their fleete on the great sea into the Channell of the riuer Fasis by the coast of the Albanians leading Abdilcherai the Tartarian into Seruan and by these two straites carrying all their Army as in fit places it shall be set downe As ye walke towardes the North on this syde of the lake Essecchia which perhaps is the marish called Lychnitis there standeth the Cittie Basacchiuc with certaine other Townes and Citties for a long time subiect to Basacchiuc being a Lord of that name Who was allwaies more rusticall and vnciuill then all the rest as one that dwelt far out of the ordinarie waies by which the Turkish Armie made their iourney and by that meanes neuer endured the like troubles and inconueniences that others did so that in all these stirres and hurly-burlies among his neighbours withdrawing himselfe into these fortes made and framed by nature he sat as it were in a watch-tower to behold the accidents of this doubtfull warre Which rest certainely he had not so quietly enioyed if the Tartarians had not fayled in their promises made to Amurat whose breach of promise did in deede frustrate and thwaâ—t many important enterprises and singular conquestes that Ofman the Bassa had plotted in those quarters Now the Sonne of Leuent called by the inhabitantes there Schender and by vs Alessandro surnamed the Great and brother of 〈◊〉 hath his state betweene Reiuan Siruan wide of Tomanis and though it be accounted among the Georgian States yet is it situate rather in Armenia the Greater in the borders of Atropaiia then in Iâ—eria This man in steed of armes hath continually vsed prayers and presentes and as he that more then all the rest lay open to the passage through Siruan and dwelt neere to Reiuan and Teflis he was likewyse subiect to the Persian fury yet for all that he handled the matter so well with the Turkes on the other syde that by his rich and liberall gifts in steed of armes and wepons euen in the greatest heates of this warre he kept himselfe equally vntouched and free from the violence both of his foes and frends His cheefe pallace is Zaghen fruitfull of silkes he hath also Grin and diuers other villages townes he surpasseth at this day all the rest of his neighbour Georgians in riches money enloyeth withall greater tranquilitie and quiet then they all He was in tymes past greatest affected to the Crowne of Persia but since the tyme that Tamas sought by vniust and vnlawfull meanes to depryue him of his state and in his rowme to substitute his brother Ixis who being become a Persian and hauing giuen himselfe to Tamas and to Satan like a wicked wretch gaped after it aboue all thinges in the world he then began to repose small confidence in the Persian succours and resoluing with himselfe to remaine a Neuter he followed the campes of the conquerours and fauoured the Ensignes and name of those that were mightiest And in this case standeth the state of Georgia at this day But the countrey of Siruan which on the West is ioyned with this Prouince whereof wee will make but a briefe discourse hath also on the North syde the Albanians and a little beyond them some wandring and vagabound Tartarians called Pericorschi betweene Caueasus the riuer Volga whereupon it may be that the Tartarians are comprehended vnder the name of the Volcenses on the East it hath the lake if with Polycletes we may so terme it or rather as other call it the sea of Corazan on the South syde Armenia and more toward the South and southeast Media the greater The Metropoliticall citty of Siruan is Sumachia situate betweene Derbent and Eres and as Derbent lyeth in the way for the Scythians so doth Eres make way for the Armenians and Medes to enter into the country that is subiect to the said Citty All Atropatia was subiect to the Persian King and was obedient to him being induced thereunto first by Aydere and afterward by Ismahel Sofi sauing onely that it seemed the people of Derbent did ordinarily loue rather the fame and renowne of the Turkes then the gouernement of their natiue Prince sticking also to the auncient religion which Aidere shooke and Ismahel subuerted The whole countrey is fruitefull and watred with Araxis and Cirus and other riuers that are famous euen in antique writers and principally Eres which yeelded in tymes past great store of those fine white silkes commonly tearmed by the marchantes Mamodean silkes whereof at this day there is not to be found no not a very small quantity by reason of the monstrous ruines and ouerthrowes that haue happened in those countreys The king of Persia maintained in Derbent and Eres after the naturall Lord was driuen out of them by Ismahel certaine gouernours with the tytle of Sultans and in the Citty of Sumachia one onely Gouernour with the tytle of Chan who ruled both ouer Sechi also ouer the other Citties that were subiect to that iurisdiction But Derbent as we haue already written eueÌ„ as it was the last citty on that side which was subdued by the Sofi made more resistance then all the rest in receauing the superstition of the Sofiti or Cheselbas insomuch that Aidere left his carcase vnder her walles euen so though at the last it was ouercome yet did it alwayes remaine most affectionate to the first faith opinion that it held when the law of Mahomet had not yet tasted of the Schisme of the Sofians howbeit it could neuer fynd opportunity to receaue the Turkish captaines into her and so vtterly shake-of all obedience to the Cheselbas Betweene Seruan and Tauris is situate the countrey of Caracach fertile and rich in corne and cattell very commodious for the feeding of Beastes in situation not greatly subiect to windes by reason that it lyeth rather alow then aloft but yet pleasant and temperate and it seemeth that this countrey on that side bordereth vpon the Atropatians and the Medians where the Cittie of Tauris standeth euen at the rootes of the mountaine Orontes which according to Straboes opinion is a portion of Taurus Of this Cittie we haue sufficiently spoken in this History much more largely in the Letter which in manner of an Appendix wee haue added in the end of this worke for the more manifest declaration of our opinion touching the recognition of this place the reading wherof may peraduenture more distinctly expresse the Geography of these countries And now taking this Cittie of Tauris for the middell or as it were the Center in a circle wee will also vse it for an obiect in all the considerations which very briefly wee shall heere ser downe All those that come from Van or from the Lake of Vastan and make their voyage towardes Media doo arriue at Tauris trauelling alwaies by East or by East by North being nyne dayes iourney or thereabouts and leauing Coy
were diuerse Souldiers that remayned in that Cittie and liued as it were in Idlenesse which with a greate sum of money they had purchased at the handes of the couetous Officers of the Sultan Emperour And these souldiers beganne to bestirre themselues lustelie In this number of idle mates was one Mamut Bey sometime a Sangiaccho but nowe cassiered and put out of Office who by meanes of his bribes hauing auoyded to serue in these warres of Persia imagined with himselfe that such a fitte occasion whereby hee might shewe himselfe willing and readie to represse the insolent inuasions of the Drusian might make him deserue so well at the Sultans handes that hee woulde bestowe vpon him the office of Customer in that Cittie which so greatlie he desired And therefore hee before any of the rest displaying his Standerd and mustering all his bandes of Souldiers in so much that hee did not spare the verie Caddi and the Deftardar that is to say the Iudge and Chamberlaine of the Gittie but made them to ride out with him he roade to encounter the Drusians and to ioyne battell with them hoping eyther to destroy them or honourablie to put them to flight Or els as others doe discourse of the matter in deede not to meete with them at all but onelie to beare away the commendation that he was readie with his weapons in his hande for the publike defence of the Cittie and custodie of his Lordes Countreyes These Souldiers of Tripolie were not farre departed from their Cittie but the Drusians presentlie confronted them and with continuall shot of Harquebusies began to disorder and diuide them But the people of Tripolie although indeede somewhat negligently yet did they continue the skirmish a great while and would peraduenture also haue endured the battell a longer time but that in the sight of all the Armie to the generall astonishment of them all the Caddi or Iudge of their Cittie was shot starke deade with a Peece and fallen from his horse Who as among all other men that came out of the Cittie should haue bene the last man that should haue entermedled in such like actions so was he the first man that was slain in the sight At this spectacle there arose such a confused feare among the Turkes that the Deftardar or Chamberlaine of the Cittie without any longer stay fled as fast as hee could into Tripolie and all the rest after him The Sangiaccho also who was the chiefest and busiest instrument of raysing these stirres had his Standerde bearer slaine and his Ensigne taken away with manie other losses that happened besides among the baser sorte Aduertisementes hereof was sent to Constantinople and presentlie thereupon the Drusian Captaines as wee tolde you before were againe restrayned Mendel as a great confederate with Manogli that had raised all these troubles and Mansurogli with his complices as friendes vnto Acra that woulde yeelde no defence in so greate a necessitie Howbeit the Turkish King dispatched away Aly Bassa borne at Aleppo with the title of the Bassa of Damasco and with authoritie to muster fresh Souldiers and so vvhollie to attende the vtter subuersion of Manogli But comming thither hee founde no innouation at all but his presence in that Countrey serued rather for a reconciliation and peace making amongst them then for moouing any vvarre againste them And in trueth if euer at anie time there vvere good cause to auoyde newe vvarre at this time of all other it vvas moste necessarie to auoyde it because neither the common treasure nor aboundance of victualles nor the desire or readinesse of the Souldier did yeelde anie courage to enterprise such troubles Besides the huge number of Locustes vvhich vvere in such aboundance ouer all the Countrey of Soria that in the memorie of all the oldest men there liuing neuer vvas there seene so greate a multitude of those Excrementes in those Quarters did as a moste horrible specctacle mightilie encrease the vniuersall feare of grieuous calamities to ensue thereupon Nowe the Persian Prince hauing made an ende of those outroades and spoyles vvhich before wee haue mentioned retyred himselfe to Tauris and towardes his Fathers Campe gathered together all the reste of his Armye that vvas novve arriued The Order Number and Condition vvhereof it is not amisse to describe in such manner and sorte as I hearde it reported at Aleppo vvhen I made diligent and due enquirie of these nevves there They reported that vvhat vvith the Souldiers of Heri the Turcomannes and the bandes of Gheilan and vvhat vvith all the reste of the Armie sent from the Citties that vvere subiecte and obedient to the King of Persia The Prince had gathered fourtie thousande Souldiers whereof notwithstanding that I and others had some doubt and suspition yet was it commonlie maintained by conferences among the Turkes and Persians and by letters among the Persian Merchantes and afterwardes it was confirmed also to bee true in deede From Heri vnder the conduct of Alyeuli Chan they say there came an Armie of eight thousande From Ghetlan vnder the gouernment of a sonne of Amet-Chans they say there came feuen thousande Horsemen Of the Turcomannes there were gathered together about sixe thousand And all the rest leauied by the subiect and obedient Citties of Persia whereof wee haue often made mention before And besides all this multitude the King was guarded by his ordinary Guarde of Churehi and Esahul whose number and necessarie prouisions we haue already described in the second booke The companie of Heri with some part of the Turcomannes were dispatched by the Prince vnder the conduct of Alyculi-Chan to encounter the Turkish Generall And the like order giuen to Emanguli-Chan who had the Souldiers of Media and the borderers of Armenia vnder his gouernement Both these Captaines had in speciall charge that in the moste narrowe and most deceitfull places by the way they should meete and receiue their enemies Armie and worke them the gretest mischiefe and losse that possibly they coulde All which Amze did thus order and appoint because hee thought by this meanes to weaken his enemies Forces and then being so weakened to come vpon them with a fresh bartell and vtterlie to destroy them at their arriual to Tauris Both the Captaines departed accordinglie making shewe that they woulde with all affection obey and accomplish the commaundementes of their Prince But neuer was there heard any seruice of moment put in execution by them For Alyculi went about to alleage reasons and excuses why they shoulde surcease from meeting with the Turkes and Emanguli being as yet vtterly ignorant of the wicked purposes and mischieuous treacheries of Alyculi followed also his example But these excuses and delayes of these two Persian Captaines the Turkish Generall tooke leisure without any losse or hindrance at all to arriue at Tauris and to place the expected succours within the Fort. At what time by good hap but by what meanes I knowe not the Prince
in him lay to quiet all tumultuous disorders brideling his owne priuate affections and the motions of his sonne Emirhamze Mirize and procuring at last a perfect vnitie which hee thought most necessary to continue the defence of his kingdome And these were the stirs that happened in the Persian and Tartarian affaires the first yeare being the yeare of our saluation 1578. But Osman Bassa being in Demir-Capi after the returne of the Persian Prince to Casbin continually employed himselfe in laying platfourmes for the enlarging of the conquestes already begon and for the assuring of those places vnder the gouernement of Amurath Among other occasions that he tooke for the better establishing of his owne matters one was the friendship that he entred with Sahamal Lord of the mountaine of Brus of whome I haue more then once made mention before With this man did Osman practise many tokens of good will and he againe interchangeably towards Osman wherevpon there arose a faithfull frendship betwene them if not thoroughly and inwardly yet at the least in outward apparance wherevnto in short time there was added a straight knot of alliance for that Osman tooke to wife a daughter of the sayd Sahamal and hauing celebrated the marriage hee thought he was sure of all sides could not desire greater signes of the sinceritie of his loue But soone after grounding himselfe vpon reasonable coniectures he toke a suspicion that Sahamal for all his inward and outward practises of frendship towards him might notwithstanding receiue some secrete order from the Persian king to betray him and to deliuer the Cittie from the Turkish oppression and so reduce all the Prouince as before it was to his auncient deuotion Among other occasions whereby Osman was moued and induced to suspect it al being of great force and importance the speeches of his wife being Sahamals daughter gaue him greatest cause For she being rauished with the valour riches and magnanimitie of her husband would not conceale any thing from him that she knew was deuised against his life but freely vttered by word of mouth vnto him that her father hauing reconciled himselfe to the Persian king did continue his confederacy and frendship with him and that letters went betwene them of great matters and particularly of the affaires of Siruan By this discouery Osman Bassa grew into a great suspicion that Sahamal should deceitfully practise his death and perswaded himselfe verily that the frendship the mutuall offices of loue betwene them and the marriage that was made were wholy direrected to that end This aduertisement Osman kept secreat to himselfe and made shew to his wife that hee kept no such reckoning of it as in deede he did ought to doo being a matter of so great importance But yet in his hart resolued to keep it in store to his benefite in such sorte that not onely the deuise which Sahamal had imagined against him was quite frustrated and auoyded but also Sahamal himselfe was punnished with deserued death And therefore Osman caused Sahamal to come to him thereby feasting him courting him entertaining him as it became him to vse his beloued father in lawe and by many other apparant and confident behauiours he made Sahamal strongly presume that he might take oportunity to put in execution those designementes for effecting whereof he had thus procured the frendship and alliance of Osman But Osman preuented the intent of Sahamal For hauing inuited him according to the custome to come and celebrate with him certain of their solemne feastes he made the most valorous and trustie of his esquadrons acquainted with his determination and enioyned them that assoone as Sahamal was entred into his court euen in the very dismounting from his horse they should all fall vpon him cut of his head and put all his retinue to the edge of the sword Old Sahamal failed not to come accordingly being inuited by his son in-law and daughter to the solemne feastes in his lighting from his horse all was performed that Osman had commanded forthwith there were dispatched two thousand horsemen to spoile sacke all the lands country of the said Georgian Lord to the great maruell astonishment both of farre neere The newes thereof came to Casbin euen to the kinges eares who tooke the matter very greeuously and beganne to foresee that the conquering of that countrey would proue very difficult and so feared greatly that the Prouince of Siruan would remaine still in the Turkes handes And this was the end of the stirres in Siruan the first yeare so the winter comming-on very sharpely euery man ceased from battell and forraging forsaking the forrestes and the fieldes and attended wholly to the conseruation of such things as they had already conquered And now by this time all these aduertisementes were arriued at Constantinople Amurath had receaued all the particular intelligences of all thinges that had happened Also Ali-Vcchiali who in the port of Trebizonda had discharged his appointed carriage was now returned to Constantinople made relation of his sayling into Colchis declaring how hee had built a Castell in the Territorie of Tatiano in the confines of Iurello and that he had strengthened and enlarged those borders in Georgia on that side also insomuch as these beginnings seemed to Amurath to bee of great importance the successe whereof in the continuance of the history we will describe vnto you in the bookes that follow The end of the third booke The Fourth Booke The Argument The deliberations of Amurath what enterprise he should take in hand He resolueth thereon and sendeth out new Commissions He causeth Manucchiar to be circumcized and deliuereth his brother Alessandro into his custody In Persia Emanguli-Chan maketh new offers to the king Simon maketh request to the Persian king The causes why Simon chaungeth his Religion Simon is dispatched by the Persian to annoy the Turkes in Georgia The new assembly of the Turkish Armie The Insurrection of the Souldiers Chars fortified by Mustaffa Mustaffa falleth into new cogitations for the succours of Teflis Hassan is sent by him into Georgia where there happeneth a battell full of losse to the Turkes The Georgians do assaile the Turkes a fresh Alyculi Chan is taken prisoner Victorious Hassan succoureth Teflis and returneth The Stratagemes of Simon Hassan deceiueth Alyculi Chan Simon being also deceiued and all in a rage vtterly destroyeth the Turkes Hassan arriueth at Chars Alyculi emprisoned at Erzirum Abas Mirize accused of rebellion by Salmas who had made the eldest Persian Prince his Sonne in law Mustaffa discharged of his Generall ship A comparison betweene Sinan and Mustaffa Siâ—an accuseth Mustaffa Two Deftardari or Treasurers of Mustaffa emprisoned The death of Mahamet the chiefe Visier and the maner of his death Sinan elected the chiefe Visier Mustaffa and his two Treasurers released Sinan elected Generall The Persian king sendeth Embassadours to Constantinople The conditions of Peace The arriuall of
the gathering together of their new men they discouered new difficulties For then they perceaued manifestly that to hire souldiers either from Heri or from Gheilan it was denied them by Abas and Amet-Chan and that the Turcoman nation which might haue been the readiest and neerest at such a neede for the late death of Emir-Chan and for the succession of Aliculi were growen very contumacious so that neither the King nor the Prince nor the presidents and gouernours of the kingdome could tell on which side to tourne them At the last foreseeing the safegarde of the Common wealth they determined to draw the Turcomani to a reconciliation hoping that if they should promise them any honest satisfaction for the wrong wherewith they challenged themselues greeued for the death of their captaine they would become more tractable to do them seruice in their common necessities And therefore the king sent letters to the heades captaines of those nations principally to Mahamet-Chan and to Calife the Sultan wherein declaring plainely vnto them the perill of his honour and the libertie of that whole kingdom he shewed vnto them that all his hope of ridding Persia from that yoke and setting free all those people which in all ages heretofore had beene so faithfull and frendly vnto them was reposed onely in their aide and assistance and that their onelie Armes was hable not onely to mainetaine but also to encrease the renown of valour in the Persian nation which estate as in yeares forepassed it wrought enuie and terrour euen in the farthest and most remote peoples of all Asia so at this present if it bee not succoured and releeued standeth in termes to become a most miserable spectacle to all the world And that therefore forgetting all thinges that are past as being doone not to worke any shame or scorne to their nation but onely for zeale and loue to the kingdome they wold demand such satisfaction as they would require for hee would bee ready to agree to any iust request they should make With these and perhaps with more affectionate and passionate letters were the wrothfull Turcomani inticed to the reuenge of the iniuries which they had receaued by the Ottoman forces To which Letters they were not a whit slacke in framing an aunswere but readily wrote back that they would come vnto hym and put in execution whatsoeuer for the common necessitie he should command Now they had already craftely concluded among themselues that they wold not suffer any other to sit in the ranke of their Captaines in the rowme of Emir-Chan lately deceased but onely the young Tamas the Kinges thirde sonne Which conclusion they had plotted to themselues with a resolute mind to cause him to bee accepted for King at Casbin in dispight of the king himselfe and of the Prince Hamze nothing regarding that by this action farre greater seditions would arise in Persia then euerwere yet heard of but onely being wholly bent to reuenge the sole death of one onely Emir-Chan So vile and so base an account did they make of the honour of their naturall King and of their auncient religion that before such matters of so great respect and importance very audaciously I will not say temerariously they preferred their owne priuate reuenge and chose rather to become most bloody and cruell against those to whome they were allied in religion in blood and in countrie then against their common enemies With this malitious and fraudulent reasolution to the nomber of tenne thousand vnder the conduct of two Captaines Mahamet and Calife they went to the king in all reuerence and offred all readinesse to bee employed in the enterpryse whereunto they were called The old credulous king not suspecting any mischeefe plotted by these rebelles was greatly comforted at their comming And although by some of his Sultanes that had felt some inkling of this conspiracie he was aduised to deale circumspectlie and warilie with them and especially not to trust them with any secret or to let any matter of importance to be in their defence yet did he thinke euerie hour to be a thousand till he had made them satisfaction hoping thereby that if they had conceaued any mischeefe in their mindes they wold lay it aside and being pacified by his amiable and courteous entertainement yeeld themselues in very truth faithfull and obedient vnto him And therevpon being more constant then hee was in this his imagination whiles hee bestowed good wordes and giftes among them at the last hee demanded of them what Captaine they wold nomiâ—ate in the rowme of Emir-Chan promising vnto them and peraduenture as some say with an oath that whomsoeuer they desired if possibly it might be they stould be satisfied Herevntoo the dissembling Mahamet-Chan made answeare that their desire was principally to doo him pleasure and seruice of whose bounty and good inclination they did so well hope as that he wold not appoint any person but such a one as should be valourous noble and deere and acceptable vnto them The King stayed not from giuing them presently to vnderstand that so hee had determined to doo and frankly declared vnto them that finding Tamas his thirde sonne to bee without any charge and being desirous to geeue them a Captaine that might please them to the end they might rest more assured of the good will which hee bare vnto them and haue a good ostage in pawne thereof hee had made choise of his childe Tamas to be the successour of Emir-Chan and that if it so pleased them they might accept of him and with one accord endeauour themselues to conquer those odious walles of the Forte which with so great ignominy and reproach of all the Persian Nation was there erected by the Turkes As soone as Mahamet-Chan heard the resolution of the king who beesides all expectation offered thus to gratify them and voluntarily of himselfe without any suspicion at all yeelded them the meanes whereby they might put in execution the worke which they had maliciously contriued against the peace and liberty of the kingdome hee became more ioconde then he was wont to be and outwardly shewed himselfe readie for whatsoeuer the King would commaund him and yeelded also in the names of all the rest large promises of fidelity and obedience so that the matter might be perfourmed for which he had now giuen his word The king who longed to see the houre wherein this assault should be begunne as a matter no lesse desired by euery man then necessary for all the more he was aduised and counselled by his Sultans and the Prince not to deliuer his sonne Tamas into their handes and the lesse they feared that the king would haue committed such an errour but rather beleeued verily that the king would haue made the conspiracy which they had reuealed vnto him to bee capitall and matter of treason in the Turcomanni the more resolute and vnwise hee was and therevppon very secretely and as it were by stealth aswell
