before Basilieus Father to â—van that first tooke vpon him the title of Emperour they were only stiled great Dukes and not Emperors but now they stand much vpoÌ„ their stile and will scarcely admit of any conference or negotiation either with their owne or strange people vnlesse they vse before the vttering of their businesse their whole title from the beginning to the ending which runnes after this manner Ivan Vasilowicke by the grace of God great Lord and Emperour of all Russia great Duke of Volodemer Mosco and Novograd King of Cazan King of Astracan Lord of Plesko and great Duke of Smolensco Bulghoria c. Lord and great Duke of Novograd in the Low Countries of Chernigo Rezan Polotskoy Rostoue Yaruslauely Bealozera Liefland Oudoria Obdoria and Condensa Commander of all Siberia and of the North parts and Lord of many other Countries c. This Emperour is of most absolute and entire authority himselfe he suffereth not any Iurisdiction in matters Iudiciall to be held by any of his Subiects not so much as by Chaâ—ter but all is at his own pleasure and appointment Nay to shew his soueraignty ouer the liues of his Subiects in his ordinary walkes if he had misliked the face or person of any man whom he met by the way or that looked vpon him he would command his head to be strucke off which was presently done and the mans head forthwith layd before him Pag. 39. Lin. 17. Earle of Shropshire Reade Earle of Shrewsbury for that is his peculiar proper title This George Talbot was the sixt Earle of Shrewsbury the Sonne of Francis Talbot that was the Sonne of George that was the Sonne of Iohn the second Earle of Shrewsbury that was the Sonne of Iohn the first of that Name that was created Earle of Shrewsbury in the dayes of Henry the sixt who being slaine in the battaile at Bourdeaux hath this honourable Elogy grauen on his Tombe Here lyeth the Right Noble Knight Iohn Talbot Earle of Shrewsbury Earle of Weshford Waterford and Valence Lord Talbot of Goodrich and Orchenfield Lord Strange of Blakmer Lord Verdon of Acton Lord Cromwell of Wingfield Lord Louetoft of Worsop Lord Furnivall of Sheffield Lord Faulconbridge Knight of the Noble Order of St. George St. Michael and the Golden Fleece great Marshall to King Henry the sixt of his Realme of France who dyed in the battaile at Bourdeaux 1453. A multitude of Titles indeed which many perchance in this Age may paralell but few deserue Pag. 40. Lin. 3. His latter Wife Elizabeth Adde these words The Daughter of Iohn Hardwike of Hardwike in Derbishire Esquier which were omitted by reason of the imperfections of the words in the Originall Pag. 40. Lin. 12. Hugh Gauiloc c. accused Hugh Earle of Tir-Oen It is reported by some Historians that pretend to haue good ground for what they write that not this Hugh-Ne-Gaviloc bastard Son to Shan-O-Neale but Con-Mac-Shane the true and legitimate Sonne of Shan-O-Neale exhibited these Articles against Tir-Oen But there is a way to reconcile both opinions which may be thus That the Petition was exhibited by the hands of Hugh-Ne-Gaviloc but in the behalfe and in the name of Con-Mac-Shan and so there is no falshood or errour in the story Pag. 40. Lin. 24. Where hee proâ—essed a peace c. The words in the Originall runne very obscurely thus pointed and spelled Corámque ipsa ad Regiam Grenuici Honorem ut Nobiles solent potestatus sanctissime in se recepit pacem c. Of which words it was very long before I could tell what to make off by reason that I expected some more then ordinary signification in the word Potestatus being printed in both the Editions of Mr. Cambden in a different Character and being referred in the Index of the Booke vnder the letter H with Honor potestatus But it was not onely the errour of the Printer but euen of the Manuscript it selfe which I haue seene and vpon good aduice iudge it thus to be corrected Corámque ipsa ad Regiam Grenvici Honorem ut Nobiles solent protestatus sanctissime in se recepit c. Which may be rendered thus Where he protested vpon his Honour as the Noblemen vse to doe before the Queene that hee would keepe peace with all his Neighbours c. Pag. 41. Lin. 18. as the Irish complaine condemned and â—anged him This Hugh-Roe-Mac-Mahon was Brother to Mac-Mahon Chieftaine of Monaghan who in his life-time surrendred his Countrey of Monaghan which hee held by Tanistry the Irish Law into the hands of the Queene and receiued a Re-grant of it againe vnder the great Seale of England to him and his Heire males and for default of such to his brother Hugh-Roe-Mac-Mahon with other remainders Shortly after Mac-Mahon dying this Hugh came vp to the state that hee might bee setled in his inheritance and become the Queenesâ— Patentee But it seemes as the Irish say hee could not be admitted to his Right till hee had promised to giue about sixe hundred Cowes for such only are the Irish bribes shortly after for failing in some part of this payment he was imprisoned and within few dayes after set againe at liberty But not long after vpon his very entrance into Monaghan where he thought the Lord Depuputy would haue seâ—led him in his possessions hee was clapt vp indited arraigned and executed all within two daies The Irish say he was found guilty by a â—ury of none but Souldiers and that of them foureâ—English Souldiers onely were suffered to goe vp and downe at pleasure but the rest being Irish were kept streight and to be sterued till they found him guilty The Treason it should seeme for which he was executed was because some two yeares before hee pretending a Right due vnto him out of the Ferney vpon that leuied his Forces marched thither in a warlike manner and made a distresse for the same which indeed in England may be thought treason perhaps but in Ireland neuer before acquainted with subiection to any Law it was thought but a poore offence Pag. 44. Lin. 32. Pope Gregory the thirteenth of that name This is an errour in both the Latine Editions for Pope Gregory the thirteenth was dead long before this time It must needs be mended therefore thus Pope Gregory the fourteenth who at that time was Bishop of Rome of whom their Cicarella writeth in this manner thus Non multo post tempore constituit generalem S. Ecclesiae Comitem Sfondratum Nepotem suum eúmque cum exercitu in Galliam misit ad quod bellum Gregorius dicitur quinquies centena aureorum contribuisse praeter alia quadraginta millia è proprio suo peculio desumpta Sea antequam nepotem suum in Franciam mitteret dedit illi uxorem filiam principis Massae quo de matrimonio agi caperat priusquam ad Pontificatus fastigium erat assumptus nunc autem continuatum est conclusum Creavit etiam illum ducem montis Martiani qui
ambitious mindes at this time Sir Nicholas Clifford and Sir Anthony Shirley deserued so well in the warres of France at the Kings hands that hauing giuen them their oath he made them Knights of St. Michael which when they somewhat gloried too much of in their owne Countrey the Queene being discontented that they had taken such honour from a forreigne Prince without notice giuen to her as if they had beene not hers but his Subiects committed them both to prison But yet out of her mercy she would not let the Law passe vpon them both out of a respect to their youthfull folly and her good will to the King of France that bestowed it But shee commanded them both to resigne them vp againe and send backe their honour againe Which when the French King heard of he was reported to haue merrily sayd That the Queene may be euen with me I wish the would make some of my ambitious subiects with her Knights of King Arthurs round table For as that Order hath beene worne away long since in Ballades so hath this of S. Michael degenerated into a contempt Insomuch that a Noble French man sayd that the chayne of S. Michael was once a badge of Noblemen but now a collar for all creatures About this time Cardinall Alan died at Rome commonly called the Cardinall of England He was borne in the County of Lancaster of a good family which in some of the kindred conteyned some of the nobler sort Hee was brought vp in Oriall Colledge in Oxford where in the time of Queene Mary he was Proctour of the Vniuersity and afterwards made one of the Canons of the Church of Yorke Assoone as the alteration in Religion began hee changes his country for Doway in Flanders where the Vniuersity beginning in the yeere of Grace 1562. hee professing of Diuinity was made one of the Canons Regular of the Church of Cambray He tooke order that a Seminary should bee prouided for the English at Doway and afterwards another at Rhemes where also he was made Canon Hee ordeyned a third at Rome for the English besides two more in Spaine to preserue the Roman Religion in England out of zeale to which he had put off both his loue to his country and his obedience to his Prince he incensed the Spaniard and the Pope of Rome to assault England And to that purpose adioyned himselfe to all pernitious conâ—ultations about that matter after that Pope Sixtuâ— Qâ—intus had bestowed on him the title of Cardinall of S. â—â—rtiâ— in Montibus and the 〈◊〉 gaue him an Abbacy in the Kingdome of Naples and nominated him Archbishop of Machline When the Bull of excommunication against the Queene at that time that the great Nauy was prouided for England came forth hee brought it into the Low Countries caused it to be printed in English Withall he wrote an Admonition to the Englishmen that they should sticke to the Pope and Spaniard But being deceiued of all his hopes he returned againe backe to Rome where being wearied with the discords hatreds and dissentions of the English Runâ—awayes both Schollers and Nobles at lâ—st he dyed being of the age 63. yeares He was buried in the English Church called by the name of the Trinity In his time hee wrote in Latine a Booke concerning the Eucharist and in English an Apology for Seminaries and another for English Catholikes another for William Stanley who had betrayed 〈◊〉 to the Spaniard besides the admonition we spake of and a bookâ— about Purgaâ—ory neither haue I seene any other About this time too died Iohn Piers Archbishop of Yorke a great Diuine and yet a modest one who was long time Almoner to the Queene Matthew Hutton being remoued from the Bishopricke of Durham succeeded him Ferdinand Stanley Earle of Derby he whom we spake of before in the last yeare euen vpon the beginning of this yeare died in the prime of his youth but not without suspition of poyson â—auing beene miserably afflicted with cruell paines and casting vp stuffe like the colour of rusty Iron In his chamber was found a little Image made of Waxe with the belly of it thrust through with haires iust of the colour of those of his head which was layd there as the wiser theâ— thought to remoue the suspition of poâ—soning him away and father his death vpon the art of Wiâ—chcraft That which in his sicknesse he cast vp by vomiting so distayned his feeâ— with a 〈◊〉 colour that they would neuer be 〈…〉 were wrapt vp in Seare-cloth and couered with Lead did so flow with corrupted and stinking humours that no man in a long time durst come neere his buriall place There fell no small suspition of his death vpon his Horse-keeper for assoone as the Earle was once dead he fled away with one of his best Horses William his Brother succeeded him in the County of Darby betweene whom and the three daughters of the deceased Earle when there arose a contention to whom the Dominon of the Isle of Man belonged the Queene well considering that the English run-awayes and the Spaniard did still cast an eie towards that Island committed the gouernment thereof to Sir Thomaâ— Gerard both by reason of his approued honesty and proximity But whilest the new Earle and the three Sisters were at law about the Right to that Island the Queenes Lawyers being of a most quicke-sighted craftinesse found out of their points of the law that the Right of that Island belonged to the Queene and that the Stanleys and the Earles of Derby had without any iust right possessed the said right of that Island this two hundred yeares By reason that they alleaged that we may heare all from the beginning that assoone as Henry the fourth had seized vpon this Kingdome William Scroope then Lord of the Isle of Man being banished Henry the fourth gaue the same to Henry Percy Earle of Northumberland This Henry some six yeares after fell into a rebellion Hereupon the yeare then following the King granted it by Letters Patents to Iohn Stanley for his life time before the Earle oâ— Northumberland had beene banished by act of Parliament of his goods confiscated to the King Within a moneth the King and the same Stanley agree that those former Letters Patents for his life time and other things granted to him by the King should be restored againe and cancelled and the Island againe granted to him and his heires vnder this forme We for and in consideration that the said Iohn Stanley hath restored to Vs againe Our Letters Patents into the Chancery to be cancelled haue granted vnto the foresaid Iohn the foresaid Island c. Out of these words and well obseruing the circumstances of time that those former Letters Patents were granted for his life before that the Earle was banished the Lawyers pronounced that the King could not giue the Island away for his life because as yet it was not attributed or iudged faâ—ne into the hands of
