represse the insolence of such as under pretence to taxe a vice in the person seek craftily to stain the race Presently after this taking of Boulogne the French again endevoured their gaining of it even during the life of the Conquerour but he was strong enough to keep his gettings After his death the English being engaged in a war against the Scots and Ket having raised a rebellion in Norfolke they began to hope a Conquest of it and that more violently then ever Upon news of their preparations an Embassador was dispatched to Charles the fiâ—…h to desire succor of him and to lay before him the infancy and severall necessities of the young King who was then about the age of ten years This desiâ—…e when the Emperour had refused to hearken to they beâ—…ought him that he wâ—…uld at the least be pleased to take into his hands and keeping the Town of Boulogns and that for no longer time then untill King Edward could make an end of the troubles of his Subjects at home An easie request Yet did he not only deny to satisfie the King in this except he would restore the Catholick religion but he also expresly commanded that neither his men or munition should go to the assistance of the English An ingratitude for which I cannot finde a fitting epithite considering what fast friends the Kings of England had alwayes been to the united houses of Burgundie and Austria what moneys they have helped them with and what sundry Warres they have made for them both in Belgium to maintain their Authority and in France to augment their potencie From the marriage of Maximillan of the family of Austria with the Lady Mary of Burgundy which happened in the yeere 1478. unto the death of Henry the eighth which fell in the yeere 1548. are just 70 yeeres In which time only it is thought by men of knowledge and experience that it cost the Kings of England at the least six millions of pounds in the meer quarrels and defence of the Princes of those houses An expence which might seem to have earned a greater requitall then that now demanded Upon this deniall of the unmindfull Emperour a Treaty followed betwixt England and France The effect of it was that Boulogne and all the Countrey of it should be restored to the French they paying unto the English at two dayes of payment 800000 Crownes Other Articles there were but this the principall And so the fortune of young Edward in his beginning was like that of Julius Caesar towards his end Dum clementiam quam praestiterat expectat incautus ab ingratis occupatus est I am now at the point of leaving Boulogne but must first reckon with mine Host to whom we were growne into arrears since our first coming thither Our stock was grown so low when we came from Paris that had not a French Gentleman whom we met at Amiens disbursed for us it would not have brought us to this Town so that our Host was fain to furnish us with some menies to make even with him After which staying there from Sunday noon to Wednesday morning and being then fain to make use of his credit also to provide of a Boat for England which alone stood us in three pound our engagements grew greater thâ—…n he had any just reason to adventure on us But being an ingenuous man and seeing that we fared well spent freely and for the most part entertained him and his family at our table he was the lesse diffident of payment as he told me afterwards Having stayed three dayes for Company and none appearing we were fain to hire a boat expresse for my companion and my self to passe over in In order whereunto I told him of our present condition assured him that we had friends in Dover who would supply us with all things necessary as indeed we had that having summed up what we owed him and what he had contracted for our passage over he should have a note under our hands for the payment of it and that one of us should remain prisoner in the Boat till the other raised money to redeem him To which he answered that we had carryed our selves like Gentlemen which gave him no distrust of a reall payment that he would take if we pleased a Bill of our hands for the money to be paid in Dover and desired that we would give him leave to send over a servant in our Boat with a basket of poultery who should receive the money of us and give back our Bond. This being agreed upon the nâ—xt morning we took boat â—or England the Mariners knowing nothing else but that the servant went over only to sell his Poultery that being an opportunity frequently indulged by them unto those of the Town though we knew well enough he went on another errand and as we could not but commend my Host for his courtesie and his care taken of our credit so we had reason to esteem our selves in a kinde of custody in that he would not let us stir without a Keeper Nor did my Host lose any thing by his kindnesse to us For we not only paid him honestly all his full demands but bestowed a reward upon hiâ—… servant and sent a present of Gloves and Knives