money than instructed in weapons and matters of war It was alwayes subiect and tributarie to the Scepters of Persia and contrariwise both by nature and affection great enemie to the Turkes The Bassa thus went against them and being arriued at Chiulfal hee founde it defended with good store of armed souldiers and the gates well and safely locked Notwithstanding the Bassa was entertayned by their Embassadors who were already gone out to meete him with their liberall presents and to entreat him that he would accept of the peoples good wils Who if they had not heretofore brought vnto him their voluntarie tributes it was done for feare least they should haue fallen into the displeasure of their King who no doubt if hee should haue vnderstood any such matter would haue bene ready to destroy their countrey and depriue them of their liberries and liues The Bassa who rather to make a booty then for any other cause had that inroad receauing his presents was well pleased with their intertainment allowed the excuses of the Chiulfalini and returned again to Reiuan Aduertisement hereof did flie in all hast to the Persian King who imagining that besides the paimente of these voluntarie tributes some worse thinge had happened dispatched away Alyculi Chan with three thousande Souldiers and with this direction that if the Countrey were subdued by the Turkes hee should fight against it And if it had voluntarily yeelded it selfe vnto them hee should not onlie recouer it but also burne it and bring away all the chiefe men of the Countrey for prisoners and slaues Alyculi went to Chiulfal and finding the matter to haue passed as before is described without vsing either sword or force hee perwaded them that in signe of their obedience still continued towardes the Persian Prince they woulde present him with greater and more liberall giftes then they did their enemie Bassa The Chiulfalini were verie readie to perfourme what hee required and pleased him in fuch sort that hee caried backe verie good tydinges of their fidelity and obedience to the King Whereby this miserable people in middest of Armes and Squadrons of the Enemie what with presentes and what vvith lies preserued their liberties and their liues in safetie Whiles the Chiulfalini were in this sorte molested Giaffer the Bassa of the Forte fearing leaste the Persian Prince would returne with the Turcomanne forces and with a mightie Armie for the siege perceiuing himselfe euerie day to vvaxe weaker and weaker by reason that manie did secretelie and priuilie flie from him determined to sende aduertisement thereof to the Bassa Cicala at Van signifying to him by writing that hee feared greatly least if the Prince should returne with Souldiers to assault the Forte he should of necessitie be inforced to yeeled it vp vnto him because manie were fled out of the Fortresse manie perished by sicknesse and many also slaine whiles too boldlie and rashlie they aduentured to goe abroad to prouide victuals And that therfore he would take care as he tendered the honour of his Sultan to send him succour to the end that at the return of the Prince he might be able to resist him and maintaine himselfe Adding moreouer that now at this time especiallie this designment might easilie be performed because there were no forces of the enemies in those quarters sauing only a few which remained about the king being twelue miles distant from Tauris The Bassa Cicala although he had a great zeale and loue to his owne Cittie which is indeede the greatest and moste noble frontier towne in all those countries notwithstanding being deeplie mooued by the importunitie of the enterprise that was propounded vnto him and verie desirous to gaine some credite of glorie and renowne with his King entertained and accepted the aduices of Giaffer and getting him to Horse with a traine of three thousand Harquebufiers and good store of munition he trauelled towardes Tauris The Persian King being aduertised of this stirre sent out certaine Spies to learne vvhat vvay they helde meaning to meet them and to set vpon them But the Spies comming neere vnto Salmas were apprehended by the fore-runners of Cicala and being put to torture they reuealed at the last how their King was in Armes and on his way towardes Sancazan At this newes Cicala was greatlie astonied as vvell for the daunger vvhereinto the sorces and munition which hee had with him were likelie to fall as also for that by any losse which his troupes should sustaine in this stirre the Fortresse of Van must needes bee in great hazarde to bee lost because hee had left in it but a verie fewe persons neither was there any Captaine to commaund them but onelie the Checaia his Lieutenant And thereupon hee determined to relinquish this daungerous enterprise and to withdrawe himselfe backe to the defence and preseruation of the Cittie that was committed to his truste and gouernement But although these expected and desired succours were not conueighed to the Fort accordinglie yet had Giaffer as good fortune as hee coulde vvish For the preparations of the Prince were so long and troublesome and his returne so much prolonged that there was time ynough yeelded vnto the Turkish Generall now newlie chosen as by and by shal bee tolde you to goe into those quarters and to preserue all that which the onlie expedition and celeritie of the enemie might haue put in great hazard and almoste haue brought to a desperate case In the meane time at the Citie of Constantinople the King was in a greate doubt within himselfe what hee were best to resolue for the choyce of a newe Captaine On the one side Osman the Bassa hauing by his last will and testament left Sinan Cicala to be his successour the manie dangers he had runne through in the quarrelles about Tauris and besides these his desertes the greate fauours that Cicala had in the Serraglio did make the King greatly incline to this his election On the other side he heard of a certaine publike rumour spread among the Souldiers that they coulde not by any meanes endure to haue so yoong a Captaine appointed ouer them giuing out in plaine tearmes that euery man might knowe it that they would not obey him and that some daungerous disorder would ensue vpon it in matters touching the Armie Then was there also Ferat the Bassa the same man which once already had had that charge before Osman had it and hee shewed himselfe verie ambicious and desirous of this honour and had of late performed some honest and conuenient office in the Serraglio whereby the King might take some liking of his person Any other to make choice of he had none so that in this consultation with himselfe hee was vtterly vnresolued what to doe Yet in the end because he was to prouide in good time for his businesse he determined to make choyce of Ferat a man of great fidelitie of honourable valour and already throughly instructed
resolution neuer to decline from the truth not to suffer that vpon any occasion whatsoeuer any thing should bee discoursed therein but that which eyther I my selfe haue seene or possibly could vnderstand to be true Wherein although I haue found many difficulties and vsed great labours aswell through the ignorance of the people who being not able to tell me any other name of the Cittyes of the cuntries of the fieldes of the Riuers of the hilles but onely the barbarous names of them they made the certaine knowledge of those places wherein these battells were foughten to be very difficult vnto me As also because it was very requisite that I should haue an eie to the seuer all qualities of dyuers nations who are sometimes giuen to lying and by whom many thinges are wont to bee spoken and many thinges concealed for their owne particular respectes Notwithstanding I haue endeuored by all the best meanes I possibly could to discharge my duty therein ouercomming these such other difficulties with continuall conference among dyuers men in dyuers places to the end I might find them agree together in their reportes and expecting withall that Tyme it selfe would at last bring forth the truth Neither did I euer content my selfe with the first or second aduertisement deliuered vnto me but alwaies iustified the first with the last by conferring together the testimonies of both sides And lastly without regard of danger of expenses or of labour I haue enformed my self of euery particularity that possibly I could by such men as were esteemed no liers but men of great authority who were present for the most part at al these actions Which purpose and resolution of myne was greatly fauoured and assisted by three priuate extraordinary meanes First by the credit and authoritie of Theodoro Balbj and Giouanni Michele being then the right honorable Consulles in Soria for the Venetian Senate two most noble prudent and valorouse subiectes of the State of Venice who most magnificently without sparing of any costes did fauour me herein in all my other studies where vnto I applyed my selfe in those countries Secondly by the familiar conuersation which I had with one Christoforo de Buonj cheefe Interpreter to the said most honorable Lordes a person of great valour well frended and beloued among those nations and aboue all of singular faith and dexterity Thirdly by my knowledge in Phisicke which I was not squemish to practise among those people to the end I might the better without ministring any suspition to any man enter into their most secret important aduertisementes and so by this meanes to purchase familiarity in the principall howses of those Citties wherein for the space of almost seuen whole yeares together I liued and was entertayned And of thus much it shall be euen sufficient to haue aduertised the readers who without any other Apologie or iustification of mine mayrest contented and satisfied with my desyre which hath beene to represent vnto the world Accidentes that haue happened so far off so strange and so important that thereby they may reape great profit both in peace and warre Which satisfaction if I shall obtaine of their gratitude I shall thinke my selfe to haue gayned enough in lieu of all the trauelles of all the dangers of all the expences that I haue susteyned I shall rest assured that I haue not beene an vnfruitfull labourer herein The First Booke The Argument The causes that moued the Author to write this Historie The Originall of this warre The causes of the same warre Aidere beheaded Ismahel the king vseth great cruelties publisheth a new Religion and spreadeth abâ—â—ad a speech that he would passe into Babylonia Amurath resolueth to moue warre against Persia. Periaconcona beheaded New stirres in Persia wherof Vctres Bassa aduerti seth Amurath who therby is confirme in his opinion to make this warre Consultations at Constantinople of the maner how to manage this warre Amurath will not in person go with the Armie but choseth Mustaffa Bassa to be his Generall who passeth to Chalcedon and from thence to Erzirum where he mustereth and surueigheth his Armie and then departeth for Siruan Mustaffa a trueth at Charâ—â— goeth vnder the Mountaines of Chiâ—lder and there encampeth himselfe artificially The King of Persia sendeth Souldiers against the Turkes and ouer them he maketh 〈◊〉 the Sultan his Generall Tocomac cometh toward Chars he findeth out his Spies and being deceiued by his Spies he doth confidently assault the Turkes At the first Tocomac doth happely ouercome the Turkes but afterwardes he was discomfited and saued himselfe by the oportunitie of the night The particular of the Victorie Manucchiar the Georgian yeeldeth himselfe to Mustaffa and is interteined by him The warres betweene the Turkes and Persians I Write the sondry successes of the warre betweene Amurat king of Turkie Mahamet by surname caled Codabanda king of Persia both of them among the Barbarians beeing most mightie most warlike Princes A warre not onely long bloudie but also very commodious and of great oportunitie to the Christian Common-wealth for that it hath granted leisure to the Champions of Christ to refresh and encrease their forces being now much weakened by warres both Forreine and Ciuill A matter in truth rather diuine then humane there being now newly arisen among the Turkes fresh hopes of victories by meanes whereof contrary to the custome of such contentions the wrath of these two Princes was drawne in length which if they had bene conuerted against Europe might haue made our state most troublesome and turbulent These successes and all the rest that together with the like motions haue come to passe sometimes intermingling among them the priuy treacheries of the Tartarians sometimes the oppressions of the people of Drusia and sometimes also the insolencies of the Arabians I here take in hand to describe being therunto moued principally vpon two occasions The one is for that they all seeme to me of themselues very worthy to be knowne both of the men that liue at this day also of those that shall come after vs neither haue I as yet seene any man that hath made any full or true report thereof Which notwithstanding I hope shalbe herein performed by my myselfe who haue bene entertained almost seauen whole yeares during the said warres partly in Soria partly in Constantinople and by occasion of my practise in Phisicke haue bene familiarly conuersant with many Bassaes Embassadours and other great men aswel Persians as Turkes that haue beene agentes and dealers in these affaires The other is for that I doe verily persuade my selfe that I shall breede great profite and delight to all nations Christian by the reading of this history wherein they shall vnderstand how mighty the forces are of these two enimies of the name of Christ and in what termes they stand euen at this day by meanes of which knowledge it may peraduenture fall out that our Christian Princes
conceaued of the person of Ismahel that there was not a man to be found which changed not his former hopes into new fears bitterly sorrowing for the calling of such a Lord to rule ouer them did not hate this new fiercenes of his mind bewayle so vntymely miserable a massacre But much greater and farre more lamentable did these miseries growe assoone as certayne speeches were published and spred of the king That hee would change the religion if we may so call it assoone as he commanded openly that whosoeuer desyred to liue vnder his standard loued to obey his lawes should detest the superstitious worships of Aly the foolish and false prophet of the Persians according to the impious custome of the Ottomans obserue and mayntaine the impure and wicked rytes of Abubac Osman and others that were reuerenced honoured by the Turkes with a profane worship So that by this great nouelty quite contrary to the late publike and famous actes of Ismahel and altogether repugnant to their hope whereby they expected glorious matters from him to the generall benefite of Persia the myndes of all men were so afflicted that the country neuer felt greater trouble nor euer indured a more dangerous vncouth a change by meanes whereof by force of this publike Edict of the new king whether he did it because he was in loue with this wicked worship and had learned this abomination rather then any other as we sayd before or whether he did it to reuoke his neighboures the Mesopotamians the Babilonians and Assyrians vnder his banners many of his prophane priestes many of the Gouernors of his frendly and subiect Citties being too much inflamed with the former superstition were dryuen into exile many put in prison some had their eyes pluckt out among whome was the Califfe of Casbin and not a few others in sondry sortes depriued of their liues yea many Ladyes ioyned in bloud with Ismahel himselfe dyuers others of his kinsfolkes to whom neither sex nor age nor innocency could be a sufficient defence did endure sondry tormentes and strange calamities In this so great an innouation and among these tumultes there went abrode with all an vniuersall rumor not onely among the Citties of Persia but in the regions of the Turkes also Fame the publisher of euill rather then of good newer arriuing euen to the Citty of Constantinople that with all these disorders Ismahel sought to put in order a great number of such soldiers as fauoured this new proclaimed vanity passing with them to the citty of Babylon now called Bagdat there to the imitation of Soliman would receaue the Crowne of the Empire at the hand of him that who soeuer he was he should find to be the successor of their great Califfe and in the cheefest place among theyr vncleane priestes In this dyuers variety of matters and in so great nouelty of euentes beyond all common expectatiō whiles there encreased rather feares of newe motions then ensued hopes of auncient quyetnesse by the helpe of the aforenamed Lady Periaconcona who as the kinges greatest fauorite suruiued all the rest he was sodainely bereaued of his lyfe whether it were that this his death happened by occasion of certaine amorous practises of Ismahel himselfe or whether his sister had cuningly conueighed poyson into some electuary prepared for him or as some more probably do affirme that his sayd sister hauing priuately conspyred with Calil-chan Emir-chan Piry Mahamet Curchi Bassi being al at that time captaines of great accompt as it were Presidentes of the kingdome had brought them in apparelled in womens weedes gowns that they strangled him at such time as Ismahel had priuately withdrawen himselfe among his paramoures Howsoeuer it was sufficient it is that by the helpe of the saide Periaconcona the 24. day of Nouember being S. Katherins euen in the yeare of our saluation 1577. this king being generally tearmed by his people a seditious man a contemner of the lawe was suddenly taken out of this world to the exceeding ioy of all those Nations that by his death thought they should remaine freede from great and manifold troubles Ismahel being thus dead the Lady began presently to parlee with al those Sultans that were the ministers of this fraudulent death told them that as they had giuen aduise for the greater benefit of all Persia that Ismahel should be depryued both of his kingdome lyfe and that as yet it was not knowen who should worthely succeed in that Crowne which now remayned in their handes forasmuch as the king that dead is hath left no issue behind him so it touched them verye neere to take vpon them the protection thereof and preseruing the maiestie of the Scepter the liberties of the people and the peace of the subiect Citties strongly to defend and deepely to settle the safety of that nation which onely possesseth the true orders of the elect disciples of crafty and wicked Mahamet There were at that tyme many gouernours and Capitaines assembled in Casbin and euery one of them had withdrawen himselfe thether for the accomplishment of his owne priuate designementes these gaping after the mutations of the world Emir-Chan he burned in ambitious desires and hoped by the meanes of a match to be concluded with a sister of Periaconcona who was already greatly inclyning to him that he should be exalted to the soueraigne degree of all Persia. Mirize Salinas cheefe among the Sultans of that court he hoped on the other syde to aduance into the estate eyther Mahamet brother to the dead king or els Hamze the eldest son of the sayde Mahamet Codabanda and by bestowing vpon him his daughter to be his wyfe as afterwarde hee did so to encrease the glory of his house Others there were that hoped they should be able to draw Abas out of Heri and to create him king of the Empyre There was also one of the Tutors of the infant Tamas who waited likewise for some oportunity to settle Tamas in the kingdom and so by meanes of his greatnes to exalt himselfe to the soueraigne Tytle of cheefe captaine among his fellowes Neither did there want a nomber of others that secretly watched to vsurpe any occasion that might be presented vnto them How be it in this so great variety of thoughts the Sultans aunswered the Lady with one consent and promised her in most liberall termes all the protection that their forces could afforde or their wepons procure and yet did euery one of them both in action and worde clerkly dissemble their seuerall imaginations where unto they myrid was as proue and deady as their harte was cunning to conceale them closely And in this sort were ended those great noueltyes which arose I know not vppon what occasion were brought in by this ambitious king In the meane space which was one yeare seuen monthes and six dayes of king Ismahels raigne Amurat
strong places fortifyed with munition and instrumentes of death And if there were any difficultie at all therein there were but two onely that seemed to be of any weight one was the great distance and rough passage of those places through which they were to leade their horses their Cammells their artillery and their men euery man knowing that the Country of Georgia is compassed rounde about with verie roughe mountaines and thick woods where the enemy vseth all good oportunity to lay ambushes and to worke treason against such as passe that way another difficulty was money Sinan Bassa among the rest offering to their considerations that if a man would conquere a new countrey it was necessary for the mayntenaunce of the conquest to erect Castelles and Fortresses which being leaft to the defence of valiant souldiers would require large stipends without which euery souldyer willingly forsaketh his charge Sauing these two difficulties which notwithstanding were not greatly debated but in answere thereof as much spoken by the king himselfe as was thought sufficient euery man thought the conquest of the kingdome of the Cheselbas to bee the playnest easyest promised to themselues vndoubted victory of it But aboue all other Mustaffa Bassa he that reduced the Ile of Cyprus vnder the Ottoman power infamous for the cruell barbarous vniust death of Marcantonio Bragadino the stoute and valorous Captayne of Famagosta whose name shall neuer dye in the tongues and myndes of all ages hee I say with exceeding audacitie set out great hopes of glorious conquestes not concealing the vertues of the Latines the perilles passed in the wars of the said Islande and particularly in the expugnation of the Citty preferring the armes forces and valour of the Latines before the valour forces and armes of the Georgiani and the Persians and in breefe assuring more certayne hope of this warre in Asia then of any other that could possibly be raised in Europe And in this sort were the first discourses and originalles of these motions in the East begun and practised whereby all men may see that neither zeale of religion nor any iniury receaued from the Persian Kinges but onely the ambitious desyre of Amurat to subdue a kingdome both in his owne conceyte and also by other mens relation ill gouerned by an effeminate and sottish king and through ciuill dissention brought into great danger was the first prouocation of making this warre and thereby may all Catholikes learne that there is nothing more pernitions to the Christian Common wealth then ciuill discord When they had thus concluded vpon this resolution to make warre in Persia there arose new consultations touching the manner thereof and vpon what coast they should begin their iourney that so they might expect the more honorable successe which poynt Amurat did greatly vrge protesting before al his Visiers that he would not enter into a warre vnlesse he were in great hope to beare away the promised victory Many were the propositions and opinions of the Visiers and many questions did the king propound whereunto hee himselfe did readily answere On the one side some thought that it wold be very conuenient to send the Army to Babilon and from thence to Syras in old tyme called Persepolis famous for the praye that Alexander tooke there as Q. Curtius wryteth and by that way to attempt the conquest of all Persia. Others were of a contrary mind did giue aduice that the Army should bee sent by direct course to Tauris there to erect strong fortresses and to take possession of all the country subiect round about It is reported also that some there were that thought it better to send two seuerall Armyes from both the places aboue mentioned that so bringing the enemy into a straite they might inforce him to retire and to yeeld vnto them whatsoeuer they should demand But Amurat durst not repose such confidence in his owne forces as to thinke that with his battells deuided so weakened he should be able to ouercome that enemy who had alwaies fought most valiantly agaynst the monstrous and couragious Armyes of his forefathers not without some feare also of the auncyent vertue of the Persian people whereof Fame hath euer resounded an immortall and glorious report Neyther did he make slender accompt of the Georgiani the most antique tributaries and confederates of the Persians by whose onely assaultes his Army could not but suffer many inconueniences and sundry trauelles forsomuch as if they should assaile his battels behind or on both sides the Persians should set vpon his forefront though they were many in number and fenced with artillery yet being ill planted and in such difficulty as they could not vse their Artillery it would be a very easy matter to defeate them And therefore he did firmely resolue with himselfe to send one onely Army and with vnited forces to seeke the ouerthrow of his enemy And thus preferring his strong hope to conquere the countrey of Siruan in Georgia and the chiefe Citties of Media the Great before the difficultie of making warre vpon the coast of Siras reposing great confidence in the notable helpe that was promised him by the Cumani in Tartaria called Precopenfes he confirmed his counsellors the Bassaes in the same opinion and withall discouered a matter which to all of them but especially to Sinan seemed most strange namely that he was determined not to go in person with his Army about this enterpryse but was minded to send one of his worthiest Captaines in his steed The respectes that held Amurat from going himselfe with the Armye were many but principally the Falling sicknesse wherewith hee was troubled the zeale hee did beare to the kingdome fearing greatly and that not without good cause least his sonne being in fauour with the people might peraduenture vntimely be aduaunced before him and the danger that he suspected at the handes of the Christian Potentates While they were thus in parlee about this expedition and Sinan Mustaffa and some other Visiers made meanes to bee sent as Vicegerentes and soueraigne ministers of their Lordes designement he dispatched away sondry postes and light-horsemen with order to the Bassaes Gouernours of Van of Babilan of Erzirum in the borders of Cappadocia Armenia the greatter that they should by often inroades spoyle the townes and castelles of the Cheselbas and euery way doo them what harme they could Which was presently put in execution by them all and specially by the aboue named Vstref Bassa of Van who besydes the burning of dyuerse townes brought many a soule into slauery and in the countryes aswell Tributary as subiecte to the Persians made many incursions and wrought much annoyance Through these and other lyke iniuries theyr myndes were greatly incensed with anger and theyr wrathfull hartes filled with a most ardent desyre of reuenge and whiles with shame enough they romed vp and downe dayly sharpening their
