the rest of their Body The Kingdome of Portugall which of late times through their Merchandizing and places in the East Indies was grown to be an Opulent Kingdome is now at the last after the unfortunate journey of Affrick in that State as a Countrey is like to be that is reduced under a Forreiner by Conquest And such a Forreiner as hath his Competitour in Title being a Naturall Portugall and no Stranger And having been once in possession yet in Life wherby his Iealousie must necessarily be encreased and through his Jealousie their Oppression which is apparent by the Carrying of many Noble Families out of their Naturall Countries to live in Exile And by putting to Death a great Number of Noble-Men naturally born to have been principall Governers of their Countries These are three Afflicted parts of Christendome The Rest of the States enjoy either Prosperity or tolerable Condition The Kingdome of Scotland though at this present by the good Regiment and wise proceeding of the King they enjoy good quiet yet â—ince our Peace it hath passed through no small Troubles And remaineth full of Boyling and Swelling Humours But like by the Maturity of the said King every day encreasing to be repressed The Kingdome of Poland is newly recovered out of great Wars about an Ambiguous Election And besides is a State of that Composition that their King being Elective they do commonly chuse rather a Stranger then one of their own Countrey A great Exception to the Flourishing Estate of any Kingdome The Kingdome of Swedeland besides their Forrain Warrs upon their Cousins the Muscovites and the Danes Hath been also subject to divers Intestine Tumults and Mutations as their Stories do record The Kingdome of Denmark hath had good Times specially by the good Government of the late King who maintained the profession of the Gospell But yet greatly giveth place to the Kingdome of England in Climate Wealth Fertility and many other Points both of Honour and Strength The Estates of Italy which are not under the Dominion of Spain have had peace equall in continuance with ours Except in regard of that which hath passed between them and the Turk Which hath sorted to their Honour and Commendation But yet they are so brideled and over-awed by the Spaniard that possesseth the two principall Members thereof And that in the two extream parts as they be like Quillets of Freehold being intermixed in the midst of a great Honour or Lordship So as their Quiet is intermingled not with Iealousie alone but with Restraint The States of Germany have had for the most part peaceable Times But yet they yeeld to the State of England Not only in the great Honour of a great Kingdome they being of a mean Stile and Dignity but also in many other Respects both of Wealth and Pollicy The State of Savoy having been in the old Dukes Time governed in good Prosperity hath since notwithstanding their new great Alliance with Spain whereupon they waxed insolent to design to snatch up some piece of France After the dishonourable Repulse from the Seige of Geneva deen often distresâ—ed by a particular Gentleman of Daulphâ—ny And at this presenâ— day the Duke feeleth even in Piedmont beyond the Mountaines of the weight of the same Enemy Who hath lately shut up his Gates and common Entries between Savoy and Piedmont So as hitherto I do not see but that we are as much bound to the Mercies of God as any other Nation Considering that the Fires of Dissention and Oppression in some Parts of Christendom may serve us for Lights to shew us our Happinesse And the good â—states of other places which we do congratulate with them for is such neverthelesse as doth not stain and exceed ours But rather doth still leave somewhat wherein we may acknowledge an ordinary Benediction of God Lastly we do not much emulate the Greaâ—nesse and Glory of the Spaniards Who having not only Excluded the Purity of Religion but also Fortified against it by their Devise of the Inquisition which is a Bulwark against the Entrance of the Truth of God Having in recompence of their new Purchase of Porâ—ugal lost a great part of their ancient Patrimonies of the Low-Countries Being of far greater Commodity and Valew or at the least holding part thereof in such sort as most of their other Revenewes are spent there upon their own Having lately with much Difficulty rather smoothed and skinned over then Healed and extinguished the Commotions of Arragon Having rather sowed Troubles in France then reaped Assured Fruit thereof unto themselves Having from the Attempt of England received Scorn and Disreputation Being at this time with the States of Italy rather suspected then either Loved or Feared Having in Germany and else where rather much practise then any Sound intelligence or Amity Having no such clear succession as they need object and Reproach the Incertainty thereof unto another Nation Have in the end won a Reputation rather of Ambition then Iustice And in the pursuit of their Ambition rather of Much Enterprising then of Fortunate Atchieving And in their Entâ—rprising rather of Doing Things by Treasure and Expence then by Forces and Valour Now that I have given the Reader a Tast of England respectively and in Comparison of the Times past and of the States abroad I will descend to examine the Libellers own Divisions Whereupon let the World judge how easily and clean this Inke which he hath cast in our faces is washed off The First Branch of the pretended Calamities of England is the great and wonderfull Confusion which he saith is in the State of the Church which is subdivided again into two parts The one the Prosecutions againg the Catholicks The other the Discords and Controversies amongst our selves The former of which 2. parts I have made an Article by it self Wherein I have set down a clear and simple Narration of the proceedings of State against that sort of Subjects Adding this by the way That there are 2. Extremities in State concerning the Causes of â—aith and Religion That is to say the Permission of the Exercises of more Râ—ligions then one which is a dangerous Indulgence and Toleration the other is the Entring and Sifting into Mens Consciences when no Overt Scandall is given which is Rigorous and Straineable Inquisition And I avouch the proceedings towards the intended Catholicks to have been a Mean between these two Extremities Referring the Demonstration thereof unto the aforesaid Narraâ—ion in the Articles following Touching the Divisions in our Church the Libeller affirmeth â—hat the Protestanticall Caluinism For so it pleaseth him with very good grace to term the Religion with us established is grown Contempâ—ible and Detected of Idolatry Heresie and many other superstitious Abuses by a Purified sort of Professors of the same Gospell And this Conâ—ention is yet grown to be more intricate by reason of a Third Kind of Gospellers called Brownists Who being directed
Thus having performed that which Duty binds me to I commend you to Gods best preservation Your most devoted and bounden Servant A Letter from the Kings Atturney General to the Master of the Horse upon the sending of his Bill for Viscount August 5. 1616. SIR I send you the Bill â—or his Majestiâ—s Signature reformed according to his Majesties Amendments both in the two places which I assure you were both altered with great Judgement And in the Third place which his Majesty termed a Question onely But he is an idle Body that thinks his Majesty asks an idle Question And therefore his Majesties Questions are to be answered by Taking away the Cause of the Question and not by Replying For the Name his Majesties Will is a Law in those things And to speak Truth it is a well-sounding and Noble Name both here and abroad And being your proper Name I will take it for a good Sign that you shall give Honour to your Dignity and not your Dignity to you Therefore I have made it Viscount Villiers And for your Baronry I will keep it for an Earldom For though the other had been more orderly yet that is as usual and both alike good in Law For Ropers place I would have it by all means dispatched And therefore I marvail it lingreth It were no good manners to take the Business out of my Lord Treasurers hands And therefore I purpose to write to his Lordship if I hear not from him first by Mr. Deckom But if I hear of any Delay you will give me leave especially since the King named me to deal with Sir Iohn Roper my Self For neither I nor my Lord Treasurer can deserve any great thanks of you in this Business considering the King hath spoken to Sir Iohn Roper and he hath promised And besides the thing it self is so reasonable as it ought to be as soon done as said I am now gotten into the Countrey to my House where I have some little Liberty to think of that I would think of and not of that which other Men Hourly break my Head withall as it was at London Upon this you may conclude that most of my Thoughts are of his Majesty And then you cannot be farr off God ever keep you and prosper you I rest alwayes Your true and most devoted Servant A Letter to Sir George Villiers upon the Sending his Patent of Viscount Villiers to be Signed August 12. 1616. SIR I have sent you now your Patent of Creation of Lord Blechley of Blechly and of Viscount Villiers Blechley is your own And I liked the sound of the Name better than Whaddon But the Name will be hid for you will be called Viscount Villiers I have put them both in a Patent after the manner of the Patent of Arms where Baronries are joyned But the chief Reason was because I would avoid double Prefaces which had not been fit Nevertheless Ceremony of Roabing and otherwise must be double And now because I am in the Country I will send you some of my Country Fruits which with me are good Meditations which when I am in the Citty are choaked with Business After that the King shall have watred your new Dignities with his Bounty of the Lands which he intends you And that some other things concerning your means which are now likewise in Intention shall be setled upon you I doe not see but you may think your private Fortunes established And therefore it is now time that you should refer your Actions chiefly to the Good of your Soveraign and your Country It is the life of an Oxe or a Beast alwaies to eat and never to exercise But Men are born especially Christian Men not to cramm in their Fortunes but to exercise their Vertues And yet the other have been the unworthy and â—ometimes the unlucky humour of great Persons in our Times Neither will your further Fortune be the further off For assure your self that Fortune is of a womans Nature that will sooner follow you by slighting than by too much Wooing And in this Dedication of your Self to the Publick I recommend unto you principally that which I think was never done since I was born And which not done hath bred almost a Wilderness and Solitude in the Kings Service which is that you countenance and encourage and advance able and vertuous Men in all Kindes Degrees and Professions For in the time of some late great Counsellours when they bare the Sway able Men were by design and of purpose suppressed And though now since Choice goeth better both in Church and Commonwealâ—h yet Money and Turn-Serving and Cunning Canvises and Importunity prevail too much And in places of Moment rather make Able and Honest Men yours than advance those that are otherwise because they are yours As for Cunning and Corrupt Men you must I know sometimes use them but keep them at a distance And let it appear that you make use of them rather than that they lead you Above all depend wholly next to God upon the King And be ruled as hitherto you have been by his Instructions For that 's best for your Self For the Kings Care and Thoughts concerning you are according to the Thoughts of a great King whereas your Thoughts coâ—cerning your Self are and ought to be according to the Thoughts of a Modest Man But let me not weary you The Summe is that you think Goodness the best part of Greatness And that you remember whence your Rising comes and make return accordingly God ever keep you A Letter to the King touching Sir George Villiers Patent for Baron of Blechley and Viscount Villiers August 12. 