of his Will were Gabriel Goodman Deane of Westminster an vpright man and Thomas Bellot Steward of his Houshold to whom he left great summes of money to be bestowed vpon pious vses which was done accordingly Although the earnest desire which Burghely had of peace effected not the same yet it greatly eased the costs charges of the warre for in the time of sicknesse the States sent ouer I. Duuenword Admirall of Holland I. Oldenbarneuelt Keeper of the Seale to whom they ioyned Natales Carrone their Agent here in England and all they preferring warre before peace agreed vpon these conditions in August which Sir Thomas Egerton Lord Keeper Essex the Admirall George Lord Hunsdon Buckhurst Knolles Cecill and Fortescâ—e Delegated by the Queene First That the League made in 1585. except onely some Articles concerning the administration of their Kingdome should be still in force and vertue Secondly That the States of the vnited Prouinces should pay the Queene 800000. pounds of good money of England viz. as long as the warre lasted against the common enemy 30. thousand pounds yearely till such time as they had payd 400. thousand pounds But if so be the peace were concluded by the Queene and Spaniard of that which remained they should pay twenty thousand pounds a yeare till they had payd eight hundred thousand pounds Thirdly That the States should pay one thousand one hundred and fifty English men at Garison in Flushing Brill and the adioyning Forts thereto Fourthly That they should presse English Souldiers vnder English Leaders which they should giue pay to Fiftly If it should chance that the Spaniard should inuade England the Isle of Wight Garnsey Iarsey or the Sillin Ilands that the States should aide England with fiue thousand foot and fiue hundred horse Sixtly That if so be England furnished a Nauie out against Spaine that the States should ioyne ship for ship therto As also if that any forces of the English were sent ouer into Flanders or Brâ—bant that they should ioyne iust as many and as much prouision Lastly That for the monies that are due to Pallauicine from the Queene which she borrowed for them the Queene should write to the Prouinces of Brabant and Flanders and the rest that are out of the Leagues By these Couenants was the Queene eased of infinite charges who euery yeare was at more or lesse then twenty thousand pounds charges with them which now she was eased of by the discretion of Burghley and the care of Sir Thomas Bodley and George Gilpine who succeeded him in the Councell for the States For Bodley being now eased of these troublesome affaires wholly commended himselfe to the care prouision for good learning worthy indeed the care of the greatest King for he began to restore the publike Library at Oxford first instituted by Humphrey Duke of Glocester but afterwards in the daies of Edward the sixt rob'd of all the Bookes almost This Library hee hauing bought with his money and other mens beneuolence the choicest Bookes that were so furnished it with them and dying left such reuenewes to it that he is worthy to be celebrated eternally and liue as long as Learning Whilest these businesses are in hand betweene England and the States the Queene sends into Denmarke the Lord Zouch and Christopher Perkins to congratulate with him his marriage with the Daughter of the Prince Elector of Brandenburgh Where with much difficulâ—y they regained the paiment backe of thirty thousand Dollers for Merchandizes which the Danish had laid hands vpon that were worth an hundred thousand Dollers And about this time also Philip the King of Spaine made sure his Daughter Isabell to Albert Cardinall of Austria and with her as a Dowry he bequeathed to him the Prouinces of the Low Countries and the County of Burgundy Whereupon the Cardinall hauing duely sent backe to Rome his Cardinals Cap and his consecrated Sword being receiued of the Pope he makes haste into Spaine But in the meane time the King of Spaine aboue seuenty yeares of age in September departed this troublesome life with great patience A Prince he was certainly whose Dominion extended so farre and neere beyond all the Emperours that he might truely say in his Motto Sol mihi semper lucet the Sunne c. he atchieued great wisedome from his fathers counsell which he improued with long experience in the affaires of this world but commonly as hee mannaged many warres so was he vnfortunate in most of them for the most part by reason that he himselfe being of a milde weake nature was gouerned by others wary counsels and his warres followed by them and not by himselfe Whereupon it came to passe that the three keyes of the Spanish Empire which his Father so called and willed him before all things to keepe diligently to wit first Gulet in Africa Flushing in Holland and Gadez in Spaine were neglected The first taken in by the Turkes the second by the Low Country confederates of the vnited Prouinces and the third much impaired and its strength much impouerished by the courage of the English not so much to the losse as disgrace of so great a King which it is likely his Father foreseeing in his life time is reported to haue admonished him to make peace with the English and the States of the Low Countries And euen much about this time George Clifford Earâ—e of Cumberland returned home into England who had at his proper cost and charges furnished a Nauy of eleuen ships to surprize some Portugall Caracks that set forth from the Riuer Tagus to the East Indies But it being heard that he houered about the costs of Portugall the Caracks tarried so long vnder Saint Iâ—lians Fort furnished with a hundred great Peeces of Ordnance that they lost the opportunity of that yeares voyage Wherefore the Earle hee bends his course towards the Canary Island and hauing taken and ransackt Lancerata and the towne after that he landed at Boriquene and setting his troopes in order hee assaulted Porto Ricâ— and hauing taken by force one or two Forts he at last got the towne not losing hardly thirty of his men in the skirmish although there were three or foure hundred souldiers at Garison besides the Townesmen And here the Earle determined to seat all his warre by reason that it was such a fit place that it was called by the Spaniard the Key of America wherefore he remooued all the Inhabitants although for ransome of that place they offered great store of Merchandise and Gold and Siluer But the bloudy 〈◊〉 and the griping in the belly did so rage amongst the English that in forty dayes for so long he continued there it consumed away seuen hundred which compelled him necessarily to returne home againe with great spoiles but greater victory yet in his spoiles hauing some threescore peeces of Ordnance of Brasse Certainly this voyage was occasion of great dammage done to the Spaniard by reason that
of this combating with Bookes whether in earnest or deceitfully vndertaken the Councell came to finde out that both the Iesuites and the Priests in this matter secretly conspired to withdraw the Subiects of the Queene from their obedience to her and to excite the Commonalty to the maintenance of the Romish Religion euen with Armes Hereupon the Queene by Proclamation commanded the Iesuites and Secular Priests belonging to them to depart the Kingdome as for the rest that seemed to be mediators betweene both they had two moneths allotted to resolue whether or no they would professe loyalty to the Queene if not to he gone and neither of both sorts euer to returne againe except they will hazard the punishment of the Law and without doubt this Proclamation came out by the great prouidence of God to auert a great meditated mischiefe For amongst these affaires Thomas Winter as hee himselfe afterwards confessed and Tesmund a Iesuite being sent for by some of them into Spaine vnderwent most pernicious consultations to cut off the Queene and to exclude Iames of Scotland from his Right of inheritance And not onely these in England but also in the Low Countries seditious Souldiers conspired against the Arch-Duke and in France also some stâ—â—red vp commotions against the King insomuch that a storme seemed by some Starre to be raised against all Christian Kings and Princes In France Marshall Byrone who had practised wicked counsels against his Countrey and with pricking words wounded the Maiesty of the King was now beheaded I doe not well know whom the Marshalls confession detected but amongst others it so aymed at the D. of Bulloigne that being commanded to shew himselfe before the King he appeared not but fearing the anger of the King and the power of his aduersaries about the Court hee with-drew himselfe into Germany The French King made his great complaint of him to Queene Elizabeth accusing his marriage with his Sister Mary of Florence as vnlawfull and the Popes dispensation as vneffectuall and that thereby his Sonne was illegâ—timate That he had allotted the Prince of Conde to succeed in the Kingdome That he conspired the destruction of the chiefest Catholikes in France That he had conspired to betray the vnited Prouinces to the Spaniards that would giue most for them That he detracted from the Iudgement of the Parliament at Paris by appealing to the Court of Warre which indeed had no Iurisdiction in such matters as those That he tooke exception against his accusers which in case of Treason is not lawfull to doe Concluding that these things were nothing but tergiuersations in detracting all Iudgements and arrogating to himselfe the Kings authority Wherefore he asketh councell of the Queene what hee should doe in this matter She answereth him by her Leager in France that she was exceeding sorry to heare of these things and that she esteemed it great honour done to her that he would impart it vnto her She much commended his moderate minde which being suggested by so great dangers yet was rather guided by the councell of his friends then the affection of his owne selfe As concerning the councell which he required she made answer that if the proofes were as manifest against him as the obiections were odious he should do well to proceed legally against him but that it was dangerous for her to councell him to any thing till such time as the proofes were cleare against him left perchance she should offend God if so be he were innocent or offend the King if he should suspect his own safety to be neglected wherefore that she held it most fitting in soâ—doubtfull a case to be silent Yet withall she requesteth the King to vse both iudgement and conscience in his councell and accurately examine both the accusations and confessions to see whether or no they come from men of trust vncorrupted and no way suspected of partiality by reason that commonly no mans innocency can protect him from others base calumny Withall informing him that bare assertions are but slender proofes to informe the conscience of a iust Iudge against a man of so well-tried vertue and valour As also that those obiected crimes being not amply prooued did seeme as incredible to be fathered on such a man as they are in their owne nature execrable For who would belieue said she that hee being brought vp in the feare of God and continuing so long in an vnspotted loyalty euen in greatest dangers both towards his King and Countrey should euen imagine now such mischieuous villany against so well a deseruing Prince or euer ioyne councell with men both of lost estates and hopes with whom there was neuer any conformity of manners or religion and from whom hee could not but expect perfidious dealing Wishing him rather to suspect that these suggestions were coyned in the Spanish Mint to set the French againe together by the â—ares The King heaâ—d this with discontented eares and forthwith burst out into these words THe Queene thinkes better of Bouillon theâ— he deserues For he was amongst the chiefest of Essexes conspiracie neither dissembled â—e it when I obiected it to him but smiling put me off without an answere Then he constantly affirmed that those things obiecâ—ed were most true Then he recalls the benefits he had be bestowed on him as first that he numbred him amongst his Family then that he procured him a rich match with the heire of the Family of Bouillon that he had set him in the possession of Sedan that he honoured him amongst the Nobles of the Inward Admission that he made him Duke and Marshall and that once he had resolued to shew mercy to him if he would come aske pardon but now since he scorned it and out of an ill conscience since he fled away he saw no reason of shewing mercy now againe to him Then he added how that in the like case he interceded with the Queene for the Earle of Essex till hee vnderstood the â—einousnesse of his fact and then he gaue ouer The Embassador returned that the Queene only thought well of the Duke because hitherto he had shewen his loyalty and valour towards his King and Country but that she would be very sorry if that the obiections should be found true as it was in Essexes case and that then she wou'd detest and hate him from her very heart Concluding that this her admonition proceeded from no other ground then her minde troubled aswell for the Kings safety and security as her owne If we may belieue the French Writers and the politick'st English Byrone Bouillon and others perswading themselues that by their loyalty and valour they had brought the King to the Crowne and now perceiuing that the King was indulgent towards the Conspirators against his life and belieued them soonest as men best deseruing and recompencing their offence by duty and disposing of honours giuing them those Offices now in peace which before they possessed in time