commoditâ—… much prized in France to his Wife and Daughters that he might see we knew as well how to requiâ—…e as receive a curtesie Which said I must step back into France agâ—…n that having taken a brief view already of the Principall Provinces I may render some accompt of the Government also in reference to the Courts the Church and the Civill Statâ—… The End of the Fourth Book A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE FRANCE GENERAL OR THE FIFTH BOOK Describing the Government of the Kingdom generally in reference to the Court the Church and the Civill Sate CHAP. I. A transition to the Government of France in generall The person age and marriage of Kiâ—…g Lewis XIII Conjecturall reasons of his being issuelesse Iaqueline Countesse of Holland kept from issue by the house of Burgundy The Kings Sisâ—…ers all married and his alliances by them His naturall Brethren and their preferments His lawfull brother The title of Monseiur in France Monseiur as yet unmarried not like to marry Montpensiers daughter That Lady a fit wife for the Earl of Soissons The difference between him and the Prince of Conde for the Crown in case the line of Navarre fail How the Lords stand affected in the cause Whether a child may be born in the 11 moneth King Henry IV. a great lover of fair Ladies Monseiur Barradas the Kings favorite his birth and offices The omniregency of the Queen Mother and the Cardinall of Richileiu The Queen mother a wise
this people conceiving rightly that multitudes of Lawyers occasion multitudes of businesse or according to that meâ—…ry saying of old Haywood The more Spaniels in the fiâ—…ld the more game Of these advocate two of them which are as we call them here in England the Kings Attorney or Solliciteur are called Advocati stipulantes the others Advocati postulantes Yet have they not by any order confined themselves to this number but may enlarge them according to occasion though it haâ—… not been a Solâ—…cisme or a novâ—…lty were the number limited For it appeareth in the Parliament Recordâ—… that Edwaâ—…d 〈◊〉 first â—…strained the number both of Counsellers and Atturneys unto 140 for all England though he also left authority in the Lord Chief Justice to enlarge it as appeareth in the said Records Anno 20. Rotul 5. in dorso de apprenticiis attornatis in these words following D. Rex injunxit Joh. de Metingham he was made chief Justice of the Commâ—…n Pleas in the 18 of this King sociis suis quod ipsi per eorum discretionem provideant ordinent certum numerum in quolibet Comitatu de melioribus legalioribus libentius addiscentibus sec. quod intellexeâ—…int quod curiae suae populo de regno melius valere poterit c. Et videtur regi ejus concilio quod septies viginti sufficere poterint Apponant tamen praefati justiciarii plures si viderint esse faciendum vel numerum anticipent c. Thus he wisely and happily foreseeing those many inconveniences which arise upon the multitudes of such as apply themselves unto the Lawes and carefully providing for the remedy But of this as also of these Islands and of their manner of Govenment I have now said sufficient yet no more then what may fairly bring your Lordship on to the main of my discourse and Argument viz. the Estate and condition of their Churches I shall here only adde a Catalogue of the Governours and Bailiffs of the Isle of Jarsey for of those of Guernzey notwithstanding all my paines and diligence I could finde no such certain conâ—…at which is this that followeth A Catalogue of the Governours and Bailiffs of Jarsey Bailiffs Governours 1301 Pierre Vigeure Edw. II. Otho de Grandison Sr. des Iâ—…es 1389 Geofr la Hague Edw. III. Edm. de Cheynie Gard des Isles 1345 Guill Hastings Thom. de Ferrer Capt. des Isles 1352 Rog. Powderham  1363 Raoul L. Empriere  1367 Rich de St. Martyn  1368 Iean de St. Martyn   Rich le Peâ—…il  1370 Jean de St. Martyn   Jean Cokerill  1382 Tho. Brasdefer Hen. IV. Edw. D. of York 1396 Geâ—…fr Brasdefer V. Jean D. of Bedford 1414. 1405 Guill de Laick  1408 Tho. Daniel VI. Hum. D. of Glocester 1439. 1414 Jean Poingt dexter  1433 Jean Bernard Kt.  1436 Jean l' Empriere  1444 Jean Payne  1446 Regin de Carteret  1453 Jâ—…an Poingt dâ—…xter Edw IV. Sir Rich. Harliston 1462 Nicol. Mourin  1485 Guill de Harvy Angl. Hen. VII Mathew Baker Esq 1488 Clem. le Hardy Tho. Overcy Esq 1494 Jean Nicols David Philips Esq 1496 Jean l' Empriere  1515 Hel de Carteret Hen. VIII Sir Hugh Vaugâ—…an 1524 Helier de la Râ—…q Sir Aâ—…ony Uâ—…erell   1526. Râ—…ch Bailiffs Governours 1526 Rich Mabon  1528 Jasper Penn. Angl.  1562 Hostes Nicolle Edw. VI Edw. D. of Somers L Protect  Jean du Maresque Cornish  Geo. Pawlet Angl. Ma. R. Sir Hugh Pawlet 1516 Jean Herault Kt. Eliza. R. Sir Aimer Paulet 1622 Guill Parkhurst Sir Antho. Pawlett 16 Philip de Carteret Kt. Sir Walt. Raleigh now living ann 1644.  Jac. Sir Joh. Peiton S. a Cross ingrailed O.   