1616. It may please your most excellent Majesty I Have sent Sir George Villiers Patent drawn again containing also a Baronry The Name Blechley which is his own And to my Thinking soundeth better than Whaddon I have included both in one Patent to avoid a double Preface and as hath been used in the Patents of Earls of like nature Nevertheless the Ceremony of Roabing and otherwise is to be double as is also used in like case of Earls It resteth that I express unto your Majesty my great Joy in your Honouring and Advancing this Gentleman whom to describe not with Colours but with true Lines I may say this Your Majesty certainly hath found out and chosen a safe Nature a capable Man and honest Will Generous and Noble Affections and a Courage well lodged And one that I know loveth your Majesty unfeignedly And admireth you as much as is in a Man to admire his Sâ—veraign upon Earth Onely your Majesties School wherein he hath already so well profited as in this Entrance upon the Stage being the Time of greatest Danger he hath not committed any manifest Errour will add Perfection to your Majesties comfort and the great Contentment of your People God ever preserve and prosper your Majesty I rest in all Humbleness Your Majesties most bounden and most devoted Subject and Servant A Letter
Baron of Verulam Viscount Saint Alban LONDON Printed by Sarah Griffin for William Lee and are to be sold at his Shop in Fleetstreet at the sign of the Turks-head neer the Mitre Tavern 1657. A SPEECH IN PARLIAMENT Elizabeth 39. UPON THE MOTION of SVBSIDY AND please you Mr. Speaker I must consider the Time which is spent yet so as I must consider also the Matter which is great This great Cause was at the first so materially and weightily propounded And after in such sort perswaded and enforced And by Him that last spake so much time taken and yet to good purpose As I shall speak at a great disadvantage But because it hath been alwayes used and the Mixture of this House doth so require it That in Causes of this Nature there be some Speech and Opinion as well from persons of Generallity as by persons of Authority I will say somewhat and not much wherein iâ— shall not be fit for me to enter into or to insist upon secrets either of her Majestiesâ—offers â—offers or of her Councell but my Speech must be of a more vulgar Nature I will not enter Mr. Speaker into a laudative Speech of â—he high and singular Benefits which by her Majesties most politick and happy Government we receive thereby to incite you to a Retribution partly because no breath of Man can set them forth worthily and partly because I know hâ—r Maâ—esty in her Magnanimity doth bestow her benefits like her fâ—ee'st Pattents absque aliquo inde reddendo Not looking for any thing again iâ— it were in respect only of her particular but Love and Loyalty Neither will I now aâ— this time put the case of this Realm of England too precisely How it standeth with the Subject in point of payments to the Crown Though I could make it appear by Dâ—monstration what opinion soever be conceivâ—d that never Subjects were partakers of greater Freedome and Ease And that whether you look abroad into other Countries at this present timeâ— or look back to former Times in this our own Countrey we shall find an exceeding Difference in matter â—f Taxes which now I reserve to mention not so much in doubt to acquaint your Ears with Forrain Sâ—rains or to digge up the Sepulâ—hers â—f Buried and Forgotten Impositions which in this case as by way of Comparison it is necessary you understand But because Speech in the House is â—it to perswade the generall point And particularity is more proper and seasonable for the Commâ—ttee Neither will I make any Observations upon her Majesâ—ies manner of expending and issuing Treasure being not upon â—xcâ—ssive and exoâ—bitant Donatives nor upon sumptuous and unnecessary Triuâ—phâ— Buildings or like Magnificence but upon the Preservation Protection and Honâ—ur of the Realm For I dare noâ— scan upâ—n heâ— Majesties Aâ—â—ion whâ—ch it becomemeth me rather to admire in silence then to gloss or discourse upon them though with never so good a meaning Sure I am â—hat the Treasure that commeth from you to hâ—r Majesâ—y is but as a Vapour which â—iseth from the Earth and gatherâ—th into a Cloud and stayeth not there long but upon the same Earth it falleth again and what if some drops of this do fall upon â—rance or Flaunders It is like a sweet Odour of Honour and Reputation to our Nation throughout the World But I will onely insist upon the Naturall and Inviolate Law of Preservation It is a Truth Mr. Speaker and a familiar Truth that safety and preservation is to be preferred before Benefit or Encrease In as much as those Counsels which tend to preservation seem to be attended with necessity whereas those Deliberations which tend to Benefit seem onely accompanied with perswasion And it is ever gain and no loss when at the foot of he account theâ—e remains the purchase of safety The Prints of this are every where to be found The Patient will ever part with some of his Bloud to save and clear the rest The Sea-faring Man will in a Storm cast over some of his Goods to save and assure the rest The Husband-man will afford some Foot of Ground for his Hedge and Ditch to fortifie and defend the rest Why Mr. Speaker the Disputer will if he be wise and cunning grant somewhat that seemeth to make against him because he will keep himself within the strength of his opinion and the better maintain the rest But this Place advertiseth me not to handle the Matter in a Common Place I will now deliver unto you that which upon a probatum est hath wrought upon my self knowing your Affections to be like mine own There hath fallen out since the last Parliament four Accidents or Ocurrents of State Things published and known to you all by every one whereof it seemeth to me in my vulgar understanding that the danger of this Realm is encreased Which I speak not by way of apprehending fear For I know I speak to English Courages But by way of pressing Provision For I do find Mr. Speaker that when Kingdomes and States are entred into Tearms and Resolutions of Hostility one against the other yet they are many times restrained from their Attempts by four Impediments The first is by this same Aliud agere when they have their Hands full of other Matters which they have embraced and serveth for a diversion of their Hostile purposes The next is when they want the Commodity or opportunity of some places of near Approach The third when they have conceived an apprehension of the Difficulty and churlishness of the enterprise and that it is not prepared to their Hand And the fourth is when a State through the Age of the Monarch groweth heavy and indisposed to actions of great Perill and Motion and this dull Humour is not sharpened nor inflamed by any provocations or scorns Now if it please you to examin whither by removing the Impediments in these four kinds the Danger be not grown so many degrees nearer us by accidents as I said fresh and all dated since the last Parliament Soon after the last Parliament you may be pleased to remember how the French King revolted from his Religion whereby every Man of common understanding may infer that the Quarrell between France and Spain is more reconcileable And a greater inclination of affairs to a peace than before which supposed it followeth Spain shall be more free to intend his Malice against this Realm Since the last Parliament it is also notorious in every mans knowledge and remembrance That the Spaniards have possessed themselves of that Avenue and place of approach for England which was never in the Hands of any King of Spain before And that is Callais which in true Reason and Consideration of estate of what value or service it is I know not but in common understanding it is a knocking at our Doors Since the last Parliament also that Ulcer of Ireland which indeed brake forth before hath run on and raged more which cannot but be a great