from Blanch the first-borne of the said Elenor and this both Rodericke Archbishop of Toledo booke nine chapt fiue And Pope Innocent who should better be beleeued that liued in the same time denie as false Fourthly Because she was descended of Beatrice the Daughter of Henrie the third King of England and in the meane time they forget that she had Brothers two Edward the first King of England and Edmund Earle of Lancaster from whom besides those of the Royall Family sprang a whole nation of Nobles in England Fiftly They deriue this right of the Infanta from the Portugall Familie as also from Philip the Daughter of Iohn of Gâ—unt Duke of Lancaster whom they say was the first-borne by his former wife Blanch when as for all this Frossard that liued at the same time at Court in 169. page of the second part demonstrates vnto vs that Elizabeth married to Iohn Holland who was afterwards Duke of Exâ—tâ—r was the first-borne But we haue sufficiently refelled these Genealogicall phantasies which were bred out of the vaporous crudities of treacherie wherewith that Booke much aboundeth But yet cannot but wonder that these men should be so vnmindfull of their owne profession scorning both the authority of the Councell of Trent concerning auoiding all secular affaires and occasions as also of the Toletan Councell and their own Lawes but the very last yeare at Rome newly reuiued onely to curry fauour with the Spaniard to abuse simple men to strew the way for tumultuous insurrections to prouidâ— Ladders for the ambitious though to their owne ruine and to offer violent haâ—ds to the Truth making their Religion the cloake for all their â—reason Nay in the conceit of this new made Right of the Infanta some of them went so farre on that they compelled the English Priests in their Spanish Seminaries to subscribe to this Right of the said Infanta if we may euen beleeue themselâ—es that related it These things whatsoeuer Parsons the lesuite thought they would effect yet after all failed and that Iames of Scâ—tland was proclaimed King of England after the death of the Queene then hee stroue to excuse the matter in Letters to most of his Friends as if so be that those words in his Book against the right of the King of Scotland had not beene spoken of him out of any ill will or desire any way to hurt the King but onely out of an earnest desire he had to bring the King to the profession of the Roman Caâ—holike Religion also he thought that it would serue well enough for his excuse that those iniuries hee offered the King were not preiudiciall to him because they tooke no effect But whilest these Turne-coats faine to themselues a false Hâ—ire in Spaine God that laughed at their deâ—ises raised vp to Iames of Scotland the true Heire a Sonne that might also haue beene his heire For on the 19. of February was borne to him Henry Prince of Scotland the loue and delight of Britaine whom Queene Elizabeth in an â—onourable Embassage by Robert Earle of Sussex was Godmother to Now as the learned sort of our English 〈…〉 studied to enthroane the Spanish Infanta in the 〈◊〉 of Englâ—nd by their writings So some of them tooke the nearer way of murther hauing sent ouer priuy murthâ—reâ—s to 〈◊〉 â— way the Queene The Spaniards on the other side they 〈◊〉 with poyson but much suspecting the truth of the English thinking the Nation affoorded none so cruell against â—is Princesse they made vse of Roderike Lopez a Iewish Sâ—ctary and a Houshold Phisitâ—on â—o the Queenes Court and 〈…〉 of him but also of Sâ—â—phan Fâ—rreira Gama and Emanuel Lowise Portugalls for at that time many Portugalls vnder the pretence of their banished Anthony crept here into England They hauing beene apprehended by reason of some of their Letters that were intercepted and being accused towards the latter end of February both confessed that they conspired to make away the Queene by poyson Lopez being of a well-tried honesty and neuer suspected confessed voluntarily that he was thereunto induced by Andrada a Pâ—rtugall to doe so much seruice to the King of Spaine that also he had receaued from Don Christophâ—ro de Moro one of his intimatest Counsellours a very pretious Iewell who as fast as he could learne any thing from him still enformed the Spaniard of it till at last the agreement was made and for 50000. Crownes he promised to poyson the Queene and that he had certified the Conde de Fuentes and Ibarra Secretary to the Spaniard in the Low Countries as much as that came too Stephano Ferreira confessed that the said Câ—nde de Fâ—entes and Iâ—arra had certified him indeed both by Letters and Colloquies that they were putting their counsell in practise of taking away the Queene by poyson that he himselfe wrote Letters as Lopez dictated them wherein he promiseâ— to do it for 50000 Crownes he confessed also that Emmanuel Lowise was sent ouer from the said Conde de Fuentes to hasten Lopez to make an end of the matter Emmanuel confessed that hauing taken oath to conceale all his counsell Conde de Fuentes shewed him Letters which Andrada the Portugall had wrote in Lopez's name concerning the making of the Queene away also that now he was sent from him that he should deale with Ferreira and Lopez about the hastning the Queenes death also to promise both money to Lopez and preferment to all his children Lopez brought forth said but little but that Ferreira and 〈◊〉 were nothing but composed of deceit lying that he neuer thought any hurt against the Queene but alwaies hated the gift of that Spanish Tyrant that hee gaue to the Queene the Iewell sent him by the Spaniard that hee neuer intended more then to deceiue the Spaniard and cousen him of his money The rest said nothing for themselues but continually accused Lopez so that they were all three condemned and within three moneths after hanged at Tyburne Lopez still professing that hee loued the Queene as well as Christ Iesus which being spoken by a Iew as it was was but onely laughed at by the people The day after these were condemned one Patricke Culline an Irish Fencer also was condemned and one that being burdened with great promises and hauing money for his trauaile by the way giuen him by the turne-coats in the Low Countries promised to kill the Queene he his fault being in a manner knowne and proued by some tokens and signes being ready to die with fainting suffered the like punishment as those before Then also were apprehended Edmund Yorke and Richard Williams both hired to kill the Queene by Ibarra and suborned to that also by the turne-coates in the Low Countries and more incendiaries also to set the Queenes Nauie on fire with balles of wild-fire Thus did these miscreant English turne-coates as well Priests as others on the one side conspire the death of the Queene out of an vngodly
opposite against them Yet notwithstanding Baskeruile hauing placed his Souldiers in the ship-boats endeauoured strongly for a passage hee burnt one or two of the Spanish ships but being driuen backe with a shower of bullets that rained about him he listed not to renue his purpose against so stormy a violence So that hauing put from thence towards the continent or firme land they set fire on Rio de la Hach a little Village whose Inhabitants offered 34000. Duckats for their redemption Then they set fire also on St. Martha but found not one dramme of gold or siluer there Thence they went and tooke Nombre de Dios as empty of riches as Inhabitants which they burnt also From thence going towards Panama with 750. armed Souldiers they were so intangled with by-paths so ensnared in durty wayes and so pelted with shot out the woods about so abashed to finde a Fortreâ—â—e iust against them in these narrow wayes to heare that there were two more within that blocked vp the way that being quite tyred they returned to their ships againe From thence they turned their course to Scudo an Island and from thence to Porto Bello in the meane time Sir Francis Drake hauing beene sorely molested with the bloudy-fluxe and grieued at these vntoward proceedings yeelded vp the ghost and being let downe into the Sea with a peale of Ordnance after the manner of Sea Funeralls he was buried euen in the same place almost where in his prosperous Voyages he began to be famous And now hauing begun to returne by the South side of Cuba ouer against the Island Pinor the Spanish Nauy that had tarried for them now met them but on the first onset if we may belieue them that did it Baskeruile and Throughton one in the Admirall the other in the Vice-Admirall so molested the Spaniards that they offered more harme then they receiued Afterwards some 8. moneths being expired they returned home with spoile poore enough in respect of the death of those men of worth their greatest riches being that they had made their enemy poore by burning many of his petty Townes and more of his ships Whilest these things were thus in action in the Westerne world there arose a kinde of distaste which indeed had but now growne vp to a controuersie between the States confederate of the Low Countries and the Queene Which by this meanes grew vp and as well withered away againe Burleigh the Queenes Treasurer had demonstrated to her what summes of mony from the yeare 1585. had beene spent in their warres what summes of gold and siluer had beene new stampt by them to their great gaining aduantage what store of English bloud had beene lost to keepe their cause vpright what costs and charges were necessarily to be employed to extinguish the fire of rebellion in Ireland and the practises of the Spaniard in England Besides hee shewed how the States had not onely defended themselues by the helpe of the Queene but also offended their enemies how they had now established firmely their tottering Common-wealth how they had encreased their wealth by traffiques and their power by subduing more Territories to their gouernment and then how that the Queene with the long continuance of warre and the excesse of charges was euen tyred to a kinde of pouerty The Queene considering duly these things sent Sir Thomas Bodly her Embassadour to the States to acquaint them with all these passages as first that England was now euen drawne dry both of men and money by reason of warre against the Spaniard who in no other matter professed himselfe her enemy but for that she was their friend Wherefore â—he demanded that they would ease her of the cost of her auxiliary forces and that they would repay some part of her charges and chuse some Delegates to giue account and take order how the money that had been spent in their cause which was due indeed to Sir Horatio Pallauicine of whome it was taken at Interest should be repaid him The States acknowledging these infinite courtesies receiued from the Queene professed themselues beholding to her vnder God for all their good fortunes But withall they protested they had been at such charges in eighty eight last against the Spanish Armada and in the next yeare in the Portugall expedition and after that in the expedition at Brest and besides that they had suffered such losse by vnaccustomed iâ—undations