Car. Sir Tho. Jermin now living Further then this I shall not trouble your Lordship with the Estate of these Islands in reference either unto Naturall or Civill Concernments This being enough to serve for a foundation to that superstructure which I am now to raise upon it CHAP. II. 1 The City and Diocese of Constance 2 The condition of these Islands under that Governmint 3 Churches appropriated what they were 4 The Black Book of Constance 5 That called Domes day 6 The suppression of Priours Aliens 7 Priours Dative how they differed from the Conventualls 8 The condition of these Churches after the suppression 9 A Diagram of the Revenue then allotted to each severall Parish together with the Ministers and Justices now being 10 What is meant by Champarte desarts and French querrui 11 The alteration of Religion in these Islands 12 Persecution here in the days of Queen Mary The Authors indignation at it expressed in a Poeticall rapture 13 The Islands annexed for ever to the Diocese of Winton and for what reasons BUt before we enter on that Argument The estate and condition of their Churches a little must be said of their Mother-City to whom they once did owe Canonicall obedience A City in the opinion of some once called Augusta Romanduorum and after took the name of Constance from Constantine the great who repaired and beautified it Others make it to be built in the place of an old standing campe and that this is it which is called Constâ—…ntia castra in Ammian Marcellinus Meantesque protinus prope castra Constantia funduntur in Mare lib 15. To leave this controversie to the French certain it is that it hath been and yet is a City of good repute the County of Constantine one of the seven Bailiwicks of Normandy being beholding to it for a nâ—…me As for the Town it self it is at this day accounted for a 〈◊〉 but more famous for the Bishoprick the first Bishop of it as the Roman Martyrologie and on the 23 if my memory â—…ail not of September dâ—…h inâ—…ruct us being one Paternus Du Chesne in his book of French Antiquities attributes this honour to St. Ereptiolus the man aâ—… he conjectures that first converted it into the faith his next successors being St. Fxuperance St. Leonard and St Lo which last is said to have lived in the year 473. By this account it is a City of good age yet not so old but that it still continues beautiâ—…ull The Cathedrall here one of the fairest and well built pieces in all Normandy and yeelding a â—…air prospect even as far as to these Islands The Church it may be raised to that magnificent height that so the Bishop might with greater ease survey his 〈◊〉 A Diocese containing antiently a good part of Countrey Constantine and these Islands where now we are For the better executing of his Episcopall â—…sdiction in these places divided by the Sea from the main body of his charge he had a Surrogat or Substitute whom they called a Dean in each Island one His office consisting as I guesse at it by the jurisdiction of that of a Chancellour and an A chdeacon mixt it being in his
chapter in the interim untill he mought be fully informed what Lawes c. were meet and fit to be established for the good government of the said Island in causes Ecclesiaftical c. to grant commission c. to exercise the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction there according to cerâ—aid instructions signed with our royal hand to continue only untill we might establish c. as it followeth in the Original By this Interim there was a clause in force whereby it was permitted to the Ministers not to bid holydaies or use the Crosse in Baptism or wear the Surplice or to exact it of the people that they kneel at the Communion In other matters it little differed from the Canons afterwards established and now in being in that Island Thus fortified with power and furnished with instructions home cometh the new Dean into his Countrey and in a frequent assembly of the three Estates takes full possession of his place and office Nor found he any opposition till he began to exercise his Jurisdiction At what time Sir John Herault then Bayliffe of the Island and to whom his Majesty had given the title of St. Saviour not pleased to see so many causes drawn from his Tribunal made head against him But this disgust was quickly over-blown and the Bailiffe for four years suspended by his Majesty from the executing of his office This done his fellow Ministers were called together and he imparted unto them his instructions All of them seeming well contented with the Jurisdiction De la place excepted who much impatient as commonly the miscarrying of our hopes as much torments us as the losse of a possession to see himself deluded forsook the Countrey But to the Liturgie they thought they had no cause to give admission nay that they had good cause unto the contrary viz. as not being desired by them in their addresse and having been for fifty years at least a stranger in the Islands a thing also much stomacked and opposed by many learned men in England and not