Attractive to the Ambition of the Couucel of Spain who by former experience know of how tough a Complexion this Realm of England is to be asâ—ailed And therefore as Rheumes and Fluxes of Humours is like to resort to that part which is weak and distempered And lastly it is famous now and so will be many Ages hence how by these two Sea-Journey's we have braved him and objected him to scorn so that no Bloud can be so frozen or mortified But must needs take Flames of Revenge upon so mighty Disgrace So as this Concurrence of Occurents all since our last Assembly some to deliver and free our enemies some to advance and bring him on his way some to tempt and allure him some to spur on and provoke him cannot but threaten an encrease of our Perill in great Proportion Lastly Mr. Speaker I will but reduce to the Memory of this House one other Argument for ample and large providing and supplying Treasure And this it is I see Men do with great Alacrity and Spirit proceed when they have obtained a course they long wished for and were restrained from My self can remember both in this Honourable â—ssembly and in all other places of this Realm how forward and affectionate men were to have an Invasive War Then we would say A Defensive War was like eating and consuming Interest And needs we would be Adventurers and Assailants Habes quod totâ mente petisti Shall we not now make it good especially when we have tasted so prosperous Fruit of our Desires The first of these Expeditions Invasive was atchieved with great Felicity ravished a strong and famous Port in the Lap and Bosome of their high Countries Brought them to such Despair as they fired themselves and their Indian Fleet in Sacrifice as a good Odour unto God for the great and Barbarous Cruelties which they have committed upon the poor Indians whither that Fleet was sayling Disordred their Reckonings so as the next News we heard of was nothing but protesting of Bills and Breaking credit The second Journey was with notable Resolution born up against Weather and all Difficulties And besides the success in amusing him and putting him to infinite charge sure I am it was like a Tartars or Parthians Bow which shooteth backward And had a most strong and violent effect and Operation both in France and Flaunders so that our Neighbours and Confederates have reaped the Harvest of it And while the Life Bloud of Spain went inward to the Heart the outward Limmes and Members trembled and could not resist And lastly we have a perfect account of all the Noble and good Bloud that was carried forth And of all our Sea-walls and good Shipping without Mortality of Persons wreck of Vessels or any manner of Diminution And these have been the happy Effects of our so long and so much desired Invasive War To conclude Mr. Speaker therefore I doubt not but every Man will consent that our Gift must bear these two Marks and Badges The one of the Danger of the Realm by so great a Proportion since the last Parliament encreased The other of the satisfaction we receive in having obtained our so earnest and ardent Desire of an Invasive War A Speech made by Sir FRANCIS BACON Knight chosen by the Commons to present a Petition touching Purveyors delivered to his Majesty in the with-drawing Chamber at White-Hall in the Parliament held â—o. 2o. Iacobi the first Session IT is well known to your Majesty excellent King that the Emperours of Rome for their better Glory and Ornament did use in their Titles the Additions of the Countries and Nations where they had obtained victories As Germanicus Britannicus the like But after all those Names as in the higher place followed the Name of Pater Patriae as the greatest Name of all human Honour immediatly preceding that Name of Augustus whereby they took themselves to expresse some Affinity that they had in respect of their Office with Divine Honour Your Majesty mought with good reason assume to your self many of those other Names As Germanicus Saxonicus Britannicus Francicus Danicus Gothicus and others as appertaining to you Not by Bloud-shed as they bare them but by Bloud your Majesties Royall Person being a noble confluence of streams and veynes wherein the Royall Bloud of many Kingdoms of Europe are met and united But no Name is more worthy of you nor may more truly be ascribed unto you then that Name of Father of your people which you bear and express not in the Formality of your stile but in the reall Course of your Government We ought not to say unto you as was said to Caesar Iulius Quae miremur habemus quaelaudemus expectamus That we have already wherefore to admire you And that now we expect somewhat for which to commend you For we may without suspicion of Flattery acknowledge that we have found in your Majesty great Cause both of Admiration and Commendation For great is the Admiration wherewith you have possessed us since this Parliament began in those two Causes wherein we have had accesse unto you and heard your Voice That of the return of Sr. Francis Goodwine And that of the Union Whereby it seemeth unto us The one of these being so subtile a Question of Law And the other so high a Cause of Estate That as the â—cripture â—aith of the wisest King That his Heart was as the Sands of the Sea which though it be one of the largest and vastest Bodies yet it consisteth of the smallest Moates and Portions So I say it appeareth unto us in these two examples that God hath given your Majesty a rare sufficiency both to compasse and fathome the greatest matters and to discern the least And for matter of Praise and Commendation which chiefly belongeth to Goodness we cannot but with great thankfulness profess That your Majesty within the Circle of one Year of your Raign infra Orbem Anni Vertentis hath endeavoured to unite your Church which was divided To supply your Nobility which was diminished And to ease your People in Cases where they were burthened and oppressed In the last of these your high Merits That is the Ease and Comfort of your People Doth fall out to be comprehended the Message which I now bring unto your Majestie concerning the great Grievance arising by the manifold Abuses of â—urveyors Differing in some Degree from most of the things wherein we deale and consult For it is true that the Knights Citizens and â—urgesses in Parliament assembled are a Representative Body of your Commons and Third Estate And in many matters although we apply our selves to perform the trust of those that choose us yet it may be we do speak much out of our own Senses and Discourses But in this Grievance being of that Nature whereunto the poor People is most exposed and Men of Quality less we shall most humbly desire your Majesty to conceive That your Majesty doth not hear our Opinions
in our Eye yet the Body of the Kingdome is but thin sown with People And whosoever shall compare the Ruines and Decayes of ancient Towns in this Realm with the Erections and Augmentations of new cannot but judge that this Realm hath been far better peopled in foâ—mer times It may be in the Heptarchy or otherwise For generally the Rule holdeth The smaller State the greater Population proratâ— And whether this be true or no we need not seek further then to call to our remembrance how many of us serve here in this place â—or desolate and decayed Burroughs Again Mr. Speaker whosoever looketh into the Principles of Estate must hold it that it is the Mediterrane Countries and not the Mariâ—â—me which need to fear surcharge of People For all Sea â—rovinâ—es and specially Islands have another Element besides the Earth and Soil for their Sustentation For what an infinite Number of people are and may be sustained by Fishing Carriage by Sea and Merchandizing wherein I do again discover that we are not at all pinched by Multitude of People For if we were it were not possible that we should relinquish and resign such an infiâ—ite Benefit of Fishing to the Flemmings as it is well known we do And therefore I see that we have wastes by Sea as well as by Land which still is an infallible Argument that our Industry is not awaked to seek maintenance by any over great Press or charge of people And lâ—stly Mr. Speaker there was never any Kingdome in the Ages of tâ—e world had I think so fair and happy means to issue and discharge the Multitude of their People if it were too great as this Kingdome hath In regard of that desolate and wasted Kingdome of Ireland which being a Countrey blessed with almost all the Dowâ—ies of Nature As Rivers Havens Woods Quarries good Soyl and temperate Climate And now at last under his Majesty blessed also with obedience Doth as it were continually call unto us for our Colonies and Plantations And so I conclude my second Answer to this pâ—etended Inconvenience of surcharge of People Tâ—e Third Answer Mr. Speaker which â— give is this I demand what is the worst Effect which can follow of Surcharge of People Look into all Stories and you shall find it none other thâ—n some Honourable War for the Enlargement of their Bordeâ—s which find themselves pent upon Forrain parts Which Incoâ—venience in a valourous and Warlike Nation I know not whether I should term an Inconvenience or no For the saying is most true though in another Sense Omne solum Forti Patria It was spoken indeed of the patience of an exil'd Man But it is no less true of the valour of a Warlike Nation And certainly Mr. Speaker I hope I may speak it without offence That if we did hold our selves worthy whensoever just Cause should be given Either to recover our ancient Rights Or to revenge our late wrongs Or to attain the Honour of our Ancestors Or to enlarge the Patrimony of our Posterity We would never in this manner forget Considerations of Amplitude and Greatness and fall at variance about profit and Reckonings Fitter a great deal â—or private Persons then for Parliaments and Kingdoms And thus Mr. Speaker I leave this first objection to such Satisfaction as you have heard The second Objection is that the Fundamentall Laws of both these Kingdoms of England and Scotland are yet divers and severall Nay more that it is declared by the Instrument that they shall so continue And that there is no intent in his Majesty to make Innovation in them And therefore that it should not be seasonable to proceed to this Naturalization whereby to endowe them with our Rights and Priviledges except they should likewise receive and submit themselves to our Laws And this Objection likewise Mr. Speaker I allow to be a weighty Objection and worthy to be well answered and discussed The Answer which I shall offer is this It is true for mine own part Mr. Speaker that I wish the Scottish Nation governed by our Laws For I hold our Laws with some reducement worthy to govern if it were the world But this is that which I say and I desire therein your Attention That according to true reason of Estate Naturalization is in Order First and precedent to union of Laws In degree a less Matter then union of Laws And in Nature separable not inseparable from union of Laws For Naturalization doth but take out the Marks of a Forrainer But union of Laws makes them entirely as our selves Naturalization taketh away separation But union of Lawes doth take away Distinction Do we not see Mr. Speaker that in the Administation of the world under the great Monarch God himself that his Lawes are divers One Law in Spirits another in Bodies One Law in Regions celestiall another in Elementary And yet the Creatures are all one Mass and Lump without any vacuum or separation Do we not see likewise in the State of the Church that amongst People of all Languages and Linages there is one Communion of Saints And that we are all Fellow Citizens and naturalized of the Heavenly Hierusalem And yet nevertheless divers and severall Ecclesiasticall Lawes Policies and Hierarchies According to the Speech of that worthy Father In veste varietas sit scissurae non sit And therefore certainly Mr. Speaker the Bond of Law is the more speciall and private Bond And the Bond of Naturalization the more common and generall For the Lawes are rather Figura Reip then Forma And rather Bonds of Perfection then Bonds of Entirenesse And therefore we see in the Experience of our own Government that in the Kingdome of Ireland all our Statute-Lawes since Poynings Law are not in force And yet we deny them not the Benefit of Naturalization In Gersey Garnesey and the Isle of Man our Common-Lawes are not in force And yet they have the Benefit of Naturalization Neither need any Man doubt but that our Laws and Customes must in small time gather and win upon theirs For here 's the Seat of the Kingdome whence come the supreme Directions of Estate Here is the Kings Person and Example of which the Verse saith Regis ad exemplum totus componitur Orbis And therefore it is not possible Although not by solemne and formall Act of Estates yet by the secret Operation of no long time but they will come under the yoak of our Lawes And so Dulcis tractus pari jugo And this is the Answer I give to this second objection The third Objection is some Inequality in the Fortunes of these two Nations England and Scotland By the Commixture whereof there may ensue Advantage to them and Loss to us Wherein Mr. Speaker it is well that this Difference or Dispaparity conâ—isteth but in externall Goods of Fortune For indeed it must needs be confessed that for the Goods of the Mind and the Body they are Alteri Nos Other our selves For to do them but