that they were so brought behinde hand that they could not discharge the debt vnlesse they should oppresse the poore people and vndoe their owne cause also protesting that by reason of those Townes and Territories which they had gotten from the enemy their charges were not eased but are multiplyed and encreased by reason that now they are faine to fortifie them and place new Garrisons in them And for their traffiques they shewed how equally they hung betweene losse and gaine by reason of the Arrests in Spaine and the Pyracies both of the English and of the Dunkerks Indeed they confessed that they gaue some aide to the French King but not out of the abundance of their ability or out of a foâ—d insolent arrogancy or any way to rob England of the glory of succoâ—ring France or to draw France from England into their Patronage but onely to diuert the enemy and bring it to passe that the French made not a League with Spaine which his necessity domesticke discords and ill counsels would quickly aduise him to Yet notwithstanding they promised her some part for the present of the monies in present paiment But when as the Queene demanded a greater summe the States contended out of the agreement made 1585 that there should not be present present payment of the money backe againe till such time as the warre was ended and that if the Queene would but take as much counsell from her royall Honour as she did from some ill members that put this first into her head they knew she would not fall from her agreâ—ment For all this the Queene continued in the contrary opinion relying vpon the Oracles of her Lawyers and Politicians such as were these THat all contracts and agreements made betweene Prince and Prince are vnderstood to be interpreted bonâ fide Neither is a Prince bound by any contract when that contract on iust cause occasions hurt to the Common-wealth That the Peace is not broken when a Prince breaks the contract when he is occasioned to doe it by cases of contingency or when the matter is come to a new case which should haue otherwise beene prouided for if the said case had beene thought vpon That the Leagues and agreements of Princes ought not to be occasions of cauilling neither ought they to be in vertue to those who breake the couenants That in case it turne to the damage and preiudice of his Subiects a Prince is not bound to stand to couenants made or if it but
be at anothers call or whistle Within the compasse of this yeare some of the greater sort and of the Nobility departed this life Amongst whom the best worthy memory were Iohn Puckering Lord Keeper of the great Seale who although he himselfe were a man of an vpright sincerity yet by reason of his corrupted seruants that set to faire Ecclesiasticall Benefices for the best price he was but hardly spoken of by the Clergy men Thomas Egerton the Queenes Attourney Generall succeeded him in his place who in the integrity of his vertues equallâ—d the great expectation that was of him Richard Fletcher Bishop of London a very famous Prelate who being sorely troubled with the displeasure of the Queene at his marriage as she was at the marriage of all the Clergy to get that away lost his life Henry Cary Lord Hunsdon Lord Chamberlaine of the Queenes Court Gouernour of Berwicke and Knight of the Order of S. George a man of a great stomacke but very cholericke and somewhat discontented that being somewhat of kinne to the Queene hee attained but meane honours and wealth departed also his Sonne George succeeded him in his dignities and the Lord Cobham in the Chamberlaines place who continued in it but few moneths Another was Francis Knolles who had married the Lord Hunsdons Sister and for the truth of the Gospell had beene banished into Germany first hee was Sub-Chamberlaine to the Queene afterwards Captaine of the Guard afterwards Treasurer of the Queenes Houshold and one of the Order of S. George In his Treasurer-ship Roger Lord North succeeded him and his Sonne William Knolles was made Comptroller of the Houshold Another towards the end of the yeere was Henry Hastings Earle of Huntingdon the third of that stocke President of the Councell in the Northerne quarters and being a man of a milde disposition but very earnest in the purity of his religion he spent most of his patrimony in costly succouring and cherishing of the more feruent sort of Ministers He was buried in the county of Leicester and Francis L. Hastings died then to And the Presidency of the Councell committed to Matthew Hutton Archbishop of Yorke but without the title of President Neither among so many men is the death of that worthy woman Margaret Clifford Countesse of Darby the onely daughter of Henry Clifford Earle of Cumberland which hee had by Elenor Brandon the Niece of Henry the Eight to bee concealed who out of a womanish curiosity and weakenes of her sexe being too credulous and somewhat ambitious of farre fetcht hopes dealt with Southsayers and in striuing to get the knowledge of things to come lost the presentfauour of the Queene and her life presently after THE FORTIETH Yeere OF HER REIGNE Anno Domini 1597. IN the beginning of this yeere how great prayse of their valor Robert Sidney and Francis Verâ— with the English forces in the battel at Turnholt in Brabant vnder the conduct of Maurice of Nâ—ssaw did deserue beare away hauing slaine 2000. Neapolitanes and Germanes the Low Countries historie doeth report I hasten and intend to greater matters The Queene being giuen credibly to vnderstand that the Spaniard was prouiding a new piece of warre out of the old decayed reliques and other ships which he intended against Ireland prepares her Nauy of ten of her owne Ships and as many Hollanders either to diuert his proiect or to delay it But when as this number seemed but very small there were more added fiue thousand Souldiers prest besides a thousand old Souldiers whom Vere brought out of the Low-Countries So that in all in this Nauy there were one hundred and twenty Ships Seuenteene of the Queenes three and forty little men of warre the rest to carry prouision The Nauy was diuided into three Squadrons Essex commanded the first who had the whole Expedition committed to his care Thomas Howard the second and Walter Rawleigh the third Charles Blunt Lord Montioy was Captaine of the Souldiers vnder the Earle of Essex and Sir Francis Vere Serieant Maior Sir George Carew master of the Ordnance and Engines and Sir Christopher Blunt chiefe Colonell To this warre also went the Earles of Rutland and Southampton the Lord Grey Cromwell and Rich with many other Knights and other Gentlemen These with their sailes displayed and other costly vanitie that is peculiar to the English when they goe to warre set forth from Plimmouth the ninth day of luly After two dayes to euery Ship was deliuered her Commission signed whither she should bend her course which way to Feroll and the Groyne that there they might expect the Spanish Nauy and assault it and surprize the Indy Nauy at Azores After mature deliberation this was thought most expedient to be done For so should England rest in security the Nauies of both the Indies being not defended should be easierly surprized the Islands Azores should be surprized where both the rich Nauies from the Iâ—dies in their returne arriue and water themselues The Queen should be made absolute Commandresse of the Sea The Spaniard dispoyled of his Nauy should either bee compelled to a peace vpon any equall tearmes or to his great dammage to renue his warres againe Essex had resolued as at least made shew and sometimes publiquely professed That he would either vanquish this Nauy that so hath threatned England the last yeare or else sacrifice himselfe to the good of his Countrey But they had scarâ—e gone forty leagues from Plimmouth when a fearefull tempest rushes vpon them Northâ—west and a mist takes away sight from them The Ayre with thunder and the water with tumultuous waues reflecting from the sides of the ships with a fearefull Eccho did so rage foure dayes together that the Mariners themselues were affraid the Souldiers trembled and the whole Nauy much diâ—â—ected not without great danger hardly recouered Plimmouth againe and other coasts thereabouts the Admirall it selfe was so battered that it was scarce of any â—se some of 〈◊〉 fresh-water Souldiers were so troubled with an â—nmannerly Stomack that they stole home againe secretly The Naâ—y being againe refresht and repayred although to the diminishing both of the number strength of the former forthwith puts forth againe but found the winds so contrary that for a whole moneth they could not get out of the Hauens And by that time prouisioÌ„ of victuals grew very scarce among them whereof they could haue no supply but out of the East part of England and that in no little time wherefore it seemed good vnto them to discharge all their Souldiers beside one thousand old ones and to dismisse most of their Ships of lesser weight and not to goe to Ferâ—ll or the Groyne And then it fell to be deliberated on whether or no they should make their expedition to the Islands Azores which all agreed vpon that they should but only Vere who said it would neither be for the profit nor the credit of the Queene since that
themselues The Spanish side would not admit thereof as being reiected by the King of Spaine thinking it also now a great preiudice to their honour if that if onely but by reason they were but guests among them the chiefe place were not granted to them by reason that they came to a towne of the French Kingdome which they would neuer haue done had it not beene to shew their obseruancy and respect to the Bishop of Rome and the Legate that represents him At length the Popes Legates much striuing in the matter it was agreed vpon that he should sit at the vpper end of the board and the Popes Nuncio should sit by him on the right hand then this choyce was giuen to the French whither or no they would sit nearest the Nuncio on the right hand or the Legate on the left The French they chose the left as nearest to the Legate The Spanish side willingly tooke the right hand because they thought it the best and because the Nuncio was none of the number of the Delegates and thereby they thought they sufficiently maintained the honour of their King For if so be that Caligarton the Generall of the Franciscan Friers who had chosen the lowest part of the boord out of his humility the badge of his profession who tooke great paines in this businesse had beene preferred before them and set on the left-hand neerest to the Legate they had determined to protest publikely and aloud that they knew well enough the place fitting for a Catholique King also that they would defâ—nd the same if they had beene delegated from the Catholique King but since they were onely Delegates for the Arch-Duke who would not equall himselfe with the most Christian King of France and that since in their Letters of Protection which they haue receiued from the most Christian King they were onely stiled the Delegates for the Arch-Duke they said they would willingly giue place to the French For the Spaniard prouidently carefull to maintaine his owne honour had resigned authority ouer to the Arch-Duke whereby he might delegate others for the matter that so the Spaniard himselfe might not immediately come to contend with the French for superiority which was worse for him to maintaine then a warre Assoone as the businesse was composed and the Charters of the Delegation on both sides exhibited the French tooke it very â—einously that in that of the Arch-dukes there was no mention of the Queene of England bâ—ing that there was of the Duke of Sauoy And the answer was that she was comprehended vnder the number of confederates but when this little contented the French they were faine to pretend this reason that she was alwaies an enemy to the King of Spaine and that euen at this present time she did molest him with a Nauy And yet all their pretences could not quiet the French till such times as they passed their faith that the Spaniard should try to make peace with her if she gaue but any hopes thereof vnto him The French King hauing how concluded this Peace although he was most famous for warlike glory yet now setled all his desires vpon quietnesse whereby he so rowzed vp the affaires of France which had beene for many yeares ouerwhelmed in ciuill warres both by assisting the Romane Religion and the Reformed by restoring ancient rightes by fostering of good learning by recalling Traffiques and by adorning the Kingdome with stately edifices that he far surpassed all the Kings of France before him as in misery lately so now in glory insomuch that he bare