called with these gracious names Subsidies Subventitions Aydes Grants not with these tearmes Tailles Imposts Tributes Impositions which were tearmes more hard and odious Examples appeare of the first cause when the generall Estates assembled at Paris after the death of king Charles le Sage to provide for the government as well of king Charles the sixt being under Annal. upon An 1380 and Fross li 2. cap. 58. 60. age as of the kingdome which government they gave unto three of the kings uncles namely to the Duke of Berry Languedoc to the Duke of Bourgoigne Picardie and Normandie and to the Duke de Aniou the remainder of all the realme and the rule of the young kings person was committed to the said Dukes of Berry and Bourgoigne So was there ordained during the said kings life another ordinance In like manner the generall Estates were held at Tours after the decease of king Lewis the eleventh to purvey for the government of king Charles the eighth under Annal. upon An. 148. and Coâ—â—n â—ib 1. ca. 109. age and of the kingdome And by the same Estates was established a Counsell of twelve persons good men and of good calling to dispatch the affaires of the kingdome yet in the kings name and under his authoritie And the rule of the young kings person was committed unto Madame de Beavien his sister When king Charles the sixt le bien aime was come to the age of one and twentie yeares his uncles were discharged from the government of the kingdome by the Froiss lib 1. cap. 134. lib. 4. cap. 44. advise and deliberation of the kings great Counsell But this good prince by an accident of sicknesse fell a certaine time after into a frenzie which sometimes bereaved him of his sences insomuch that the Estates assembled at Paris gave the government of the kingdome during the kings indisposition to his two uncles the dukes of Berrie and Burgoigne The yeare 1356. that king Iohn was taken prisoner nie Poictres at the journey of Annal. upon An. 1356 and Fross li. 1. cap. 170. 171. Maupertins with his sonne Philip after Duke of Burgoigne and that they were led into England there remained in France three of the said king Iohns children namely Charles Dauphin and duke of Normandie Lewis duke de Aniou and Iohn duke of Berrie There was a question about the providing for the government of the kingdome because of the kings captiuitie but none of them would enterprise the mannaging thereof of himselfe insomuch that the generall Estates were assembled at Paris whereby were elected thirtie six persons some say fiftie to governe the affaires of the kingdome with Monsieur le Dauphin who at the beginning called himselfe the Lieutenant of the king his father but afterward he named himselfe Regent The yeare 1409. during the raigne of Charles the sixt king of France were held Monstrelet lib. 1. ca. 59. the generall Estates at Paris for the reformation of abuses in the kingdome And there it was ordained that all accountants for the kings revenues and rents should make their accounts By the meanes of which reformation great summes of money were recovered upon the same accountants and there were also made some good lawes and ordinances In other conventions of Estates the money and coine hath been reformed from weake and light unto thicke and of good waight and goodnesse Also of late at the generall Estates held at Orleans were made manie goodly ordinances for the good and comfort of the poore people reformation of justice and for the cutting off of manie abuses which were committed in plaies at Cardes and Dise in superfluitie of apparell and in matter of benefices But commonly commeth such euill hap that all good things which are introducted and ordained vpon good reason and to a good end incontinent vanish away and wicked examples are alwaies drawne into consequence As for the last cause for which we haue said the generall Estates in old time were called namely for the graunt of Helps Subsidies ther are manie examples in our Histories As in the time of king Iohn wherein the Estates accorded great subventions Froiss lib. 1. cap. 155. Annal. upon An 1354 58. 59. or subsidies to make warre against the English men which then held a great part of the kingdome And after he was taken prisoner and led into England the said Estates agreed to give vnto Monsieur le Dauphin his soune great summes of money to pay for the said kings raunsome and for Philip his sonne being also a prisoner And well to be marked it is that our histories doe witnesse that all the people of France generally were meruailously anguished grieved with the prisonment captivitie which they saw their king suffer but especially the people of the countrey of Languedoc For the Estates of the said countrey ordained that if the king were not delivered within a yeare that every one both men and women should lay by all coloured garments such also as were jagged and cut and such as were enriched with gold silver or other strange and costly fashion Likewise to make cease all stage-plaies morrisdauncings piping yea and plaies pastimes and daunces in signe and token of their mourning and lamentation for their princes captivitie A thing whereby appeared the great and cordiall affection of this people towards their king As truely the Frenchmen have alwaies been of great love and affection towards their kings unlesse they were altogither tyrants But to make an end of this point Certaine it is that before king Charles the seventh called le Victorieux no Subsidies were imposed without assembling the generall Estates And that our kings used thus to do was not because they had power by an absolute authoritie to impose tallages and subsidies without calling the Estates but it is to the end they may be better obeyed with a voluntarie and unconstrained obedience and to shunne all uprores and rebellions which often happen upon that occasion And truly the French people have alwaies been so good and obedient unto their kings that they never refused him any thing if there were but any appearance of reason to demand it Yea often the Estates have granted their king more than he would demand or durst looke for as is seene by that which our histories write of the Estates held for Subsidies But because Aydes and Subsidies were customably granted for the making of De Com. lib. 5. cap. 18. warres M. Philip de Comin saith That kings should also communicat and consult with their Estates whether the causes of such warres be just and reasonable and that the Prince cannot nor ought not otherwise to enterprise a warre For it is reason that they which defray the charges and expenses should know something But yet he passeth further and saith There is no Prince in the world which hath power to lay one pennie upon his subjects without their grant and consent unlesse he will use tyrannie and
also comes that vertuous people beeing angry and chafed to see themselves despised as also to see strangers preferred before them suffer themselves to be governed and guided by turbulent passions contrarie to their natures Moreover it seemeth well that the Poet Hesiodius and Aristotle shoot not farre from the white of truth when they say That by right of nature he ought to dominier and rule who hath the more able spirit to know how to command well and he that hath the lesseable ought to obey And although sovereign principalities are not ruled by that naturall law because of the difficultie which falleth ordinarily in the execution of their election yet for all that that law alwayes sticketh naturally in the spirits and minds of men insomuch as it seemes to them which feele themselves to have some sufficiencie that there is wrong done them when they are put by to bring into an office one lesse capable By the abovesaid reasons then I hope men may see and usually we reade how great disorders doe often come when princes have preferred strangers unto publicke charges offices and honours before them of that nation and countrey where such charges and honours are distributed and exercised The yeare 1158 William king of Sicilie by his originall was a Frenchman gave Annale 1168. the estate of the Chancellor of his kingdome to a person very capable and fit but he was not that countreyman but a Frenchman The lords of the kingdome greeved to see a stranger constituted in so high an estate within their countrey and that A strange Chancellor cause of a great massacre in Sicilie the greatest magistracie of justice must needs be exercised by strange hands a very cruell conspiration For not onely they conspired the death of that chancellor a Frenchman but also of all them of the French nation which were dispersed in the kingdome of Sicilie Calabria and Apuleia For that purpose sent they secret letters through all the townes and places of the said countries whereby they advertised their friends and adherents which were alreadie prepared all over that they should massacre and slay each one respectively the Frenchmen of their places and towns on the day and hour that they would assigne them Which was executed and there was made in the said countries an horrible butcherie and exceeding great effusion of French blood Behold the mischeefe that came in that kingdome for having a stranger for their chancellor True it is that some may say that this massacre of the Frenchmen in Sicilia and other countries of Italie happened not so much for that reason that there was a strange chancellor as for that the Italian race hath alwayes ben much enclined to shed the blood of our nation For that same race made also another like generall massacre in the year 1282 by a conspiration wherin it was concluded that every one of the country should slay or cause to be slaine his French guest at the first sound of their Evensong bell even upon Easter day Which conspiration was not only executed but also the rage of the massacrers was so great that they ripped the bodies of women of their owne nation alive which were never so little suspected to be gotten with child by Frenchmen to stifle the fruit they caried And this cruell and barbarous massacre was called the Sicilian Evensong By the SiciliaÌ„ EveÌ„song imitation hereof the same race complotted and executed not in Sicilie but in France it selfe and through all the best townes of the kingdome the horrible and generall massacre of the yeare 1572 which will ever bleed and whereof their hands and swords are yet bloodie Of which exploit they have since incessantly vaunted and braved calling it The Parisien Matines M. Martin du Bellay rehearseth also in Paritien Matinâ— his Memories how the same race murdered a great number of poore souldiers after the journey of Pavie comming towards France lame wounded and unarmed slaying them in their high waies But such is this peoples generositie of heart alwayes to be tenne or twentie against one and to brave such as are wounded or unarmed which have no meanes to resist This Messeresque generositie is at this day called in France Coyonnerie and Poltromerie But let us come to our purpose touching the disorders that come by strange magistrates By the peace of Bretaigne made betwixt Iohn king of Fraunce and Edward king Froissart lib. 1. cap. 216. 