a particular Examination of it Thirdly whether we shall content our selves with some Entry or Protestation amongst our selves And Fourthly whether we shall proceed to a Message to the King And what Thus I have told you mine Opinion I know it had been more safe and politick to have been silent But it is perhaps more honest and lovingâ— to speak The old Verse is Nam nulli tacuisse nocet nocet esse locutum But by your leave David saiâ—h Silui à bonis Dolor meus renovatus est When a Man speaketh He may be wounded by Others but if He holds his peace from Good Things he wounds Himself So I have done my part and leave it to you to do that which you shall judge to be the best The Charge of Sir Francis Bacon Knight his Majesties Atturney Generall against William Talbot a Counsellor at Law of Ireland upon an Information in the Star-Chamber Ore tenus For a writing under his Hand whereby the said William Talbot being demanded whether the Doctrine of Suarez touching Deposing and Killing of Kings Excommunicated were true or no He answered that he referred himself unto that which the Catholick Roman Church should determine thereof Ultimo die Termini Hilarij undecimo Iacobi Regis My Lords I Brought before you the first sitting of this Term the Cause of Duels But now this last sitting I shall bring before you a Cause concerning the greatest Duell which is in the Christian World The Duels and Conflicts between the lawfull Authority of Soveraign Kings which is Gods Ordinance for the comfort of Humane Society And the swelling pride and usurpation of the See of Rome in Temporalibus Tending altogether to Anarchy and Confusion Wherein if this pretence by the Pope of Rome by Cartels to make Soveraign Princes as the Banditi And to proscribe their Lives and to expose their Kingdomes to prey If these pretences I say and all Persons that submit themselves to that part of the Popes Power be not by all possible Severity repressed and punished The State of Christian Kings will be no other then the ancient Torment described by the Poets in the Hell of the Heathen A man sitting richly roabed solemnly attended delicious fare c. With a Sword hanging over his Head hanging by a small thread ready every moment to be cut down by an accursing and accursed hand Surely I had thought they had been the Prerogatives of God alone and of his secret Judgements Solvam Cingula Regum I will loosen the Girdles of Kings Or again He powreth contempt upon Princes Or I will give a King in my wrath and take him away again in my displeasure And the like but if these be the Claims of a Mortall Man certainly they are but the Mysteries of that Person which exalts himself above all that is called God Supra omne quod dicitur Deus Note it well Not above God though that in a sense be true in respect of the Authority they claim over the Scriptures But Above all that is called God That is Lawfull Kings and Magistrates But my Lords in this uel I find this Talbot that is now before you but a Coward For he hath given ground He hath gone backward and forward But in such a fashion and with such Interchange of Repenting and Relapsing as I cannot tell whether it doth extenuate or aggravate his Offence If he shall more publikely in the face of the Court fall and settle upon a right mind I shall be glad of it And he that would be against the Kings Mercy I would he might need the Kings Mercy But neverthelesse the Court will proceed by Rules of Justice The Offence wherewith I charge this Talbot Prisoner at the Bar is this in brief and in Effect That he hath maintained and maintaineth under his hand a power in the Pope for the Deposing and Murthering of Kings In what sort he doth this when I come to the proper and particular charge I will deliver it in his own words without Pressing or Straining Buâ— before I come to the particular charge of this Man I cannot proceed so coldly but I must expresse unto your Lordships the extreme and imminent Danger wherein our Dear and Dread Soveraign is And in him we all Nay and wherein all Princes of both Religions For it is a common Cause do stand at this day By the spreading and Enforcing of this furious and pernicious Opinion of the Popes Temporall Power which though the modest Sort would blanch with the Distinction of In ordine ad Spiritualia yet that is but an Elusion For he that maketh the Distinction will also make the Case This perill though it be in it self notorious yet because there is a kind of Dulness and almost a Lethargy in this Age Give me leave to set before you two Glasses Such as certainly the like never met in one Age The Glasses of France and the Glasse of England In that of France the Tragedies acted and executed in two Immediate Kings In the Glasse of England the same or more horrible attempted likewise in a Queen and King immediate But ending in a happy Deliverance In France H. 3. in the face of his Army before the walls of Paris stabbed by a wretched Iacobine Fryer H. 4. a Prince that the French do surname the Great One that had been a Saviour and Redeemer of his Country from infinite Calamities And a Restorer of that Monarchy to the ancient State and Splendour And a Prince almost Heroicall except it be in the Point of Revolt from Religion At a time when he was as it were to mount on Horse-back for the Commanding of the greatest Forces that of long time had been levied in France This King likewise stilletted by a Rascal votary which had been enchanted and conjured for the purpose In England Queen Elizabeth of blessed memory A Queen comparable and to be rankt with the greatest Kings Oftentimes attempted by like votaries Sommervile Parry Savage and others But still protected by the Watch-man that Slumbreth not Again our excellent Soveraign King Iames The Sweetness and Clemency of whose nature were enough to quench and mortifie all Malignity And a King shielded and supported by Posterity Yet this King in the Chair of Majesty his Vine and Olive Branches about him Attended by his Nobles and Third Estate in Parliament Ready in the Twinckling of an Eye As if it had been a particular Doomesday To have been brought to Ashes dispersed to the four Winds I noted the last day my Lord Chief Iustice when he spake of this Powder Treason he laboured for words Though they came from him with great Efficacy yet he truly confessed and so must all Men That that Treason is above the Charge and Report of any Words whatsoever Now my Lords I cannot let passe but in these Glasses which I spake of besides the Facts themselves and Danger to shew you two Things The one the Wayes of God Almighty which turneth the Sword of Rome
his Book Procure reverence to the King and the Law Inform my people truly of me which we know is hard to do according to the Excellency of his Merit but yet Endeavour it How zealous I am for Religion How I desire Law may be maintained and flourish That every Court should have his Iurisdiction That every Subject should submit himselâ— to the Law And of this you have had of lâ—te no small Occasion of Notice and Remembrance by the great and strait Charge that the King haâ—h given me as Keeper of his Seal for the Governing of the Chancery without Tumour or Excesse Again è re natae you at this present ought to make the People know and consider â—he Kings Blâ—ssed Care and Pâ—ovidence in goveâ—ning this Realm in his Absence So thâ—t sitting at the Helm of another Kingdom Nâ—t without gâ—eat Affairs and Business yet he governs all things here by his Letters and Directions as punctually and perfectly as if he were present I assure you my Lords of the Counsell and I do much admire the Extention and Latitude of his Care in all Things In the High Commission he did conceive a Sinnâ—w of Government was a little shrunk He recommended the care of it He hath called for the Accounts of the last Circuit from the Judges to be transmitted unto him into Scotland Touching the Infestation of Pyrates he hath been carefull and is and hath put things in way All things that concern the Reformation or the Plantation of Ireland He hath given in them punctuall and resolute Diâ—ections All this in Absence I give but a few Instances of a publique Nature The Secrets of Counsell I may not enter into Though his Dispatches into France Spain and the Low-Countries now in his absence are also Notorious as to the outward sending So that I must conclude that his Majesty wants but more Kingdomes For I see he could suffice to all As for the other Glasse I told you of Of representing to the King the Griefs of his People without doubt it is properly your Part For the King ought to be informed of any thing amisse in the state of his Countries from the Observations and Relations of the Iudges That indeed know the Pulse of the Country Rather then from Discourse But for this Glasse thanks be to God I do hear from you all That there was never greater Peace Obedience and Contentment in the Country Though the best Governments be alwayes like the fairest Crystals wherin every little Isicle or Grain is seen which in a Fouler Stone is never perceived Now to some Particulars and not Many Of all other things I must begin as the King begins That is with the Cause of Religion And especially the Hollow Church Papist Saint Aug. hath a good Comparison of such Men affirming That â—hey are like the Roots of Nettles which themselves sting not but yet â—hey bear all the Stinging Leaves Let me know of such Roots and I will root them out of the Country Next for the Matter of Religion In the principall place I recommend both to you and the Iustices the Countenancing of Godly and Zealous Preachers I mean not Sectaries or Novellists But those which are sound and conform But yet pious and Reverend For there will be a perpetuall Defection except you keep Men in by Preaching as well as Law doth by punishing And commonly Spirituall Diseases are not Cured but by Spirituall Remedies Next let me commend unto you the Repressing as much as may be of Faction in the Countrys