the name of Henry the great The Queene now more inwardly hauing a care of her own estate sent Sir Francis Vere ouer to the States to know of them whither or no they would condâ—scend to a Treaty with Spaine if not what they would bestow on the warre also earnestly to deale with them to repay those monies and charges which she had beene at for their sakes And in the meane time there was great disceptation in England whither or no to conclude a peace with the Spaniard were commodious either to the Queene or the Realme They that were desirous of peace vsed these and the like perswasions thereto First That a peace besides that that it is both pleasant and holesome would now take away that aspersion that is cast vpon the English as disturbers of the whole world as if so be that they thought themselues happy in other mens calamities and secure by others dangers Secondly That the Queene would be thereby more secure from forreigne practises Thirdly That an end of the cost and charges of warre against the Spaniard and Archâ—Duke would be thereby made Fourthly That the rebellion in Ireland would soone be lull'd asleepe when they should once perceiue no helpe would come to them out of Spaine Fiftly That Traffiques would be better and oftner vsed to the profit of Prince and people Sixtly That Spaine that lately was so fruitfull to the English Merchants would be open againe to them where they might exchange away Corne for Gold and Siluer Seuenthly That thereby the Emperours Proclamation against English Merchants would be reuoked Eightly That the danger of tumults at home and often taxes tributes and pressing of Souldiers would be thereby taken away Ninthly That the League of Burgundy would be renewed Tenthly That they need feare nothing then from the French Eleauenthly That England might take breath thereby and heape wealth together against future fortunes Twelfthly That thereby the credit and estimation of the Queene would be well prouided for in that she in An. 1585. when the States offered her the dominion of the Low Countries publikely and in print protested that by ayding the Low Country-men she meant nothing but their liberty and the peace and security of England For if so be that then it seemed great wisedome as the times then were to aâ—â—ist them and great equity to refuse the dominion and gouernment of so many Prouinces for the bearing of her charges in the warre certainly now would it seeme great indiscretion to pursue warre when that peace is offered on the one side by the Spaniard and nothing by them that so greatly desire the warre Besides that these things ought to be considered whither or no England were of sufficiency enough to wage warre in Ireland the Low Countries and elsewhere against Spaine Then whither or no by this nourishing of a warre there would be hope of bringing the Spaniard to better and more reasonable articles and conditions then now were proposed and that then it was most exactly to be considered since without doubt it was most conuenient for the English to haue an offensiue warre for woe to them that defend at home in what place they should haue it whither or no in the Sea coasts of Spaine or Portugall and then that indeed the Townes therein might be taken and ransacked with easie paines but not be retained but with great charges and
no profit or then whither or no in the Azores and that then they truely might be brought vnder the Queenes power to the Spaniards great losse for the time but not continued therein without greater cost and charges or then whither or no in America then that there were ships euery where ready furnished and disposed about the Sea that the Sea coasts were better fortified with Garrisons then they weâ—e wont to be and that not a â—ot of Gold Siluer Pearles or precious Stones could be expected there without great danger that those Regions are stuft with well fortified Cities euery one whereof would hold out a long siege and then that the States were so weake for assistance that with the aide of England too they could onely wage a defensive warre till such time as the Spaniard turned from them to France lastly that the old axiome of policy was not to be neglected Who are equally able to wage warre let them make peace who are not let them neuer Then were produced the sad examples of the Athenians and others that refused peace when it was offered Some added but out of an ill will and hate to the men that the States what colour soeuer and maske of defending liberty and Religion they put on yet had they taken away the piety of true Religion by suffering any but the Romish That they did nothing but what they could to further and encrease their own commodity by imposing heauy tributes and toles for prouision by counterfeiting monies by encreasing the value of them at their pleasure and many the like trickes whereby also in this warre they would cunningly nourish it and grow rich by it when other Nations impouerish themselues thereby Besides that by their Monopolies granted almost euery where they haue spoiled the good vse of Trading that being Democraticall gouernours they extreamely hated Monarchies That they had droue away all of the Nobility from amongst them besides one or two that stood them in steed in the warres and that most certainly they intended nothing else but to an ill example against all Princes as the Switsers against the Habspurge Family so they against the Family of Austria that is the same They who were against the peace perswaded themselues with these and the like arguments First That out of a peace the Spaniard would heape vp to himselfe such infinite store of wealth that if perchance he should afterwards breake out into a warre he would be too strong for all his neighbours Secondly That a true and solid peace cannot be had but by the dispensation of the Bishop of Rome since the Spaniard heretofore in 78. onely mocked them at Bourburgh and thought that no faith was to be kept with Hereticks and excommunicated men Thirdly That the Spaniard is of such a nature that he neuer can digest an offered iniury but boyles continually for a reuenge Fourthly That thereby the Queene must forsake both the States of Holland and Zeland and also lose all her monies laid out for their warres except she would offer to deliuer those Townes that were pawned to her into the hands of the enemy that the one would be a disgrace to her the other a dammage Fiftly That the States being forsaken of the Queene must needs be reduced to the Spaniards gouernment and that thereby hee will be more apt and readie to inuade England also that those Regions are the most fit places of warre against his Neighbour Kingdomes for to constitute his Spanish vniuersall Monarchy that can be Sixtly Grant that it is very hard to wage an offensiue war in Holland that it is dangerous and doubtfull at the Islands Azores that it is fruitlesse in the coasts fo Spaine and Portugall and that it is very chargeable in all yet would warre very compendiously and profitably be made in America which being a vast Country is peopled by the Spaniard so scarcely and one place so farre off from another that they cannot possibly helpe one another So that if so be a perfect entire Armie of ten thousand English were sent out thither hauing all determination to inhabite there vnder any expert Commander it could not be doubted but that Carthagenian Castilla Aurea Ciagre the Riuer that is portable of little Vessels as farre as Panama and Panama it selfe and Puertâ— Bella would be all taken by assault and consequently the wealth which by these places is sent to Spaine from Peru and Castilla Aurea would be surprized or else detained there still That hereby the Spaniards traffique would be stopâ— and bard vp and the Custome much diminished to the great losse and dammage of the King and that there is no feare of the Americans that are by nature â—lothfull and effeminate by reason of the pleasant aire much lesse of the Spaniards that shall be sent thither who being wearied with the long voyage and a diseased stomacke will finde it a hard matter to dislodge the old weather-beaten English out of their well fortified Forts That they need not also feare supply of Victuals or warlike Munition which would be as easily conuâ—ied out of England as Spaine For assoone as once it shall be blazed about that they haue come to inhabite there all kinde of people will flocke thither with necessaries to trade with them especially since those of Europe haue nothing more greatly desired then to haue their Traffique free in America And then concerning the religion of the States and the Monopolies they say that they were bare calâ—mnies of those that hated the reformed Religion affirming that the States did liue very religiously in that Christian liberty as their Grandfathers haue done and that they beleeued all fundamentall points alike with the Reformed Churches of all the Christian world that for other indifferent matters there ought to be respect had to the time which might very well tolerate them seeing that in the Primitiue Church the Tares were euen suffered to grow vp with the Corne. Concerning other particular obiections against the States they answered that a particular offence ought not to be made Epidemicall and ascribed to the whole Nation and that there was wickednesse euen in the Angels of God and chiefest Apostles Lastly that we ought not to enuy or speake ill of a Common-wealth that is industrious and sparing if she haue that great happinesse as to grow rich by warre They that were for the peace endeuoured to refell these arguments by these reasons that the Queene also and States might aswell heape riches by this peace and as valiantly prouide themselues for Defence as the Spaniard can for Offence That now they might looke for a true and solide peace from him who hauing sustained greater dammages may now at length learne how much hee is mistaken by pursuing his warres in the administration of the Low Countrie Common-wealth That peace with the Dukes of Burgundy and the Kings of Castile the Spaniards Ancestors was alwaies very sound and solide and if euer any was healthfull to
was wounded first in the leg and then in the thigh afterwards drawing towards the shoare his horse fell vnder him he also lying downe vpon him till he was helped by Drury and Higame and put vpon Drury's horse and in good time for the enemy was neere hand Vere coming thâ—ther found his Brother Horatio with three huâ—dred foot where he commanded the Ordnance to be discharged vpon the enemy his Squadrons and that of Baely to set vpon them and his Brother Horatio to be at hand with the foot who all so violently beat vpon the enemies with their shot that they droue the enemy to flight Many in the flight were slaine in all about nine thousand There were taken the Admirall of Arragon Vigilare Sapena and many more of great note and Nobility The Arch-Duke himselfe was sore wounded Duke Aumale also and Alphonsus Dauales Master of the Campe Rodericke Lasso and many more But let the Writers of the Low Country affaires report these things at large It is enough for me to speake this out of Veres owne obseruations who hath left to vs to consider what the valour of the English was amongst one thousand fiue hundred of them that there were but eight hundred slaine and wounded and eight Commanders lurking and all but two wounded The Spaniards were very loth to attribute their losse to the valour of the English but were contented rather to impute it to the greater number of them or to their toilesome wearinesse by reason of their exceeding long iourney or to the Sunne or the winde that blew the dust and sand in their eyes or to the lasinesse of their owne Horsemen Amongst the English they that best deserued in this seruice were Francis and Horatius Vere brothers Edward Cecill Calisthenes Brookes Thomas Knolles Daniel Vere Iohn Ogle Yaxley Fairfax Valuasour Holcroft Denis Tirrell Hammund Sutton Foster Garnet Morgan and Scot. In this yeare also as in the former betweene the English and French on both sides complaints were heard concerning Prizes which were become very many by the mutuall insolence of their Pirates but by the care of Thumer Boisisse a graue man and then French Embassadour IT was agreed on that the Subiects of both Princes should be mutually protected in the lawfull exercising of Merchandize according to former Treaties that sufficient heed might be taken concerning the sending out of Merchants ships and others with warlike prouision and Letters of Mâ—rt to wit with double quantity of furniture and victuals but of the single prouision of those ships without Letters of Mart also that the Officers of the Admiralty should be bound