that eueninge vnder certayne mountanes now called Chielder being in myne opinion the hilles of Periardo and because he was aduertised that the Persians were in the field to make battell with him being now passed beyond their own borders which were so set out by Soliman in the peace concluded with Tamas as before we haue said doubting least peraduenture they might encounter him where he little looked for them he thought it best for the more security of his hoast to pitch his Tentes in such a place as he might well discouer them and yet not be assaulted at vnawares And therefore he planted himselfe in the plaine and gaue order that Beyran the Bassa of Erzirum should take possession of a certaine hill that was on the right hand Dreuis the Bassa of Caraemit should keepe another hill that stood on the left hand and with them Osman Bassa Mahamet Bassa Mutassade Bassa being aduenturers with many others aswell of the kinges stipendiaries as voluntary men should like wyse pitch their Tentes vpon the same hilles in such sorte as they making as it were two Cornettes or winges to the campe might discouer the comming of euery man and he himselfe being shadowed with the two hilles might be perceaued of no man But whiles all these thinges with such military preparations were made ready by Amurat the new king of Persia who was yet scarce setled in his kingdome being stirred vp by the same of these motions resolued with himselfe to send men against the Turkes for defence of his state and was content for the tyme to dissemble his conceaued and hatred which he bare to some of the Captaines of Persia and of Georgia to make some apparant shew that he was reconciled with them for that without them he could not promisse himselfe any forme of an army or defence and for all the hurley-burley wherwith his kingdome was troubled for all the disorders whereintoo both the Sultans people were fallen yet he wrought so throughly that all the Captaines of accompt tooke vpon them the protection of his honour kingdome And so Tocomac a Sultan the Chan and gouernour of Reiuan being elected generall of this expedition a souldier very famous and well knowen to the Turkes for the many embassades wherein he serued often tymes to Selim and Amurat and in Persia deemed to be a man of singular vertue he gaue him in charge that gathering together the greatest nomber of men he could out of Atropatia out of Media the greater and other places neere to the Turkes he should seeke all the meanes he was able to stop their passage into Georgia Media Atropatia And thereupon Edictes and preceptes were sent out to all the citties of the kingdome and principally to Amadan to Genge to Taiuris to Nassiuan to Marant to Ardeuil to Soffian to Carachach to Turcomania to Giaunt to many other places on this syde and beyond Casbin that all the Chans Sultans and souldiers whatsoeuer should come ready prest to follow the commandementes of their new Generall Many there came that were obedient to the kinges proclamation but many there were that would not stirre a foote for their obstinacy in the broiles begun and for the suspition which they had of vnlooked-for mischeefes wherefore the king remayned greatly discontented and much greeued at this first disobedience of his subiectes and cleerely perceaued how much better it had beene for him to haue liued in peace and amity with Amurat how be it to make the best of the matter he was inforced to take this defence vpon him as also for the satisfaction of the subiectes of Georgia which desyred the same with earnest request by certain embassadors sent particularly from Daut-Chan for that purpose to salue his owne honour and the succession of Emir Hamze his eldest sonne And therefore with those fewe which for the loue of iustice were met together in those partes being not aboue twenty thousande Tocomac was dispatched about his busines hoping that the enemyes army wherein he heard say the king in person was not might be such as with these his smal forces it were not impossible for him to oppresse them in some narrow straites where the multitude commonly vseth rather to be in confusion perplexity then ready and able to helpe one another These xx thousand were all horsemen armed with Scimitarre and bow with some Arcubuses among and which is wont to stand this nation in great steed they were furnished with very syne and well tempeted Armour but specially couragious they were and resolute and made more hardy by the vertue and valour of their Captayne And therefore with all their prouision necessary for victuall and fight keeping the way of Tauris and Genge they came to the turning of Chars where they were aduertysed that their enemyes army was passed They were now arriued within a daies iourney neere to Chielder when they were resolued to send quicke and faithfull spies 〈◊〉 might bring them certayne newes of the 〈◊〉 condition and nomber of the Turkish souldiers who 〈◊〉 thether euen at the very tyme that the Turkes were encamping themselues betweene the two hilles whereupon the two Bassaes Beyran and Dreuis with their people had already pitched their Tentes The Persian spyes discouered the Turkish hoast aloft and perswaded themselues that there were not any other battell then those which they saw vpon the two high hills whereof with all the speede they could they returned news to Tocomac who at ease had followed these his spies a farre off When Tocomac vnderstoode theyr information agreeing with his former conceit which he brought from Casbin of the nomber of his enemyes peraduenture also perswading himselfe that if a greater army were to come out of the borders the same might now bee at Chars and these onely troupes sent before to discouer the cuntrey he became very bould foole-hardy through too much desyre of glorie and determined with himselfe to go and assault them and hauing discouered his enemyes tentes he was throughly confirmed in his former opinion and the spyes relation and with so much the more confidence went forward to assayle them But Beyran and Dreuis who quickly from the hill had perceaued the Persians comming in the plaine against them although they knew them to be full of courage yet reposing great confidence in their fellow battell which did not shew it selfe with all speed mounted vpon their horses and ranne to meet them and in the foresaid plaines vnder Chielder within one houre after noone they ioined a most bloudy battell wherein there were slayne at last seuen Turkish Sangiacchi with a very great nomber of souldiers both stipendiaries voluntary without any apparant losse at all among the Persians who closing themselues together in great heat and all bee-bloudied in the battel did prosecute their happy and fortunate victory But Generall Mustaffa who perceyued all
authority of rule and gouernement measuring the state of this realme as it was when these warres began we say that for the North part beginning at the very vttermost East of the sea of Baccu and coasting all that Sea and then entring into Seruan and Georgia euen vnto Mengrelli and so a little lower vnto Chars lying in the champaine country vnder the mountains of Periardi called Chielder where also is erected a Castell called Childerum for defence of the borders you haue the description of all that the Persians possesse on that syde From thence drawing a lyne by the East and rolling the same ouer the Lake Actamar and ouer Coy in the champeine of Caldaran then carrying the same lyne towardes the South to the Citty of Salmas and a little higher towards Seresul euen to the channell of Euphrates there is comprehended all the West parte of this kingdome From the channell of the sayde riuer where the Bassora lyeth coasting all along that syde of the sea euen vntill the mountaines Techisnandan and more towardes the East to the kingdome of Candahar there making an end of that compasse all the South parte of this present Empire is figured The East whereof is included betweene the borders of Corassan and of the Tartarian Iesselbas euen from the Citty of Samarcante on the east parte of the Casptan Sea otherwise called the sea of Baccu The compasse appeareth to bee very great and of importance comprehending in it many prouinces not onely famous in our tymes but also much more glorious in the daies of those Auncients for that in the West is included with the countrey of Georgia parte of Turcomania and of Cussestan in the North Seruania the countrey of Gheilan and Massandran in the East Candahar Corassan and Heri and in the South all the kingdome of Fars the cheefe Citty whereof is Siras with Caramania the Desert In the very middle and Centre of this Circle are the Territories of Casbin Cassan and Hispahan So that in the beginning of this warre the King of Persia ruled ouer all these prouinces Georgia sometyme called Iberia Seruania otherwise called Atropatia Tauris with the territories belonging vnto it called in times past Media the Great Gheilan or Gely Masandran or Hircania more inward Parthia Aria Candahar or Peripaniso Farsi or Persia and parte of Cussestan in old tyme called Assyria All these prouinces in times past subdued by the Macedonians the Graecians and Barbarians wasted by so many mutations and States and outrages of Armyes haue also lost their auncient names and according to the seuerall languages therein vsed haue had dyuers and sondry appellations which as a man may probably coniecture are in truth those that are last named Of all which prouinces Anania Pius the second of happy memory Negro the Venetian some other late Geographers haue beene so bould as to wryte many thinges rather fabulous then true after the example and imitation of those that are so greatly reprehended by Strabo and Thucydides therefore avoyding the danger of lying and laying also a side for this time the History of thinges Naturall Miraculous and Poeticall for of Poeticall matters especially the particular Geography of Danaeus reporteth we will onely speake of such thinges as will serue our turne for the better knowledge of the State and condition of this kingdome Tamas had vnder him and so he left the kingdome to Ismahel in whose time and by whose meanes these warres were raised threescore and tenne Gouernementes all bearing the Titles of Sultans Chan so that in his whole Empire he had seauentie Citties of such state and condition as they deserued to haue a Gouernour of the same dignitie that the Bassa is with the Turkes as shall be declared in the exposition of Names Now what they were it would be a very hard matter precisely to know yet some of them we haue learned and the principall thereof peraduenture were Sumachi Sechi Eres Seruan Derbent Caracach Ardouil Tauris Reiuan Genge Hispahan Masandran Gheilan Heri Cassam Siras Starabat Chilmisnar Candahar Iesed Sapanec Sultania Bargo Cum Coran Seua Casbin and others all which haue Iurisdiction ouer many Villages and Townes from whence there are leauied many men of warre Hispahan onely hath in her gouernement twelue Sultanes Casbin three Sultanes the king Heri three also and Abas Mirize Candahar three and Rustan Mirize Of all these places to make an exquisite description Geographicall to tell the Mountaines the Riuers the Champaines the Distances the Situations the Altitudes of the Pole and such other particularities it would not be an enterprise fit for our handling except we would insert many lies therein as a nomber of writers haue heeretofore done therefore seeing neither the battels of the Turke haue entred into those partes nor any thing happened in them that requireth any great diligēce of discourse Let that little bee sufficient which wee haue already touched in this History by occasion of Abas Mirize and of the Turcomanni and returning to Georgia to Seruan and to Media the Great with a peece of Armenia we will vse our best diligence euen as neede shall require and our informations will serue vs. Georgia then is that prouince which in auncient tyme was called Iberia which on the West is bounded vpon Colchis at this day called Mengrellia on the East vpon Media Atropatia at this day called as we said afore Seruan on the North vpon Albania now called Zuiria and on the South vpon Armenia the Greater now called Turcomania whereof it doth also possesse a parte so that Iberia and part of Armenia is comprehended vnder this name of Georgia It is for the most part full of hills woods rockes and ruynes and hath abundance of silkes fruites wilde beastes and Faulcons It is watred with many famous riuers and so was euen in the tyme of Strabo but principally with the riuer Cirus whose gulfe openeth in that country and is ioyned with Araxis The riuer Araxis springeth out of the hill Taurus in that parte where Periardo is situate on the syde of the hill Abo and so running by East euen to the confynes of Seruan windeth it selfe towardes the west by the North where it is ioined with Cirus and then passeth to Artaxata a cittie of the Armenians right against a place which is very famous in this warre called Reiuan and so watring Armenia and coursing all along the playne of Araxis which peraduenture is the champaine called Caldarana dischargeth it selfe into the Caspian Sea at this day called the sea of Corazun and of Baccu on the one syde by south leauing Armenia and on the other syde by North leauing Seruania whose cheefe Citty is Eres which is so famous in this booke as in fit place it shalbe shewed It is a riuer very deepe and large but yet at this present it contayneth not those meruails that Herodotus reporteth of it as also it is very hard to
occasions to defend them from the Persians Of all these matters Mustaffa had aduertisement before he departed from Eres from which place after hee had finished his Fortresse his Garrisons and all his Rampiers beeing infourmed of these good aduenturds follioited there vnto by the Giannizzars and the people of Grecia and somwhat enforced so to do by the season of the yeare which was vnfit for so long a voyage as was yet behind perswading himselfe that he should leaue his affairs there in good and reasonable state with great confidence hee departed and turned his course to wardes the country of Leuentogli otherwise called Alexander the Great as he had entreated him to do in his late passage to Siruan and hauing traueiled a long iourney he lodged at the foote of a certaine mountaine where hee wanted no kind of good victuailes And from thence sent Engines and Pioners to make a bridge ouer Canac that his Armie might passe-ouer without any daunger On the hether side of the riuer they tooke vp their lodginges and from that place Mustaffa sent to giue notice of his arriuall to Sahamal the inhabitant and Lord of the mountaine of Brus whereof we haue heretofore made often mention who presently came to yeeld himselfe as vassall to the Turkes and being entertained with his accustomed pompe and rewarded with apparrell sword battell-Axe Target all guilt he tooke his leaue and returned to his old withdrawing places of the mountaine After that Sahamal was gone Mustaffa departed also and trauelled forward by night because hee would not loose the opportunity of faire wether but so it happened through ill guiding that hee lost his way and knew not whither he went being conducted through rough waies and vneasy and difficult passages whereby he was enforced to set vp his tentes wait for daylight which rising very cleere did manifest vnto them that they were nowe entred into the countries of Leuentogli And therefore he caused proclamation to be made fourthwith ouer all his army that vpon paine of death no man should be so hardy as to molest or disquiet anie of the subiectes of Alessandro but to haue good respect vnto them and to entreat them with all curtesy The day following he still continued his iourney in the saide country of Schender where he wanted no victuailles and the rather for that the same day there arriued from Zaghen certaine embassadors of Alessandro with great aboundance of cattell of corne of fruits of other relief which was sent by him for a presēt to the Generall with a solemne excuse that he came not himselfe because the infirmitie of his body would not suffer him Wherewithall Mustaffa rested satisfyed and leauing the cittye of Zaghen on the right hand he caused the messengers of Alessandro to guide him and so tooke his way toward Teflis and by them was so directly conducted that within the space of three daies without eyther hunger or thirst or any other inconuenience of his army they brought him to Teflis from whence they returned homewards being wel contented for their paines by Mustaffa But those that he had left at Teflis before for the custody thereof he found so miserably plagued with famyne that they were constrained to eat Cattes and Dogges and Sheepe skinnes such like vnwonted strange thinges Many of them also he found sicke and some dead by reason that they could not obtaine lycence of Mahamet Bassa their captaine to go out of the castle to prouide victuaile for feare of the enemyes By whose prouidence such care was taken for their corne fruit and cattell that although those of Teflis had issued outfor that purpose yet was it all preserued in very safe and secure places without any daunger Which thing was credibly certifyed to me not by one alone but by many of the Georgians with whom I was familiarly acquainted both in respect of my trafficke with them and also of my practise in phisicke But Mustaffa refreshed and relicued them all with words with money and with meat and gaue them plenty of all thinges And after he had remayned there two daies he raised his army and put himselfe in the way towardes the champaines that were subiect to the said citty to put all to sworde and fyre as indeede he did Onely the sepulchers wherein rested the bones and ashes of Simons progenitors and neere whereunto he tooke vp his first lodging were leaft vnhurt and vntouched by the Turkish fury The day following they trauelled ouer rough and ragged mountaines full of a thousand difficulties which were the more encreased by wonderful great snowes that were fallen by meanes whereof together with diuers other annoyances many souldiers horses cammelles and mules did perish In this distresse they continued two whole daies during which tyme all the people were fallen into such a disorder that forgetting the feare of their enemies country without any regard or respect euerye man tooke vp his seuerall lodging aparte and one on this syde and another on that syde shrowded himselfe where he might fynde either some thicke bushe or some small cottage or some quyet valley to shelter him from the winde from the snow and from the stormes But certaine Georgian captaines and peraduenture euen the same that had before so euill entreated the people of Soria hauing sent out scouts to watch the Turkish army from time to time being throughly certifyed of the disorder wherein it was did ioine thēselues together in the right approched neer vnto it secreatly quietly boldly searching out some opportunity how they might coole the burning desyres of their enemies bloud In the end hauing obserued Hossain Bey my good frend and acquaintance among many others the sonne of fruitfull Giambulat I terme him fruitfull for that in one night there were borne vnto him 7. children by diuers women he himselfe saw at on time aliue fourescore six heires of his owne body begotten that hee had withdrawen himselfe alone vnder certain mountaines to defend himselfe from the storme the wind they were perswaded that this was a sit occasion to gaine them some spoyles and hauing assaulted him they slew all his slaues and all his squadrons of souldiers tooke a great booty of many loades of mony and apparrell led away with them all his horses and whatsoeuer els they could fynde and scarce gaue him any leasure to saue himselfe by flying into the Tentes of Beiran Bassa And it may be that he had also remained for a pray to the Georgians had it not beene for Hala Bey captaine of the Zaini and Spahini of Aleppo an old man as any among the Turkes of an extraordinarie bounty of a sincere mind of free speech and well exercysed in feates of Armes from whome I liberallie receaued many particularities of these thinges that I haue written This man being wakened by the noise raising the people of
Beyran Bassa ran out himselfe to meet Hossain Bey and shewed him the way to escape as afore And vpon this rising of the Turks the Georgiani retired themselues with their gotten pray and so the rest had leasure to withdraw themselues together into more sure safe places The next morning the Campe remoued and in the euening came to a castell called Ghiurchala where it stayed a whole day to make prouision of victuaile which was attempted by sending many of their slaues abroade into the fieldes conducted by the men of the said castell In the meane while there arriued certain embassadors from one that was then called the nephew of Simon signifying to Mustaffa that if it would stand with his good pleasure their lord would come to salute him to offer himselfe vnto him as his vassaile whereof Mustaffa was very glad and declaring vnto them that his comming should be very acceptable vnto him he sent them backe againe with presentes and curteous wordes But although hee was expected all that day yet made he not his apparance indeed all those that were sent out into the fieldes for reliefe were miserably hacked in peeces to the great griefe of Mustaffa thinking himselfe too much abused by those fained embassadors who in truth proued to bee cunning and craftie spyes rather then embassadors From this place the army departed with great hunger ouer diuers vneasy hilles and rough places of the Georgianj where they were faine oftentimes to rest themselues at last came to the confynes of the widdowes territory vpō the feast day of the Turkes Ramadan In the entrance whereof they must needes passe through a narrow strait betweene certain mountaines where the riuer crankleth it selfe with a thousand tourninges and windinges about the low valley A very difficult place and indeed so narrowe that no more then one man alone could passe through it Betweene this straite and a very thicke and hilly wood they lodged vpon the banks of the said riuer and from thence the next morning they remoued and trauelledouer very steep mountaines and wooddy Forrestes ouer ice and snow more harde then marble-pauemente and ouer other hanging rockes in such miserable sorte that many camelles mules and horses aswell for cariage as for saddle fell downe headlong into the whirle-pittes of the riuer to their vtter spoyle Through this ruinous cragges and dyuers other miseryes they iournyed all the next day and after that another day also as miserable and dammageable to the Army as the former but at last being shrewdly spoiled and ill handled by hunger foyled and slaughtered by their enemies afflicted with the harde season and situation of the place they arriued within the territories that lay vnder Altunchala the widdowes Pallace where they had all manner of desyred reliefe for all the miseries that they had endured since their departure from Chiurchala vntill this place being the space of sixe daies which ordinarily if it had beene a common trauelled way would haue beene performed in one onely daies iourney The Widdow with her elder sonne Alessandro came downe from the Castel and went to the pauillion of Mustaffa offering him dyuers presentes and promising vnto him all faithfull obedience Mustaffa receaued her curteously and declared vnto her the good entertaynement that he gaue to her yonger sonne Manucchiar that went with him to Siruan who being there present shewed euident token thereof to his mother Mustaffa dissembling for the present tyme his priuie displeasure that hee bare the widdows son Alessandro embraced him courteously and praied her that she would bee pleased to leaue him also there with him for that it should turne to both their contentmentes signifying furder vnto her that he would send both her sonnes to Constantinople to Amurath with letters of credence for their yeelded obedience for their fauour shewed to his army in giuing them so secure passage and so many helpes lastly for their good deserts the rather that by the said Sultan they might be honourably entertained and enriched with honours dignities The Widdow although her mynd was herewithall sore troubled perplexed yet outwardly in her countenance shewed her selfe to be pleased and seemed curteously to yeeld what she was of necessity constrained to grant aswell because Mustaffa had one of her sonnes already in possession as also for that her selfe her whole state were now in his power as it were at his deuotion therefore leauing both her sonnes behind her she returned to her Castell Mustaffa after hee had stayed in that place with his army two whole dayes without feeling the want of any thing departed thence towarde Chars and so did all the rest who hauing now no feare of the enemie as being in a sure and frendly countrey deuided themselues into seuerall companyes by fiues by twenties by fiftyes in a troupe as euery man thought it best and conuenyent The first day they lodged at Clisca in the widdowes countrey where they wanted no manner of necessaries but had most plentifull aboundance of all thinges From thence they tooke their next lodging vnder certain rough mountaines by which they trauelled two whole dayes through many difficulties where some of them also dyed for cold Then they came to Messeardachan sometimes belonging to the Georgianj but now to the Turkes so to Biucardacan belonging also to the Turkes where they kept the feast of Ramadan which till now they could not celebrate And from thence to Olti a Castell also of the Turkes where the Sangiacco that gouerneth those quarters is resident a countrey very fertile in all thinges well situated and very conuenient for these and greater passages From Olti by the way of Neneruan in two daies they arryued at Hassanchalasi a Castell likewyse of the Turks called also Passin and from thence afterward they came to Erzirum with the great reioicing of the whole army which was there presently discharged by Mustaffa without any numbring or mustring at all and so they returned all home into their owne countries But Mustaffa setled himselfe in Erzirum dispatching Poastes with letters of plentifull aduertysementes to the king touching all thinges that had passed but yet in such sort that he magnifyed his owne exploites without measure and among diuers other newes that were scarce true which he wrote one was That Teflis which hee had taken was in greatnes beauty equal vnto Damasco besydes the situation that was exceeding strong He certifyed him also of the battelles that he had with the Persians the obedience that he receaued of the Georgiani the Siruanians the stirres and insurrections of the people of Constantinople of Greece the Fortresse built at Eres the garrisons of souldiers left in that Citty with Caitas Bassa and in Sumachia with Osman Bassa the offers of the Alexandrians and in briefe whatsoeuer els had passed whatsoeuer he had taken from the enemy Neither