246 c. Pla. in Martin 4. of England the countrie of Aquitaine was acquited purely and in al soveraigntie by the sayd king Iohn to the said king Edward This king Edward from the first possession of the sayd countrie gave it to the prince of Wales his eldest sonne who came and lay in Bourdeaux and apart kept a court great and magnificall The gentlemen of Gascoigne and of other countries of Acquitaine which by the means of the sayd peace should become vassals to the king of England to the said prince of Wales his sonne came straight to find the prince at Bourdeaux first to sweare their faith and homage secondly to obtaine his favour and good countenance as is the custome of all nobilitie The prince of Wales very gently courteously benignly and familiarly entertained them but in the meane while he gave all the offices estates of the countrie as the captainships and governments of the towns and castles the offices of bayliffs and stewards the estates of his court unto English gentlemen where of he had alwaies great store about him These English gentlemen although they held no other goods but their estates spent prodigally and held as great a traine as the lords of the countrey and to maintaine that they committed great extortions upon the people Hereupon came it that the people feeling themselves oppressed by the English officers the nobilitie and vertuous people seeing themselves recoiled and kept from offices that the prince gave al to strangers which were not of that nation and that herewith he would needs impose a new tribute and impost upon the countrie in a little time all revolted from his obedience and so caused all the towns of Aquitaine to revolt one after another insomuch that the king of England and the sayd prince of Wales his sonne lost straight all the countrey having therewithall procured the evill will of their subjects by giving offices unto strangers Iohn duke of Bretaigne in regard that hee had taken a wife in England was marvellously Froiss lib. 1. cap 311 â—14 affected to the English partie yea against the king of Fraunce his soveraign lord The nobilitie of Bretaigne were much grieved therat insomuch that one day the three greatest lords of the countrie that is to say the lord de Clisson de Laval and de Rohan went to him and after salutations said to him in this manner Sir wee know not upon what thought you shew your selfe so enclinable and favourable unto the English you know that the
king of France is our sovereign lord and the dutchie of Bretaigne holdeth also of the crowne of Fraunce Wee pray you to despoile and rid your selfe of that affection which you have to the Englishmen and shew your selfe a good Frenchman such as you ought to be for we come to declare unto you that if you doe it not wee will abandon and leave you to serve the king of Fraunce who is our sovereigne lord The duke hereat was much troubled and could not so much cover his courage but he sayd That the king of Fraunce did wrong the king of England to despoile him of Aquitaine Certaine time after distrusting his subjects he sent into England to have Englishmen for his service and to give them captainships and governments of towns and castles of Bretaigne The king of England sent him people but the gentlemen of Bretaigne thinking much that their duke distrusted them and would prefer Englishmen before them themselves seazed the fortresses and towns of the countrie before the arivall of the Englishmen Insomuch that the duke seeing himselfe brought into a great extremitie abandoned his countrey and saved himselfe in England This came unto him for loving strangers more than his owne subjects and for that he desired to give them the charges and estates of the countrey The king Charles the eight in the voyage of Naples which he made in his owne Comines lib. 1. cap. 20. person conquered the realme of Naples almost without stroke striking and was received of all the people and of the most part of the Nobilitie of that countrey as a Messias sent of God to deliver them from the cruell and barbarous tyrannie wherein they were before and had now long time beene under their kings Alphonsus and Ferrand of Arragon usurpers of that kingdome upon the house of Anjou whereunto Charles succeeded Every one may judge if it had not beene easie for the king if he had enjoyed a good Counsell to have kept that goodly kingdome in his perpetuall obedience For when a people hath been tyrannized by an usurper and that he comes to recover his naturall prince which deales with them like a good prince there is nothing to induce the people to denie him obeisance or to revolt Because on the one side they acknowledge that after God and reason they ought to obey him which is the true and lawfull prince unto whom alwayes there is more amitie borne than unto another and on the other side they see themselves discharged and unburdened of that heavie waight of tyrannie and of an usurper But what came there unto king Charles Thus having conquered that kingdome hee gave all the estates and offices of the country unto Frenchmen which he had with him in that voyage whereof the gentlemen of the countrey and especially such as had alwaies either secretly or openly held to the part of the house of Anjou were so discontented and spighted that they straight cast off all amitie good affection to the king and incontinent entred into practises and complots to make all the countrey to revolt which they straight did and so made void that voyage and for nothing the king lost both his people and his money who assuredly might have well kept the kingdome of Naples if he had given the offices thereof to them of the countrey and sought meanes to have maintained them in voluntarie obedience By the aforesaid example it appeares That the Frenchmen gained nothing by getting into their hands all the offices and estates of the kingdome of Naples yet gained they much lesse in the fact I come now to speake of seeking to take away the honour of the warre from the Spaniards in Spaine at the battaile of Iuberoth You Froiss lib. 3. cap. 12 31 14 15 16. must then understand that the king Iohn of Castile being an allie with the king of Fraunce demaunded succours of him and aid to make warre against king Denis of Portingale The king of Fraunce sent him gallant succours as well of footmen as horsemen Our Frenchmen arriving there were very well entertained of king Iohn of Castile our French desired the point of the battaile to shew both what they could doe in warre as also their good affection to doe him service The Castilians contradicted this beeing greeved and envious against the French that so vaunted preferred themselves before them Notwithstanding all that the Spaniards could doe the king graunted them their request where of they were very glad and the Castilians as sad What did the Castilians Vpon despight and envie they complotted together to suffer the French to pursue the enemie without following or seconding them but onely to make a shew that they would follow them to the end that all the glorie might remaine to the French if they vanquished or all to them if after the overthrowing of the French they were victors Vpon which resolution it is well to note how envie and hatred blindeth judgement For if they had not been very passionate they might well judge That forces devided might easily be vanquished one after another as it happened to their ruine and dishonour and to the ruine of the French but being joyned together they might much sooner have beene victorious Finally the battaile was given against the Portugals which were valiantly encountred by the French but beeing unseconded by the Castilians which held the arreregard they were found the more feeble insomuch that they were all slaine or taken And which was a thing very lamentable Of those there were a thousand gentlemen taken prisoners amongst which there were nineteene great lords all which also were thus slaine For as the Portugals a while after the defeating of the avantgard of the French perceived to arrive the arreregard of the Castilians they resolved to slay their prisoners and did so lest they either should make warre upon them behind or els escape So having slaine all their said prisoners they marched valiantly against the Castilians whom they likewise discomfited If we Frenchmen had not been so ambitious and covetous of glorie as to seeke glorie in a strangers countrey above them of that countrey they had not falne into this mischeefe Ochozias king of Iuda was son of Athalia a woman stranger daughter of a king 2. Kings cap. 10. 2. Chron. cap. 22. of Samaria This king governed himselfe by Samaritans which were much hated of the people of Iuda unto whom he gave the principall charges and offices of his kingdome at the persuasion of his mother a Samaritane also despising and casting behind the wisest and most vertuous of his kingdom by which he should haue beene governed after the example of his predecessors This was the cause of that kings destruction for as Iehu was in destroying the house of Achab brother of Athalia he slue also Ochozias and extermined almost all his race as a partner and friend which maintained Achab. If Ochozias had governed himselfe rather by people of his owne kingdome than