of which ensue infinite Inconveniences and perturbations of all good Order And Crossing of all good Service in Court or Country or wheresoever Cicero when he was Consul had devised a fine Remedy A Milde one but an effectuall and an apt one For he saith Eos qui otium perturbant reddam otiosos Those that trouble others Quiet I will give them Quiet They shall have nothing to do Nor no Authority shall be put into their Hands If I may know from you of any who are in the Country that are Heads or Hands of Faction Or Men of turbulent Spirits I shall give them Cicero's Reward as much as in me is To conclude study the Kings Book And study your selves how you profit by it And all shall be well And you the Iustices of Peace in particular Let me say this to you Never King of this Realm did you so much Honour as the King hath done you in his Speeeh By being your immediâ—te Directors And by sorting you and your seâ—vice with the Service of Ambassadours and of his nearest Attendants Nay more it seems his Majesty is willing to do the state of Iustice of Peace Honour actively also By bringing in with time the like Form of Commission into the Government of Scotland As that Glorious King Edward the third did plant this Commission here in this Kingdome And therefore you are not fit to be Coppies except you be Fair Written without Blots or Blurs or any thing unworthy your Authority And so I will trouble you no longer for this time The Speech used by Sir Francis Bacon Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England to Sir William Jones upon his calling to be Lord Chief Justice of Ireland 1617. Sir WILLIAM IONES THe Kings most Excellent Majesty being duly informed of your sufficiency every way Hath called you by his Writ now returned to the State and Degree of a Serjeant at Law But not to stay there but being so qualified to serve him as his Chief Iustice of his Kings Bench in his Realm of Ireland And therefore that which I shall say to you must be applied not to your Sâ—rjeants place which you take but in passage But to that great place where you are to settle And because I will not spend Time to the Delay of the Businesse of Causes of the Court I will lead you the short Iourney by Examples and not the Long by Precepts The Place that you shall now serve in hath been fortunate to be well served in four successions before you Do but take unto you the Constancy and integrity of Sir Robert Gardiner The Gravity Temper and Direction of Sir Iames Lea The Quicknesâ—e Industry and Dispatch of Sir Humphry Winch The Care and Affection to the Common-wealth and the Prudent and Politick Administration of Sir Iohn Denham And you shall need no other Lessons They were all Lincolns Inn Men as you are You have known them as well in their Beginnings as in their Advancement But because you are to be there not only Chief Iustice but a Counseller of Estate I will put you in mind of the great Work now in hand that you may raise your thoughtes according unto it Ireland is the last Ex Filiis Europae which hath been reclaimed from Desolation and a Desert in many parts to Population and Plantation And from Savage and Barbarous Customes to Humanity and Civility This is the Kings Work in chief It is his Garland of Heroicall Vertue
and Countenance and Reputation to the World besides And have for that cause been commonly and necessarily used and practised In the Message of Viscount Montacute it was also contained that he should crave the Kings Counsell and Assistance accorâ—ing to Amity and good Intelligence upon a Discovery of certain pernicious Plots of the House of Guise to annoy this Realm by the way of Scotland whereunto the Kings Answer was so Dark and so cold as Nothing could be made of it Till he had made an Exposition of it himself by effects in the expresse Restraint of Munition to be carried out of the Low-Countries unto the Siege of Leith Because our Nation was to have supply thereof from thence So as in all the Negotiations that passed with that King still her Majesty received no satisfaction but more and more suspiâ—ious and Bad Tokens of evill affection Soon after when upon that Project which was disclosed before the King had resolved to disannull the Liberties and Priviledges unto his Subjects the Netherlands anciently belonging And to establish amongst them a Marshall Government which the People being very Wealthy And inhabiting Townes very strong and Defensible by Fortifications both of Nature and the Hand could not endure there followed the Defection and revolt of those Countries In which Action being the greatest of all those which have passed between Spain and England the Proceeding of her Majesty hath been so Just and mingled with so many Honourable Regards as Nothing doth so much clear and acquite her Majesty not only from Passion bâ—t also from all Dishonourable Pollicy For first at the beginning of the Troubles she did impart unto Him faithfull and sincere Advise of the Course that was to be taken for the quietting and appeasing them And expresly forewarned both himself and such as were in principall Charge in those Countries during the Warsâ— of the danger like to ensue if he held so heavy a Hand over that People leâ—â— they should cast themselves into the Arms of a Stranger But finding the Kings Mind so exulcerate as he rejâ—cted all Counsell that tended to Mild and Gracious proceeding her Majesty neverthelesse gave not over her Honourable Resolution which was if it were possible to reduce and reconcile those Countries unto the obedience of their Naturall Soveraign the King of Spain And if that mought not be yet to preserve them from alienating themselves to a Ferrain Lord As namely unto the French with whom they much treated And amongst whom the Enterprise of Flanders was ever propounded as a Mene to unite their own Civill Dissensions Bâ—t patiently temporizing expected the good effect which Time mought breed And whensoever the States grew into Extremitieâ— of Despair and thereby ready to embrace the Offer of any Forrainer Then would her Majesty yield them some Relief of Moneyâ— or permit some Supply of Forces to go over unto them To the end to interrupt such violent Resolution And still continued to mediate unto the King some Just and Honourable Capitulations of Grace and Accord Such as whereby alwayes should have been preserved unto him such Interest and Authority as He in Iustice â—ould claim Or a Prince moderately minded would seek to have And this Course she held interchangeably seeking to mitigate the Wrath of the King and the Despair of the Countries Till such Time as after the Death of the Duke of Anjou Into whose Hands according to her Majesties prediction but against her good liking they had put themselves The Enemy pressing them the united Provinces were received into her Majesties Protection which was after such Time as the King of Spain had discovered himself not onely an Implacable Lord to them but also a proâ—essed Enemy unto her Majesty having actually invaded Ireland â—nd designed the Invasion of England For it is to be noted thaâ— the like Offers which were then made unto her Majesty had been made to her long before but as long as her Majesty conceived any Hope either of Making their Peace Or entertaining her own with Spain she would never hearken thereunto And yet now even at last her Majesty retained a singular and evident Proof to the World of her Justice and Moderation In that she refused the Inheritance and Soveraignty of those Goodly â—rovinces which by the States with much Instance was pressed upon her and being accepted would hâ—ve wrought greater Contentment and Satisfaction both to her People and theirs Being Countries for the Scite Wealth Commodity of Traffick Affection to our Nation Obedience of the Subjects well used most convenient to have been annexed to the Crown of England And withall one Charge Danger and Offence of Spain onely took upon her the Defence and Protection of their Liberties Which Liberties and Priviledges are of that Nature as they may justly esteem themselves but Conditionall Subjects to the King of Spain More justly then Aragon And may make her Majesty as justly esteem the ancient Confederacies and Treaties with Burgundy to be of Force rather with the People and Nation then with the Line of the Duke because it was never an Absolute Monarchy So as to summe up her Majesties Proceedings in this great Action they have but this That they have sought first to restore them to Spain Then to keep them from Strangers And never to purchase them to Her Self But during all that time the King of Spain kept one tenour in his Proceedings towards her Majesty Breaking forth more and more into Injuries and Contempts Her Subjects trading into Spain have been many of them Burned Some cast into the Gallies Others have died in Prison without any other Crimes committed but upon Quarrells pickt upon them for ther Religion here at home Her Merchants at the Sack of Antwerpe were diverse of them spoyled and put to their Ransomesâ— though they could not be charged with any Part-taking Neither upon the Complaint of Doctor Wilson and Sir Edward Horsey could any Redresse be had A generall Arrest was made by the Duke of Alva of English mens both Goods and Persons upon pretence that certain Ships stayed in this Realm laden with Goods and Money of certain Merchants of Genoa belonged to that King which Money and Goods was afterwards to the uttermost value restored and payed back Whereas our Men were far from receiving the like Iustice on their side Doctor Man her Majesties Embassadour received during his Legation sundry Indignities himself being Removed out of Madrid and Lodged in a Village As they are accustomed to use the Embassadours of Moores His Sonn and Steward forced to assist at a Mass with Tapers in their Hands Besides sundry other Contumelies and Reproaches But the Spoyling or Damnifying of a Merchant Vexation of a Common Subject Dishonour of an Embassadour Were rather but Demonstrations of ill Disposition then Effects If they be compared with Actions of State Wherein He and his Ministers have sought the Overthrow of this Government As in the year 1569. when the Rebellion in the North part of