before in preparing for the disturbance of his enemies and to minister also matter himselfe of some attempts that he likewise entended And being certified whether by the meanes of Sinan or of any other the certenty is not yet come vnto vs that this new Turkish General was a man greatly giuen to cogitations how this war might be quieted these wrathful broiles reduced to a good peace whiles he was setting al things in order areadines to send me into Georgia to gather an army for the defeÌ„ce of his cities he be thought himself that it was very conuenient to put this matter in execution being exhorted thereunto by Leuentogli who although hee had bene iniured by the Persians yet he could not but think it a dangerous thing to haue these warres so neere him and being likewise hartened in it by his Visier Mirize Salmas who was more intentiue towards the vniust suppressing of Abas Mirize of Heri then he was for any sufficient reparations or due prouisions for this warre he resolued to sende Ambassadors to Constantinople to demand peace of Amurath And deeming Maxut-Chan to be a man very fit for that purpose he made choyce of him to performe that businesse adioyning vnto him for an Assistant an old Priest belonging to the said Lâ—uentagli as one that was a common friend to both parties and very desirous of this quietnes And so hee dispatched Maxut-Chan with charge that hee should goe to Sinan and of him receiue guides to conduct him to Constantinople with letters vnto the king and that he should as much as lay in him labour for the pacifying of all these troubles and in any case conclude vpon it so that Amurath would be contented with Chars and Teflis And thus being departed from Casbin keeping the way of Sultania Zanga Miana Turcoman and Tauris leauing on his right hand Chiulfal Nassiuan Reiuan and by Coy Van wher the Bassa appointed him one to guide him he arriued at Chars It is generally known and I haue in particular vnderstood how great the ioy was which the Turks conceaued of the comming of this Ambassadour and how Cicala-Bassa did with all diligence dispatch certain postes to the court with these good newes From Chars the saide Embassadour was sent by the way of Hassan-Chalasi to Erzirum from thence with new guides he went towards Amazia But when he came to Siuas there he found Generall Sinan encamped gathering together his Armie from the cities aboue named to lead them with him to the execution of his designements The Persian Embassadour entourmed Sinan of all that whereof hee had to treat with the Turkish king on the behalfe of his king Mahamet and laboured earnestly to perswade him of the honesty of the request and the equitie of the cause declaring vnto him that as vnder the lawe of Mahomet their common Prophet both the nations are conioyned together so that they ought with one vnitie and speciall concord defend and encrease their Names by subduing the Christian people who professing to worship the true God and the true Prophet do possesse the most noble Cities of Europe so was it a matter very inconuenient to contend among themselues and seeke to ouerthrow yea and vtterly to destroy one another it being a thing quite contrarye to that vnion which should be among people of one the selfe same religion it being also rather the property of brute sauage beasts thaÌ„ of men to driue expulse out of their natiue nest those that are the followers and worshippers of one the self same Prophet And although among so much people and in such bredth largenes of cuntries ther be found peraduenture some signe of contrariety some small shew of difference yet for all that the matter is not so great as that it shuld deserue such troublesom stirs and kindle such ardent indignations wherby he that is of greatest power shuld be moued to enter into another mans cuntries endommage his neighbours And that therfore he did hope to obtaine at the hands of Amurath this desited peace if hee had no other cause wherwith he did find himselfe agreeued as in trouth there was not no nor euer was there any such thought towards him Wherefore he besought him that he woulde conueigh him with trustie guides to Amurath to the end that if it were possible they might not suffer these bloudy warres to goe forwards at the report whereof the most remote Nations of the East yea and of all the whole worlde did reioyce and stood wayting attentiuely to see what would be the issue of them Sinan entertained the Embassadour after the best maner that the rudenesse of his nature woulde permit him and thinking with himselfe that not onelie the losses and disaduantage of the Persian king but also the very fame of his valour in matters of warre had wrought in the mindes of his enemies this resolution to come and demaund peace which he procured afterwards he determined to pleasure the Embassador in the request which hee made vnto him for the conueighing of him to the Court and accompanying him with a sure conuoy to send him to Constantinople And wrote to Amurath in his letters all that which hee thought was fit to be demanded representing vnto him what great and important matters he hoped might now be obtained and raising in him woonderfull expectation of all happie successe rather than motioning vnto him any feare or suspition of any vaine treatie But before he dismissed the saide Embassador he thought it good to aduise him not to go to Amurath without resolution to offer him some great good conditions and to yeeld vnto him all those landes and all that countrey which he with the valour of his Subiectes and with Armes had conquered by ouercomming the forces of his enemies by passing through the most hard and difficult waies by climing the rough and craggierockes by vvading ouer the moste violent riuers that are in all Media and Iberia For hee knewe the minde of Amurath verie vvell that hee vvas resolued in himselfe not to yeeld so much as one hande breadth of that grounde which his subiects had valiantlie and worthyly won with the sword This demaund did greatly trouble Maxut-Chan so that he began to fancie within himself that he should not be able to conclude any thing and if the said Embassadors son did not tell vs a lie who diuers times did moste familiarly discourse with vs vpon euery particularitie whiles we visited him in Aleppo he was in a peraduenture to returne into Persia againe and not to passe ouer to Constantinople Notwithstanding considering better with himselfe what belonged to his dutie and doubting that this protestation might bee but an ambitious demand of Sinan himselfe and hoping to râ—ceaue more reasonable conditions of peace from the mouth of the Turkish king and also to the end his own king might be the better certified that he had not
fayled fully to perfourme his duty in so waighty a businesse he gaue large words to Sinan and made him beleeue that he had order and authority from Mahamat his Lord to conclude what hee thought best and most conuenient for the matter of peace And so the Embassador departed with a safe companie from Sinas and keeping on the way of Caisar leauing both Conia and Angori he arriued at Isnic in old time called Nicea a city situate neere vnto the Moore anciently called Asâ—dnia and from thence came to Scutar passing ouer that litle gulfe which ioyneth those two seas together and so was conducted to Constantinople In the meane time the Persian King withdrew himselfe out of Casbin and vpon the rumour of the Turkish nouelries meant also himself to giue out a noyse of some important matters which he likewise intended Whereupon by his Royall commandement he called all the Chans Gouernouts of his Subiect Cities together with all their military foâ—cus to Tauris and he himself with the Prince Emirhamze passed into Sultania and hauing there visited certaine of his Ancestors sepulchers hee went to Zanga from thence to Miana and then leauing Giurgi Chalassi on his left hand and Ardouâ—l on his right hand he came to the place called Turcoman from whence afterwards in foure dayes space hee arriued at Tauris There he assembled together all his people which came running in most obediently at his commandement and there also had many consultations what he were best to do For as yet he did not assuredly know what Sinan meant to attempt and therefore beganne to cast in his head diuers doubts but all vncertaine and as it were in the dark but yet in the end among a thousand ambiguities hee resolued with himselfe to send souldiers into Georgia towards the coaste of Teflis where it was of necessitie that succours should be sent to those of the Fort and withall determined also himselfe to goe foorth with all his Armie from Tauris to Caracach a place very commodious and neere to guarde both Tauris and Siruan being situate euen in the middest betweene the one and the other and there to expect theremouing of Sinan whose ambitious nature the king knowing did think it would fall out that to surmount Mustaffa in glorie he would haue enterprised to run euen vpon Tauris and to attempt some strange matter in those quarters And so resting in this determination hee caused sufficient prouision to be made of corne and of al other things needfull for the nourishment of cattell and men Among all the rest that followed the kings Armie a good company of the Turcoman Nation came vnto him also this yeare so that the Persian hoast was verie great and sufficient and able to attempt any famous enterprise But when it came to the poynt that he shuld send some of his Captaines into Georgia he meant not to make choyce of any other for that purpose but only of those which by reason of their experience in those cuntries and neare neighbourhood to the Georgiani both could and by dutie were bound the rather to aide their neighbours and endommage their enemies And yet he made choice of Tocomac and the rest that hetherto in this warre had fought those battels which before wee haue described and comaunded them that gathering their people together they should depart into Georgia and there ioyning themselues with Simon they shoulde worke the greatest annoyance to the Turkish armie that possible they could not fayling continually to aduertise him of their successes and of the Turkes purposes of whom if they shoulde learne either by the report of spies or by any other means that they would passe to Tauris they shuld not sayle to pursue them to the end they might ioyne together with him and so encounter their enemies Armie All these Captaines were most resolute men and most perfect in all militarie exercises and being warned by the captiuity of Alyculi-Chan they walked much more circumspectly with the greater aduisement but yet ful of a thousand desires to atteÌ„pt some great matter They led with them about ten thousand persons which being ioyned with the people of Georgia amouunted to the number of thirteene thousand who presently assoone as they vnderstood of Sinans arriuall at Erzirum put themselues on their way towards Teflis And to the end the Turkes should not heare any newes of them they kept that way which as yet was not discouered by the enemies sauing only by the Tartarian spoylers and robbers and that was the way of Genge which is situate in a certaine Champayne wherein there are neither Cities nor townes but such as were either their friendes or their subiectes or their confederates neither are ther either any trecherous or rebellious people between it and Tauris And thus the Persians being arriued at Genge sent word thereof to Simon giuing him withal to vnderstande that as soon as he perceaueth the Turkes to be remooued from Chars he must sende them a watch word for that they were ready to performe great matters in his behalfe keeping on the way of Grin they wold come and ioyn theÌ„selues with him and so being vnited together they wold cause the Turks to feel the disturbances and annoyances which were prepared for them But nowe was the Persian Embassador incountred and receaued in Constantinople with al due kind of honour and after certain dayes brought into do his embassage wherin as I vnderstood by many credible persons whiles I was in Constantinople afterward it was confirmed in by Aleppo the said Embassadors son when rebelling against his king and entertained by the Turke he was placed in the gouernment of the said City of Aleppo among other things whereupon he did most eloquently discourse with the king hee framed his speech in such sort that it was sufficient to disswade and withdraw him from this war deliuering vnto him all those reasons that might haue relation thereunto and telling him that his King Mahamet who had but lately succeeded with great glorie in the happie kingdome of Persia was alwayes greatlie grieued at these troubles of the wars which if he thought hee coulde pacifie with the shedding of his blood and the spending of his life he would not haue spared either the one or the other and would also most willinglie haue tryed all the remedies for it that possibly he could For he did at the first consider with himselfe howe contrarie it was to the mercifull nature of their common Prophete Mahamet to nourish contention much more to cause the publike spilling of the blood of his nations Secondly he did manifestly perceiue how inconuenient a thing it was that warre should succeed so suddenly vpon a peace which was so royally and with so many sworre Capitulations concluded betweene Tamas and Soliman after which peace Armes should neuer haue bene raised but vpon some great quarrell and offence that should be offered
the king to send a new garrison of souldiers to Van to the end that no Persians shoulde passe on this side Van to endamage those countries and next that vnder the conduct of some fit Captaine he would send some succours to Teflis Vpon which point the king asked Sinan his opinion willed him to be thinke himselfe of one to whom this expedition might bee committed Sinan propounded diuers and sundrie persons vnto him but none of them pleased Amurath who was minded to bestowe this charge vppon Mahamet the Bassa Nephew to Mustaffa Bassa and in that respect â—â—uied and hated by Sinan whom albeit hee told the king that he was not a fitte man for suche a seruice yet woulde hee need â—â— emploie him in this supplie as it were in despite and deâ—ision of the aduice which Sinan gaue him And therefore hee sente this Mahamet to Erzirum with the title of the Bassa of that Prouince displacing from thence Kesuan Bassa the Gouernor of that Region and withal added thereunto the honor dignitie of the Captaineship ouer the army for Teflis Presently vpon this resolution commaundement was giuen to the Bassa of Caraemit called Hassa the Eunuke to Mustaffa sometime called by the name of Manucchiar the Georgian who as wee tolde you before exchanged his Natiue religion with the Turkish superstition to all the Sangiacchi the Curdi al the souldiers of Erzirum that reducing themselues vnder the Standerd of Mahamet Bassa they shoulde followe him to Teflis and obey him in all thinges that hee should command them Whereupon there assembled together out of all the saide places about fiue and twentie thousand persons and treasure sufficient was appointed for the reliefe of the Souldiers in the besieged fort together with Corne and all other necessarie prouisions for them so that euery thing was put in readines for this enterprize in such large and liberall manner that it might abundantly haue sufficed Commandement likewise was giuen to the Bassa of Alâ—ppo to the Bassa of Maras that with al their souldiers which they had in pay they should repaire to Van and there abide till winter These two Bassaes performed the Kings commandement and were not disturbed nor molested in any sort by the enemy Mahamet the Bassa also performed it likewise together with all his Souldiers aboue named but yet with a farre different and contrarie fortune for that there happened vnto him diuers grieuous pernicious accidents which made this enterprize vnfortunate and miserable whereof it is now fit time to discourse in prosecuting the due course of our historie In the end of August Mahamet the Bassa departed from Erzirum with the Bassa of Caraemit all the Sangiacchi the Curdi all the souldiers subiect to his gouernement carrying also with him money corne all other necessarye munition At the end of eight daies he arriued at Chars from thence passed to Archelech being in the meane time neither assailed nor disturbed by any enemie At Archelech he found Mustaffa Bassa the Widowes Sonne and al his souldiers belonging vnto him who excusing himselfe with liuely reasons for that he came not to meete with him at Erzirum according to his duty was most ioyfully entertained honored by Mahamet with Cloath of Golde and Sworde and Target all guilte and withall admonished to continue obedient and subiect to Amurath not failing to conduct him with his garrison appointed for Teflis and to choose that way which he thought to be the shortest the safest and the most commodious for them for that some were of opinion that it would be lesse danger to trauel by the way of Tomanis some other by the way of his country Wherein after many discourses Mustaffa did readily resolue him that the easiest and shortest way lay through his owne countrey as being also the safest in his opinion The counsell of Mustaffa pleased Mahamet greatly who made choice of him to be the guide of his army reposing himselfe wholly vpon his good aduise and so they departed together from thence towards Teflis passing through Altunchala Carachala both belonging now to the said Georgian but in times past to the Widow his mother abounding with all thinges necessary for the sustenance of man neither were they euer disturbed by the enemies forces From these quarters they went forward to a Castell called Gori sometimes appertaining to the Georgiani gouerned by a brother of that Giusuf who had yeelded himselfe to the Turkes but now by reason of that brothers death it is fallen into the hands of the Turks from which place they discouered in certaine fieldes a great army of Georgians mingled with Persians but yet apparrelled after the manner of Georgia These were those Captains of Persia with Simon-Chan so often mentioned heertofore who were sent from the PersiaÌ„ king as in diuerse yeers before they also were to succor aid the Georgian forces For the king thought that they were sufficient enough to performe that busines vnderstanding that the Turkes had sent no greater armie thither and so by their good helpe there might peraduenture ensue a quiet end and pacification of al these troubles And therfore staying himselfe in Tauris hee had sent the aforenamed Captains into Georgia who keeping on the way of Genge and of Grin had secretly conioyned themselues with Simon and dissembled counterfeited their apparrel only because the meanes of peace should not bee disturbed and their king accompted a falsifier of his faith who vnder the vaile of a treaty vpon truce amity whiles Amurath attended nothing else but to succour and defend his conquered Countries without any annoyance or disturbaÌ„ce to any other places went about to procure the slaughter and ouerthrow of the Turks These then assoon as they saw the Turkish army perceiued that they theÌ„selues wer also descried by them sent swift haraulds vnto theÌ„ to bid them battel with haughtie and iniurious words to defie them to fight Mahamet Bassa who had no other desire but onely to bring his succors safe to Teflis receiued this defiance with great griefe of minde and hauing dismissed the hearaulds hee went about in the best manner he could to delay the execution of this their prouocatioÌ„ to battel That euening hee was fauored in his purpose by very great continuall raine which couertly excused his delay feare euery man thinking that it proceeded rather vpon some reasonable iust impediment then vpon his cowardise But the next morning when the sun shined bright vpon the face of the earth without any cloud at all the Georgians the Persians hauing vnited themselues waxen more resolute then euer they were drew neer to the Turkish armie followed it while it marched And so both the armies kept in sight one of another without any act at al or motion of war vntil about fowre howrs a halfe before night at what time the Turks ariued neer to a riuer
that separated the one army froÌ„ the other Mahamet and Mustaffa fell into consultation betweene themselues whether they should passe ouer the riuer before night or else without any further trauel to stay on this side of the water vntill the next morning Mustaffa the Georgian aduised him to stay and not to go ouer fearing lest they coulde not possibly bee so readie haue all their coÌ„panie together on the other side so soone but that their enemies would be first vpon them finding the camp in disarray confusioÌ„ would greatly annoy them Notwith staÌ„ding Mahamet disliked this aduise of Mustaffa hauing taken a strong conceit euen vpon the very first discouery of the enemy that there was some intelligence agreement between Mustaffa the Persians that malitiously to that end he had perswaded him to come that way not by the way of Tomanis therfore Mahamet thinking if there were any deceit intended plotted between Mustaffa his enemies to set it in some confusion and disturbance would not in any case follow the counsell of the Georgian to stay that night on this side of the riuer but commaunded that with all the greatest speede that might be all his souldiers with their Casenda and their Nosul that is with their treasure and Corne should passe ouer to the ende that before night they might lande on the other side of the water in some good place to the scorne and derision of their enemies The Checaia or the Lieutenant of Mahamet Bassa a bolde young-man and a hardie was the first that went ouer and after him the carriages of money and of corne then al the whole Armie with verie great speed although some of the confused multitude were drowned in the waters being rather ouer troden with the horses camels then brought to their deathes either by the swiftnes of the waters course or by the depth of the Channel For indeede neither the one nor the other could possiblie be the cause or occasion of this mischaunce Assone as the Georgiani perceiued that the Turkes had passed the Riuer without any staying til they might settle themselues in any good order in great haste furie they ran to encounter them presently assailed them whiles they were all in a confusion and out of array by meanes whereof the Turkes durst not almost sustaine their furious assault And yet was there not in them such basenesse of courage but that they turned their faces and ioyned battel with theÌ„ wherein within a verie short time you might see the bankes of the Riuer in manie places be sprinkled with the Turkish bloud and many carcases of the Turkes here and there scattered without any apparance at all of any losse among the Georgians and the Persians that could be perceiued Among those that fell in this slaughter there were a number of Sangiacchi Curdi and certaine Mesopotamians whereby it was manifestly discouered that if the Turkish Squadrons had not vsed the greater valour out of all question they had bene all miserablie destroied with the rest of the Sangiacchi Curdi Mesopotamians fearing and coniecturing by the ouerthrowe of their owne the losse also of the others they turned their backes and put themselues to flight the like did the remnant also of Caraemit and after them at the last all the whole Armie And because the Georgians foreseeing this their flight had made a great wing and turning themselues vpon their enemies on the lands side had left them no passage to flie but sought by al meanes to driue them backe againe into the Riuer the fugitiue cowards could not choose but eueÌ„ in their flight receiue verye great hurt intermingled with shame Which notwithstanding some of theÌ„ desiring to auoyd thought it lesse harme to cast themselues into the riuer and so escape though hardly with their liues or else with desperation to bee drowned in the waters Great was their shame great was their confusion but greatest was their losse for that in the heat of the baâ—tell the Kings money and the Corne was taken in pray by the Georgians and Persians euery man sauing onely somuch for himself as he could secretely hide vpon his owne bodie or conuey by the meanes of some trustie slaue which by the helpe of their swift horses was preserued rather by fortune then by valor In this maner were the Turks handled who being thus discomfited and wounded full of shame and dishonour spoyled of all their reliefe the next morning gathered themselues together again one with another cursing the heauens their king their aduerse fortune some of theÌ„ also threatning that Georgian rinegate as though all this mischiefe had happened through his treachery secrete intelligence with the enemie Notwithstanding when they founde that they had still remaning so much money and other easements as might suffice to comfort the afflicted mindes of the souldiers besieged in the forte they re solued to goe onwardes to Teflis the day following they made so good speed in their iourney that for all the difficulties of the waies which trauellers do commonly find in those quarters they ariued there in the euening Greatly were all the souldiers of the fort astonied wheÌ„ they saw the Turks whom they had so long expected ariued in such bad order so il furnished were wonderfully grieued at this common losse by reason where of they were all in a greate confusion and protested to Mahamet that they would abandon the defence of that countrie if they had not necessary prouision made for theÌ„ yea their protestations were so vehemeÌ„t their mutinie so tumultuous that therby was confirmed a certaine generall rumour which was alreadie raised vpon this vnfortunate battel that Teflis was recouered by the Georgians the reporte whereof came also into Italy as a thing most certaine and true and yet proued to be but a lie Besides which losse of the foresaide souldiers and prouision certaine other mischiefes were also like to ensue which euery reasonable man woulde expecte vppon so happie and fortunate a successe but that they were met withal For Mahamet after he had with large promises pacified mitigated their first furies insolences presentlie in the morning he caused a Diuano to bee called within the castel where hauing the multitude of the Sangiacchi the Bassaes the Zaini the Spahini the Giannizzaries gathered together he spake vnto them in this manner Forasmuch as it hath pleased GOD that so great and so important an occasion of victorie which was offered vnto vs for the exaltation and glorie of euerie one of â—â— is nowe fallen out so infortunately that it hath not onely not ministred vnto vs anye matter of triumphing ouer our enemies as wee shoulde haue done but rather it hath made them I knowe not howe to carrie away from vs both the triumph and also our Armor our Horses our slaues and our spoiles yea and