also he handleth with his hands the very bodie of our Lord and that he breaketh it and that the faithfull break and bruse it betwixt their teeth Behold the goodly doctrine of this Cannon which the Sophists would make the Catholikes beleeve but of five hundred you shall not find one that will beleeve it And verily this Cannon makes me remember what Achaemenides sayth in Virgil of the great Polyphemus who did eat the companions of Vlysses Poore humane creatures he did eat the bodie blood and all Aeâ—â—i â—i 3. My selfe did see him claspe and gripe in his so deepe a den Two men of ours in his huge hands their heads on dore Lintall He knocked so that blood gusht out and in my sight those men He tore and brused betwixt his teeth yet dead they were not cleane And how should Catholikes beleeve this Canon seeing the priests themselves beleeve it not I prove it For if they beleeved it they would never say masse upon fridaies nor in Lent or other sasting dayes and the Charterhouse Celestines nor Ensumine Friers and Monks would say no masses for feare to eat slesh O but will one say This is a strange reason I confesse it but the aforesaid Cannon is as strange and how strange soever yet can it not be overthrowne without giving some spirituall interpretation unto the manducation of the Sacrament But straight as soone as a man comes there behold we are at an agreement You see then how the Catholikes yea the priests themselves beleeve not in that Canon which notwithstanding is the only foundation of the masse Yea but you will say The Catholikes go to masse and find it good I confesse it but it is upon custome they go thither not because they understand or beleeve any other thing touching the Sacrament than that we have already said And therefore seeing they do agree with us in the principall there shall be no great danger nor losse for them to send away and banish into the Cyclopian Islands or into Poliphaemus den their masse yea though but for a time to see and prove whether they might well and commodiously spare it or no. As wee read Pope Clement the sixt did who excoÌ„municated all the people of the country of Flanders for a certaine rebellion that they had made against the king of France their soveraigne who also interdicted all the priests of the countrey upon paine of eternall damnation to say no masses nor to administer any Sacraments to the Flemmings til they had obtained absolution of his fatherhood The poore Flemmings seeing themselves without masses for in no sort their priests would say any they writ to the king of England making unto him great coÌ„plaints The king of England sent them word not to be dismayed nor troubled for want of masses for he would send them priests out of his country to say them masses ynough But the priests of England went not fearing to be comprehended in that fulmination of the Pope In the meane while the Flemmings attending whilest the king of England sent the priests accustomed so much themselves to be without masses being merry and making good cheare that they were well and no more it troubled them Many other countries also at this day which have no masses passe the time well ynough to their content as England Scotland and Denmarke the most part of Almaign I beleeve also if men did assay it in France to obtaine peace and union they would not find it so evill as they thinke For already we agree upon the Sacrament as is abovesaid we hold also the Epistles Gospels the lessons which are taken out of the Psalmes of David and the Prophets for we shall alwayes find that in our Bible yea farre more faithfully enregistred than in the Missall all the remainder is not worth the holding For as for their massing garments men of good iudgemeÌ„t know wel That apparell addes no holinesse to the masse seeing also that Frenchmen naturally staie not long in one fashion of apparrell but easily chaunge from one to another I confesse in regard of the common people which only stay upoÌ„ that they see that they will take no great lust in a masse without the masse garments as if the Curate said it in his doublet and hose without more or in his ierkin it is certaine that commonly the parishioners would greatly scandilize it and would not find it good And yet a true thing it is that apparell makes not the masse better neither have they any sanctitie in them to deserve to be retained For if it were true that such garments made the masse better and added any holinesse unto it then would it follow that the better the garments and habites are so much the better should the masses be then would there be found great inequalitie in the bountie and goodnesse of masses and so would it follow that the masses of rich men should be better than poore mens a thing very absurd and odious that were also to make village masses of no account because their masse garments are often tattered and rent So that theÌ„ we must come to this resolution to shun these absurdities That garmeÌ„ts bring no holinesse to the masse and that in retaining the holy Sacrament the Gospell the Epistles and the lessons of the Psalmes and Prophets which are in the masse there would be found no danger to let go all the rest Now then if we lay by through all France the superfluous things of the masse are not all the rest of the exercises of religion alike The Catholikes go to the church to pray unto God so doe we also They goe to heare sermons of the word of God so do we also They go thither to praise God in singing of the Psalms of David and we also They go thither to keepe their Easter and we also For it is all one to celebrate the Easter and the Supper Breefly all our exercises of Religion are alike I know well you will say there is a difference because the Catholikes pray and sing psalms in Latin and we in French But I answere you that that is nothing so that men understand what they say For God understandeth well all languages You will say unto me also that the preachers of the one and of the other preach not the same doctrine Yet I answere that though it be so yet do we agree in all the principall points of Religion which are necessary to be knowne for the salvation of our soules If in any other points our preachers cannot agree we must let theÌ„ agree amongst theÌ„selves and content our selves to know the articles which are necessary for our salvation For it cannot be said that if we cannot be as subtil and sharpe as S. Thomas of Aquin Bonaventure Scot Bricot or other like doctors of Theologie that therefore we must needs be damned It were a very straunge thing to beleeve that God would have his holy Religion so obscure that none
On the other side Artabanus prepared himselfe and his retinue in as good order as was possible without any armie to goe meet his new sonne in law What did this perfidious Caracalla As soone as the two parties were joyned and that king Artabanus came nigh him to saluâ—e and embrace him he commanded his souldiers earnestly to charge upon the Parthians Then straight the Romanes embraced and entertained the unarmed Parthians with great blowes of swords and other armes as enemies and as if there had been an assigned battaile in so much as there was a great slaughter made of the Parthians but the king Artabanus with the help of a good horse escaped with great difficultie and danger So that this simuled and disguised marriage although pleasant to Caracalla and his friends yet were they sorrowfull to many poore Parthians Artabanus beeing saved determined well to revenge himselfe of that villanie and trecherie but Macrinus releeved him of that paine who within a little time after slew that monster Caracalla who was already descryed through all the world because of his perfidie Besides that perfidie and violation of Faith is the cause that none wil beleeve nor Perfidie is the cause of the ruine of the perfidous trust them which once have used it yet proceeds there another upon it which is That breach of Faith is ordinarily cause of the totall destruction ruine of the perfidious and disloyall person The example above alleadged of Anniball may well serve to prove it for his trecherie was first a cause that none would trust him secondly it was the cause that another perfidious person seeing him without friends or meanes enterprised to play another part of perfidie which forced him to poyson himselfe We have also in another place before recited the example of Virius and other Capuans to the number of seven and twentie which desperately slew themselves because they had broken their Faith with the Romanes But amongst other examples that of king Syphax of Numidia is most illustrious and memorable This king promised Scipio that he would aid and give him succours against the Carthaginians The Carthaginians knowing this found meanes to lay a bait for this king by Titus Livius lib. 9. 