Commons graced with the first Vote of all the Commons Selected â—or that Cause Not in any Estimaâ—ion of my Ability For therein so wise an Asâ—embly could not be so much deceived but in an acknowledgement of my Extream Labours and Integrity in that Businesse I thought my self every wayes bound Both in Duty to your Majesty And in â—rust to that House of Parliament And in Consent to the Matter it self And in Conformity to mine own Travailes and Beginnings Not to neglect any paines that may tend to the furtherance of so excellent a work Wherein I will endeavour that that which I shall set down be Nihil minus quam verba For Length and Ornament of Speech are to be used for perswasion of Multitudes and not for Information of Kings especially such a King as is the only instance that ever I knew to make a Man of Plato's Opinion That all Knowledge is but Remembrance And that the Mind of Man knoweth all Things and demandeth only to have her own Noâ—ions excited and awaked Which your Majesties rare and indeed singular Gift and faculty of swift Apprehension and infinite Expansion or Multiplication of anoâ—her Mans Knowledge by your own as I have often observed so I did extreamly admire in Goodwins Cause Being a matter full of Secâ—ets and Mysteries of our Lawes meerly new unto you and quite out of the Path of your Education Reading and Conference Wherein neverthelesâ—e upon a Spark of Light given your Majesty took in so Dexterously and Profoundly as if you had been indeed Anima Legis Not only in Execution but in understanding The Remembrance whereof as it will never be out of my mind so it will alwayes be a warning to me to seek rather to excite your Judgemâ—nt briefly then to enform it tediously And if in a Matter of that Nature how much more in this wherein your Princely Cogitations have wrought themselves and been conversant And wherein the principall Light pâ—oceeded from your self And therefore my Purpose is onely to break this Matter of the Vnion into certain short Articles and Questions And to make a certain kind of Anatomy or Analysis of the Parts and Members thereof Not that I am of Opinion that all the Questions which I now shall Open were fit to be in the Consultation of the Commissioners propounded For I hold nothing so great an Enemy to good Resolution as the Making of too many Questions Specially in Assemblies which consist of many For Princes for Avoyding of Distraction must take many Things by way of Admittance And if Questions must be made of them rather to suffer them to arise from others then to grace them and authoâ—ize them as propounded from themselves But unto your Majesties private Consideration to whom it may better sort with me rather to speak as a Remembrancer then as a Counceller I have thought good to lay before you all the Branches Lineaments and Degrees of this Vnion that upon the Viâ—w and Consideration of them and their Circumstances your Majesty may the more clearly discern and more readily call to mind which of them is to be embraced and which to be rejected And of these which are to be accepted which of them is presently to be proceeded in and which to be put over to further time And again which of them shall require Authority of Parliament and which are fitter to be effected by your Majesties Royall Power and Prerogative or by other Pollicies or Means And lastly which of them is liker to Passe with Difficulty and Contradiction and which with more Facility and Smoothnesse First therefore to begin with that Question that I suppose will be out of question Whether it be not meet that the Statutes which were made touching Scotland or the Scottish Nation while the Kingdomes stood severed be repealed It is true there is a Diversity in these For some of these Lawes consider Scotland as an Enemy Countrey Oâ—her Lawes consider it as a Forrain Countrey onely As for Example the Law of Rich. 2. Anno 7º which Prohibiteth all Armour or Victuall to be carried to Scotland And the Law of 7º of K. H. the 7. that Enacteth all the Scottish Men to depart the Realm within a time prefixed Both these Lawes and some others resepct Scotland as a countrey of hostility But the of Law of 22 of Ed. 4 that endueth Barwick with â—he Liberty of a Staple where all Scottish Merchandizes should resort that should be uttred for England And likewise all English Merchandizes that should be uttered for Scotland This Law beholdeth Scotland onely as a Forrain Nation And not so much neither For there have been erected Staples in Towns of â—ngland for some Commodities with an Exclusion and Restriction of other Parts of England But this is a Matter of the least Difficulty your Mâ—sty shall have a Calender made of the Lawes and a Brief of the Effect And so you may judge of them And the like or Reciproque is to be done by Scotland for such Lawes as they have concerning England and the English Nation The Second Question is what Lawes Customes Commissions Officers Garrisons and the like are to be put down discontinued or taken away upon the Borders of both Realms This Point because I am not acquainted with the Orders of the Marches I can say the lesse Herein falleth that Question whether that the Tennants who hold their Tennant Rights in a greater Freedome and Exemption in Consideration of their Service upon the Borders And that the Countreys themselves which are in the same respect discharged of Subsidies and Taxes should not now be brought to be in one degree with other Tennants and Countreys Nam cessante caussâ tollitur Effectus Wherein in my Opinion some time would be given Quia adhùc eorum Messis in Herbâ est But some present Ordinance would be made to take effect at a future time considering it is one of the greatest Points and Marks of the Division of the Kingdomes And because Reason doth dictate that where the Principall Solution of Continuity was theâ—e the Healing and Consolidating Plaister should be chiefly applyed There would be some further Device foâ— the utter and perpetuall Confounding of those Imaginary Bounds as your Majesty termeth them And therefore it would be considered whether it were not convenient to Plant and Erect at Carleil or Barwick some Counsell or Court of Iustice the Iurisdiction whereof might extend part into England and part into Scotland With a Commission not to proceed precisely or meerly according to the Lawes and Customes either of England or Scotland But mixtly according to Instructions by your Majesty to be set down after the Imitation and Precedent of the Counsell of the Marches here in England Erected upon the Vnion of Wales The third Question is that which many will make a great Question of though perhaps your Majesty will make no Question of it And that is Whether your Majesty should not make a stop or stand
such an Institution will be that it will make the Place a Receptacle of the Worst Idlest and most dissolute Persons of every Profession And to become a Cell of Loyterers and Cast Serving Men and Drunkards with Scandall rather then Fruit to the Common Wealth And of this kinde I can find but one Example with us Which is the Almes Knights of Windsor Which particular would give a Man small encouragement to follow that President Therefore the best Effect of Hospitals is to make the Kingdome if it were possible capable of that Law That there be no Beggar in Israel For it is that kind of People that is a burthen an Eye sore a scandall and a Seed of Perill and Tumult in the State But chiefly it were to be wished that such a Beneficence towards the Relief of the poor were so bestowed As not onely the Meere and Naked Poore should be sustained But also that the Honest Person which hath hard means to live upon whom the Poore are now charged should be in some sort eased For that were a Work generally acceptable to the Kingdome if the Publick Hand of Alms might spare the Private Hand of â—ax And therefore of all other Employments of that kind I commend most Houses of Relief and Correction which are Mixt Hospitalls where the Impotent Person is relieved and the Sturdy Beggar buckled to work And the unable Person also not maintained to be Idle which is ever joyned with Drunkennesse and Impurity But is sorted with such work as he can mannage and perform And where the uses are not distinguished as in other Hospitals Whereof some are for Aged and Impotent and some for Childrâ—n And some for Correction of Vagabonds But are generall and promiscuous So that they may take off Poore of every sort from the Countrey as the Countrey breeds them And thus the Poore themselves shall find the Provision and other People the sweetnesse of the Abatement of the Tax Now if it be objected that Houses of Correction in all places have not done the good expected as it cannot be denied but in most places they have done much Good It must be remembred that there is a great Difference between that which is done by the Distracted Government of Iustices of Peace And that which may be done by a setled Ordinance subject to a Regular Visitation as this may be And besides the Want hath been commonly in Houses of Correction of a competent and Certain Stock for the Materialls of the Labour which in this case may be likewise supplied Concerning the Advancement of Learning I do subscribe to the Opinion of one of the Wisest and Greatest Men of your Kingdome That for Grammar Schools there are already too many and therefore no Providence to adde where there is Excesse For the great Number of Schools which are in your Highnesse Realm doth cause a Want and doth cause likewise an Overflow Both of them Inconvenient and one of them Dangerous For by Means thereof they find Want in the Countrey and Towns both of Servants for Husbandry and Apprentices for Trade And on the other side there being more Schollers bred then the State can prefer and Employ And the Active part of that life not bearing a proportion to the Preparative It must needs fall out that many Persons will be bred unfit for other Vocations And unprofitable for that in which they are brought up Which fills the Realm full of Indigent Idle and Wanton People which are but Materia Rerum novarum Therefore in this Point I wish Mr. Suttons Intention were exalted a Degree That that which he meant for Teachers of Children your Majesty should make for Teachers of Men wherein it hath been my ancient Opinion and Observation That in the Vniversities of this Realm which I take to be of the best endowed Vniversities of Europe there is Nothing more wanting towards the flourishing State of Learning then the Honourable and plentifull Salaries of Readers in Arts and Professions In which Point as your Majesties Bounty already hath made a Beginning So this Occasion is offered of God to make a Proceeding Surely Readers in the Chair are as the Parents in Sciences and deserve to enjoy a Condition not inferiour to their Children that embrace the Practicall Part. Els no Man will sit longer in the Chair then till he can walk to a better preferment And it will come to passe as Virgil saith Et Patrum invalidi referent Iejunia Nati For if the Principall Readers through the Meannesse of their Entertainment be but Men of superficiall Learning And that they shall take their place but in passage It will make the Masse of Sciences want the chief and solid Dimension which is Depth and to become but Pretty and compendious Habits of praâ—ctice Therfore I could wish that in both the Vniversities the Lectures as well of the three Professions Divinity Law and Phyâ—sick As of the three Heads of Science Philosophy Arts of Speech and the Mathematicks were raised in their Pensions unto a 100 l. per Annum a piece Which