to answer for all iniuries happening by their fault if they had receiued none of a lesse conuenient charge That care should be taken for the costs of Merchants That if possible their cause may be dispatched within six moneths That in actions legally â—egun hereafter might be pronounced soundly That sureties shall onely discharge the stipulation satisfying the Creditor if iustice be denied three moneths after the demand of the Prince or Embassadour there reâ—ident That Letters of Mart shall be graâ—ted That no Armour or warlike munition of any sort be transported into the Spanish Dominions if any thing be taken or detained by the Kings Subiects the randsome not payd That care might be taken by both Princes that in due time the iust randsome may be payed That ships sent forth by the immediate command of the Prince or assigned by the gouernours of the Kings Nauie to publique warres may be accounted the Kings ships if any thing be by them committed that either Prince take care for the administring of iustice That Letters of Mart be nâ—t onely suspended but on both sides called in That Prâ—clamation be made that neither diuision transpartation or alienation of taken goods be suffered That no man may either by them receiue them or conceale them vnlesse by the Iâ—dge of the Adimralty they be thought a lawfull prey That Pyrats should not be receiued into Cities Ports or Villages or suffered to tarry not laid hands on and bound ouer That they be present vpon paine of lawfull punishment and make restitution notwithstanding with this protestation That these things be not otherwise construed but if any thing be repugnant to ancient Leagues that nothing be vnderstood derogatiue from them but because of the iniury of these times That there may be better heed taken against the depredation of Pirates That this may be taken onely by the way of prouiding vntill a larger Treatie may be held concerning these seuerall Articles for the commodity of each Prince Controuersies also arose concerning the new impositions put on English Merchandize contrary to the Treaties of Blois concerning English cloath deceitfully made not without the discredit of our Nation the Queene also requiring the money she lent to the French King and part of it was repayed withall tokens of thankfulnesse Not onely in France arose a fresh controuersie but also in Denmarke concerning the traffique and their fishing on the shore of Norway and by Island In the former yeare the Danes being angry with this fishing and the English Piracy suddenly set vpon the English of Hull fishing not farre from Norway confiskated their ships and goods to a great value and put their Marriners to the racke hauing caused this punishment to be denounced two yeares before in England with an interdiction of fishing These things the cause vnknowne the Queene tooke heinously and as proceeding from an enemy who neither respected her person or Subiects or his owne ancient League she mediated for the men of Hull in Letters sent by Stephen Leisere and Thomas Ferrar acknowledging that Whitfield and Bernicke had verbally pretended that that fishing by Island and Norway was vsed of the English contrary to their League but of this that they had shewed no proofe she taught also that many priuiledges of fishing were granted to the English by the ancient Kings of Norway before the coniunction of Denmarke and Norway and that the same were confirmed by Iohn and Christianus Kings of Denmarke which was affirmed out of the Treatie with Iohn that licence of fishing from seuen yeares to seuen was to be asked she answered that it had beene omitted many yeares of them that the Danes were in fault not the English for vntill the expulsion of Christierne their King in the yeare 1521. this licence was asked since then that neither Fredericke the Kings great Grandfather nor Christian the Grandfather nor Fredericke the Father had enacted it who in the yeare 1585 promised by his Letters that if the English abstained from iniury they might enioy the liberty which formerly they had without any asking leaue wherefore that now the English were vniustly dealt withal since that of late they had not refused to aske licence from seuen yeares to seuen as before also the most famous Lawyers had iudged the Sea to be common not to be interdicted of any Prince by the Law of
Nations To let passe many words the Queene required the whole matter should be referred either to Delegates on both sides or to the Elector of Brandenburgh the Kings Father in Law the Duke of Mekelburgh Henry Iulius the D. of Brunswicke Vncle to the Kings Sister But when neither Stephen Leisiere nor Ferrar nor Nicholas Crage a learned man the one sent into England the other into Denmarke could compose the matter at length it was agreed on that Delegates should be sent to Embda thither the Queene sent Embassadours Richard Bancroft Bishop of London Christopher Perkins and Iohn Swale who might parley with the Delegates of Denmarke But when they came not at the appointed day whether hindered by the winde or some other errour the Danes alleaging that the time of their Delegates was out went home or as some thought because they wanted victuals for the Danes giue to their Embassadours Captaine victuals not mony as other Princes neither could endure to heare that they should require the prolongation of that authority Hence the English complained of the Danes as men proposing nothing else to themselues then that things should remaine as they were to wit that they might exact new tribute daily in the Oresund Sea that by new decrees they might confiscate their ships and merchandize that they might hold their fishng in the Northerne Sea and then saying through the same into Moscouia notwithstanding about these times for the better furtherance of Nauigation the Trades increase and the Kingdomes honour the Queene instituted the Company of East Indie Merchants giuing to them great priuiledges they sent thither with three ships Iames Lancaster of whom we before haue spoken that in the yeare 1594. he ouer came Fernambucke in Brasil Since that time and not vnluckily they sent euery yeare a small Nauy and to their Kingdomes honour erected Markets in Lurat the great Maguls Country in Mossolupatan Bantan Patane Siam Sagad Mecassar also in Iapan crushing by happy victories aswell the insolent enemy as the Turkish falsnesse but whether so great a summe of money daily transported hence and so many Marriners wasted be for the common good let wise men iâ—dge and posterity perceiue While the Queene thus prouides for her Subiects inrichment Clement the eight Pope vnderstanding her to be well in yeares for the better restoring of the Roman Religion to its former height in England sent thither two Breues one to the Clergy the other to the Laity in which hee admonished that they should admit no one to the Scepter after her decase how neere a kinne soeuer vnlesse he were one who would not onely grant a toleration of the Romish Religion but also with his best indeuour further it To the doing of which he must binde himselfe by an oath after the manner of his predecessours but the contents of these were as sparingly reuealed as they themselues closely sent notwithstanding hence was the originall of the monstrous powder-plot and as these Breues were sent from Rome to England for the easier excluding of King Iames from his inheriting England so at the same time was prepared in Scotland a deadly Sword by the Rethuens Brothers who in reuenge of the lawfull punishment inflicted on the E. of Gowry their Brother in the Kings minoritie appointed the same good King to die treacherously seducing him to their house and they had not come short in the performing of this designe had not the Protectour of Kings by these instruments the Kings fortitude the loyall endeauour of Iohn Ramsey and Thomas Areskins made themselues the authours of destruction on themselues for they were made aswell partners in death as in that plot and by decree of the State their goods confiscate their house made leuell with the ground themselues quartered and the Quarters hung on stakes through the Cities and as many as had to their surname Rethuen were commanded to leaue it for the better obliterating both of name and memory let it not be accounted fraud in me to relate their punishment since other Writers in this matter haue beene profuse about this Prince through England arose great complaint of the scarcity of victuals which also increased by reason of the moist constitution in the heauens at the end of the former yeare the vernall cold of this and the priuate auarice of some who by the abuse of an obtained licence transported great store into other Nations Hence the people moued no lesse with opinion then if they had had more rationall proofes by Libels railed on Buckhurst the Treasurer as if he had granted the licence but hee not lightly regarding these things repaires to the Queene from whom by Proclamation his innocence was testified a fault transferred on the Hucsters of Corne the Libellers apprehended and punished But such is the querulous enuy of the people that they complained the more and lashed him by priuate backe-bitings as if he had acknowledged it And now Essex hauing beene vnder the Lord Keeper of the great Seales custody this halfe yeare began mooued thereto by his naturall inclination to goodnesse and by this physicall affliction and many of his friends especially Henry Howard began I say to come to a better minde also determining to send away far from him those turbulent spirits that suggested him to all that was naught Gill Mericke and Cuffe he himselfe putting on such piety patience and modest humility that all his friends hoped well of him againe and his enemies enuied thereat The Queene in short time being pacified with his humble and submissue Letters commanded him to keepe onely his owne house vnder the free custody of Richard Barckly withall protesting that these her punishments were not entended for his ouerthrow but for his amendment But the common people altogether pleading for his innocency thinking him shrewdly wronged it seemed good to the Queene to eschew all kinde of seuerity iniustice or preiudice to her or her Councel that his cause should be heard yet not in the Starre Chamber lest he were too seuerely punished but onely priuately in the Lord Keepers house the Iudges thereof were allotted the Councell-table of the Queene foure Earles two Lords and foure Iudges that thereby he might onely be censured alike but with no marke of treachery or treason The summe of his accusation was that hauing no such authority in his Commission he made Southampton leader of the Horse that he knighted many that he drew his forces from Tir-Oen whom he should haue prosecuted into Mounster that he had priuate conference with Tir-Oen to the violation of the Maiesty of the Queene and the honor of the the Deputy himselfe and that this conference was the more suspected because it was priuate and secret These things the Lawyers sorely aggrauated bringing in also abrupt sentences of his out of Letters writ by himselfe some two yeres before the Copies whereof were dispersed by his followers vp and downe England such as these THat there is