10. Dec. 3. a faire Carthaginian damosell called Sophonisba one of a great house who by her enticements so drew him into her nets that she caused him to breake his Faith with Scipio and made an alliance and confederation with the Carthaginians by the marriage of Sophonisba whereby they accorded that they would have alike friends and enemies Scipio beeing hereof advertised was much both astonished and greeved yet hee thought it good resolution not to attend whilest the two powers of king Syphax and of the Carthaginians were joined together Hee then so hasted that hee placed his armie before king Syphax who was going with thirtie thousand for the helpe of the Carthaginians and overcame all those succours insomuch as Syphax himselfe was taken prisoner his horse having been slaine under him was brought alive to Scipio who demaunded of him wherefore he had broken his Faith with the Romancs which he had so solemnely sworne betwixt his hands This poore captive king confessed that an enraged follie had drawne him unto it by the meanes of the Carthaginians which gave him that pestilent furie Sophonisba who by her flatteries and enticements had bereaved him of his understanding After this miserable king was in a triumph by Scipio led to Rome died miserably his kingdome brought under the obedience of the Romanes which gave a good part of it to Massinissa another king of Numidia who had ever been loyall and faithfull unto them in the observation of their Faith So that Syphax lost himself and his kingdome by his perfidie and breach of Faith and Massinissa acquired great reputation and honour and greatly amplified and enlarged his kingdome for rightly observing his Faith and loyaltie Charles the simple king of Fraunce in his time made strong warre upon Robert Annal. upon the year 916. duke of Aquitaine and vanquished him in a battaile nigh Soissons where duke Robert was slaine Heber countie de Vermandois brother in law of that Robert was so greeved and displeased at that overthrow that he enterprised a part of perfidie and villanie to catch the king his soveraigne lord therefore with a countenance of amitie he invited the king to a great feast in the town of Perone whither the king came with many other great princes and lords but the said countie caused them all to be taken prisoners and shut them within the castle of Perone Afterward hee enlarged all the said princes and lords upon condition of their promises never to bear armes against him but still retained the king prisoner in the said castle where he died within two yeares after Lewis the third of that name his sonne succeeded him in the crowne who at his first entry revenged not the death of his father upon countie Heber fearing some insurrection in his kingdome because of his great kindred and friends yet at the last he also made a great and solemne feast unto which he entreated the great lords and barons of his kingdome and even countie Heber and his friends and kinsfolkes As they were all assembled at that feast behold there arrived out of England a currier a thing fained by king Lewis who booted and spurred fell upon his knees before the king and presented letters unto him on the king of Englands part The king tooke those letters and caused them to be read low by his Chancellor the rather to deceive As soone as he had read them the king began to smile and say on high to the companie Truly men say true that the English are not wise My cousin of England sends me word that in his countrey a rusticall clownish man had summoned his lord whose subject hee is to a dinner at his house and as soone as he came there he tooke and detained him prisoner and after strangled him and villanously caused him to die Therfore he sends me word to have the opion of the princes barons and lords of Fraunce to know what justice should bee done upon that subject I must make him an answere and therefore my masters I pray you tell me your advices What thinke you said he to the countie de Blois the most auncient to this matter my good cousin The countie de Blois answered that his opinion was That the said rusticall fellow should die ignominiously and that according to his desert All the other princes and lords were of the same opinion yea even Heber countie de Vermandois Then tooke the king the word and said Countie de Vermandois I judge thee and condemne thee to death by thine owne word for thou knowest that in the shew of friendship and under the shaddow of a feast in thy house thou diddest invite my dead father and being come thou retainedst him and brought him most
prince certaine it is that there is nothing in the world which makes him more contemptible Covetousnesse cause of a princes ruine and despighted than it doth for of it selfe it is odious in all men because it is filthie and mechanicall but especially in princes which as they are constituted in a more ample and opulent fortune than other men are ought also to shew themselves more liberall and further removed from Illiberalitie and Covetousnes The emperour Galba otherwise a good and sage prince but suffering himselfe to bee governed by some about him which were rapinous and covetous hee himselfe also Tacit. lib. 17 Annales Dio. in Galba being too hard to his souldiers thus destroyed and defiled all his vertues But that more is this his covetousnesse and the rapines of his officers cost him his life brought him into contempt and after to bee slaine of his souldiers The emperour Pertinax was good and one of the most wise and moderatest princes that ever was Dion Cap. in Perti and who a man might say to bee as it were irreprehensible and a very father of the people hee alwaies so studied every way to comfort his subjects but he was so spotted and defiled with that vice of covetousnesse that hee thereby became hated and contemned of his men of warre so that they slew him The emperor Mauricius was Pomp Laetus in Mauritio Phoâ—a a very niggard yea so great was his covetousnesse that hee delighted in nothing but heaping up of treasures and would spend nothing whereby every man tooke occasion to blame and despise him The great store of treasure which he had made Phocas his lieutenant who otherwise was a man of no account a coward but as covetous as his master to sley him and to obtain the empire But yet Phocas being come to the empire continued in his covetousnesse more than ever was found in Mauricius his predecessor and respected nothing but heaping up of treasures by rapines and extorcions without any care of government of his empire This miserable covetousnesse carefulnesse of this traitor Phocas was the cause of his owne ruine the entier dissipation of the Roman empire For during his government there were cut off from the Roman empire Germanie Gaul Spaine the most part of Italie Slavonia and Mesia the most part of Affrick Armenia Arabia Macedonia Thracia Asiria Mesopotamia Aegypt and many other countries wherof some cut themselves from the empire and other were occupied by the king of Persia and other potentates which was an exceeding great evill hap and very memorable that thus the Romane empire should fall in pieces by meanes of this emperours covetousnesse This happened not alone to Phocas to have lost his domination by the meanes of his covetousnesse for the like fell to king Perseus of Macedonie This king having Titus Livius lib. 4. Dec. 5. enterprised warre upon the Romanes gathered together great store of treasures but when it came to bee distributed to have souldiers hee shewed himselfe so holding and covetous as was possible For having caused to come from the Gaulois very great succours into his countrie by the covenant of a certaine summe of mony which hee promised them yet refused to deliver them silver when they came excusing himselfe amongst his people that it was a dangerous thing to receive so great a number of strangers in his countrie for fewer would serve him Briefely saith Titus Livius hee did but find meanes to bring all those treasures into the Romanes hands for their bootie for the Gaulois seeing themselves thus mocked by this king returned spoiling all his countrey as they passed and after the Romanes vanquished Perseus and got all his treasures which hee lost with his crowne and his life and this fell unto him by his covetousnesse Marcus Crassus a Romane citizen being worth 350000 crownes of annuall revenew Ioseph Antiq lib. 14. cap. 8. 