though it be not near so great as they are in some other Places where the Greatnesse of the Reward doth whistle for the Ablest Men out of all Forrain parâ— to supply the Chair yet it may be a Portion to content a Worthy and Able Man If he be likewise Contemplative in Nature As those spirits are that are Fittest for Lectures Thus may Learning in your Kingdome be advanced to a further Heighth Learning I say which under your Majesty the most Learned of Kings may claim some Degree of Elevation Concerning Propagation of Religion I shall in few words set before your Majesty three Propositions None of them Devises of mine own otherwise then that I ever approved them Two of which have been in Agitation of Speech and The third acted The first is a Colledge for Controversies Whereby we shall not still proceed Single but shall as it were double our Files Which certainly will be found in the Encounter The second is a Receipt I like not the word Seminary in respect of the Vain Vowes and implicite Obedience and other Thingâ— tending to the perturbation of States involved in that Term for Converts to the Reformed Religion either of Youth or otherwise For I doubt not but there are in Spain Italy and other Countries of the Papists many whose Hearts are touched with a sense of those Corruptions and an acknowledgment of a better Way which Grace is many times smothered and choaked through a worldly Consideration of Necessity and want Men not knowing where to have Succour and Refuge This likewise I hold a Work of great Piety and a Work of great Consequence That we also may be Wise in our Generation And that the Watchfull and Silent Night may be used as well for sowing of good Seed as of Tares The third is the Imitation of a Memorable and Religious Act of Queen Elizabeth Who finding a part of Lancashire to be extreamly Backward
not so much be expended but that it might easily be born And the Place being well chosen and the Warr well conducted in a short time there would not onely arise enough to pay the Charge But great Profit to her Majesty and wealth to our Countrey would grow from the place that should be held For in a short time a great part of the Golden Indian Stream might be turned from Spain to England And her Majesty be made to give Law to all the World by Sea without her Charge Besides this fearfull Enemy which is now a Terrour to all Christendome should be so weakened in Strength Reputation and Purse as her Majesty should for ever after have an easie Enâ—my of him It may be your Lordships will desire to know the Place that should be attempted The Meanes first to take it then to hold it The Commodity or Advantage that might grow to this Estate by it But that with your Lordships leave shall be reserved till my Next This is onely to beseech you for our dear Sovereigns sake for the Glory and Wellfare of Her and her Estate that you will think upon this generall Proposition And if your Lordships find it reasonable that you will move it to the Queen By whom if I be commanded to set down the Hypothesis or to descend unto particulars I will offer my Project with this Condition that if I advise any Thing that the Counsell of Warr shall think dangerous it may be rejected Or if my self be Actour in any Thing belonging to this Project wherein her Majesty receives dishonour that I may answer it with my Life And yet your Lordships know I am matched with those in whom I have no particular Interest But I must attribute their Assenting to me to my good happ to take the better part In my Lord with whom I am joyned I find so much Honour and Service as I doubt not but our Unity in Affection will make an Unity in Counsell Action and Government I have troubled your Lordships with a tedious Letter begun in a Day of Leasure and finished in the midst of our troublesome Businesse I pray your Lordships pardon the Errours in it And keep so honourable an Opinion of me as I be not condemned by you upon any Complaints Advertisements or Reports till I have given answer to them For as the Nature of my Place is subject to Envy and Detraction So a little Body full of sharp Humours is hardliest kept in Temper And all the discontented Humours of an Army do make their greatest Quarrell to him that commands the Army Not so much for his Faults as for because he bridles theirs And so commending your good Lordships to Gods Divine protection I rest At your Lordships commandment Robert Essex To my Lord of Essex from Mr. Baconâ— My singular good Lord I Will no longer dissever part of that which I meant to have said to your Lordship at Barâ—helmes from the Exordium which I then made Whereunto I will onely adde this That I humbly desire your Lordship before you give accesse to my poor Advice to look about even jealously a little if you will and to consider First whether I have not reason to think that your Fortune comprehendeth mine Next whether I shift my Counsell and doe not constare â—ihi For I am perswaded there are some would give you the same Counsell now which I shall but that they should derogate from that which they have said heretofore Thirdly whether you have taken hurt at any time by my carefull and Devoted Counsell For although I remember well your Lordship once told me that you having submitted upon my well-meant Motion at Nonsuch the place where you renewed a Treaty with her Majesty of obsâ—quious kindnesse she had taken advantage of it yet I suppose you do siâ—ce believe that it did much attempâ—r a cold Malignant Humour then growing upon her Majesty toward your Lordship and hath done you good in consequence And for my being against it now lately that you should not estrange your self although I give place to none in true Gratulation Yet neither do I repent me of saâ—e Counsell Neither do I judge of the whole Play by the First Act. But whether I counsell you the best or for the best Duty bindeth me to offer to you my wishes I said to your Lordship last time Martha Martha attendis ad plurima unum sufficit Winne the Queen If this be not the Beginning of any other Course I see no end And I will not now speak of Favour of Affection but of other Correspondence and Agreeablenâ—sse which whensoever it shall be conjoyned with tâ—e other of Affection I durst wagâ—r my life let them make what Prosopopaeas they will of her Majesties Nature That in you she will come to the Question of Quid fiet Homini quem Rex vult honorare But how is it now A Man of a Nature not to be ruled That hath the Advantage oâ— my Affection and knoweth it Of an Estate not grounded to his Greatnesse Of a popular Reputation Of a Military Dependance I demand whether there can be a more dangerous Image than this represented to any Monarch living Much more to a Lady and of her Majesties Apprehension And is it not more evident than Demonstration it self that whilest this Impression continueth in her Majesties Breast you can finde no other Condition than Inventions to keep your Estate bare and low Crossing and Disgracing your Actions Extenuating and Blasting of your Merit Carping with Contempt at your Nature and Fashions Breeding nourishing and fortifying such Instruments as are most Factious against you Repulses and Scorns of your Friends and Dependants that are true and stedfast winning and inveigling away from you such as are Flexible and wavering Thrusting you into odious Employments and Offices to supplant your Reputation Abusing you and Feeding you with Dalliances and Demonstrations to divert you from Descending into the serious Consideration of your own Case yea and percase Ventring you in perillous and desperate Enterprises Herein it may please your Lordship to understand me For I mean nothâ—ng less than that these Things should be plotted and intended as in her Majesties Royal Minde towards you I know the Excellency of her Nature too well But I say wheresoever the formerly described Impression is taken in any Kings Breast towards a Subject these other recited Inconveniences must of necessity of politick consequence follow In respect of such Instruments as are never failing about Princes which spy into their Humours and Conceits and second them And not only second them but in seconding encrease them Yea and many times without their knowledge pursue them further than Themselves would Your Lordship will ask the Question wherewith the Athenians were wont to interrupt their Oratours when they exaggerated their dangers Quid igitur agendum est I will tell your Lordship Quae mihi nunc in mentem veniunt Supposing nevertheless that your Self out of your own Wiâ—dom upon
at last it came to that Modell in which it was committed to the Presse As many Living Creatures do lick their young ones till they bring them to their strength of Limms In the Composâ—ng of his Books he did rather drive at a Masculine and clear Expression than at any Finenes or Affectation of Phrases And would often ask if the Meaning were expressed plainly enough As being one that aâ—counted words to be but subservient or Ministeriall to Matter And not the Principall And if his Stile were Polite it was because he could do no otherwise Neither was he given to any Light Conceits Or Descanting upon Words But did ever purposely and industriously avoyd them For he held such Things to be but Digressions or Diversions from the Scope intended And to derogate from the Weight and Dignity of the Stile He was no Plodder upon Books Though he read much And that with great Iudgement and Rejection of Impertinences incident to many Authours For he would ever interlace a Moderate Relaxation of His Minde with his Studies As Walking Or Taking the Aire abroad in his Coach or some other befitâ—ing Recreation And yet he would loose no Time In as much as upon his First and Immediate Return he would fall to Reading again And so suffer no Moment of Time to Slip from him without some present Improvement His Meales â—ere Refections of the Eare as well as of the Stomack Like the Noctes Atticae or Convivia Deipno-Sophistarum Wherein a Man might be refreshed in his Minde and understanding no lesse then in his Body And I have known some of no mean Parts that have professed to make use of their Note-Books when they have risen from his Table In which Conversations and otherwise he was no Dashing Man As some Men are But ever a Countenancer and Fosterer of another Mans Parts Neither was he one that would appropriate the Speech wholy to Himself or delight to out-vie others But leave a Liberty to the Co-Assessours to take their Turns Wherein he would draw a Man on and allure him to speak upon such a Subject as wherein he was peculiarly Skilfull and would delight to speak And for Himself he contemned no Mans Observations But would light his Torch at every Mans Candle His Opinions and Assertions were for the most part Binding And not contradicted by any Rather like Oracles then Discourses Which may be imputed either to the well weighing of his Sentence by the