imposed as yet upon the Scots which people in so many other particulars had been brought unto conformity with the English In the end having six moneths allowed them to deliberate frangi pertinaciam suam passi sunt they were content to bend and yeeld unto it upon such qualifications of it as in the instructions were permitted A duty carelesly discharged and as it were by halfs by many of them those viz of the ancient bâ—…eed which have so been wedded to a voluntary frame and fabrick of devotion but punctually observed by those of the lesser standing as having good acquaintance with it here in England and not possâ—…ssed with any contrary opinion whereby it might be prejudiced And now there wanted nothing to perfect the intentions of his Majesty and to restore unto the Island the ancient face and being of a Church but only that the Policy thereof was something temporary and not yet established in the rule and Canon But long it was not ere this also was effected and a fixt Law prescribed of Government Ecclesiastical Which what it is by what means it was agreed on how crossed and how established his Majesties own Letters Patents can best instruct us and to them wholly I referre the honour of the relation CHAP. VII The Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall for the Church Discipline of Jarsey together with the Kings Letters Patents for the autborising of the same JAMES by the grace of God King of England Scotland France and Ireland defender of the faith c. To our right trusty and well beloved Counseller the reverend father in God Lancâ—…lot Bishop of Winton and to our trusty and well beloved Sir John Peyton Knight Governour of the Isle of Jarsey and to the Governour of the said Isle for the time being and to the Bailiffe and Jurates of the said Isle for the time being to whom it shall or may appertain Greeting Whereas we held it fitting heretofore upon the admission of the now Dean of that Island unto his place in the interim untill we might be fully informed what Lawes Canons or Constitutions were meet and fit to be made and established for the good government of the Island in causes Ecclesiasticall appertaining to Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction to command the said Bishop of Winton Ordinary of the said Island to grant his Commission unto David bandâ—…ell nâ—…w Dean of the same Island to exercise the juâ—…isdictionâ—…here â—…here according to certain instructions signed with our â—…oyall hand to continue only till we might establish such Constitutions Rules Canons and Ordinances as we intended to settle for the regular government of that our Island in all Ecclesiasticall causes conformed to the Ecclesiasticall goâ—…nment established in our Realm of England as near as conveniently might be And whereas also to that our purpose and pleasure was that the said Dean with what convenient speed he might after such authority given unto him as aâ—…aid and after his arrivall into that Island and the publick notice given of that his admission unto the said office should together with the Ministers of this our Island consider of such Canons and Constitutions as might be fitly accomâ—…dated to the circumstances of time and place and persons whom they concern and that the same should be put in good order and intimated by the Governour Baâ—…e and Jurates of that our Island that they might offer to us and our Councell such acceptions and give such reformations touching the same as they should think good And whereas the said Dean and Ministers did conceive certain Canons and presentâ—…d the same unto us on the one part and on the other part the said Bailisfe and Jurates excepting against the same did send and depuâ—…e Sir Philip de Caâ—…ter et Knight Joshuaâ—… de Carteret and Philip de Carteret Esquires three of the Jurates and Justices of our said Isle all which parties appeared before our right trusty and well beloved Counsellers the most reverend father in God the Lord Archbishop of Câ—…rbury the Right reverend father in God the Lord Bishop of Lincolne Lord Keeper of the Geat Seal of England and the Right reverend father in God the said Lord Bishop of Winton to whom we granted commission to examine the same who have have accordingly heard the said parties at large read and examined corrected and amended the said Canons and have now made report unto us under their hands that by a mutuall consent of the said Deputies and Deâ—…n of our Island thâ—…y have reduced the said Canons and Constitutions Eccleâ—…sticall into such order as in their judgements may well stand with the estate of that Island Know ye therefore that we out of our Princely care of the quiet and peaceable government of all our Dominions especialy affecting the peace of the Church and the establishment of true Religion and â—…lesiasticall 〈◊〉 in one uniforme order and course throughout all our Realms and Dominions so happily unitâ—…d under us as their Supreme Governor on earth