13. Pluta in Crasso was yet so covetous that seeing Lucullus had enriched himselfe by the Levant warre never ceased till he had obtained charge and commission to make warre upon the Parthians And that which incited him most to purchase that charge was that hee had heard say that Pompeius who had made warre there not long before had had goodly meanes to heape up great treasures if he had listed as hee might have pilled the temple of Ierusalem where the treasures of sacred vessels and of the widdowes and orphants mounted to the summe of two thousand Talents or five millions of Crownes So Crassus resolved to rob that temple to redouble his riches and therein not to bee so scrupulous as Pompey had beene And so indeede Crassus passing by Hierusalem against the Parthians pilled the temple and to himselfe appropriated all that treasure which partly was the goods and substance of poore widdowes and orphants Crassus going on came into Armenia and from thence came to the Parthians where he gave battaile to king Herodes or rather to Surena his lieutenant but Crassus losing the battaile where his onely sonne was slaine escaped on foot thinking to save himselfe which he could not doe but in the end was overtaken and slaine and his head carried to Herodes who with it served himselfe in a play of a Tragoedie which was plaied before him where they talked of an hunter which had slaine a great savage beast Here may you see the tragicall end of this insatiable covetous wretch Crassus who was justly and soone punished for his great and horrible sacriledge which he had committed in the holy temple of Hierusalem By these examples then it is evidently seene That Covetousnesse is customably the cause of the ruine of such princes and great lords as are infected therewith so farre is it off that it is profitable as Machiavell saith Yet true it is that there have been some but very few which being covetous notwithstanding have not been ruinated by that vice as the emperour Vespasian but the reason wherefore the covetousnesse of Vespasian was not cause of his destruction is for that he exercised it not Dion in Vespasi cap. 16 17. else but upon his rapinous magistrates and because hee employed on good uses and for the utilitie of the publicke good such money as his avarice heaped up yea he even practised great liberalities towards good people and ruinated cities to rebuild them Surely if those reasons be well considered they will serve Vespasian for a lowable excuse if it so be that a vice can be any thing excused For first there was no great harme that he should draw water from such spunges as such magistrates were which had sucked and drunke up the substance of the people and to cause them to regorge and cast up the booties whereof they were full And in my opinion there were no harme if they did the like at this day for what harme is there to take from a theefe The other excuse is yet more considerable that Vespasian
A DISCOVRSE VPON THE MEANES OF VVEL GOVERNING AND MAINTAINING IN GOOD PEACE A KINGDOME OR OTHER PRINCIPALITIE Divided into three parts namely The Counsell the Religion and the Policie vvhich a Prince ought to hold and follow Against Nicholas Machiavell the Florentine Translated into English by Simon Patericke OVIBVS RESPVBLICA CONSERVETVR LONDON Printed by Adam Islip 1602. TO THE MOST FAMOVS YONG GENTLEMEN AS WELL FOR RELIGION MODESTIE AND OTHER VERTVES AS ALso for kinred Francis Hastings and Edward Bacon most heartie salutations AFter Solon right Worshipfull yong men had seene Thespis his first edition and action of a Tragoedie and meeting vvith him before the playe demaunded If he vvere not ashamed to publish such feigned fables under so noble yet a counterfeit personage Thespis answered That it vvas no disgrace upon a stage merrily and in sport to say and do any thing Then Solon striking hard upon the earth vvith his staffe replied thus Yea but shortly vve that now like and embrace this play shall finde it practised in our contracts and common affaires This man of deepe understanding saw that publicke discipline and reformation of manners affected and attempted once in sport and ieast vvould soone quaile corruption at the beginning passing in play vvould fall and end in earnest Therefore Tacitus vvorthily dooth extoll the manners of the Germanes of his time amongst vvhom vices were not laughed at For laughters begun of some publick shame and dishonestie wil assuredly procure him some miserable calamitie Hereof France is unto all ages and nations a vvofull view yet a profitable instruction at this day For vvhē the cleare light of the Gospell began first to spring and appeare Sathan to occupie and busie mens minds vvith toyish playes and trifles that they might give no attendance unto true vvisedome devised this policie to raise up jeasters and fooles in Courts vvhich creeping in by quipping and prettie conceits first in vvords and after by bookes uttering their pleasant ieasts in the Courts and banquets of kings and princes laboured to root up all the true principles of Religion and Policie And some there vvere vvhom the resemblance of nature or vanitie of wit had so deceived that they derided the everlasting veritie of the true God as if it were but a fable Rabelaysus amongst the French and Agrippa amongst the Germanes were the standerd bearers of that traine which with their skoffing taunts inveighed not only against the Gospell but all good arts whatsoever Those mockers did not as yet openly undermine the ground work of humane societie but only they derided it But such Cyclopian laughters in the end prooved to be onely signes and tokens of future evils For by little and little that which was taken in the beginning for iestes turned to earnest words into deedes In the necke of these came new Poets very eloquent for their owne profit which incensed unto lust lightnesse such mindes as were alreadie inclined to wantonnesse by quickening their appetites with the delectable sause of unchast hearing and pricking them forward with the sharp spurres of pleasure Who could then bridle vices and iniquities vvhich are fed with much wealth and no lesse libertie seeing them not onely in play mirth and laughter entertained but also earnestly accepted and commended as being very excellent Yet some troad the steps of honesty which now lay a dying and practised the ould manners and fashions which were almost forgotten For although the secret faults of the Court were evill spoken of yet shame stoode in open view hainous infamous crimes kept secret corners princes were of some credit and faith lawes were in reasonable good use magistrates had their due authoritie and reverence all things onely for ostentation and outward shew but none would then have feared an utter destruction For than Sathan being a disguised person amongst the French in the likenesse of a merry ieaster acted a Comaedie but shortly ensued a wofull Tragoedie When our countrie mens minds were sick and corrupted with these pestilent diseases and that discipline vvaxed stale then came forth the books of Machiavell a most pernitious vvriter vvhich began not in secret and stealing manner as did those former vices but by open meanes and as it vvere a continuall assault utterly destroyed not this or that vertue but even all vertues at once Insomuch as it tooke Faith from the princes authoritie and maiestie from lavves libertie from the people and peace and concord from all persons vvhich are the onely remedies for present malladies For vvhat shall I speake of Religion vvhereof the Machiavellians had none as already plainelie appeareth yet they greatly laboured also to deprive us of the same And although they have vvrongfully bannished us our native countrey yet fight vvee still for the Churches defence Moreover Sathan useth strangers of France as his fittest instruments to infect us stil with this deadly poyson sent out of Italie vvho have so highly promoted their Machivellian bookes that he is of no reputation in the Court of France vvhich hath not Machiavels vvritings at the fingers ends and that both in the Italian and French tongues can apply his precepts to all purposes as the Oracles of Apollo Truly it is a wonderfull thing to consider how fast that evill weede hath growne within these fewe yeares seeing there is almost none that striveth to excell in vertue or knowledge as though the onely way to obteine honour and riches were by this deceivers direction But now to turne mine eyes from beholding so many miseries of poore afflicted France as often as I see or remember our neighbour countries which thing I doe daily so often doe I bevvaile our miseries Yet am I right ioyfull for your felicitie chiefely because God of his great bounty hath given you a most renowned Queene as well in deede as title even in the middest of so many troubles For she comming to the crowne even when England was tossed with tempestuous stormes so dispersed those cloudes with the brightnesse of her counsell and countenance that no civile dissention nor externall invasion hath disturbed your peace tranquilitie these many yeeres especially so many vvarres sounding on every side For shee by maintaining vvholesome unitie amongst all degrees hath hitherto preserved the State of her realme not onely safe but florishing not by Machiavelian artes as Guile Perfidie and other Villanies practising but by true vertues as Clemencie Iustice Faith Therfore goeth she her progresse throgh her realme of England entertained in all places with happy applause reioysing prosperitie of all her subiects she being a princesse of both Nobles and commons by dew desert most entirely beloved Whereas vve against our vvils behold our countrie svvimming in blood and disfigured by subversion vvhich is a ioyfull obiect to the eyes of strangers yea and those labour most to vvork her destruction vvho should bee most carefull to rescue deliver poore France out of her long calamities but the Lord vvill at