Skales of Truth and Reason Or else to the Reverence and Estimation wherein he was commonly had that no Man would contest with himâ— So that there was no Argumentation or Pro and Con as they term it at his Table Or if their chanced to be any it was Carried with much Submission and Moderation I have often observed And so have other Men of great Account That if he had occasion to repeat another Mans Words after him he had an use and Faculty to dresse them in better Vestments and Apparell then they had before So that the Authour should finde his own Speech much amended And yet the Substance of it still retained As if it had been Naturall to him to use good Forms As Ovid spake of his Faculty of Versifying Et quod tentabam Scribere Versus erat When his Office called him as he was of the Kings Counsell Learned to charge any Offenders either in Criminals or Capitals He was never of an Insulting or Domineering Nature over them But alwayes tender Hearted and carrying himself decently towards the Parties Though it was his Duty to charge them home But yet as one that looked upon the Example with the Eye of Severity But upon the Person with the Eye of Pitty and Compassion And in Civill Businesse as he was Counseller of Estate he had the best way of Advising Not engaging his Master in any Precipitate or grievous Courses But in Moderate and Fair Proceedings The King whom he served giving him this Testimony That he ever dealt in Businesse Suavibus Modis Which was the way that was most according to his own Heart Neither was He in his time lesse Gracious with the Subject then with his Soveraign He was ever Acceptable to the House of Commons when He was a Member thereof Being the Kings Atturney chosen to a place in Parliament He was allowed and dispensed with to sit in the House which was not permitted to other Atturneys And as he was a good Servant to his Master Being never in 19. years Service as himself averred rebuked by the King for any Thing relating to his Majesty So he was a good Master to his Servants And rewarded their long Attendance with good Places freely when they fell into his Power Which was the Cause that so many young Gentlemen of Bloud and Quality Sought to list themselves in his Retinew And if he were abused by any of them in their Places It was onely the Errour of the Goodnesse of his Nature But the Badges of their Indiscretions and Intemperances This Lord was Religious For though the World be apt to suspect and prejudge Great Wits and Politicks to have somewhat of the Atheist Yet he was conversant with God As appeareth by severall Passages throughout the whole Current of his Writings Otherwise he should have crossed his own Principles which were That a little Philosophy maketh Men apt to forget God As attributing too much to Second Causes But Depth of Philosophy bringeth a Man back to God again Now I am sure there is no Man that will deny him or account otherwise of him but to have been a deep Philosopher And not onely so But he was able to render a Reason of the Hope which was in him Which that Writing of his of the Confession of the Faith doth abundantly testifie He repaired frequently when his Health would permit him to the Service of the Church To hear Sermons To the Administration of the Sacrament of the Blessed Body and Bloud of Christ And died in the true Faith established in the Church of England This is most true He was free from Malice which as he said Himself He never bred nor fed He was no Revenger of Injuries which if he had minded he had both Opportunity and Place High enough to have done it He was no Heaver of Men out of their Places As delighting in their Ruine and Undoing He was no Defamer of any Man to his Prince One Day when a great States-Man was newly Dead That had not been his Friend The King asked him What he thought of that Lord which was gone He answered That he would never have made his Majesties Estate better But he was sure he would have kept it from being wâ—rse Which was the worst he would say of him Which I reckon not amongst his Morall but his Christian Vertues His Fame is greater and sounds louder in Forraign Parts abroad then at home in his own Nation Thereby verifying that Divine Sentence A Prophet is not without Honour save in his own
Countrey and in his own House Concerning which I will give you a Tast onely out of a Letter â—ritten from Italy The Store-House of Refined Witts to the late Earle of Devonshire Then the Lord Candish I will expect the New Essayes of my Lord Chancellâ—r Bacon As also his History with a great deal of Desire And whatsoever else he shall compose But in Particular of his History I promise my Self a Thing perfect and Singular especially in Henry the Seventh Where he may exercise the Talent of his Divine Understanding This Lord is more and more known And his Books here more and more delighted in And those Men that have more than ordinary Knowledge in Humane Affaires esteem him one of the most capable Spirits of this Age And he is truly such Now his Fame doth not decrease with Dayes since but rather encrease Divers of his Works have been anciently and yet lately translated into other Tongues both Learned and Modern by Forraign Pens Severall Persons of Quality during his Lordships Life crossed the Seas on purpose to gain an Opportunity of Seeing him and Discoursing with himâ— whereof one carried his Lordships Picture from Head to Foot over with Him into France As a Thing which he foresaw would be much desired there That so they might enjoy the Image of his Person As well as the Images of his Brain his Books Amongst the rest Marquis Fiat A French Nobleman who came Ambassadour into England in the Beginning of Queen Mary Wife to Charlesâ— was taken with an extraordinary Desire of Seeing him For which he made way by a Friend And when he came to him being then through weaknesse confined to his Bed The Marquis saluted him with this High Expression That his Lordship had been ever to Him like the Angels of whom he had often heard And read much of them in Books But he never saw them After which they contracted an intimate Acquaintance And the Marquis did so much revere him That besides his Frequent visits They wrote Letters one to the other under the Titles and Appellations of Father and Son As for his many Salutations by Letters from Forraign Worthies devoted to Learning I forbear to mention them Because that is a Thing common to other Men of Learning or Note together with him But yet in this Matter of his Fame I speak in the Comparative onely and not in the Exclusive For his Reputation is great in his own Nation also Especially amongst those that are of a more Acute and sharper Iudgement Which I will exemplifie but with two Testimonies and no more The Former When his History of King Henry the Seventh was to come forth It was delivered to the old Lord Brooke to be perused by him who when he had dispatched it returned it to the Authour with this Eulogy Commend me to my Lord And bid him take care to get good Paper Inke For the Work is Incomparable The other shall be that of Doctor Samuel Collins late Provost of Kings Colledge in Cambridge A Man of no vulgar Wit who affirmed unto me That when he had read the Book of the Advancement of Learning He found Himself in a case to begin his Studies a new And that he had lost all the Time of his â—tudying before It hath been desired That something should be signified touching his Diet And the Regiment of his Health Of which in regard of his Universall Insight into Nature he may perhaps be to some an Example For his Diet It was rather a plentifull and liberall Diet as his Stomack would bear it then a Restrained Which he also commended in his Book of the History of Life and Death In his younger years he was much given to the Finer and Lighter sort of Meats As of Fowles and such like But afterward when he grew more Iudicious He preferred the stronger Meats such as the Shambles afforded As those Meats which bred the more firm and substantiall Juyces of the Body And lesse Dissipable upon whiâ—h he would often make his Meal Though he had other Meats upon the Table You may be sure He would not neglect that Himself which He so much extolled in his Writings And that was the Vse of Nitre Whereof he took in the Quantity of about three Grains in thin warm Broath every Morning for thirty years together next before his Death And for Physick he did indeed live Physically but not miserably For he took onely a Maceration of Rhubarb Infused into a Draught of White Wine and Beer mingled together for the Space of half an Hour Once in six or seven Dayes Immediately before his Meal whether Dinner or Supper that it might dry the Body lesse which as he said did carry away frequently the Grosser Humours of the Body And not diminish or carry away any of the Spirits As Sweating doth And this was no Grievous Thing to take As for other Physick in an ordinary way whatsoever hath been vulgarly spoken he took not His Receit for the Gout which did constantly ease him of his Pain within two Hours Is already set down in the End of the Naturall History It may seem the Moon had some Principall Place in the Figure of his Nativity For the Moon was never in her Passion or Eclipsed but he was surprized with a sudden Fit of Fainting And that though he observed not nor took any previous Knowledge of the Eclipse thereof And assoon as the Eclipse ceased he was restored to his former strength again He died on the 9th Day of Aprill in the year 1626â— In the early Morning of the Day then celebrated for our Saviours Resurrection In the 66th year of his Age At the Earle of Arundells House in High-gate near London To which Place he casually repaired about a week before God so ordaining that he should dye there Of a Gentle Feaver accidentally accompanied with a great Cold whereby the Defluxion of Rheume fell so plentifully upon his Breast that he died by Suffocation And was buried in Saint Michaels Church at Saint Albans Being the Place designed for his Buriall by his last Will and Testament Both because the Body of his Mother was interred there And because it was the onely Church then remaining within the Precincts of old Verulam Where he hath a Monument erected for him of White Marble By the Care and Gratitude of Sir Thomas Meautys Knight formerly his Lordships Secretary Afterwards Clark of the Kings Honourable Privy Counsell under two Kings Representing his full Pourtraiture in the Posture of studying with an Inscription composed by that Accomplisht Gentleman and Rare Wit Sir Henry Wotton But howsoever his Body was Mortall yet no doubt his Memory and Works will live And will in all probability last as long as the World lasteth In order to which I have endeavoured after my poor Ability to do this Honour to his Lordship by way of conducing to the same SPEECHES IN Parliament STAR-CHAMBER Kings Bench CHANCERY AND OTHER-WHERE Of the Right Honourable FRANCIS BACON