Embassie into France He confessed indeed that he shewed vnto Essex the whole Iournall of his Embassie and what he did euery day at his earnest request but that he was neuer but at one meeting and then that he contemned their plots as idle dreames but that he durst not accuse such men as the Earle of Essex fearing to be thought an Informer and hoping that they would quickly change such vnconsiderate councell or at least thinking it would be time enough to reueale it after his returne from France Yet for all this was he greatly reprehended by all their voices and as thought worthy of a greater punishment fauoured with imprisonment It is not to be forgotten that the Earle of Essex often complained that his Letters were forged and counterfeited Now concerning this matter there was diligent enquirie made and a notable cousenage found out The Countesse of Essex fearing the euents of this troublesome time hauing put vp into her Cabinet some loue letters which she had formerly receiued of him deliuered them to the faithful custody of a Dutch woman that liued with her which I. Daniel her husband by meere chance lighting vpon then read them and obseruing somewhat to be contained therein which might bring the Earle into some danger and incense the Queene he got the Letters counterfeited by a cunning Scriuener very like the true originall Afterwards the good woman being to lie in he came and told her that hee would deliuer vp those Letters into the hands of her Husbands enemies vnlesse she would forthwith giue him 3000. pounds She straight way to auoid all danger gaue him 1170. pounds and yet for all this mony receiued not the Letters themselues but only the counterfeited Copies this same cousener intending to wipe the Earles aduersaries of a great deale more mony for the originals themselues This cousenage being found out he was committed to perpetuall imprisonment being fined three thousand pounds two thousand pounds whereof was to fall to the Earle of Essex then his eares being nailed to the Pillory being made a spectacle to the people hee had this inscription A forger of writings and a notable cousener Not long before the Embassadours of the King of Scotland namely the Earle of Marre and Kinlosse came vnto the Queene who in the name of their King gratulated vnto her the happy and mature preuention of this vnhappy rebellion They likewise somewhat expostulated with the Queene concerning her not punishing of Valentine Thomas who had sorely calumniated the King of Scotland as also concerning William Eeuer and Ashfield two Englishmen that had lately conueyed themselues out of Scotland and also that there might be made to their king an assignmeÌ„t of some Lands here in England To whom the Queene answered that she thanked them heartily for their congratulation concerning the rebellion and wisheth withall that none such may euer happen in Scotland vnlesse with the like successe in the same day to be both publisht and punisht But concerning this Valentine Thomas she answered that she therefore spared his life leâ—t by rubbing an olde sore too much shee should rather renue then remooue the paine and anguish which would daily accrue vnto their Master out of viperous and slanderous tongues who commonly when they want all shew of proofe yet finde beleefe Concerning that same Eeuer she made answere that by reason of his peremptorie deniall and protestation so against the truth he had drawen vpon himselfe the iust suspition of an euill minde But for Ashfield she answered that as he had cunningly put a tricke vpon the President of the borders of Scotland and by that meanes got licence to goe into Scotland so that by another tricke he was fetcht home againe That for her part she was so farre from boulstering any ill disposed subiects of his in their conceited discontents that she esteemed the fauouring of anothers subiects in such a case to be nothing else but an enticement and occasion of causing her owne to doe the like when they before hand iustly may expect a conniuence from the â—ands of the other Prince About the assignment of some Lands she answered onely what she had before in the same matter But lastly condescended to adde to her yearely contribution towards the King of Scotlands affaires and her owne the summe of two thousand pounds more besides the principall onely vpon condition that the King would maintaine an inuiolable vnity and concord with her and not submit his discretion to their tuition who vse to encrease their priuate Coffers with the publique losses Much about this time was it when many of the Spanish Gallies at Scluse much inâ—esting the Sea coasts of Kent and those opposite of Holland and Zeeland the Queene also began to build her selfe some Gallies too and repriued many condemned persons and other malefactors and sent them to worke in the Gallies But although both the cost and charges of the Queene and the honourable Citie of London which did with great alacrity contribute much to the effecting of the businesse were very great yet the vse of them and the expected benefit was as little Notwithstanding the States of the vnited Prouinces carefully watching ouer their great affaires and desiring to preuent the euill which these Gallies might doe vnto them resolue now to transport some of their forces ouer into Flanders againe and there seize vpon some Fortresses by Ostend that so they might with better ease liberty prey vpon the Countries thereabouts pillage them and also reduce those parts of Flanders that lie by the Sea side vnder their owne gouernment lest they should become a continuall harbour for the Spanish Gallies Yet at the very same time that so they might both delude the enemy from knowing their intent and diuert him from crossing it if he should know it it seemed good vnto them to send Graue Maurice into Gelderland to besiege Rheinberge of which matter they certified the Queene by Sir Francis Vere of whom they requested foure thousand English to be mustered and transported at their owne charges To which the Queene consented But before that Sir Francis Vere could returne againe out of England Maurice had already set forwards towards Rheinberge on the one side and on the other side Albert Arch-Duke of Austria had laid his siege to Ostend which did so molest the troubled thoughts of the Staâ—es that they now begin rather to defend their owne Holds then offend their enemies To which purpose they send for twentie Companies of Englishmen from Reinberke ouer whom they appoint Vere the Generall both without and within Ostend but Maurice sent them onely eight Companies of English and those not very willingly hauing already begun the siege and hourely expecting the enemy and those eight were conducted to them by Sir Horatio Vere yet Sir Francis Vere wanting not courage though he did much Companies causing them to sweare to him that the other Companies should follow and that
home to Spaine with and that D'Aquila should goe out last Thirdly That they should offer no violence or take Armes against the Queene till such time as that they had beene landed in Spaine Fourthly That if they arriued at any English Hauen they should be courteously vsed and if they chanced to light vpon any English ships that they should not molest them And lastly That whilst they expected a winde in Ireland they should haue prouision for their money without any impeach and that for those ships that were to bring them to Spaine the Lord Deputy should choose out pledges amongst them for his security THE FOVRE and Fortieth Yeere OF HER REIGNE Anno Domini 1602. THese Articles being put vpon Record the second of Ianuary and confirmed on either side by oath the Spaniards in fit season hauing their troupes much impaired put from Ireland the Irish greatly fretting that they had deliuered vp to the English againe the Castles and Forts But being about to deliuer vp Dunboy O-Suilliuant Bere that had before resigned it to the Spaniards protection inuaded it sodainly and strengthened it with workes and with very suppliant Letters recalled the Spaniards But Carew fearing lest by such a commodious Hauen and fit receptacle for the Rebels the warre might be awakened againe made haste thither by Sea for by Land the passage was most difficult and hauing assaulted the Castle with a cruell siege razed it downe to the ground thereby taking away the feare of the Spaniards returne againe who were daily expected at the Hauen Yet for all this Eugenius O-Hegan made Bishop of Rosse by the Pope hauing brought monies and munition out of Spaine and putting them in hope of helpe besides so imboldened the well-allaied stomacke of rebellion that the Irish still continued in the same But Sir Charles Wilmot in Kerry Roger Gawyn the two Haruies in Carbery did quickly lay it againe by taking their Castles drawing away their Cattle and putting many to the sword The President himselfe surprized Mac-Dermot a Nobleman of Muskerie and of a great retinue whom he committed to prison although in a very short time he escaped forth But when he saw how his Territory lay wasted by the English and his Castles seized on by them for Sir Charles Wilmot at the time of his escape from prison had beset Muckron one of his chiefest seates which by chance got fire and tooke it when hee saw likewise that his Sonne was in England his Wife in Corke and both prisoners and himselfe on the very edge of greater danger he began to supplicate and beg for pardon which vpon good surety he at last obtained Marshall Bagnall in the meane time vanquished that English Rebell Tirell who with a troupe of mercenary Rogues and Vagabonds had entred Muskerry him he spoyled of his Castles which he possessed forcing him into the closer Mountaines of Desmond And Sir Charles Wilmot he did so sorely persecute the Knight of Kerry and some of his complices in the rebellion that they were glad to come to him howling and begging for admission to sweare him fealty Tirell by this time being narrowly prosecutâ—d by the Lord of Barry and Wilmot as secretlyâ— as possibly he could steales into Leinster And presently after that William a Burgh and O-Suâ—lliuant Beare being oppressed and frighted with too many ensuing dangers leaue and render vp Beare and Bantre to the pleasure of the English On the other side Captaine Taffe being sent out by the President did so molest Eugeâ—y Macâ—Carâ—y and Donat Keagh in Carbery that Eugeny O-Hegan the Bishop fighting amidst the Rebels was slaine and found with a kinde of a Register in one hand and a Sword in the other Although that now the Spaniards were quite remooued out of Ireland yet notwithstanding the Queene bearing a prouident eye ouer the affaires of her Kingdomes furnisheth a Nauy of eight of her owne great ships with some lesser Vessels which she sent Sir Richard Leuison and Sir William Mounson in charge with to roaue about the Spanish coast and to keepe them from another Voyage towards Ireland Leuison set forth the 19. of March and Mounson hauing expected some ships from the Hollanders a few daies put forth after him when he perceiued that no Hollanders ship would come to ioyne with him In the meane time Leuison lighted vpon a Spanish Nauy of 38. ships that brought siluer out of America but by reason of their small number though their stomackes were great they set vpon them but in vaine After that Mounson had come with the rest of the Nauy for many daies together they kept out all trading from the coasts of Portugall afterwards they certainly vnderstood that a great Caracke of 1600. Tunne richly laden from the East Indies had newly arriued at Cezimbra against BarbaruÌ„ the Promontory in Portugall and that there were eleâ—uen Gallies there in the Bay eight whereof were allotted to Spinola for his warre in the Low Countries and the other three Portugals Cezimbra is a little Citie within the Bay all built with stone and fortified with a Castle with twelue pieces of great Ordnance Vnder the Castle rode the Caracke the Gallies lay in the West part of the Bay vnder a wall turning their Decke vpon them with fiue pieces of Ordnance on a side insomuch that from them the Caracke that seemed like a Castle and the Castle it selfe there was great shew of danger to the English Yet Leuison resolued with the generall consent of the Marriners to assault them and to set fire on the Caracke if they could not take her The day after hauing a braue gale he in the Admirall hoised vp his Ensigne to the midst of the Mast Mounson in the Rereâ—Admirall to the fore-Mast by and by with fiue of the Queenes ships they cast anchor against the Gallies vpon whom they so thundered that after seuen houres the Marquesse Sancta Croce withdrew himselfe and those Portugall Gallies which he gouerned But Spinola not following he returned againe But these Gallies being not able to withstand the violence of the English most of them saued themselues from their enemies Two of them were taken and burnt hauing great store of Gunpowder to be carryed into the Low Countries the rest pittifully battered and the Gally-slaues most slaine got with much adoe to the mouth of the Riuer Tagus And Mounson now began to set vpon this great Caracke and to fire it But Leuison forbad it but sent to the Master of it and certified him how that the Gallies wherein he trusted were all now vanquished and two of them taken and that now he was Master of the Island that the Castle it selfe was not able to withstand the English forces much lesse his Caracke that relyed onely vpon it Wherefore if so be that they refused mercy when it was offered that he would deale very seuerely with them The Master of the Caracke required that some Noble man