would please you to have pitie and compassion upon them They are your naturall subjects and they and their ancestors have ever been under the obedience of your majestie and your auncestors Alas Sir what greater evill hap can there come unto us than to be now cut off and alienated from the kingdome and from the Crowne of France They are borne and have been nourished in the French nation They are of manners condition and language naturall Frenchmen What a strange and deplorable miserie should it now be to them to bend themselves under the yoke and obedience of the English a strange nation altogether different from us in manners conditions and language shall not this be unto them a cruell and slavish servitude now to become subjects unto them which of long time have not ceased to vex this poore kingdome with warre For if upon some divine punishment and for our sinnes the poore town of Rochell must needs be violently plucked and seperated from France as the daughter from the mothers dug to submit it selfe unto the sad servitude of a stranger yet that evill should be farre more tollerable to serve and yeeld to the yoke of any other nation than to that which so long time hath been a bloudie enemie of Fraunce and hath shed so much of our bloud Wherefore most humbly we beseech you Sir said they with teares that you will not deliver us into the hands of the English your enemies and ours If in any thing we have offended your Majestie for which you will now leave and abandon us we crie you mercie with joined hands and pray you in the name of God and of our Lord Iesus Christ that it would please you to have mercie and compassion upon us and to retaine us alwaies under your obedience as we and our auncestors have alwayes been We are not ignorant Sir that your Majestie having been prisoner in England hath been constrained to accord with them to their great advantage and that we are comprehended in the number of the Townes and Countries that must be delivered but yet we have some hope that we may be taken from that number by silver and for that purpose your poore town of Rochell offereth contribution to yoâ—r Majestie all that it hath in her power and besides we offer to pay with a good heart hereafter for our Subsidies and taillies halfe the revenue and gaines of all our goods Have pitie then Sir upon your poore Towne which comes to retire her selfe under your protection in most humble and affection at obedience as a poore desolate and lost creature to his Father his King and his naturall Lord and Soveraigne We obtest and beseech you most deare Sir in the name of God and of all his Saints that you will not abandon and forsake us but that it would please your clemencie and kindnesse to retaine for your subjects most humble them which cannot live but in al vexation languishment and bitternesse of heart unlesse we be your subjects The king having heard the piteous supplication of these poor Rochellois mourned and pitied them greatly but he made them answere That there was no remedie that which he had accorded must needs be executed This answere being reported at Rochell it is impossible to speake what lamentations there were through all the Towne this newes was so hard that they which were born nourished French should be no more French but become English Finally they being pressed constrained by the kings Commissaries to open the Towne-gates to the English Well said the most notable townsmen seeing we are forced to bow under the yoke and that it pleaseth the king our soveraigne lord that we should obey the English we will with our lips but our hearts shall remaine alwaies French After that the English had been peaceable possessors of Rochell and all the other countries abovenamed king Edward invested his eldest sonne the prince of Wales in that government a valiant and very humble Prince towards greater than himselfe but haughtie and proud towards his inferiors who came and held his traine and court at Bourdeaux where having dwelt certaine yeares he would needs have imposed upon the countrey a yearely tribute of money upon every fire But to withstand this new impost and tribute the Lords Barons and Counties of those countries but especiall the Countie d' Armignac de Perigourd de Albret de Commenges and many others all which went to Paris to offer in their appeales against the Prince of Wales Arriving there they dealt with king Charles le Sage for king Iohn was then dead about their appeale who answered them That by the peace of Britaine which he himselfe had sworne the dead king his father for him and his successors to the Crowne had acquited and renounced all the soveraignetie of the said countries and that he could not with a good conscience breake the peace with the English and that it greeved him much that with good reason he could not accord their appeale The said Counties and Barons contrarily shewed him by lively reasons That it is not in the kings power to release acquite the soveraigne power and authoritie of his subjects and countries without the consent of the Prelats Barons Cities and good Townes of those Countries and that was never seene nor practised in France and that if they had been called to the treatie of Britaine they would never have consented unto that acquittance of soveraigntie And therefore humbly praied his Majestie to receive their appellation and to send an huisher to adjorne in case of appeale the Prince of Wales to appeare at Paris at the Court of Fraunce to the end to quash and revoke the said new ordinance for the said tribute Finally the king Charles was nothing offended to heare them so speake of a kings power much unlike our Machiavelistes at this day which call them culpable of treason which speake of Estates neither replied unto them that the power of a soveraigne Prince ought not to be limited neither that they spoke evill to revoke into doubt that which his dead father had done but contrary rejoycing at that limitation referred the cause to the debating and resolution of the wise men of his Counsell And after he was resolved that it was true which they said he accorded unto these Counties and Barons their demaund and sent to adjorne in case of appeale to the Court of Paris the Prince of Wales which done the said Counties and Barons easily revolted from the English obedience so did Rochell get all Englishmen out of their towne and castle This done the duke of Berry the kings brother would have entred there but for that time with good words they refused him the entrie thereinto saying they would send unto the king certain Delegates to obtaine some priviledges and therefore desired of the duke a safe-conduct which he willingly granted and having the same they sent twelve chosen for that purpose amongst their Burgesses which finding the king
by strangers that evill hap had not come unto him That great king Asseuerus which held the empire of the Medes and Persians and Ester cap. 6 7 8 c. governed over 127. countries a great while governed himselfe by a stranger called Aman who was a Macedonian this Aman seeing himselfe in credit durst enterprise unjustlie to make die Mardocheus who had alwaies beene the kings good and faithfull servant under the pretext and colour that he was not of the kings religion and to cover the particular enmitie which he had against Mardocheus and to the end to make it see me that he would not this harme to him alone he found meanes to the king to cause a generall commandement for the massacring and murdering of all such as were of Mardocheus his religion But the king having beene advertised that Mardocheus had done him good services and that that which Aman did was but upon envie revoked the commaundement and would not have that massacre to be executed but caused to hang and strangle the Macedonian which would have had him brought his kingdomes and countries into combustion by so horrible an effusion of blood as he had caused to be enterprised and gave his estate to Mardocheus Alexander king of Epirotes had drawne and gathered into his countrie a great number of Lucanians banished and chased out of their countrie and vsed them with such curtesie and hospitalitie that not only he permitted them to dwell in Epire but also served himselfe with them and reputed them for his good and faithfull friends and vsed them with all the best dealing he could But it so happened that the king had warre against the countrie of those banished people and so thought to be well served with them in this war as indeed they promised him saying They desired no more than to revenge themselves of such as had banished and chased them out of their countrie and to bring the countrie into the obedience of Alexander and to be afterward established in their goods in authoritie under him in the said countrie But as it ordinarilie commeth saith Titus Livius that such people have spirits and faith as mutable as their fortune they used the matter otherwise than they promised the king and than he looked for For they made secret compacts to betray this king with their countrimen which promised them a restauration into their goods and authority which they had in their said countrie before their banishment provided that they would deliver the king either alive or dead which willing to execute they did so much that they persuaded this king to give battaile against the Lucanians and there should he know the good affection they had to do him service and to fight against such as had banished them insomuch that they came to the battaile there this banished people did so much that they brought this king Alexander into a place nigh the flood Acheron from drowning in which he could not save himselfe but by swimming over the floud Being then brought to that place and straight they begun to shew their treason and turned themselves against the king who seeing the perill wherein he was hazarded himselfe by swimming to passe over that great floud As hee had almost passed it over and that he had recovered the banke on the other side behold there came one of the banished people who with a javeline transpierced and run him cleane through the bodie The body falling in the water was by the river carried into the hands of his enemies which encamped lower But when they light upon that bodie they in great irrision and disdaine cut it in many peeces Here is the miserable end that came to this poore king for trusting in strangers Charles the last duke of Bourgoine not being able any way to get his will of the De Comines lib. 1. cap. 83 92. towne of Nus entred into distrust and discontentment with his owne subjects although in truth they had done all their duties in the besiege of the towne yet a prince must doe what hee will Vpon this mistrust and discontentment of his subjects hee resolved with himselfe to bee served with strangers and amongst all other strange nations he made choice of Italians But I leave you to thinke how good his choice was likely to be for every one knowes well ynough what account Italians make of the observation of