Gardens and pleasaunt Greenes but in the way many craggie mountaynes to bee clymed and sundrie harde passages either for Armie or Traueller It hath vppon the coast towardes the North Teflis vppon the South the playnes of Caldaran and a little higher towardes the Tropike of Capricorne Van and the Marciana Marish Heere then did Ferat Bassa encampe himselfe with all his Armie and taking the aduise of his chiefe Captaynes where hee shoulde builde the Forte they all with one consent aduised him to seaze vppon the houses and Gardens of Tâ—comao and to enuiron them with Ditches with Walles and with Ordinaunce for defense and in the middest as it were in a Center within the Walles to erecte a highe Castle which on euerie side rounde about might discouer both the hilles and the playnes and beeing well fensed with store of good Ordenance might threaten destruction and ruine to all those that durst attempt to endammage them And so they enclosed the gardens with walles accordingly and hauing digged ditches rounde about them they conueyed water into them from a certayne riuer that came downe from the hilles and ranne into Araxis and in this manner within the space of fifteene dayes they finished the Fort. It was a great affliction to Tocomac thus to loose his own Countrie yea and so much the more greeuous it was vnto him because it happened so sodenly and as it were vnlooked for he himselfe presently assoone as he vnderstood that the Turkish Armie was comming towardes that coast hauing withdrawne himselfe and his men of war out of the Citie and leauing the impotent to the mercie of the Conquerors seeking by all meanes to bee reuenged if not altogether yet at the least in some part of this great iniurie And therefore hee wrote to the King in Corazan he wrote to Emir-Chan in Tauris hee wrote to Simon in Georgia hee gathered souldiers out of the villages and vsed all his possible indeuour to make himselfe meete and able to annoy the enemies Armie But neither from Georgia coulde hee receaue anie helpe because they were too-much troubled with hindering any succours to bee brought for the reliefe of the beseeged in Teflis as in due place it shall be declared Neither from Tauris was hee releeued with so much as one Souldier either because Emir-Chan woulde not or coulde not stirre or else because hee had some secrete intelligence with Generall Ferat not to disturbe him in this his Fabrike And so Tocomac could not haue the lucke to be fauoured with any poore ayde that might at the least haue mittigated the bitternesse of his griefe And therefore being not able to doe anie thing but onely with those few Souldiers which he had to lay some priuie ambushes for the Turkes hee neuer ceased to sley sometimes a hundred of them sometimes a hundreth and fiftie and sometimes moe and in that manner to coole the heat of his heart which swelled with the burning desires of reuenge And the better to ease his stomacke which was infected with the poyson of hatred against Emir-Chan who sitting still as it were to beholde his miseries woulde not so much as shake a sworde to annoye these spoyling Turkes and thereby performe his promise made to the Kinge hee spared not to dispatch certayne horse men to the saide King in Corazan and by â—loquent letters to amplifie the vilenesse and cowardize of Emir-Chan discouâ—ring vnto him some shadowe of suspicion and intermingling with all some causes of iealousie to be conceiued in his minde that Emir-Chan had some secrete intelligence with the Turkish Generall And to be short he omitted no occasion whereby hee might anie way qualifie the griefe that he had taken for the losse of his Citie The Turkish Captaine at last departed from his newe Forte and returned to Chars and for the custodie of the said Fortresse he appointed there as Captaine Sinan Bassa sonne to that Cicala who by misfortune was lately taken prisoner whiles with great fame hee scowred and wasted the Tyrrhene Sea And therefore this his Sonne who was afterwarde cured and healed by mee of a certaine disease that hee had at Aleppo partly for the goodlinesse of his person and partly for the hope that hee raysed of his valour was so greatly fauoured by Selim the late Tyraunt of Constantinople and the arrant Enemie of the Italian name that hauing scarce passed the flowre of his youth in which age he was deerely beloued of him hee was created the Aga or Captayne of the Giamizaries and after this his first degree of honour sent to bee gouernour of certayne Cities and in the ende hauing beene imployed in diuers tumults and perible of warress hee was nowe appointed Captaine and Keeper of this Forte together with Ossan Bey Sonne to the late famous Eliambuâ—at afore mentioned With these two Captaines but yet vnder the sole gouernement of Bassa Elicabi onely and with the companye of eight thousand Souldiers partlye 〈◊〉 and partlye Naturall Subjects and with the Munition aboue reheâ—rsed this Forte was stir engthened and this Garrison of Souldiers without expecting any yeerely succours to bee brought them by and Armye to euen of themselues in seuerall troupes of three hundred together in a companie were alwaies 〈…〉 appointed times to go fetch their pay at the Citie of Enzrâ—â—â— and afterwardes at Aloppo and other Cities of Sâ—ria A which they also continue to doe euen to this daye And so with these saide Souldiers and with good store of Artâ—haries artificially distributed vpon the new wall Foraâ— left the Forte hand â—as 〈◊〉 haue â—ased withdrewe himselfe to Chars passing by the waye of Aggia-Ghalasi and performing his iourney 〈◊〉 daies space Where when he was arriued there arose very great and straunge newes For there was fodainely brought before the said Generall â— Sangiaedo Cutdo with his hands bounde behinde him all pale and astonished with foare whose beade without any more a doo hee caused to bee cutte from him carâ—ase publishing to the rest that hee was a â—ole and a rebell Which whether it were so or no â—â—â— whether this sodaine and ynexpected death lighted vpon him in respecte of some other displeasure they knowe best if it bee lawfull at the least to know it that are the curious searchers of such particularities At the execution wherof there was a rumour raised of a far greater importance For by many reporters there was brought to the eares of the General a great faine of a wonderfull noueltie namely that Mustaffa the Georgian to whom 〈◊〉 had sent thirty thousand Duckates from Constantinople by two of his Capigi and two Châ—aus or Nâ—nâ—ioâ—s to the end that with a Tâ—ioâ—spe of his Subiectes he shoulde carrie them to Teflis for the reliefe of those in the Porue was â—â—â—dde and beeing nowe become a rebell to the Turkish King had lefte the Fortresse in manifeste 〈◊〉 to yeelde if by some other meanes it were
tedious and insolent gouernment where is the due commiseration that thou oughtest to beare towardes the vassels of our soueraigne Lord thou rustical vnreasonable captaine Doest thou think happelie that we keep with our harlots as thou doest vnder thy sumptuous pauilions all fat in good plight with delicate viandes whiles others liâ—e in miserie Doest thou beleeue that we haue as thou hast our daintie Sugers spices and conserues wherby to restore vs in the common calamities of others And that we haue at commaund our neate pretious wines which thou minglest with thy cleere plesant waters partly prouided for thee by the Arte of the cunning Doctors partly brought vnto thee from farre places From this daie foreward it wil bee no longer endured that so much people should continue in this famine cold lying vpon the hard ground and afflicted with nakednes and many other inconueniences and therfore get thy selfe vp and returne towards Erzirum or else we shal be enforced to doo that which wil breed more displeasure to thee then to any man else The general being in a great agony confusioÌ„ within himself preseÌ„tly caused a Diâ—ano to be asseÌ„bled wherin it was coÌ„cluded that they should all send their strong sumpter horses towards Ardachan all folow him into y e widows couÌ„trâ—y whither he had appointed to go only to make an Inrode to giue theÌ„ occasioÌ„ of spoile bootie to refresh the minds of theÌ„ al that were afflicted with the miseries both past present At the coÌ„mandement of the general they al readely obeyd aswell because he promised them a speedy vioage as also for that euerie man desired the sacke of Altun-Chala other the territories of Manucchiar therefore they al verie willingly followed the Standerdes of Ferat who holding on his iourneye through certaine lowe valleyes betweene the high and difficult mountaines which could be none other but the Rockes of Periardo and beeing continually accompanied with a verie great dearth and scarsitie brought his Army to Clisca a place belonging to the sayd Manucchiar but now quite abandoned forsaken by all the inhabitants who at the onely voice of the Generalles comming hauing gotten together all the best stuffe that they had together with their wiues their children al their deerest iewels were departed from thence remooued into remote and safe places till the furye of the victor should be ouerpassed In the fields neere vnto this place there was good store of Rie Barley other corne wherewith they might quench the hunger of the Cattell yea and the souldiers themselues through the aboundaÌ„ce of fruite and flesh were greatly comforted and refreshed So that the Generall being encouraged by these commodities and hoping that the whole Armie woulde take it well to stay a while in such good ease determined with himselfe to erect a newe Forte in the place and to strengthen it with Armour and Souldiers and with this resolution gaue commandement to Resuan Bassa that he should goe vp to the towre and in the top thereof plant a banner with a proclamation and publike reporte that he woulde fence that Fortresse and in the name of Amurath Fortifie it as other Fortes were woont to bee Resuan being accompanied with the Bassa of Caramania who was al so called Amurath executed the commandement of the Generall in the toppe of the Towre planted one or two Banners accordingly whereat assoone as the Souldiers espied them the forenamed Giannizzaries and the Spaoglani sodainelye tooke great indignation because they thought themselues to be too much abused by their captaine and thereupon arising againe all in an vprore replenished with furie and confused in tumult with great despite and rage they ranne vp to take downe the Banners that were planted vpon the Fort and taking them in their handes they strooke the saide Resuan Bassa once or twise about the pate withall discharging a thousand iniurious and reprochful wordes vpon him and sharpely rebuking him And then returning to the Generall who was nowe also come thither himselfe to countenance the Action of Resuan and from that high place the better to behold the situation thereof with gestures full of contempt and disdaine reuiling him with many shamefull and scornefull termes they protested vnto him That they were not come to the Warres to exercise the occupation of Masons and Dawbers and to bee employed in such vile and dishonourable offices but onely to Manage their weapons and thereby to demerite their ordinary wages and to purchase to themselues glorie and renowme at their Kings handes And therefore if hee loued his heade and woulde not shortly see those Armes turned againste him which hitherto had beene the Reuengers of the enemies iniuries hee shoulde resolue with himselfe to leaue these newe Buildinges and these vnseasonable designementes and giuing place to the contrary season of the yeere hee shoulde haue due care of their common desires and necessities And whiles they were thus talking vnto him there was one more bolde then the rest and beyond his dutie that did not sticke to assault the Generall and to threaten him that he would wreake his fury vpon him and chastife him with impious hands cruell blows withall But the forenamed Bassa of Caramania was readie to lende the Generall his owne Horse and so rescuing him from the rage and tumulte of the Souldiers to conduct him to his Pauilion Howbeit Ferat was pursued by the tumultuous Souldiers and sharpely accused againe for the stay that hee hadde made there and for not resoluing presently to remooue from thence yea and after they had often repeated their contumelious speeches and reprochful villanies against him they vttered also at the last their manifest expresse protestations that if the next morning he did not remooue from those Quarters without all faile hee shoulde loose his life for it Ferat who could not abide to yeeld to them that shoulde of duetie haue beene ready and obedient at euery becke that hee should make seeking by all meanes notwithstanding all this stirre to staye there for so long time as woulde bee sufficiente to builde a Forte that woulde bee so noysome and iniurious to Manucchiar coulde doe no lesse but aunswere these Protestations telling them that he made no accompte of their threatening him with his life which hee had alwaies offered as readie for any seruice of Amurath his King But if they had no care to serue their Soueraigâ—e in this â—ewe Building they might goe their waies for as for himselfe he was vtterlye minded to obey his Lorde in whatsoeuer hee had commaunded him for the honour of whome euerye man ought to thinke his life very well bestowed Vpon this aunswere there followed diuerse railinges and curses against the king against the General against them all and in a most confused tumulte that was raised euerie man betooke himselfe to his weapons and in euerie corner there
againste Ares-Chan and Sahamal in assuring the Conquest of that Citie The good opinion that Amurath had thus conceiued of Osman did springe arise in his head not only for the exploits done by him which wee haue sufficiently aboue declared but also yea and much the rather for that hee maintained so greate an Armie in a Countrey so farre distant without any expences at al to the king hauing nowe a good while leauied the Souldiers Stipendes vppon the landes and territories of that Region and still exercised a kinde of gouernement and soueraigntie ouer those places Of all which his good proceedings Osman caused intelligence to be sent to the Court sundrie times in the yeare discoursing vppon the State of all thinges and howe without any helpe of the Tartarians who since the death of Adilcherai neuer came to assist him hee had assured and confirmed the Conquest for euer By these meanes and by other fauours which Osman had about the king there was fostered in the minde of Amurath a wonderfull good opinion of him but although as wee haue sayed euer since the departure of Ferat out of Erzirum the second yeere hee was throughly perswaded of the vertue of Osman yet was he not resolued as then to call vpon him for that hee was hindered by the Nouelties that arose in Georgia and stayed by a kinde of hope that hee had conceiued of some better establishmente in the affaiers of Siruan And nowe hauing settled all those borders in such sorte as wee haue described and opened the passage in manner aforesaide he thought it good to stay no longer but resolued with himselfe to cut of al further delay to cause him to come to him to Constantinople for that purpose before that Ferat was ariued at Erzirū the king had disparched certen Capigi Chiaus to call this famous warriour vnto him and thereupon in the next spring they began to make prouision of new attempts and new Captaines But there wanted not some that went about to hinder both his comming also these dissignements that were of great importance At that time by reason of the death of the three Visiers before named and the banishment of Sinan aboue also declared there had succeeded in the place of the chiefe Visier Sciaus Bassa son in law to Amurath next vnto whom it was Osmans course to sit in the order of those Bassaes that were aduanced to that honor But Sciaus who rather for the comelinesse of his person and alliance with the king then for anie other thing was mounted to those highe rowmes did greatly feare least partely for his experience in matters of warre and particularly for the good affection and trust which the king did beare to Osman at this his cōming to Constantinople he might perswade the king to what hee listed and so peraduenture it might fall out that he would take from him the chiefest office and get the vniuersal gouernment of the whole Empyre wher by so great wealth was to bee gained and purchased And therefore hee had euerie date new stinges arising in his mind and sundrie cogitations how hee might ridde himselfe of these feares and finde meanes to auoide his comming to the Court. And because it was a verie dangerous matter openly to attempt the same and might peraduenture be an easie meanes to make him forgoe his life hee thought it better to make triall of a more commodious trustie meane This Sciaus in consideration of many gifts and rewards which the Cuman Tartarian had often bestowed vpon him had continually endeuored to cleere him before the king of diuers accusations which Osman by his letters was wont to lay to his charge for all his ouersights to alledge such reasons in his behalf as if they did not perswade Amurath to bee altogether kinde and courteous towards him yet at the least not to carrie a malitious enuious conceit against him And so farre had hee proceeded in countenancing and fauouring the Tartarian that there was established and confirmed an enterchaungeable amitie and mutuall confederacie betweene them but besids this their reciprocall friendship there quickened in the heart of Sciaus a certaine assured imagination that the said Tartarian king would vse al the waies and meanes possible to hinder the comming of Osman to Constantinople yf hee were but made acquainted with his comming And therefore Sciaus assoone as hee vnderstoode the certaine resolution of Amurath to call Osman to the Court before he saw the Chiaus and the Capigi dispatched which went with the Kinges commaundement to fetch him secretly wrote to the Cuman Tartar who lay encamped neere to the hauen of Caffa vpon the Moore of Moeotis certifying him that Osman was to come to the Courte and that therefore hee woulde call to minde how great an enemie hee had beene to him and how much hee had endeuored by letters to Amurath to turne all his hatred and displeasure against him and withall that if hee was able to doo so much by letters as if Sciaus had not defended him with verie reasonable excuses the king had executed his wrathfall minde vpon him to his greate losse and detrimente hee shoulde then imagine with himselfe what Osman woulde bee able to doe when hee shoulde come in person to the presence of Amurath and without anie mediatour determine betweene themselues of all matters whatsoeuer they shoulde thinke to bee conuenient for the common quiet These peraduentur worse were the letters which Sciaus wrote to the Tartar which ministred matter enough vnto him to encourage him to his barbarous and cruell designement and hauing fully resolued with himselfe not to suffer so pernicious an enemie of his owne to arriue at Constantinople and also to rid his mind of so great a feare and especially perceiuing that Sciaus in whose breast he reposed all his hope and all his protection did so greatly feare his comming he commaunded that twelue thousand souldiers chaungnig their weapons and apparrell should goe and lie in await for Osman in the borders betweene Colchis and Iberia towards the Tartarian Nomades and so making an assault vpon him to bereeue him of his life hoping that such an outrage either could not or would not bee imputed to his procurement but rather either to the Tartar Nomades or to the Mengrellians or to the Georgians or to the Moscouites or to the Theeues by the high way and to bee short rather to any bodie else then to him The commaundementes of the Tartar king were put in practise by them accordingly and without any further stay they ioyned themselues all together and so rode towards the place appointed The Volacchi and the Capigi which were sent from the king were now come to Osman who readily had put himselfe on his way towardes Constantinople hauing left behind him at Derbent and at Sumachia two Bassaes which he thought to bee the most sufficient men and the best of all those that
and easie to bee graunted to require that thing of Amurath which age and riches had denyed him that is to say that hee woulde driue his Brother out of the kingdome and to substitute him in his place And thus wente the good young man to the courte where hauing bestowed a fewe small presentes he did not sticke to shew himselfe to bee a suiter for the nowme of his Brother who hauing had intelligence before of his going to Constantinople had presentlye written to his Embassadours there that they should not regarde any expences they should not omit any duety or intreatie they should not forget any Art or diligence to retain him stil established in his possessed dig nitye to procure his foolish audatious Brother to be clapt vp in some place where he might not disturb him in his kingdom And so whiles the one labored with the power of his toung and by meanes thereof conioyned with the other ornamentes of his mind hoped to haue become his Brothers superiour the Agentes of the other did not cease to imploy also the force of their guiftes and Stratagems and in the end it fell out that neither learning nor beauty of person nor good reporte coulde preuaile somuch for the one as rich presentes and crafty deceites legitimated by gold could doe for the other notwithstanding a number of filthy vices that were in him And what is it that money cannot doe amonge couetous people at this day if it bee bestowed in measure and in time and distributed in fitte occasions The young man was committed prisoner sent by safe watch to Gogna sometimes called Iconium a City of Licaonia and his Brother stil confirmed in his possessed kingdome With great patience did the vnhappy young man remaine at Gogna apparelled like an Eremit and in that his captiuity liued a life altogether conformable to his miserye and as al men iustified it vnto me at my passage through that Cytye when I went to Constantinople by his continuall and treacherous execrations and a kinde of externall innocencye hee made shewe that hee was voide of all hope or ambitious desire to be brought to a kingdome thought the matter was nowe no longer to bee foreslowed but that it was verie expediente to attempt the famous enterprize of Tauris and by erecting a Forte in that Citie to raise a terrour ouer al Persia and a glorirous renowme of their mightie conquestes amonge the Nations of Europe For it was alreadie well knowen what the Georgians were able to doo the people wherof had already partly of their owne voluntary motion and partly enforced by necessity feare yeelded their dutiful obediēce although Mustaffa had rebelled returned to his former libertie natiue Religion yet he might peraduenture by this time repent himselfe thereof neither was there any cause at all to feare the treacheries of one that beeing without any traine to followe him and of himselfe verie poore woulde rather seeke to saue himselfe in his obscure and base villages and to keep his pittifull holdes within the mountaines neither could bee able to endure the sounde of their victors much lesse bee so hardie as to assault the victoreis So that all thinges now were open neither was there any feare of any noueltie arising but that the iourney to Tauris might resolutely bee performed for the accomplishment wherof hee thought that either the same Armie or at the most a verie little greater would suffize so that it were of the choisest souldiers By reason of one of the letters which Sciaus Bassa had written to the Cuman Tartar and was founde I know not howe Amurath had depriued the saide Sciaus from the office of the chiefe Visier and banished him from the Courte so that hee liued afterwardes about Calcedone vpon the borders of Asia towardes Constantinople in a certaine Serraglio or close Palace that yee had there builte for his owne pleasure and recreation And in the rowme of this his son in law he had appointed Osman to bee chiefe Visier in the ranke of the Bassaes of the Court and not contented to haue committed so great a trust vnto him hee nominated him also the Generall and Soueraigne Captaine in the enterprise of Tauris Such power and force hath vertue that euen from the verie skomme of the rascall sorte and out of the rustical route of Mountaine Peasauntes which notwithstanding cannot bee truely iustified of this Osman it doth oftentimes in this variable worlde drawe diuerse men into Princes Courtes and aduaunce them to the highest dignities This Osmans father was a Circassian borne who in the common losse and conquest of his countrey was one of those that to escape the slaughtering sworde of Selim submitted themselues to the Turkish yoke and afterwardes fighting in defense thereof hee ouercame the Aethtopians and thereby obtained immortall renowme Of these his vertues hee lefte the saide Osman his heire who beeing broughte vppe in aboundance of all thinges and trayned vp in the Arte of warrefare became verie couragious and skilfull therein and at last from a priuate Souldier was called to the highest dignities of so greate an Empyre and from thence to the chiefest place of authoritie in the Armie of the Easte and to bee shorte was at one instante created a Counseller and Generall of Ottoman Greate was the ioye that Osman conceiued hereat and greate was the desire that hee had to make himselfe woorthie of so honourable fauours and the greater confidence that hee perceiued Amarath had reposed in him the more eagerly was he spurred on to doe any thing possible whereby hee might shewe himselfe to haue deserued the same And therefore aduising with himselfe that forasmuch as there must bee a greater Armie nowe Leuied then there was in the former years so sent into very far Countreyes it was also necessarie for him the sooner to send out his aduertisementes into all his subiect Prouinces and he himselfe by his owne example to prouoke the other Captaines and Souldiers therunto he determined euen in winter thought it were as yet somewhat troublesome to passe to Chalcedon and from thence to Angori to Amasia to Siuas and in those territories to driue out the time vntill hee might vnderstand that all his souldiers which were summoned were gathered together But because vpon this his great speed it might fal out peraduenture that his enemies also woulde beginne to prepare a greater number of Souldiers if they should vnderstande for certaine that Osman had appointed all these preparations for Tauris he thought it a better pollicie for so it pleased Amurath also to spreade a rumour abroade that they must goe for Nassiuan whither Ferat Bassa had giuen out speech that he should haue gone the last yeere before to the end that the Persians beeing so beguiled shoulde not regard the gathering of so mighty an Armye as they woulde haue done if they should haue heard of their
and such accusations of the two Drusian Captaines their enemies hee began to bee in good hope of his intended enterprise Neither did he forslow to vse moste sweet speeches vnto them promising due rewardes to euery one of them and putting them in great expectation that he would encrease their honour and enlarge their estates By which liberall promises they beeing nowe become bold and venturous beganne in more sharp and bitter manner to accuse their two enemies Which thing did the more highlye please Ehrain for that hee plainely perceiued that nothing could more easely compasse their ouerthrow then this their discorde And therfore most readilie hee promised them not onely that hee woulde procure the destruction of those their enemies as rebells to the Turke but also that hee woulde make themselues the Meanes and Ministers of their owne reuenge and chastisement And thus beeing all accompanied and ioyned together they came by the way of Damasco to the Champaigne of Bocca beforenamed and in those plains incamped themselues This was in the month of Iulie and in the yeere of mans redemption 1585. And the whole Armie that was with Ebrain reconing also the Souldiers of the three Emirs was about the number of twentie thousand horsemen strong In this place there came people out of all quarters with presentes to honour the Visier to whom he likewise yeelded such fauours reliefes as his coueteous nature could afford them Among the rest Giouanni Michaele mentioned a little before sente Christoforo de Buoni his Interpreter to salute the saide Bassa who againe for his parte shewed diuerse signes and tokens of the Loue and Reuerence that hee carried towardes the Venetian estate And for that the saide Christoforo de Buoni was of the same Nation and language that Ebrain was off both of them beeing Sclauonians and of Ragusi hee esteemed of him so deerely that hee woulde needes retaine him still with him as his familiar Companion during all the time that hee remained in Soria about the subduing of the Drusians By which meanes I attained to the precise and faithfull knowledge of all the proceedings in Drusia From these plaines also Ebrain presently sente Letters to Serafadin and to Ebneman whereby hee inuited them to come vnto him and declare themselues to bee Subiectes and obediente to the Sultan to the ende hee mighte make intercession on their behaulfes for all suche honorable fauour as they desired but if they woulde not come then they must bee assured that they shoulde bee depriued both of their estates and of these liues Manogli would not come by any meanes But Serafadin beeing poore both in wealth and in forces and sarre more weake then Manogli resolued to come hoping that by his presents hee might rid himselfe of all trouble for that he had hearde of the fortunate successe that had hitherto happened to the three Emirs who as all the worlde thought had made the kings Champion their great friende and protector And therefore hauing packed vp together diuerse loades of silkes greate store of Money and many cloathes of good value and beautye hee carried them with him to honour the newe Duke by whose Letters hee was so largely inuited Hee caused also diuerse of his Subiectes to goe with him and at last arriued at the Pauilion of Ebrain with his rich presentes hauing first commaunded all those that had accompanied him thether to sequester themselues from him The guiftes were readilye receiued and the speech of Serafadin hearde with great attention which in effect tended to no other ende but onely to perswade the Visier that he had alwaies beene deuoted and a vassall to Amurath and that hee had carried a continuall desire to bee imployed in any seruice for him and that nowe beeing led by the same affection and assured by the friendly courteous offers made him in his letters hee was come to shewe himselfe vnto him to be the same man proffered him whatsoeuer lay in his slender power to performe Ebrain made no answere to any of his speeches but onely asked him the cause why he liued continually in discord bralles with the three Emirs who also sate at that time in the same Pauilion Wherunto Serafadin answered that neuer any Act proceeded from him that might be the cause of any quarels or dissentiōs but al sprong frō those three who because they were more mighty thē he did continually woorke him great disquiet oppresse him intollerably so that if he had at any time taken vp armes against them he had done it al simply in his own defence onely to withstand their insolent molestations not because he was desirous of warres and dissentions for that he did principally loue peace with al men but specially the rather with those that were his neighbours Heerat the three conspirators arose by their grim looks bewraying their mindes full of hatred they tolde him that he was euer the occasion of al the bralles For that by his continual disquieting of those quarters those hils those champeignes those hauens of the sea he had procured a perpetual losse hinderance to the customes of the Sultan whose officer Ebnemansur was Adding withal that at this day his insolency was growen so great that from any other coasts or maritimal places there durst not any strange vessel ariue at those Portes of Sidonia of Tyrus of Berito nor any merchant or merchādize passe ouer the plains But as thogh those countries were a pray spoile to the theeus of Arabia they were generally auoided of al trauelers both by land sea Serafadin would gladly haue replied in defēce of himself by saying that neither Baruto nor Seida nor Sur were vnder his iurisdictiō but in troth partly vnder the authority of Manogli partly vnder the tyrannie of Ebnemansur But Ebrain preuented him and surcharging him with manie iniurious words commaunded the Captaine of the two hundred Ianizzaries of Constantinople to take him into his custodie and so beeing placed in a rotten Tente that was appointed for him hee was euerie night from thence forward put in the Stocks in chains and guarded with a trustie gard of Ianizzaries In this meane time came the aunswere of Manogli who wrote backe to Ebrain Bassa in this manner To the Lord of Lordes Soueraigne aboue the greate ones the mightie the Noble Captaine Cosin to the Graund Lord and the worthiest among the elect of the prophet Mahamet the Noble and famous Lord Ebrain Bassa God giue good successe to his haughty enterprises and prosperitie in all his honour I doe wish euen as thou doest louingly inuite and exhort mee that I might come before thee and follow thee and serue thee alwaies in any occasion that it may happen thee to stand in neede of my helpe For I knowe that thou wouldest rest assured of the reuernce that I beare towardes the Lorde and of the most feruent desire wherein I liue