of being impudently vnmannerly who finding his Arme stronger then his Cause pull'd the Embassador of the King of England out of his seat which he had taken on the right hand of him and there far himselfe as Embassadour of Casteele Nam cum Henrici Regis Angliae Legatus saith he dexteram occupasset suâ validâ dextrâ eum à loco divulsum dejecit ibidemque ut Legatus Castellae sedit ut rem gestam etiam memoriae prodidit Ferdinandus Pulgar cap. 8 Illustrium virorum Valdesius de dignit Hispaniae in prooemio pag. 14. Pag. 371. Lin. 23. By appealing to the Court of warre Although in rendring the Latine words after this manner I followed the aduice of so discreet a iudgement that I might almost better errare with it then with another benè sentire yet hauing vpon stricter examination found that the words beare another Translation I shall willingly acquaint the Reader also with it It seemes the words ad Cameram Castrensem should not haue beene translated to the Court of Warre as they are in the body of this History but they should be rendred thus to the Chamber at Castres as appeares by part of a Letter sent by the Duke of Bouillon to the King in this businesse which I found thus translated I Most humbly beseech your Maiesty to send my Accusers and my Accusations thinking the imputation which is laid vpon me heauy and the time tedious vntill your Maiesty may be fully satisfied of mine innocency For the speedy effecting whereof I will attend at Castres the iustification of my Fault or Innocency iudging that the time which I should haue spent in going to your Maiesty would haue but prolonged the affliction of my soule remayning accused seeing that your Maiesty was to send me backe to the Chambers to condemne or absolue me being the Iudges which your Edict hath giuen me That it would therefore please you to relieue my minde speedily in giuing me the meanes to make my innocency knowne and that by this proofe you may rest assured of my faithfull seruice and I of your fauour the which shall be aboue all things desired of your most humble most obedient and most faithfull Subiect and Seruant Henry de la Toure Pag. 379. Lin 8. I acknowledge and aske pardon This is not Tir-Oens submission verbatim collected neither was it done as it is here specified before the death of the Queene For the Queene dying on the 24. of March the Lord Deputy Montioy vnderstood thereof not till the seuen and twentieth So vpon the 28. day the Lord Deputy being at Mellifant wrote to Sir William Godolphin to cause Tir-Oen to dispatch his comming to submit himselfe which he presently did hauing met Tir-Oen on the 29. of March at Toker some fiue miles beyond Dunganon On the 30. of March Tir-Oen and all of them came to Mellifant in the afternoone where Tir-Oen admitted into the Lord Deputies Chamber submitted himselfe vnto him but the next day signed this submission following with his own hand and deliuered it vp to the Lord Deputy The forme was thus I Hugh O-Neale by the Queene of England France and Ireland her most gratious fauour created Earle of Tir-Oen doe with all true and humble penitency prostrate my selfe at her Royall â—eet and absolutely submit my selfe vnto her mercy most sorrowfully imploring her gratious commiseration and appealing onely to her Princely clemency without presuming to iustifie my vnloyall proceedings against her sacred Maiesâ—y onely most sorrowfully and earnestly desiring that it may please her Maiesty rather in some measure to â—itigate her iust indignation against me in that I doe religiously vow that the first motiues of my vnnaturall rebellion were neither practise malice or ambition but that I was induced first by feare of my life which I conceiued was sought by my enemies practise to stand vpon my guard and afterwards most vnhappily led to make good that fault with more hainous offences which in themselues I doe acknowledge deserue no forgiuenesse and that it is impossible for me in respect of their greatnesse in any proportion euen with my life to make satisfaction I doe most humbly desire her Maiesty to pardon them that as I haue already beene a sufficient argument of her Royall power hauing little left but my life to preserue it selfe so that it may now please her Maiesty to make me an example of her Princely clemency the chiefest ornament of her high dignity And that I may bee the better able hereafter with the vttermost seruice of my life to redeeme the foulnesse of my faults I do most humbly sue vnto her Maiesty that she will vouchsafe to restore me to my former dignity and liuing in which estate of a Subiect I doe most religiously vow to continue for euer here after loyall in all true obedience to her Royall Person Crowne Prerogatiue and Lawes and to be in all things as farre and as dutifully conformable thereunto as I or any other Noble man of this Realme is bound by the duty of a Subiect to his Soueraigne or by the Lawes of this Realme vtterly renouncing and abiuring the Name and Title of O-Neale or any other authority or claime which hath not beene granted or confirmed vnto me by her Maiesty and that otherwise by the Lawes of this Realme I may not pretend iust interest vnto And I doe religiously sweare to performe so much as is aboue mentioned and the rest of these Articles subscribed by my owne hand as farre as shall any way be in my power and to deliuer such pledges for the performance thereof as shall be nominated vnto me by the Lord Deputy I doe renounce and abiure all forreigne power whatsoeuer and all kinde of dependancy vpon any other Potentate but her Maiesty the Queen of England France and Ireland and doe vow to serue her faithfully against any forreign power inuading her kingdomes and to discouer truly any practises that I doe or shall know against her Royall person or Crownes and namely and especially I doe abiure and renounce all manner of dependancy vpon the King or State of Spaine or Treaty with him or any of his forces or confederates and shall be ready with the vttermost of my ability to serue her Maiesty against him or any of his forces or confederates I doe absolutely renounce all challenge or intermedling with the Vriaghts or fostering with them or other neighbour Lords or Gentlemen out of my Countrey or exacting any Blacke Rents of any Vriaghts or bordering Lords I doe resigne all claime and title to any Lands but such as shall now be granted vnto me by her Maiesties Letters Patents Lastly as the onely being a Subiect doth include all the duties of a Subiect so will I be content to be informed here and aduised by her Magistrates and will be conformable and assisting vnto them in any thing that may tend to the aduancement of her seruice and the peaceable gouernment of this Kingdome as namely for the
ex his Equis nati pulli non amplius triâ—nnio vivunt Varro de Re Rustica Nay Pliny comes in with his Constat as if he were very sure of the matter Constat saith he in Lusitania circa Olyssipponem oppidum Tagum amnem Equas Favonio flante obversas animalem concipere spiritum idque partum fieri gigni pernicissimum ita sed triennium vitae non excedere Pag. 21. Lin. 6. Iaques Clement a Monke to murther him This is that murther which gaue the first breath to the damnable doctrine of King-killing which first quickened from the mouth of Antichrist himselfe and after that budded in his subordinate Impes the Iesuites for assoone as this horrible murther was committed and the newes of it flowne to Rome our Lord God Sixtus Quintus could not but bewaile the Kings death in this lamentable Elegy Facinus hoc esse which before he had stiled Rarum Insigne Memorabile Non sine Dei Opt. Max. particulari providentia dispositione spiritus Sancti suggestione designatum longé majus esse quam illud S. Iudith quae Holofernem è medio sustulit This sparke did quickly kindle and what effect it tooke you may easily iudge by this of the Iesuite Franciscus Verona Constantinus in his Apology for Iohn Casteele c. Cum eo tempore intolerabilis factus sit Rex condemnatio Clementis neque de Iure neque de Facto comprobari potuit propter tyrannidem Henrici Regis contra Statum Ecclesiam tà m quoad homicidium Blesis perpetratum quà m hostili impetu hodierno quo ad oppressionem religionis est prolapsus mactando Sacerdotes profanando Sacramenta repudiando censuras fauendo haereticis Quibus de causis totum se priuatum reddidit subjectum utrique Iuri tam Civili quam Canonico Actio igitur Clementis neutiquam Illicita fuit quippe quae perpetratâ— contra hostem publicum condemnatum Iuridicè in 〈◊〉 omnis obligatio reverentiae atque debiti sublata fuitâ— Part. 2. cap. 2. c. I cannot but English it The King being become now absolutely intolerable it was neither lawfull de Iure or de Facto to condemne this act of Clement by reason of the tyranny of this Henry both in the Church and the Common-wealth and not onely by reason of those horrible murthers he caused at â—loys but also by reason of his oppressing Religion murthâ—ring of Priests prophaning the Saâ—raments reâ—using submission to Ecclesiasticall censures and openly fauouring of Heretiques by which meanes he became onely a priuate man and subiect both to the Ciuill and Canon law And that vpon these considerations this act of â—lement could not be iudged vnlawfull being committed vpon the body of him that was an open enemy and Legally condemned and from whom all obedience and alleagiance of his Subiects was taken away I know that some of their Historians would make the world belieue that his Clement did the deed without any instigation but of his owne Genius and of that opinion is Platina or Cicarella rather adioyned to him and he would make it also the common opinion Communis erat opinio saith he â—um à nemine ad hoc factum subordinatum sed à sâ—ipsâ— postquam duobus aut tribus mensibus in hoc animi conceptâ— persevâ—raverat ad hoc arâ—uum opus permotum esse instigatum post jejunia longa post orationes ad Deum continuas sese certissimum hoc periculum adijsse c. in vita Sixti Quinti pag. 480. But there Iohannes Mariana a Spanish Iesuite one that hath made the best of this deed that euer any could is not yet of that opinion who in a Narration and prosecution of the Story saith Cognito à Thâ—ologis quoâ—â—â—at sciscitatus Tyrannum iure interiâ—i posse c. For this Iaques Clement although he had often premeditated the matter with himselfe yet at length he imparted it to some Diuines who concluded that it was lawfull for him to doe it because it is lawfull for any man to kill a King that is a Tyrant Marian. lib. 1. de Rege Regis Institutione cap. 6. pag. 53. So little doe they regard the expressâ— Canon of the Councell of Constance to the contrary of Si quis Tyrannus c. which doth strictly forbid any man either by deceit or policy or open armes to take away the life of his Prince yea though he be a Tyrant Pag. 32. Lin. 6. Which we call Pound-men In the Originall the words are The Pound-men but both the Translation and the Originall are false for the words should be thus which we call the Three-pound men as may appeare in the true Manuscript of Mr. Cambden himselfe as also because that the words may very well be so by reason that no man is a Subsidy man whose goods are valued vnder the rate of Three-pounds at which rate most of the meaner sort valuing their goods and estates gaue occasion of the name to be called Three-pound men Pag. 35. Lin. 29. In the Reigne of Francis the first For indeed Francis the first King of France and the third of that name Duke of Britaine in the right of his wife Claude that was eldest daughter to Lewis the twelfth King of France and Anne in the yeare of our Lord God 1532. with the consents of the States of Britaine inseperably vnited the Dukedome of Britaine to the Crowne of France Pag. 36. Lin. 13. That this businesse concern'd her more then that of Edward the third Pâ—â—er de 〈◊〉 in the right of his wife Alice daughter of Constance by the second marriage was the first that being Duke of Britaine made that Dukedome subiect vnto the Soueraignty and homage of the French Kings After him was Iohn the first Sonne to Peter de Dreux after him Iohn the second Sonne to Iohn the first after him Arthur the second Sonne to Iohn the second after him Iohn the third Sonne to Arthur the second This Iohn the thirdâ— dying without heâ—res caused the Right to the said Dukedome to be controuerted betweene Iohn Earle of Montfort the younger Sonne to Arthur the second Charles de Bloys Husband to Ioane la Boiâ—â—use Daughter to Guye second Son to Duke Arthur the second Edward the third King of England aided the first to wit Iohn Earle of Montâ—ort and Philip de Valoys King of France aided the other to wit Charles de Bloys to maintaine his warres But neither side yet prenailing it chanced that Iohn of Montfort died whose Sonne Iohn the fourth surnamed the Valiant after the decease of Charles de Bloys who was ouerthrowne by him and the valour of the English that assisted him at the battaile of Auray became sole Duke of Britaine and so the controuersie ceased Pag. 39. Lin. 22. Iohn Basilides Emperour of Russia The familiar Translation of these words in the Language which Merchants and Trauellers in those Countries vse is â—van Vasilowicke Emperour of all Russia although indeed