their faith and how Machiavell teacheth That faith is not to be observed but to a mans profit which they of that nation doe alwayes well practise And if sometimes there bee found any loyall and good observers of their promise it is a thing so rare as that raritie should not have any thing mooved the duke of Burgoigne rather to trust the Italians than his own proper subjects Yet having taken it in hand he drew to his service the earle of Campobache which hee entertained with foure hundred men of arms more of Italians paied by his hands Incontinent as Campobache was entred into credit with the duke hee begun to governe him at his pleasure so that the duke trusted more in him than in any man in the world Campobache having gained this point straight begun to practise to betray him and to deliver him to king Lewis the eleventh then raigning if hee would promise him in recompence 20000 crownes and a good earledome But the king doing as Fabricius did towards the king Pyrrhus would not enter into that composition but advertised the duke of Burgoigne to the end he might take heed of that traitor and rid himselfe of him The duke tooke this advertisement in evill part his sences were so troubled imagining that the king sent him this word to make him leese his good servants and therefore trusted more than ever Campobache When Campobache saw hee could not bargaine with the king hee sought a merchant other where for hee was resolved whatsoever became of his credit to draw out a profit if he could Amongst these actions the duke thought good to besiege Nancy the principall towne of Lorraine The duke of Lorraine was not so scrupulous to enter into composition with that traitor as the king had been especially because the duke of Burgoigne made warre upon him unjustly and sought to take from him his countrey He therefore entred into compact with Campobache by the meanes of a gentleman of his named Cyfron and they concluded and agreed betwixt them secretly Finally before Nancy was a battaile given by the advice of Campobache who councelled the duke of Lorraine to levie the siege of the duke of Burgoigne who was there slaine and his armie defeated by the meanes and treason of Campobache The king after this tooke a part of the countrey of the said duke of Burgoigne which died in the foresaid battaile because they ought duly for want of heires male to returne to the Crowne of Fraunce and the rest of his dukedome fell to his onely daughter who was his heire which was
indeed to fast the vigils and Lent but is there any place in the world where they carelesse for fasting vigils and Lent than at Rome It commandeth chastitie to priests but is there any place in the world where priests Cardinals and others are more furnished with whoores and bauds It also commandeth them to serve their benefices but of an hundreth priests which are at Rome there are scant one doth it their Religion forbiddeth the sale of benefices sepulchres sacraments and dispensations but is there any place in the world where there is a greater trafficke of them than at Rome It forbiddeth simonie but where are there any simoniakes if not at Rome and in Italie I speake onely of the ordinances which the Romane Church hath made yet her selfe doth not observe them For if I would alledge the ordinances of God which shee observeth no more than the other I should too tediously rehearse them all But breefely the Romane Church hath invented a thousand traditions wherewith it hath burdened the shoulders of poore Christians to their great abashment but in the meane while the Church it selfe will keepe none of them rather that holy seat dispenseth with all them of Italie and Rome and indeed there is no place in the world where the Popes ordinances are lesse observed than there nor where all Religion is in more contempt as Machiavell himselfe confesseth Let Christians then make their profit of this confession of Machiavell and so let them flie the spring of impietie of Atheisme of corruption of manners and of the contempt of all Religion least God punish them and make them perish with such wicked men as make open profession thereof 7. Maxime Moses could never have caused his lawes and ordinances to be observed if force and armes had wanted THe most excellent men mentioned in bookes sayth our Florentine vvhich became princes by their owne vertue and not by fortune vvere Moses Cyrus Romulus Theseus and such like for fortune only gave them the occasion and the matter to execute their vertue As Moses found the people of Israel in captivitie and servitude in Aegypt Cirus also found the Persians malecontent of the proud government of the Medes And Romulus found himselfe deiected from his birth place the towne of Alba Lastly Theseus found the towne of Athens full of troubles and confusions Without vvhich occasions comming by fortune the vertue of their courage had not appeared as also vvithout their vertue such occasions had served thē nothing All those occasions then made these persons happie and their excellent vertue knew well how to make profit of occasions THis Atheist willing alwayes more strongly to shew That hee beleeved not the holy Scriptures dare vomit out this blasphemie to say That Moses by his owne vertue and by armes was made the prince of the Hebrewes We see by the bookes of Moses that he was as it were constrained of God to take the charge to draw the Hebrew people out of Aegypt to bring them into the land of Canaan a place of the primitive of spring of this people And after hee had accepted that charge we reade That God gave him power to doe many miracles before Pharoah and all the people of Aegypt that he might suffer the Hebrew people to returne in peace into the countrey from whence they first came After having obtained permission to returne we see how the people were guided on the day time by a visible and apparent cloud which went before them and in the night by a pillar of fire We reade so many miracles done by God in their passage through the red sea and in the desarts and how Moses did nothing but by the counsell and power of God alone With what boldnesse then dare this stinking Atheist disgorge this talke to say that Moses was made the prince of the Hebrew people by his owne vertue and by armes Could hee by any other meanes than by the Bible know how and what way Moses came to be governour of the Hebrew people for all Paynim authors speak little thereof and that which they speake is but as they read in the said bookes of Moses or by hearesay of such as read them seeing it is certaine that wee have no prophane author in light that were not many worlds after Moses If then Machiavell can say nothing of Moses his doings but by his owne bookes with what impudencie dare hee deliver out a contrarietie from that is there written For to say he was made prince of the Hebrew people by his owne vertue and by armes that is as much as to denie streight that God constrained him to accept that charge to conduct the Hebrew people and that the said people came out of Aegypt by the miracles of God and that they were conducted by the cloud and pillar of fire and that God nourished them all the way of the desart which is indeed to denie all that is written in the bookes of Moses Assuredly there is no man of so heavie and dull a judgement but he may wel know that this most wicked Atheist hath taken pleasure to search out the most savage Maximes that could bee devised assuring himselfe That he should ever find monsters of men which also would delight in absurd and bestiall opinions and would give passage and way to his doctrine And yet the better to shew his beastlinesse this doctrine may be overthrowne even by the writings of the Paynims themselves Trebellius Pollio writeth That Moses was onely familiar Treb. Pollio in Clau. Cor. Tacit. annal lib. 21. with God Cornelius Tacitus going about to calumniate and blame the Iewish Religion contained in the bookes of Moses confesseth That the king of Aegypt made the Hebrew people to goe out of his countrey for sores rottennesse and other maladies wherewith the Aegyptians were infected The Poets and Philosophers when they sometimes speake of Moses doctrine they call it sacred Oracles shewing therby that they confesse That the deeds and writings of Moses came from God and not from his owne vertue But with what impudencie dare Machiavell compare Moses to these idolaters Romulus and Theseus What similitude had they with Moses in their life or in their death Romulus and Theseus were two bastards rude violent men in their youth whereof the one slew his brother and the other his sonne the one finished his daies slaine and massacred by his citizens and the other was banished and chased from his owne Can any finde the like in Moses But this Maxime of Machiavell hath no need of a more ample confutation for the truth is so cleare and apparent to the contrarie that a man may manifestly see that this Florentine is a most wicked slaunderer and impudent lier Yet thinke I good to marke another beastlinesse and ignorance in that he saith That Theseus came to the domination of Athens because hee found the estate of Plutarke in Thes the Athenians in confusion for cleane contrarie he came unto it