to serue him and to employ both my substance my life in his seruice Wherof I haue also giuen some testimonie though but small in the mannaging of the Customes that I haue receiued Wherein I haue alwaies so carried my selfe that I am not his Debtor of one Aspro A thing iwis that Ebnemansur who is nowe with thee hath not done For although by his comming to meete thee euen as farre as Ierusalem hee would make a shew of his sidelitie yet doeth hee vsurpe more then two hundred thousand Duckates of the kinges which hee doth most vniustly detain frō him of his customes But my hard fortune will not grant mee the fauour that I may come vnto thee For there are at this present with thee three of mine enemies who I know well beeing not contented to haue alwaies disquieted and troubled my estate doo nowe seeke to bring mee into so great hatred with thy heart that if thou haddest mee in thy handes without any consideration thou wouldest bereaue mee of my life And I am assured that this sending for mee doth import no other thing but onely a desire that thou hast to imprison mee and so to kill mee For I know how much thou art giuen to greate enterprises Besides this my comming is also hindred by mine ancient oath that I tooke when beeing as yet but a child I sawe mine owne father so villanously betraied by the murdering sword of Mustaffa beeing at that time the Bassa of Damasco who vnder the colour of vnfeined freindship got him into his handes and traiterousslie stroke of his head For in trueth I carie the image of my fathers reuerend head al pale yet as it were brething imprinted in my minde which oftentimes presenteth it selfe to mee aswell sleeping in the darknesse of the night as also waking in the light of the day and talking with mee calleth to my remembrance the infidelitie of that murdering Tyrant and exhorteth mee to keepe my selfe alooffe from the handes of the mightie And therefore I neither can nor may obey thy requestes and in that respect it grioueth mee that I shall seeme disobedient vnto thee beeing in any other action and in all my cogitations wholly addicted to doe anie seruice not onely to thee who art most worthie to bee reuerenced of farre greater persons then I am but also to euerie the least Vassall of Amuraths Thou wilt pardon me I hope and thou shalt well perceaue that if there be any thing neere me that may be acceptable to thee all that I haue whatsoeuer though in respect of thy selfe it may seeme vile and base yet is it thyne and is now reserued wholie for thee and not for me Farewell and command me and hold mee excused vpon these iust causes which thou hearest for my being so backward in comming to honour thee as my duety requireth The letter was subscribed in this manner The Poore and the least amongst the sclaues of the Graund Lord The Sonne of Man When Ebrain had read this letter coniecturing thereby the constant opinion of Ebne-Man that by no means he would willingly come within his power hee resolued himselfe to go vpon him with all his Armye and by burning his Townes and threatning him in all terrible manner either by force or by slight to get him into his hands and in case he could not at last bring that to passe then at least to try whether he could draw from him as many arcubuses and as great giftes and tributes as possibly hee might And therefore hee raised all his Campe and turned himselfe towardes the countrey of Manogli and leauing no place vnattempted hee burned and destroyed foure and twenty Townes that were subiect vnto him so mounting vp certaine rockes of Libanus vpon the top of a large hill that standeth ouer Andara and other places belonging to Manogli he encamped himselfe But whiles the armie of Ebrain was thus marching forwarde Veis Bassa with a great part of his people and his sonne the Sangiacco of Ierusalem with his souldiers likewise being in all to the nomber of a thousand fiue hundred persons were leaft behind in the champaines of Bocca and as it were a Rereward had separated themselues from the rest of the army But whiles they were busie in raising their Tentes by a very great band of the Drusians of the faction of Manogli that by vnusuall vnknowen waies descending downe vpon them found the said Bassa and his son with all the foresaid souldiers euen vpon the point of departing they were furiously assaulted and with the first tempest of arcubuses suddain blowes of their swords they were so annoyed and terrified that their enemies continuing their present victorie became the Lordes of the pauilions the wealth and the armour of the Turkes and leading away with them their horses their carriages in all terrible and stout manner they put to death about fiue hundred persons and scarce gaue any leasure to scape either to the Bassa the father or to the Sangiacco the sonne who fled straight to Ierusalem and neuer returned againe to Ebrain but Veis followed the army and was thought worthie to be pittied of all men and especially of Ebrain who promised him great rewards and honours at the Kinges hands for his seruice Vpon the hill aforesaid the Visier continued foure twentie daies together with aboundance of all thinges necessary for victuaill during all which tyme he attended nothing els but to trye all deuises how hee might draw money and presentes from Ebne-Man or how hee might traine him into his handes For the compassing whereof he dispatched Gomeda the Agent or Factor of Ebnemansur to the said Ebne-Man being in Andera and sent word by him that for asmuch as he would not giue creadit to the promise that was made him nor aduenture himselfe to come into the handes of his frend he should send vnto him all the Arcubuses he had For the Sultans pleasure was that his people which went not to the wars in his seruice should not be furnished with so great store of weapons to the daunger of their neighbours and of the subiectes themselues With great griefe of mind did Ebne-Man behold the said Gomeda as the man whom hee well knew to be the Factor of his deadly enemy but yet durst not in any sort doo him anie iniury nor giue him any reproach But when he heard the demand for the Arcubuses he aunswered him that all his people and weapons were dispersed abrode ouer his Territorie so that hee could not tell what Arcubuses to send him And so Gomeda returned without any aunswere that good was Which when Aly the Bassa of Aleppo before named vnderstood he offred himselfe to the Visier that hee would go vnto him and that to good purpose Many reasons did Aly Bassa vse to perswade the wary Drusian that hee would come and yeeld his obedience to Ebrain swearing that no manner of outrage should be doone vnto
my blood from me no not to haue endured my countenance But go to proceed in your wicked and vnsatiable desire and follow the impious commaundements of your Visier for in the end there will light also vpon you the worthy punishment of this villanous fact With these and diuers other speeches which the Macademo thundred out of his inflamed brest the miserable wretch hauing been too credulous was stripped and three great slashes made on his back where they began to flea him he in the mean time not ceassing to blaspheme their Religion and to cursse their King and their false Prophet also And then the barbarous souldiers pursuing their cruell action made certaine other gashes vpon his brest and vpon his stomake and so drawing his skinne downeward they could not bring it to his Nauel before he was dead with most dolorous paines After this the Visier caused Ebne Serafadin to be called into his pauilion who as we told you before was by his commandement deliuered into the custodie of the Captain of the Iannizzaries of the Court and gaue charge withall that whiles Serafadin was in his Tent with him all his men that came with him should be put to death According to his appointment it was done and when Serafadin was brought before the Visier all his souldiers which might be about a hundred fiftie were miserably hewen in peeces and order giuen that Serafadin should be returned againe to his chaynes and all his Countrey wasted and spoyled This commaundement all the souldiers were readie enough to put in execution and besides the booties that they took they brought away also a hundred and fower score heades of the people that were subiect to the said Emir Whiles this wasting by fier this slaughter by sword was in hand the Visier dispatched Postes to Sidonia where the forenamed Gallies were at road by whom he sent commaundement that disbarking iiij thousand souldiers they should sack all those Countries euen as farre as Caesarea in Palaestine sparing neither age nor sexe nor any condition of persons whatsoeuer Which likewise was presently done and three thousand soules brought captiues great booties made of diuerse rich marchandizes many Townes burnt sundry Castels ruynated and made euen with the ground and to be short all the whole countrie of Serafadin and Manogli vtterly desolated But Serafadin himself was afterward sent to Damasco with all his wealth money and presents vnder the gard and custodie of Bassa Veis and Bassa Aly who brought all things thither safe and sound and so from thence to Tripoli where on a certain plain betweene the land and the sea they encamped themselues and stayed there waiting for the arriual of the Visier with his Gallies Ebrain the Visier was now in a readinesse to depart and to returne to Constantinople where he was expected by the King aswell for the greedinesse of his gold as for the accomplishment of the Mariage But bethinking himself that whatsoeuer hither to he had don would be accompted either little or nothing vnlesse he prouided in some sort for the quiet of those peoples vnder the Turkish obediēce he determined to nominate one of the three Emirs that accompanied him to Ierusalem to bee the Bassa of all those regions Now the Emir Aly Ebnecarfus being the richest and the most obedient of them all hee thought good to commit that charge vnto him honoured him with that dignity Neither did he this without a bribe or rewarde but for the price of a hundred thousand Cecchini which the Emir Aly presently paid vnto him to make him seeme the more worthie of so great an honour And therefore hee apparrelled him in cloth of gold hee gaue him a mase and a sword all guilt and deliuered vnto him the kinges commission causing him withall to sweare faith and obedience to Amurath And so hauing at least to the shew set in order the affayres of those mountaines he determined to returne to Damasco There he continued for the space of twelue daies where he ceased not to draw money bribes from diuers persons by most vnreasonable shiftes and at last hauing no furder to doo in those partes he turned himselfe towards Gazir and Baruto two places vnder the gouernement of Ebne-Mansur where hee arriued with all his army and found that the Gallies which had left the Port of Sidonia were now in the hauen of Baruto accordingly as hee had before commanded Now vpon a certaine hill aboue Baruto neere vnto the sea called by the inhabitants San Botro he placed himselfe and pitched his owne Tent onely and none other hauing caused his great pauilion all the rest of his best and goodly thinges which he ment to carrie with him to Constantinople to bee conueighed and laide vp in his Gallies and shrowded himselfe onely in a very narrow and base tent Thether he called Ebnemansur vnto him and in pleasant manner signified vnto him that now it was time for him to make paiment and satisfaction of the debt which he ought the king his Lord of a hundred and three score thousand duckattes for the custome of Tripoli and Baruto for that he could not stay any longer in those quarters but was constrained to returne to Constantinople and thether he knew not how he might well go vnlesse he carried with him the discharge of that debt Ebne-Mansur made aunswere that it could not be long before his Macademies would come with his monies and then the next day after certainely and without all delay he would disburse it Ebrain who knew that all this was but a lye determined to cause him to bee put in the Gallies and because hee could not carry the money to his king yet at the least to bring him his debtor But in putting this his determination to effect and execution he was affraide of some insurrection among the people aswell because he was within the territories of the said Ebne-Mansur as also because he saw him greatly beloued and fauoured by Ebne-Frec and Ebne-Carfus And therefore he thought it better policy by concealing this his purpose to shew him in his outward actions all good countenaunce and by subtile deuises and treachery to take him prisoner And thereupon told him like a deceitfull and lying companion that for asmuch as hee was to stay there for his busines that night and the next day he was resolued to make a road into the countrey of Manogli and praied him to doo him the fauour that he would be contented to be his guide and for that purpose when he should send for him at midnight that he wold come vnto him closely quietly because he was minded to depart without any stirre onely with fiue hundred persons in his company The Mahamet verily beleeued the matter that so it was and withall was in good hope by that meanes to finde some way to escape out of his hands Whereupon being called vp at midnight he readily conueighed himselfe into the
with resolute mindes to sacke it and to enrich their owne priuate estate with the spoiles and pillage of that welthie Citty And now were they come to the guarded gates where contrary to their expectation they found a terrible rescue and were enforced to ioyne a hard and mortall medley wherein the walles the entrance yea all the ground thereabout was bathed with blood as it were paued with weapons and carcases And yet for all that though the Persians stood firme stout at the arriuall of this insolent and seruile troupe at the last they were constrained to yeeld the entrance being ouercome by the multitude of them that flowed in vpon them lyke a floud and retiring thēselues into the cittie which was now astonied amased on euery side they fortified themselues in their houses vnder the grounde and in the corners and winding tourninges of the streetes from whence by their arrowes some few Arcubuscs they did great scath to the Turkes that entred Howbet the Persians were not able to kill destroy so many of their enimy people but that at the last they were too mighty for them and wrought many grieuous mischiefes and calamities in the wofull Citty And so a great nomber of this rascall people which remayned aliue returned to the Turkish Campe enriched with booties and slaues leading away with them both virgins and children and shewing too manifest tokens of the poore oppressed Citty wherein the miserable wemen impotent soules embracing and strayning their domesticall doores and kissing their natiue soyle with prayers with mourninges with complaints bewayled their present misery and feared also worse more deadly euents Osman who was now made acquainted with these calamities and with this particular misaduenture caused proclamation to be published that no man should be so hardy as to molest the Taurisians those I meane which were naturally there borne and in the meane time he himselfe went round about the saide Citty viewing thoroughly the situation of it and surueighing the place wherein he might both incampe himselfe safely and also with the better foundation and greater security erect a Castell or Forte of defence of that conquered countrey Tauris is seated at the roote of the hill Orontes which standeth as it were ouer it vpon the North side distant from the shore of the sea of Bachu eight dayes iourney or thereaboutes It hath Persia vppon the Southside which leauing the Caspian mountains on the West reacheth out to Great Media and therefore the Citty is subiect to windes cold and full of snow but of a very holesome ayre It aboundeth in all manner of thinges necessary for mans life It is enriched aswell by the perpetuall concourse of merchandises that are brought thether from the countryes of the Leuant to be conueighed into Soria and into the countries of Europe as also of those that come thither out of the Westerne partes to be distributed ouer all the East It is verie populous so that it feedeth almost two hundred thousand persons but yet open to the furie of euery Armie without strength of walles and without bulwarkes It hath a great number of houses vnder the ground The buyldinges after the fashion of those that are buylt in the East are of burnt clay rather low then high It hath Springs Gardens and running waters And for all things it caried the name as also of their Kings residence Tamas was the man that remoued his seat from this Citie and translated it to Casbin but still for all that both before and sithence although it hath bene molested by the inroades and spoyles of the Turkish Emperours yet it hath alwayes maintayned it selfe in great estimation and renowme Now of this Citty Osman did diligently view the situation and at the last caused his Pauilions to be pitched vpon the side that looketh towardes the South commanding that all the rest of this Souldiers should do the like that all the Workemen and Ditchers should repaire thether to beginne the building of a Castell On the same side of Tauris there was a garden all flourishing beautyfull replenished with a thousand sundry kindes of graftes trees and sweete-smelling plantes among which the Lilly the Hyacinth the Gillyflower the Rose the Violet the Flower gentle and a thousand other odoriferous flowers did yeeld a most pleasaunt and delectable sight both to the Inhabitantes and to Straungers There were a thousand Fountaines and a thousand brookes among them all as the Father of them all a prettie Riuer which with his milde course and delight some noyse deuided the Garden from the ground of Tauris and one onely bridge for those to passe ouer it which for pleasure repayred out of Tauris to recreate themselues in the shadowes and walkes of those greenes whose beauty was so great being also made famous by reason of antiquity that it was also called by the countrey Inhabitantes Sechis-Genet which in our language is as much to say as Eight Paradises This was in times past the standing house of their kinges whiles they kept their residence in this Citty and after they had withdrawne themselues from thence and translated their seate to Casbin it became the habitation and place of aboade for the Gouernours of Tauris and namely Emir-Chan kept altogether there whiles hee had the gouernement of it These gardens and places Osman did choose to builde his Castle in whereof hee gaue the modell himselfe and commaunded that all the whole circuite of those Greenes should bee enuyroned with walles and trenches digged round about them to conveigh the water from the foresayd Riuer And so the fabricke was begunne with the greatest care that possibly might be the foundation of the embattelled walles layd the ditche digged foureteene foote broade and a mans heigth in depth and in the space of sixe and thirty dayes wholy finished and brought to an ende The first day of building the Visier fell sicke of a feuer with a bloudy flixe as it was told me in Constantinople by one of the Phisitions that was alwayes assistant at the cure which infirmity peraduenture was the cause of the slownesse in building and of many other losses that afterwardes happened as shall be declared vnto you In the saide space also of sixe and thirty dayes there was distributed vppon the walles great store of Artillery and within the Forte there were built diuers bathes lodginges and such other housing necessary for Turkish vses Whiles this Fabricke was in hande there wanted not sondry Accidentes and straunge newes to fill the eares and mindes of all men which it shalbe necessarie to report in order as they fell out Fiue daies after the buylding of the Fort was begon there came newes into the Turkish campe that within the Citie of Tauris in a certain baine there were eight Iannizzaries and diuerse Spaoglanj seen strangled wherof the Zaini Spahini and Iannizzaries being certified went presently before
in all such points as were necessarie for the brideling of such an Armie Him therefore he chose to be Captaine for the conducting of his succours to Tauris and to him hee graunted the ordinarie authoritie to manage at his pleasure such affayres of the Empire as concerned this his iorurney Vppon this resolution generall preceptes were sent out to all Citties within the Kingdome and to the Bassas the Sangiacchi and other Gouernours and Officers thereof with speciall commandement that all their souldiers together with their taxes tenthes munitions victualles Armour Artificers and to bee short all their necessarie furniture and prouision should be readie and in order vpon the firste warning that should bee sent vnto them at the next Spring And direction was geuen to Ali-Vcchiali the Captaine of the sea that hee should arme fourteene Gallies for conduct of the Ianizzaries to Trebisonda and such other garrisons as were to bee transported to Erzirum and from thence to bee employed where the Generall should commaund Great prouision of money was made and in Soria besides the ordinarie somme that is bestowed vpon the yearely pay of Souldiers in Reiuan in Erzirum in Aggiachalasi in Lory in Tomanis in Teflis and in Chars which swallowe vp all the reuenue of that Countrey and also of the Cittie of Tripoli and amounteth to the summe of sixe hundred thousande Duckatets there was taken vp in prest of priuate Merchantes in the Cittie of Aleppo onely the summe of three score thousand Cecchini to bee repayed vnto them with the firste moneyes that should bee teceiued by the Officers of the Custome houses A matter that mooued an extraordinarie grudging among the people for that it seemed a verie strange and intollerable exaction to euerie man besides so manie grieuances and impositions laid vpon them for corne for carriages for Pioners and for workmen to endure this burthen also of lending their money without any hope of restitution thereof Yea and in deed euery man did greatly woonder how they were thus ill aduised by this meanes to make it knowne to the Christian Princes what scarsitie and want of money they had The Generall had also with him foure hundred peeces of Artillery and did besides so worke the matter that Maxut-Chan who was now appointed the Bassa of Aleppo vvas graunted vnto him to bee the guide of his Armie and that Cicala the Bassa of Van beeing scarse his good friend was remooued from thence and sent as Bassa to Babylon And thus hee departed from Constantinople in the moneth of Aprill and by the way of Chalcedon passing ouer the Sea into Asia hee came to Siuas in trueth something later than hee should haue done by reason of the greate plague which at that time did generally afflict and grieuouslie vexe the Citie of Constantinople besides manie other occasions and executions that hindered his iorney Neuer was there so greate a number of Souldiers sent out of Grece and Hungarie as was this yeare And yet had he gathered them altogether and mustered them before hee departed from Siuas where hee stayed so long that it was nowe the latter ende of the moneth of Iulie before hee went thence Neither was it the plague onely that caused this his stay for the most parte of the Turkes make no more dayntie to auoyde the plague then wee vse to eschewe any gentle disease but another greate cause of it was the exceeding dearth of victuals in Erzirum where there was neither graine nor corne sufficient for the necessitie of their Cattell and men which dearth was also so great in Aleppo that a Venice-bushel of wheat was fold for a dozen Checchini At the latter ende of those dayes wherein Ferat made his abode in Siuas and was nowe readie to departe from thence there came vnto him certaine postes sente from Giaffer the Bassa of Tauris by whome hee was aduertised how the Persian Prince was hourelie expected with a populous Armie following him and that if hee should foreslowe to send succours and to preuent the comming of the Prince and so giue him time and leasure to assaulte the Fortresse hee was in exceeding greate feare least the Prince might surprise the same Vpon this aduertisement Ferat presentlie remooued and hastened his iourney in such sorte that hee was in Erzirum about the beginning of August where hee was scarslie arriued but suddenlie being prouoked thereunto by the reporte of the Princes comming which was daylie more and more confirmed hee set himselfe towardes Van. To which place all the Souldiers of Aleppo of Tripoli of Damasco of Iurie and of Palestina were alreadie gone by the way of Caraemit for so they were commaunded to do because they might auoyde the Cittie of Erzirum from whence by reason of the great dearth Hassan the Bassa gonernour thereof was remooued and coulde not keepe residence there but withdrewe himselfe to Chars where hee lay at greater ease and lesse charges Ferat therefore made haste to Van where hauing gathered all his Souldiers together and made a reuision and newe surueigh of all his Armie hee departed thence and being presentlie come into the open and large Champaynes hee marshalled them in such sorte as though hee shoulde haue bene prepared to fight the Battell Wherein hee did imitate olde Sinan the Bassa vvho although hee reaped small commendations for these his fained battels whereof he made shew in the Champeynes of Chielder yet notwithstanding hee shewed greate cunning and experience in matter of warre for that hee woulde bee assured of the Arte and discipline of his Souldiers without which manie Armies in numbers infinite and in Armes terrible haue bene defeated by few squadrons in number far fewer and in Armes lesse fearfull though in matter of Warre and skill in fighting more cunning and experienced And therefore for the Vaunt-garde of his Armie hee appointed the Bassa of Mesopotamia with all his souldiers a people watered on the one side with Tigris and on the other side with Euphrates partlie infected with the fearfulnesse of the Arabians and partly endued with the constancie of the Armenians And of these to the number of twelue thousande In the Rereward hee set the Bassa of Damasco Captaine of a Nation more famous than valiant to the number of eight thousand in which reckoning were all the people of Soria of Palaestina and of Iudaea watered with Iordan and Orontes In the bodie of the battell he placed himselfe with the souldiers of Grecia of Peloponnesus and of Bithynia to the number of eighteene thousande In the right Cornet there were marshalled the Bassaes of Cilicia of Pontus and of Cappadocia and of all those places that are comprised vnder the name of Caramania and Natolia with all those peoples that are dwelling vpon the coast of Pontus Euxinus vpon Sangario and vppon Maeander to the number of twelue thousande In the left Cornet the Bassas of Maras of
Some think that his brother Abas Mirize of Heri who had before conspired to cause him to bee betrayed into the handes of the Turkish Generall had now by force of money and giftes perswaded the wicked Eunuch thereunto Others deeme that his owne Father being become verie desirous to see Abas setled in the kingdome did procure his death which notwithstanding in mine opinion hath no poynt of probability Diuers others do reason the matter diuerslie But wee not onelie are not able to affirme the certen trueth of this accident but also haue scarse any heart to testifie to the world that thus or thus in trueth his death was procured For we are not minded to set downe any discourse for a trueth in such matters as haue happened in these warres since wee returned and haue remayned in Italy to the ende that wee woulde not diminish that credite and good opinion which we know our Readers haue iustly giuen to all thinges hetherto written by vs as vnto things that wee were most desirous to vnderstand for certenties by such good meanes as we haue already named in our Epistle to the Readers And we in the meane time wil expect that some other Writer will pursue these aduentures in such sort as shall seeme best vnto him For touching our selues being wearie of the many diuersities which wee daylie heare by aduertisementes out of the East countrey we haue had no hart at all to describe what hath happened therein in the yeare fourscore and seuenth But by the fauour of the Readers here we haue thought good to make a full point A Letter to the VVorshipful SIGNOR MARIO CORRADO Wherein is prooued that Tauris is not Terua as Iouius writeth nor Tigranoama as Negro taketh it nor Tigranâ—certa as others doe thinke but Ecbathana as Ortelius and Anania doe iudge WOrshipfull Sir I haue alwayes made that reckoning of your Worships counsels and aduises which your vertue deserueth and especially touching those matters whereof it pleased you to aduertise mee at such time as I was resident in this Citie and so kindlie entertained therein with all curteous and bountifull entertainment For whatsoeuer I could possiblie obserue in the Historie of the Warres betweene the Turkes and Persians both concerning words and also concerning matters I haue endeuoured by all meanes to reduce vnto that note which you deliuered vnto mee and haue not fayled asmuch as my skill could reach to put in execution all your good preceptes and aduertisementes Only there remayneth in this historie one thing which as yet is not throughlie iustified and that is mine opinion touching the Citie of Tauris which your Worship by reason of your douhting thereof made mee suspect at the first but afterwards it pleased you to allow and confirme to be the best and soundest And although I haue freely and boldly set downe that Tauris is not Terua as Iouius writeth but Ecbathana as manie others both before and after Iouius do take it and although I find manie reasons wherby I haue bene perswaded so freely to auow it Notwithstanding when I considered that this was a matter of great importance in this Historie to entrreat of the true finding out and acknowledgment of a Cittie for the conquest whereof almost all these troubles of warres were principally raised to the end that all things might the more plainlie appeare I resolued to publish these my reasons and particularly to send theÌ„ to your W. not only because you first encouraged me with liuely arguments to approue this particularity being of it self a very important matter yea the more importaÌ„t in regard of the authority of such men as are of the contrarie opinion but also because you were a great helper vnto me with your owne priuate study to furnish mee with so goodly a number of reasons for the same By twelue arguments therfore me thinks I may certainely and demonstratiuely reason that Tauris cannot be the Terua of Ptolomey but ought indeed to be called the ancient Ecbathana My first reason is because Strabo teacheth vs that the Poole Mantian or Martian or Margian call it as yee will that which is now tearmed the Poole Actamar is situate in the confines of great Armenia and stretcheth euen as far as the coÌ„fines of Media Atropatia And in the twelfth book of his Geographie it is manifestlie seene that there is either verie little or no quantitie of countrie or people at all betweene the Mantian Poole and Media the greater The same may be collected out of Ptolomie who as it seemeth doth place the forenamed Poole rather in the entrance of Media the greater than in the latter end of great Armenia Out of this certaine trueth I gather this foundation The Martian Poole is in the confines of the Medes and of the Armenians and therefore it must needes followe that if Tauris should be Terua it must either be in the West or in the. West Southwest or in the West Northwest or els in the verie Northwest of the saide Poole for in the South or in the North I doo not beleeue that any man doth place it and if hee should so doe hee should commit an errour not onely worthy of correction but also of chastisement But if Tauris bee Ecbathana it must either bee in the East or in the East Southeast or in the Southeast or in the East Northeast or els in the very Northeast For much lesse will any man be so bolde as to place it in the South or in the North of the saide Poole and whosoeuer shoulde so place it hee shoulde commit a double errour Terua indeede according to Iouius and according to that which the discription of Ptolomey doeth inferre is as a man may say in the verie center and middest of great Armenia and consequentlie it muste bee in the West or West Southwest or West Northwest of the said pool Wherevpon if Tauris should be Terua then should Tauris haue the very selfe same situation But both sence and reason yea Iouius himselfe all other doo with one accorde confesse that Tauris is in the East of the forenamed Poole and by a good quantitie of grounde distant from it And therefore it remaineth that Tauris is not Terua but Ecbathana being a good way distant in the East of the saide poole a man may conclude that the verie situation and auncient ruines of Ecbathana haue yeelded matter and stuffe to this new Tauris And somuch the more likely because all the Marchantes and souldiers that vse the viage from Van to Tauris and from Tauris to Van being a place situate as it were on the easterne banks of the Martian poole doo vniformly testifie that in their trauelling from Van to Tauris they haue their faces looking towards the East and in their returne from Tauris to Van they haue their faces turned towardes the West and that they passe through certaine vallies between certain mountaines which peraduenture may be the toppes of the Caspian mountaine The
side doo they not call one part of the great Media by the name of Armeni because many Armenians do at this day dwell dispersed here and there in diuers villages of that country But vnder the word Rumeli which in our language signifieth Greece how many places doo the Turkes entertertaine which are quite out of Greece And with their Natolia and Câ—ramania doo they not likewise confound as it were murder so many prouinces that it seemeth a matter impossible to find out their ancient names what man is hee then that if hee had many other meanes and many other reasons to proue the truth for the certaine acknowledgement of sundrye places would reporte himselfe wholly and absolutely to the relation of that people This is as much as I thought sufficient to aunswere the reasons of Iouius to confirme mine owne opinion All which notwithstanding I doo refer to your worshippes iudgement who as a most gentle person and a speciall frend to the truth will make that accoumpt of my reasons as they deserue Which that you will doo I humbly beseeche you and so hartely recommend my selfe vnto you From Rouigo the 17. of August 1587. Your worships most affectionate seruitor Iohn-Thomas Minadoi A Table conteyning the declaration of the Names and wordes vsed in this Historie aswell Auncient as Barbarous Wherein the letter A. signifieth the Auncient B. the Barbarous P. the Persian and T. the Turkish name or word A. ACca and Acri B. a Sea-coast Citie in Soria Ptolomaida A. according to Ortelius and Anania Adena and Adana B. a Citie in the confines of Cilicia Adana and it may be Nicopolis A. Aga B. a Capitayne or Chiefe of his companie Aggia-Chala B. the Castell Deregrine or the Castell of Strangers Aggiami Look for Cheselbas and the Persians Aleppo B. and Halep B. look for Halip Alger B. by Iouius is thought to be Iulia Cesarea A. and by Castaldo and others to be the Citie of Cirtha in Africa Altun-Chala T. the golden Castell or Castell of gold A place in the confines of great Armenia and Georgia Amadan B. a Citie of the Persians in Parthia Aman B. a Citie in Soria watred with the riuer Orontes Apamea A. Amasia B. Castaldo thinketh it to be Cappadocia A. and others take it to be in auncient times called Amasia A. Andera or Andara a Towne in Drusia where most exquisite Silkes are made Andrinopoli B. a principall Citie in Thracia Adrianopolis A. Angori B. a Citie in Cappadocia which is a Region in Asia the lesser and by Bellonius thought to be Encyra and Ancyra A. in the peregrination of Sainct Paul Antachie B. a Citie in Soria now decayed but yet worth the sight both in respect of the situation and walles thereof as also for the Riuer that runneth by it Antiochia A. Arasse B. a Riuer that watreth the South part of great Armenia almost diuideth it from Georgia Araxis A. Achlar and Ares T. Arbella B. a Citie in Assyria according to Strabo and Q. Curtius and by the error of some thought to be Taruis Arcipelago B. but in old time called Mare Egaeum A. a part of the Sea Mediterraneum that seperateth Europe from Asia Ardachan B. a Citie of the Turkes in great Armenia Ardouil P. a Citie in Media the first Seat of the Persian Sect wherein Giunet Sederdin and other their successors that were authors of the Persian superstition did reside and reigne Arz T. a Supplication a Request or an Information At-Maidan B. the high Street or chiefe Market place in Constantinople B. BAgdat B. Laonicus calleth it Bogdatis and the Italians call it Baldacco in old time Babylon A. Balbech B. a Citie in Palaestina which Bellonius taketh to be Caesarea Philippi A. and so is it accompted in the peregrination of Sainct Paul Balsara and as Frederico writeth it Bassora B. a Citie in the channell of Euphrates called by Castaldo and others Teredon A. Bassa T. a Capitaine a Gouernour a chiefe Lord. Beglerbey T. a great Lord. Bestan P. a Citie in Hircania Bey or Beg or Bech T. a chiefe man or a Lord. Bir which some call Birta B. a Citie vpon Euphrates in the confines of Soria Bruz B. a Hill in Armenia the creast of the Periardj Mountaines Brusia and Bursa B. in old time the chiefe Palace of Bithynia and called in the old time Prusia A. But Ortelius vnaduisedly thinketh that Bursa and Brusia is not a Citie but a whole Region And herein also is Castaldo deceiued if our owne sense haue not shewed vnto vs one Citie in steed of another or if we be not deceiued in deed in the verie names of them C. CAddi T. a Iudge Cafe B. a place within two dayes iourney of Babylon where Aly and his children are buried Caffa B. Anania vset h no other name although in deed Caffa now was in old time called Theodosia A. Cahaca B. a Towne so called situate betweene Casbin and Tauris Cairo B. a huge Citie in Aegypt neere whereunto are the famous Pyramides whereby a man may easily iudge that there was the most renowmed citie of Memphis Ortelius thinketh that it is Babylon but Ortelius himself setteth downe another Babylon in another table of his and placeth it in Assiria So that he maketh two Cities of one name Whereof notwithstanding it is no time now to dispute Caissar B. a place in Cilicia of no great reckoning and without any note of antiquitie Calaus T. a Guide Caldaran B. the name of certain famous Champeynes Perhaps they may be the same Champeynes which Strabo called the Champeynes of Araxis Calife P. a Priest or Prelate Canac B. a Riuer that diuideth a part of Atropatia from Armenia Candahar P. a certaine Kingdome In old time Peripaniso A. Capigi T. a gentleman Vsher. Capigi-Bassi T. the chiefe gentleman Vsher. Capigi-Larchecaiasi T. the Lieutenant or chiefe Lord of the gentlemen Vshers Caracach P. a Territorie of the Persians in Media Carachala T. the black Castell it is in Armenia but it belongeth to the Georgians Caraemit T. the black Citie It is now the Metropoliticall Citie of the Mesopotamians Iouius and others call it Amida A. Caramania and Caraman B. the black Region It is commonly deemed to be Cilicia A. Casbin and Casuin P. we may well interpret it The place of punishment And it is the Citie whether the palace of the Persian Empire was translated by Tamas and called Casbin because those that for their punishment had deserued banishment were at the first banished thither It is yet in Media the great a little more South then Tauris So that a man may verie well think it to be Arsacia A. in Strabo Casenda T. the common Treasure Look Hasna Cassachi T. Robbers by the high way Cassan B. a Citie in Parthia verie famous and rich Ortelius and the rest make no mention of it Cassangic B. a place belonging to Maxut-Chan in Armenia Cecchino or Zecchino a Venetian Duckate Chala and Chalasi B. a Towne or a
Castell Chan P. and also vsed in Tartaria and is the same that the Turkes call a Bassa Chars B. peraduenture it is that which Ptolomie calleth Corsa A. Checaia T. a Deputie or Agent Cheiserie B. we think it to be Caesarea in Palaestina A. a litle from Ioppa Ptolomie saieth it is Caesarea wherof Strabo maketh mention It hath many notes of antiquitie Cheselbas B. a Red-Capp It is a title giuen to the Persians who are also called the Soffians the Cheselbas the Persians and the Aggiami Look Persians Chianichie B. a place neere to Ragusa verie famous because it was the natiue Countrie of Ebrain Bassa sonne in law to Amurath Chiaus T. a Nuntio or an Embassadour Chielder-Giol B. the Lake of Chielder for Giol signifieth a lake and it may be thought without any error to be the Poole of Euphrates A. Chielder Monte B. the hilles of Periardo Chielebi B. a Gentleman Chiulfal B a Towne in Armenia yet inhabited at this day by the Georgians Chiuri-Chala B. a new Territorie in Georgia that is to say inhabited of old by the Georgians but yet comprehended vnder Armenia Clisca a Territorie in Armenia and in old time possessed by the Georgians though now in the handes of the Turkes Codabanda P. Blind or weak of sight Hodabanda signifieth the selfe same thing but other writers erroniously pronounce it Hodabende Coran B. a Citie in Parthia Corfu a late word a famous Island called in old time Corcyra A. and according to Ortelius Corfinio A. Coy B. a Citie in the borders of Armenia and Media betweene Van and Tauris Culbat B. a Citie in Parthia Cur B. a Citie in Parthia Curchi-Bassi P. Captain of the Curchi who are the souldiers that are appointed for the guard of the Persian Kings Court Curdi B. a people which many think to be the Parthians A. But we cannot possiblie thinke them to be so wherein we agree with Castaldo Curzolari B. in old time called the Echinades A. which are certain Rockes verie famous by reason of the victorie by Sea obtayned by the most happie and fortunate League of the Chatholikes against the Turkish fleet Cussestan B. a part of Assyria D. DAgmat B. a Citie in the confines of Parthia and of Media the great Damasco A. a Citie in Soria Look Sciam Deftardar T. a Treasourer or Chamberlein Demir-Capi T. the Iron-Gates Demir-Capi is also called Derbent It is a Citie sometimes called Alessandria A. neere to the Hircanian Sea It is called Derbent because it is in figure narrow and long and Demir-Capi because there were the Iron-gates that were sometimes the entrance into Scythia Demotica B. a Citie in Thracia famous in regard of the banishment of Sinan-Bassa into that place wherof mention is made in the Historie Lib. 5. Derbent B. a Citie called Demir-Capi Derbent signifieth streit or narrow Diarbech B. the Countrie of Mesopotamia Diuano B. a place of audience or a Counsaile-house It is sometimes taken for the audience it selfe and sometimes for the Counsaile it selfe Don B. the Riuer sometimes called Tanais A. in Sarmatia Dreuis and Deruis B. a Religious person an Heremite E. EDel B. sometimes called Volga A. a famous Riuer in Sarmatia within Europe Emir B. a common name among the Arabians and the Drusians vsed for a Prince a Duke a chief Noble man Eres B. a Citie in Atropatia Erzirum B. we think it to be Simbra in Ptolomie Essahul P. a troupe of Souldiers beionging to the Guard of the Persian King F. FAchi B. a Master of Ceremonies a Master of Religion Famagosta B. a new word corrupted from the vulgar Greeke which calleth it Famausta in old time it was Salamina in Cyprus A. Farssi P. the Region of Persia. G. GAngiara B. a sharpe crooked dagger Gaza A. a Citie in the confines of Iudea and in the way that leadeth towards Pelusium A. Genge B. a Citie of the Persians in Armenia the greater Gheilan B. a Citie in the Region of Gilan which Castaldo calleth Geli Giamen B. a Prouince in Asia where Arabia Felice is situated Gianizaro B. a degree of Turkish Souldiers so called Giauat B. a Citie of Atropatia in the confines of Media the greater Gien B. a Citie of the Parthians Giol T. a lake or a poole Giurgi-Chala T. the Georgian-Castell now possessed by the Turkes It is in the confines of Georgia and Armenia Godz B. the Citie of Ierusalem Gogna and Conia B. a Citie so called and in old time Iconium A. the chiefe Citie of the Lycaonians Goletta B. a famous Island Gori and Gorides B. a Territorie in Georgia Grin B. a Territorie inhabited by the Georgians situated on the hither side of Araxis Gurgistan and Georgia B. the Region that contayneth all the auncient Iberia and part also of Armenia the great The inhabitants of the Countrey do call all that Territorie Gurgistan which is inhabited by the Georgians In which point Negro Anania and Pius secundus are not well aduised because they think that Georgia is onely Iberia Guuergi-Chalasi B. a Castell situate in the middest of a little lake towards Tauris H. HAlip an Arabian word and signifieth Milke It is a verie famous Citie in Soria which Iouius calleth Alapia Bellonius calleth it Hierapolis and Qillanoua being in a notorious error for this point calleth it Antiochia For Antiochia is two dayes iourney distant from Aleppo more toward the Sea as we our selues haue seen with our eyes Hasna T. It signifieth Treasure Store Money collected aswell for publike as for priuate vses although properly it is onely taken for the publike Treasure or for the Kinges monyes Hassan-Chalasi T. The Castell of Hassan It is also called by the Turkes Passin It is a new erected thing betweene Erzirum and Chars situate vpon the bankes of the riuer Euphrates Heri B. a Citie in Aria Hispahan B. a Citie sometimes in Parthia I. IEsselbas B. a greene-Cap A certain people betweene the Bactrians and the Sogdians so called because they did weare Greene-Capps on their heads Imammadulasis B. a Citie in Parthia Imbrahur-Bassi T. Master of the Kings horse Isnic B. a Citie in old times called Nicea A. in Bithynia neere to the Moore Ascania A. Istigelu and Sagialu B. a Renowmed familie both at Casbin and also ouer all the kingdome of Persia. L. LAke-Actamar in old time called the Moore or marish Martiana or Margiana or Mantiana A. and according to Strabo it is in Armenia the greater Lake of Esseecchia in old time called the Marish Lychnitis A. in Georgia Lake of Isnic in old time the Marish Ascania A. in Bithynia Lake Tospite or Toeti it is in great Armenia Lizza B. a Citie by the Sea-coast in Soria called in old time Laodicea A. Lori B. a Fortresse in Armenia sometimes belonging to the Georgians but now possessed by the Turkes M. MAcadems B. a word vsed among the Drusiani for a Deputie an Agent or a chief Factor For an Emir or Lord in Drusia Look the 7. Booke Macuco B. a Measure
by the 12000. Tartarians apparrelled like Cassachi The TartariaÌ„s at first shewe great valour but afterward withdrawe themselues The TartariaÌ„s discontented Great losse of the Tartarians The Tartarians destroyed and put to slight The prisoners reueale the treacherie plotted against Osman Osman aduertiseth Amurath of euerie particular Amurath taketh order that gallies should be sent to Caffa Amurath writeth to Osman to flay the Tartarian King and to substitute his Brother in his rowme The purpose of the Tartars brother to bereaue him of his state The remedie that the Tartar king vsed against his brother Mony among corupt people can doe all thinges The authour in Gogna had intelligence of the Tartarian youngmaÌ„ Osman aduiseth the enter prise of Tauris and sheweth the manner how A letter of Sciaus that was found is the cause why hee was dismissed from his chiefe Visiership Osman Bassa chiefe Visier The ofspring of Osman Bassa Osman chosen General of the Armie to goe to Tauris The diligence of Osman Bassa A fained rumour of going to Nassiuan The Persian iealous of Tauris The Persian cannot come to any certen knowledge of the designement of Osman Bassa Osman gathereth together a huge treasure by presents Great dearth in Erzirum The greatest Army that euer was gathered was this The souldiers of Aegypt Damasco went not with Osman Hassan-Bassa the Quenes Eunuch sent to Cair to be Bassa there Cair seemeth to bee many Cities rather then one The Tyrannie of the Eunuch The Eunuch Bassa of Cair called home to the Court by Amurath Amurath desireth to pacifie the complaints of the Aegyptians Ebrain a Bassa of the Court. Amurath pur poseth to bestow his daughter vpoÌ„ Ebrain for his wife Amurath sâ—ndeth meanes for Ebrain to enrich himselfe by sending him as Bassa and Syndic to Cair The Aegyptians ioyful the Eunuch sorrowful for the comming of Ebrain The Eunuch hopeth to pacifie the king by his going to the courte The Eunuch departeth from Cair Amurath feareth that the Eunuch would flye to strange Princes Imbrahur Bassi dispatched by Amurath to meet with the Eunuch Imbrahur Bassa findeth the Eunuch in the champaines of Apamea The Eunuch and the Imbrahur go together to Constantinople The Eunuch at Chalcedon The Eunuch set at liberty Ebrain called to Constantinople to accomplish the intended msriage Order giuen to Ebrain to surucie and subdue the Drusians Ebrain departeth from Cair with 13. Sangracchi Ebrain in the way of Damasco Ebrain with an armie of about 12000. horse The Drusian people what they are Isman the prophet of the Drusians The Drusians are not circumcised they drinke wine liberally and take their owne daughters to their wiues The Drusians would neuer admit any Turkish Gouernour The weapons of the Drusians The Countrie which the Drusians inhabit There are at this day fiue Captaines or chiefe rulers among the Drusians Ebneman or Manogli Ebnemansur or MaÌ„surogli Seferadin Ebnefrec or Feracogli EbneCarfus or Carfusogli The vale betweene Libanus and anti-Libanus famous among Phisitians Ior and Dan the two heads of Iordan The three Drusian Emirs goe to meete Ebrain as far as Ierusalem with a greate traine Ebrain expecteth good successe ouer the Drusians by their discorde among themselues The Army of Ebrain in the plains of â—occa encreased to the nuÌ„ber of 20000. hors Giouanni Michaele the Veaetian CoÌ„ful â—eadeth Chtistoforo de Buoni his interpreter to visite Ebrain the Visier with honourable presence From Christofero de Buoni the Authour all the particulars of the Drusian people Ebrain by letters inuiteth Seseradin and Manogli Serafadin in the presentes of Ebrain The speech of Serasadin The accusetioÌ„ of Serasadi His desence Newe accusations of Serafadin Serafadin by the commandement of Ebrain imprisoned The letter of Manogli to Ebrain Bassa Ebrain resolueth to destroy the cuntry of Ebne-Man 24. towns of Manoglies burned by Ebrain the Visier Veis Bassa with the Sangracco his son discomfiâ—ed by the Dru sians Gomeda goeth by commandement of Ebram to demand Arcubuses of Manogli Aly Bassa goeth to Manogli The present that Manogli sendeth to Ebrain by the hand of Aly Bassa Manogli sendeth his mother to Ebrain in his steed Ebrain promiseth faith and peace to the Mother to the end shee should fetch Manogli Gomeda returneth to Manogli A new present of Ebne-Man to Ebrain Ebrain reproseth Gomeda Gomeda again goeth to Manogli The new present that Ebneman sedet to Ebrain Andera sacked 19. Townes burnt Ebnefrec or Feracogli goeth to inuite the Macademo of Manogli The custome of the Mahometans in their ceremonies and câ—uilitie Acra like a common hangman The 350. souldiers of the Macademo slaine The aduise of the Drusians Ebrain commandeth that the Macademo should be saied quick The Macademo is in fleaing The countrie of Serafadin wasted The souldiers of the Gallies sack the Sea coast of the Drusians The Emir Aly with 100000. peeces of gold buieth the title of the Bassa or Bocca and Generall ouer the Drusians Ebrain at Damasco Ebrain at Gazir and Baruto Ebrain beguileth Mansurogli Mansurogli in chaines sent to the Gallies The country of Mansurogli destroied Serafadin put into the Gallies Ebrain receiued into Constantinople The liberall presentes giuen by Ebrain to the Turkish king The Arabians of lurie Samaria Galilie theeues robbers The Arabians purpose to fight with the Sangiacco of Ierusalem The Subassi of Bethlem flyeth The SaÌ„giacco discomfited by the Arabians The Subassi of Bethlehem flayed quicke by the Sangiacco Osman in a readines to depart from Erziru with a speech to go to Nassiuan Osman departeth from Erzirum Osman entertaineth al that come 150000. horsmen The Armie of Osman seemeth to be the sorces of manie kings vnited together 40000. meÌ„ taken out of the Army and returned home 180000. persons in the army of Osman The souldiers of Greece and Constantinople complaine to Osman Osman myldly pacifieth the souldiers that were in a mutinie A reuiew of the Armie Osman departeth from the Caldaran plaines The souldiers of Greece and Constantinople in pride anger coÌ„plain of Osman The wisedom of Osman Bassa The speech of Osman to pacifie the souldiers that were in an vprore The souldiers well quieted Osman distributeth a certain litle quaÌ„titie of money among them Osman turneth towards Coy Osman arriueth at Merant Osman leaneth towards Soffian They discouer Tauris The Turkish souldiers make accompt of sackinges and robberies c. The Vauward of the Turkes The Vauward at the bridge of Saltwater assaulted by the Persians Emirhamze Mâ—rize the Persian Prince with 10000. souldiers The Persian King beyond Tauris with 50000. souldiers Aliculi-Chan in Tauris with 4000. The occasion why the Persians could not gather a greatter armie against the Turkes 64000. souldiers the whole force of the Persians The Persian Prince assayleth and discomfiteth the Turkish Vauward at once 7000. Turks slaine Osman maketh a new expedition against the Persian Prince A bloody battell The night ceasseth the battell 6000. Turks slaine Aliculy-Chan assayleth the Turkesh army whiles they were encamping
mouth for the easie accomplishmeÌ„t of his coÌ„menced en terprize Nothing in the world did SinaÌ„ hate more theÌ„ this war for the appeasing thereof he did not omit to attâ—pt possible meanes hauing his mind altogether beÌ„â— against the affairs of the christians in Europe for y â— diuerting of these wars from the east into some other quarters he vsed practised continually a thousand deuises At the last he wrought so much be intreated so much he writ so many letters solicited the matter so ernestly that the king was persuaded to seÌ„d for him to Constantinople assoon as euer he was certified of the ariâ—al of the new embassador froÌ„ Persia of whom Sinan had before aduertised him For among the difficulties which Sinan had propounded to Amurath he was resolued vppon this conclusion that it woulde bee conuenient either to receiue the new embassador of Persia if he came with honorable conditions and so to grow to a peace or if the embassador came not or if after his coÌ„ming they coulde not agree vppon the peace then to put in execution those his conceits and designements wherof he must needes in particular talke with him by word of mouth The promised embassador called Ebrain-Chan a man of great eloquence and in Persia esteemed to bee of great valour came to Sinan accordingly whereof Sinan presently gaue intelligence to Amurath beseeching him againe that he would permit him to come to Constantinople Sinan obtained his desire and hauing secretly sent forth of his StatioÌ„s certaine succours to Teflis which came vnto theÌ„ in very fit time he went himself to the court where he attended the vniuersall gouernment of the whole empire But at his first comming to the presence of the king wherein he neuer discoursed with him vpoÌ„ any thing but onely of the comming of the Persian embassador the conditions were established which they had to require for the reducing of the Capitulations of this peace to a good end After which agreement the embassador being nowe come most magnificently receauet in Constantinople was brought in who with magnifical glorious speeches endeuored to persuade Amurath that his king had a most ardent desire to be reconciled and to ioine his forces with him that for this purpose hee was now specially come thither withal that if he also would answere him with the like mind there would ensue thereof the greatest vnitie friendship that euer was betweene the Mahometans since the time that their great Propher had deliuered to the world that wicked law of theirs Amurath caused answere to be giuen him that hee should talke with his Visier and with him treat of al the matter touching the peace so he was by the king entertained dismissed both at one time In the meane time the Turke had resolued to cal to Constantinople his eldest sonne Mahamet who was to succede him in the Empire and to circumcise him according to the custome of the Barbarians following therein the inueterate Lawe of the Hebrewes And for this purpose from al the prouinces of Christendome by messengers dispatched in poste were the catholike Princes solemnely inuited to the feastes that vpon this occasion were prepared According to this their inuiting there came thither embassadors out of many countries of Europe with great giftes and presentes in token of peace and confederacie And among the rest the Venetians sent thither one Giacomo Soranzo who by the great satisfaction which he made to the king all those of his court reuiued the amity and friendship which flourished betweene the king and that Senate In the great market place of Constantinople which the Turkes call At Maidan there were rounde about in all places erected certen high Scaffoldes where the multitude should sit to behold the pleasant fight of firewoorkes of bankets of musikes of wrastlings and of whatsoeuer else was there to be shewed for the declaration of so greate a ioy The king himselfe was present at the said triumphs in a certen Palace situate in the most open place of all that large and broade streete where within a great lowpe or windowe alost all closed about and couered aboue with plancks and boords through the transparent holes lattises therof not being seene of any body in the company of his wife he discouered and beheld al thinges that were there performed All the embassadors had their scaffolds prepared and furnished the Persian embassador had his so affold also seuer all to himselfe but yet with a fâ—rre different intent respect then the rest is for that the other embassadors were honored regarded as it was conuenient and agreeable to their degrees and estates and receiued such entertainement as might he shewed at such a kind of Barbarons spectacles but the Persian by reason of the scornes and iniuries done vnto him did not onely not reioice at the saide feastes and triumphes but also ministred himselfe great matter of laughter and sporte to the beholders For among sundrie other wrongs and outrages that by the commandement of Amurath were done to the Persian nation by hauging vp certaine counterfect pictures of Persians made of â—aâ—hes and stickes and then burning them and in many scornefull sortes abusing them the king for the great disdaine that he had taken against Ebrain-Chan as one that not oâ—ndescending to the conditions of peace which he expected not yeelding any more then Maxut-Chan and Aidere Agâ— had done before seemed to haue come as a spie to marke the Turkish affaires or to mocke King Amurath rather then to put in execution any good matter that he had to spacific the mindes of the two mightie princes commaunded that the said embassador vnder sure and trustie 〈◊〉 in should bee ledde prisoner to Erzirum vntill further order were taken with him How be it Sinan for all this remained still in his office of Chief Visâ—â—d and attended the publike gouernement of the kingdome without any intermission vntill suche time as those matters fell out which in place conuenient shall be declared vnto you for that now it is time to returne to Teflis and Chars where wee left which two places without further succours must needes fall into the enemies hands For Sinan being nowe gone to Constantinople and the souldiers beeing besieged in Teflis and hauing receiued none other reliefe but onely that little which in the beginning of the spring Sinan had secretly caused to be conueied vnto them and which would scarce be sufficient for all that yeere so that it is to be thought they were in verie great necessitie there was no remedie this other yeere whiles Sinan remained at the court but to send some new succors vnto theÌ„ the rather for that it was not possible to meet with so good an occasion to send them any help as he found before his departure from Erzirum In this greate necessitie therefore he did boldlie freely counsel
alterations The fabrik erected the last yeere at Reiuan aforesaid the repaire of the castle called Aggia-Chalasi had perswaded him that the Turkes this yeere would passe to Tauris or at least as the reporte was to Nassiuan and build new fortresses in those borders Which thing the king neither would nor could endure by any meanes for that it might prooue a shrewd introduction to the ruine of Persia and to the bringinge downe of so mightye an Empire And therefore hee retayned still those Forces which hee brought home with him and out of all the Cities that were Subiecte vnto him hee caused as manye moe to come as hee coulde commaunding withall that all the Chaus vppon paine of Death shoulde followe him to Tauris and so not longe after the arriuall of Ferat Bassa at Erzirum hee also arriued at Tauris beeing withal obedience accompanied be all his said Armie This vnexpected comming of the Persian to Tauris as it engendred expectation of verye good successe in the mindes of all men insomuch as the voice went ouer all Italye that the Persian ment to haue meruailous conflicts with the Turke whereat Christendome did not a little reioyce for the good hope that it bred of some happy euent in preiudice of the Turkes so Ferat Bassa beeing certified thereof before he proceeded any further beeing thereunto aduised by Maxut-Chan his Guide as afterwarde hee confessed at Aleppo he thought good to aduertise Amurath of the matter declaring vnto him That his desire was to goe to Nassiuan and there to build a fortresse according to his commaundement a woorke in his opinion verye necessarie to make the passage for Tauris safe and secure But forsomuch as he had receiued intelligence by trustye Souldiers that the Persian king was remooued to Tauris with a verye huge Army and was vtterly resolued to come and encounter him he thought it his duetye not to put in execution his foresaide determination without the Kings expresse commandement Amurath presentlie wrote backe vnto him that if it were so as he had written he should imploy himselfe about nothing els but to quiet the passage of Tomanis and Lori to the ende that the next yeere following there shoulde bee no neede to send any newe Army to conuey the succors but some small bande mighte bee sufficient as trauelling through a country that were at amity and confederatye with them Which order Amurath did the more willingly set down for that he saw the rebellion of Manucchair and knewe fullwell that the Fort of Teflis by reason of his Treacheries shoulde haue more neede nowe then euer it had to bee sustained and releeued Yet not withstanding Ferat woulde not publish this newe commaundement but caused the rumour to bee confirmed more then hee did before that hee woulde goe to Nassiuan of purpose to feede the opinion that the Persians had formerly conceaued in their mindes of his going thether so eluding them hee might without any disturbance of the enimie attend the building of the Forts which he had intended for the quieting of the most dangerous passages of Lori and Tomanis Ferat hauing concluded vpon this resolution and gathered together his people with all things bene slaâ—â—e for his purpose remooued at last with his Armie from â—â—oirum towards Chars where he arriued by the way of Hassan-Chalassi not meeting with any annoiance or hinder and at al there he staied the space of tend ayes to the end that all his companies of Souldiers and heape of prouision might beenewlie suruey ghed And then departing from Chars hee iournied low and Lori and presently dispatched Hassan Bassa with fiue thousande valiaunt light horsemen to scoure the Countrie and passing euen to Tomanis to retourne him newes of all that hee shoulde see or heare in those quarters and to bring home his Captiues with him that hee might the better make diligent â—â—â—tie of the affaires of GeorgiaÌ„s This commandement of the Generall Hassan performed duetifully and making haste on his iourney passed to Lori and from Lori to Tomanis speedily scoured ouer all the woodes opening and 〈◊〉 closing all the passages â—ounde about without any becosion â—â—â—stred vnto him ed giue assay of his valdâ—â—◠〈◊〉 at the last hauing meâ—e with 〈◊〉 â—â—ssâ—chi which wee may terme Robbers by the high way he flewe them aland setting their heads on the top pes of their Launces he made his returne towards Lori Where hauing staied 〈◊〉 whole day they discouered from thence aid he whole Turkish Armie with a great and fearefull shew comming and approching towardes them Whereupon Hassan went to meet the Generall to reporte vnto him the excursioÌ„ that he had made declaring withal that he had not encountered any other but onely certaine Cassachi whose heades he might beholde vppon their Launces for that hee thought it not necessarie to bring them aliue because they were altogether ignoraunt of the Georgian and Persian affaires and therefore were not able to deliuer any information thereof at all And so they arriued altogether at Lori aforesaide and there encamped themselues This place did sometime belong to Simon well strengthened with a high Castell compassed about with verye deepe ditchess and a thicke wall almost a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but at this present somewhat weeakened can iâ— wasted by time It is distant from Teflis two dayes iourney of a Cariers place Generall Ferat selzed vppon it and hauing restored the walles in such places as they had most neede of reparations and strengthened all the breachies he planted therein seauen or eight thousand persons of the Sangiacchi the Giannizari the Spahini and the Zaini and for the guid or Captaine ouer them hee appointed Aly Bassa of Greece and vpon the Castell and the Walles hee distributed two hundred peeces of small ordenance All these prouisions beeing made hee wente to Tomanie leauing order with the said Aly Bassa that when hee thought hee â—hight take fine opportunitie hee shoulde not faile to fortyfie Saitan-Chalasi about tenne miles distant from Lori to place therein a conuenient garrison of Souldiers and Artillarie Fower daies long were they going to Fomanis for the Generall would needs make it fower daies iourney being ordinarily but one daies woorke from the one place to the other to the ende that those fieldes being very riche of Corne of fruite and of Cattell should euery where be wasted and burned by his spoiling 〈◊〉 and that the Countrey Inhabitants besides their other losses shoulde also endure the losse of their Rents Now Tomanis in times past was also a Castell whither Simon used often times to make his repayre and when the heate of these Warres beganne the Georgians themselues were in a consultation to raze it to the ende that it shoulde not be surprized by the Turkes and thereby that benefitte shoulde redounde to them which it could not yeelde vnto the Georgians for their want of Ordenance And heere was greate
aduise taken howe and where the Forte shoulde be erected for the defence of the countrey But after many discourses at laste it was concluded that a Castell shoulde bee builte not in that place but a little furthers and that for this reason because Tomanis standing â—â— good long waye on this side the Straite if they shoulde builde the Forte there then coulde they not make that passage safe and 〈◊〉 and therefore it was needefull for them to proceede further euen to the very much of it and there to plant the Fortiesse And so the Armye marched forwarde a certaine fewe Miles vntill beeing arriued at the very issue of the narrowe passage they found the Ruines of another casted and neere there unto they stayed themselues This stoepe heade long Castel was compassed round about with a very thick wood of beeches pineaples other trees which hindred all discouerie of anything 〈◊〉 off so that it was not coâ—â—nienâ— to founde such a Castle there from whence their Ordinaunce coulde neither auayle them to whom the defense thereof should be committed nor eâ—dommage those that shoulde come to offende it And therefore the Generall commaunded that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with vncouth outrage shoulde fell the the 〈◊〉 and with shaâ—pe instrumentes â—ewe downe the Pyneapples the Fyâ—â—es the Beeches and the Elmes and making way through thicke and thinne should laye it out for a broade streete and an open Champayne that before 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 for a thousande dangerous treacheries In verie short space 〈◊〉 the trees layd along on the ground the place made light some and open and a very commodious situation prepared for the foundation of a Castle The plot of the olde ruyned Castle was compassed about with a wall of a thousande and seaâ—â— to hundred yard 〈◊〉 and in the 〈◊〉 thereof was 〈◊〉 a Toâ—re 〈◊〉 of a strong keepe fundrie lodginges and than the 〈◊〉 and two hundred 〈◊〉 of Ordinance 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vpon the 〈◊〉 we Walles 〈…〉 〈…〉 they did not as yet shewe 〈…〉 〈…〉 well prouided of Cattell and other ritch and plentifull booties which was a great reliefe to all the Souldiers Afterwardes the Generall sent Resuan beeing nowe the Bassa of Natolia and the Bassa of Caraemit to conueigh the succours to Teflis with tweentie thousande persons in their companie the most choosen and best armed in all the hoast who marching all closely together in the directe way within one dayes space arryued at the sayde Fort wherein they placed their Garrison and chaunging the Gouernour thereof substituted in his rowme one Bagli beeing then vppon this occasion onely called a Bassa Whiles Resuan lay thus encamped vnder Teflis Daut-Chan the brother of Simon who as wee tolde you in the beginning of this warre at the comming of Mustaffa into Georgia had fledde out of Teflis and abandoned the Castle came nowe with all his Familie to offer himselfe for a subiecte and a deuoted vassall to Amurath promissing that hee would followe the Turkish Armie and employe all his forces and all his wits in the seruice thereof and therefore besought him that he would vouchsafe to cause him to bee receyued with all good entertainement being nowe come with a trustie and assured hope to finde peace and safetie among their weapons and vnder their lawe and religion to enioy a quiet and peaceable life Resuan entertayned them all with great promises and large assurances of all good successe according to their desires and necessities In the meane while newes were brought to Simon that Generall Ferat staying at the straytes of Tomanis withall his Armie had sent Resuan Bassa to succour Teflis and withall it was tolde him by certayne false and lying Spies that Resuan was gone not with twentie thousande persons but with a far lesse number of people then indeede hee was At which good newes hee tooke courage to encounter Resuan and setting vppon him to ioyne a bloudye and mortall battell with him Which his resolution hee caused presentlye to bee put in practise for without any further delaye beeing accompanied with fower thousand Georgians partly Subiectes of his owne and partly of Manuâ—chiar with all speede possible hee wâ—nte against Resuan But whiles Simon was going thitheâ—wardes Generall Ferat either because he was falsely informed that there were a greater number of Georgian Souldiers or else because without any other aduertisement he was of himselfe affraide that the Enemies Army was bigger then it was had alreadie by chauncâ— dispatched away the two Bassaes of Caramania and of Maras with tenne thousande persons to the end that ioyning themselues with the Souldiers of Resuan they shoulde bee somuch the safer and stronger at all aduentures Nowe Simon came vpon Resuan being encamped with six thousand Souldiers onely at the roote of a certaine Hill on the backeside whereof were all the rest of his people neere to a certaine water and presentlie made an assault vppon him The Souldiers behinde the Hill beeing aware of Simons approch were readie all at once with their weapons to annoy Simon who nowe was exceeding sory for his error in beleeuing the false newes and repenting himselfe that hee had assaulted his Enemies hee perceiued that hee was vndoone But when hee sawe that â—y â—light hee coulde not but encrease his griefe and make the issue more lamenâ—able and miserable with those fewe Souldiers which hee had hee endured the fury of the populous Armye of Resuan and on both sides there was ioyned a moste cruell Battell Wherein on the one side you mighte haue seene a straunge and vn-vsuall valour and on the other a tumultuous super-fluitie of a multitude that in the encounter were rather sore wounded then able to carrie away the Victorie Howbeit in the end the huge number of the Turkish swordes and Speares did ouercome the small number of the Georgians and the Barbarian fires and Artillarie did bring the Christian forces to an vnhappye estate But Simon himselfe whose Horse in the Medley was quite thrust thorough fell downe headlong to the grounde and his guilt Torbant with his Golden Horne from his Heade and in his fall was verie neere to haue been taken prisoner Which misfortune as it happened to his Lieutenaunt and to his Generall and to many other his followers so must it needes also haue lighted vppon him if hee had not beene relieued by an vnexpected and as it were a meruailous fauor For whiles the battel was euen at the greateâ—â— heat betweene them Resuan discouered the two Bassaes of Caramania and Maras who as wee told you were newly sent by General Ferat to succor him but both by the said Resuan and also by the rest of the Turkish armie were indeed thought to be Persians Wherupon they were incontinently surprized with a sodaine feare insomuch that all of them waxing fainte and hanging in suspence the victory which before was â—ure their owne became nowe very doubtfull and the Turkes themselues
know that Alexandria vpon the Caspian Sea is now termed by the Turkes Schenderia as it shold bee called by the auncient name but because it is longe and straite it came to be called Derbent and because it hath Iron Gates Demir-Capi Likewise for Casbin or as the Persians terme it Casuin let it bee which of the auncient Citties you will haue it to be it is notoriously knowen that it was so called because it was at the first a place whereintoo they were wont to banish or confine such persons as for their offences and misdemeanours had deserued that chastisement Which for that it was a place of punishment it was called by the Persians Casuin Casbin which in the Persian language signifieth Chastisement The like I might say of the city of Aleppo by the Moors called Halip which in our tongue signifieth Milke for the same Arabians do say that it was so called for the aboundaunce of milke which in the time of the Patriarches was yeelded by the heardes and flockes of cattell in those champaines But because I haue not that certaine testimony hereof which I haue of mine other examples I will not make account to build any foundation therevpon And therefore next after those thinges that I haue already noted I will set down also what I haue obserued touching the riuer that entreth into the sea betweene Beryto and Tripoli Which riuer because it runneth neere vnto a Church which was sometimes dedicated to Sainte Iacob is by the inhabitantes there called Mar Iacut which is to say the Riuer of Iacob Likewise the riuer Orontes which is nombred amonge the famous Riuers of Soria whose bankes I haue viewed euen from his springing head to his maine channell which is neere to Seleucia Pieria hath among the Arabians and the Turks quite lost his ancient name And because it is very swift in his course hath many turninges and windings so that those which swim in it are oftentimes drowned therein as though the poore riuer had in that respect the nature of a murderer therefore the Turkes and the Moores haue geuen it a name that signifieth expresly a murderer or traitor And to the end that the truth hereof may likewise be knowen in mountains also I will not conceale that which cometh to my memory touching the mountain Bacras which is also called Beilun This is a mountain lying in the ranke of the mountains that deuideth Soria from Cilicia which how it was termed by auncient writers I leaue to other men to iudge But by the Inhabitants there it hath been alwaies is at this day called Bacras for none other reason or cause but for that it is so ragged so eaten as it were and in some partes euen in the grassie plottes of it so bald and so bare that it resembleth the head of one that is scuruie which by the Turkes is called Bacras and by the Moores Beilun for so do the Moors also call that mountaine Hereby then it doth manifestly appeere that it is no sound argument which is drawen from the likenes or similitude that auncient names haue with the names of later times For all places haue not reserued retained among the diuersity of sundry languages their auncient denominations and so it seemeth to mee that this first argument remayneth sufficiently confuted As also the second which hauing no good and sound roote may easily bee ouerthrowne Vtterly false is that foundation which the followers of Iouius do vse in that place where they say that the riuer Tigris passeth from the one side of the Mantian Lake vnto the other side thereof For it woorketh not that effect which they speake of in the Mantian Marish but in the Marish that by Strabo is called Tospite and Topiti and Arassena I will not here alleadge the testimonies of later liuers as namely of Cicala himselfe the Bassa of Van nor of a thousand and a thousand marchantes and souldiers but onely the testimony of Strabo whose authority cannot be refuted as a lyer Hee in the eleuenth booke of his Geography thus writeth Armenia hath also great Lakes One is the Mantian Lake that is to say Blacke and Greene like the Sea Water as they say it is the greatest Lake next to Mwotis It arriueth euen vnto Atropatia and hath diuers salt-springes The other is the Arassen Lake called likewise Topiti for so it should be read and not Toeti as some translate it This hath Nitrum in it and teareth renteth a mans apparell and for that cause the water of it is not good to drinke The riuer Tigris departing from the mountaine neere vnto Nifates passeth through this Lake without mingling of it selfe with the water thereof by reason of his swiftnes whereof it hath taken his name for the Medians call an arrow Tigris It hath fishes of many and diuers kindes whereas the fishes of the lakes are but of one kinde onely Neere to the vtmost corner or Gulfe of the Lake this riuer falling into a great deep and running for a great space vnder the ground riseth againe neere to Colonitis and from thence courseth towards Opis and the walles of Semiramis leauing the Cordiaeâ—ns on the right hand All this did Strabo write by the authoritie of Eratosthenes in his sixteenth booke where he saith also most plainely that the saide Riuer Tigris doth not passe through the Mantian Marish but through the Topiti But no maruell it is that Iouius hath conceaued this errour coÌ„sidering how greatly hee is also deceaued when he will needs call Siras Ciropolis when likewise he saith that in Cassan there is trafficke for silkes and that this Cittie standeth in Sultania betweene the South and the West and lastly when hee putteth no distinction or difference betweene the Zogdiani the Bactrini the Ariani the Margiani the Aracosi but maketh them all one And therefore leauing these considerations it shall be sufficient for me to answere to their last argument which is drawen from the report of the Armenians who say that Tauris is situated in Armenia the great A reason in verie truth verie daungerous verie slipperie and verie deceitfull And it seemeth to me to bee altogether like to the reason of those who going about to proue that the AmomuÌ„ of Dioscorides is none other thing but the Pes Columbinus that is to say the Pigeon Foot of Mount Libanon do vse the common word of the Sorians which call that Plant Hamana being in very deed nothing els but a kind of Pigeon foot And in troth what assured credit may bee reposed in those Armenians and in such kinde of people as are vtterlie vnskilfull in Geographie who neuer read any authour that had taught them the proper Termes of those prouinces Doo wee not see what a confusion and mingle-mangle they make of the same regions Doo they not precisely call one part of great Armenia by the name of Gurgistan onely because many Georgians inhabite there And likewise on the other