that which Machiavell prescribeth for by oppressing and causing to die al the conjurators and enemies and all their friends and allies he made himselfe so feared and redoubted that there was not in Rome great or little but he trembled for feare only to heare the name of Nero Such great men whose friends and parents were put to death came and fell downe on their knees before him and thanked him for the good and honour he had done them to have purged and cleansed their parentage and alliance from so wicked men as those he had slaine Others in signe of joy for the death of their friends and parents caused their houses to be hung with lawrell and made sacrifices to the gods to give them thankes for so great a good as was happened unto them They celebrated also great feasts of joy as they had been mariages The Senate also for their part being also in a great terrour ordained there should be processions and publicke sacrifices to yeeld thankes to the gods that this conjuration was discovered yea they caused to be builded and consecrated a chappell to the Sunne in the house where the conjuration was made because it shined to the discoverie therof They builded also a temple to the goddesse Health Nero thinking that all these joyes were true and unfained yet were they but simulations exercised still more and more his butcherie and in the end made himselfe so assured by reason he was feared and redoubted of all the world that he was of opinion that he had obtained the upperhand of all his enemies but it was cleane contrarie For by this strange slaughter with so many other wickednesses whereof hee was full hee brought himselfe into a deadly hatred of all the world insomuch as the provinces of the empire revolted from his obedience one after another and in the end he was abandoned of every man unlesse it were of some foure or five of his meanest servants which kept him companie in his flight untill he had slaine himselfe as is said in another place therfore Nero needed to take no thought how to nourish enemies against himselfe as Machiavell teacheth in this Maxime for hee never wanted a great number as all tyrants have ordinarily And how should not tyrants have good store of enemies seeing even good De Com. lib. 1. cap. 107 108 109 100 111. and wise princes doe not want them To this purpose master Phillip de Comines makes a very good discourse saying That it pleased God to give to all princes kingdomes and common weales an opposit and contrary unto them that both the one and the other might the rather bee held in their duties as England hath Fraunce Scotland hath England Portugall hath Castile Grenado hath Portugall the princes and common weales of Italie are contrarie one to another and so it is of all God hath giveÌ„ to every seignorie his opposit countries and seignories of the earth For if there bee any prince or common-weale which wants his opposite to hould him in feare straight one shall see him fall to a tyrannie and luxuriousnesse Therefore God by his wise providence hath given to every seignorie and to every prince his opposit that one by the feare of an other might be stirred up to a modest and temperate carriage And there is indeed nothing saith hee that better holdeth a prince in his duetie nor which causeth him to walke more upright than the feare of his opposit and contrary For the feare of God nor the love of his neighbour nor reason whereof commonly hee hath no care nor justice for there is none above himselfe nor any other like thing can hold him in his duetie but onely the feare of his contrary After that Comines had dispatched this question hee entreth into another which dependeth heereof What is the cause saith hee that commonly princes and great lords have Princes have not the feare of God nor of charitie for want of Faith not the feare of God nor love to their neighbours He answereth the want of Faith for if a prince beleeved verely the paines of hell to bee such as indeed they are hee would doe no wrong to noe man nor retaine an others goods unjustly For if they beleeved assuredly as it is true and certaine that they are damned in hell and are never like to enter into paradise which retaine other mens goods without making satisfaction or that doe any wrong to any without amends unto him It is not likely there would bee found a prince or princesse in the world or any other person which would with-hold anothers goods were it of his subjects vassailes or neighbour in good earnest or would put any to death wrongfully no not to hold them in prison nor take from one to give to another nor procure any dishonest thing against any person If then they had a firme faith and beleeved the paines of hell to bee horrible and great without other end or remission for the damned knowing againe the shortnesse of this life they would not doe that they doe And for example saith hee when a king or a prince is a prisoner and that hee feareth to die in prison is there any thing so deere in the world which hee would not give to come out Certainely hee would give both his owne and his subjects goods altogether As wee have seene king Iohn of France being taken prisoner by the prince of Wales at the battaile of Poitiers who paied 3000000 of franks for his ransome and acquited to the English all Aquitane or at least as much as they then held and many other cities townes and places all which came to the third part of the kingdome which was thereby brought into great povertie that no coine was there currant but it was made of leather with a little naile of silver in the middest of it And all this gave king Iohn and Charles the sage his sonne for the said kings deliverance out of prison And if they would have given nothing yet the English would not have put him to death but at the worst have kept him in prison And yet if they had caused him to die the paine that hee had suffered had not beene comparable to the thousand part of the least paine in hell Why then did king Iohn give all that hath beene said and so overthrew his children and the subjects of his kingdome because hee beleeved that which hee saw and knew well that otherwise hee could hot bee delivered But you shall not finde a prince or else very few that if hee had a towne of his neighâ—ours would yeeld it for the feare of God or the paines of hell It is then the want of faith because princes beleeve not that God will punish the wrongs they doe to another and that they doe not also beleeve that the paines of hell are horrible and eternall as they are Yet is this certaine that god will punish them as well as other men though not
like would bring all to the treasurers of the common-wealth For every man saith Titus Livius thought he could not better place his silver nor better assure it than under the publicke Faith When Scipio the Affrican entred into Sicilie wiih his armie to passe into Africa because hee entred into it as a friend hee would suffer no man to take any thing from the Sicilians But saith Titus Livius thinking that the first thing hee should doe was to maintaine defend the publike Faith hee by a proclamation commanded every man in his campe to yeeld and to give to the Sicilians all their owne whatsoever Hee also deputed judges to heare and determine all complaints touching such causes This so pleased the Sicilians that from thence forward they shewed themselves very affectionate to aide the Romanes in their Affricke warre Whilst Anniball was in Italie Valerius Levinus being Consull there was a loane of money made of the Romane people Afterward it came to passe that Scipio having passed into Affrica with his armie the Carthaginians sent unto Anniball to come and defend Carthage and the countries of Affrica insomuch as he was constrained against his will to returne As soone as hee was voided Italie although the Romanes had not ended their warre neither were out of great affaires yet Levinus certified the Senate that during the time of his consulship there was a great somme of monie borrowed of the people that it was time to pay it and that hee in particular was bound in this case to acquite the publike Faith therefore hee desired that that borrowed money might bee restored The Senate liked well of his speach and it was decreed that the said monie should bee paied at three payments the first incontinent the other within two yeeres the last within two yeeres after that When it came to the third payment there was no money in the treasury to pay it because of the great affaires that the commonwealth had in their warres Vpon this necessitie the Senate resolved that whatsoever came of it they must acquite their publike Faith and therefore they gave to particular persons the lands possessions belonging to the commonwealth in payment for every mans debs retaining onely upon every acre three halfe pens rent to shew that that land had beene the common-wealthes with this covenant that such detbters should have their payment in money as soone as the common wealth had silver if they had rather have money than land This Romane vertue straightly to observe Faith was not onely resplendishant in the bodie of the commonwealth but also amongst particular persons which never Titus Livius lib. 10. Dec. 3 had regard to any thing in the world so much as in the keeping of their Faith When Scipio was in Affrica warring upon the Carthaginians hee accorded a truce with them if they would for that purpose send ambassadours to Rome which they did Whilst the said embassadors made their voiage to Rome Asdruball a Carthaginian captaine breaking the truce distressed and tooke 230 Romane ships upon the sea Whereof Scipio beeing advertised sent to Carthage embassadors to shew the Senate that breach of the peace so unfit for people that demanded peace But these Romane embassadors were so evill intertained at Carthage that the common people had like to have stoned them so that they were forced to go back againe Not long after the embassadors which the Carthaginians had sent to Rome returned and passed through the campe of Scipio What did Scipio he sent for them and shewed them how their people had violated the publike Faith by breaking the truce and offending the right of nations by the violent repulsing of his embassadors which hee sent Yet said he I will doe nothing against the custome of the Romanes in the holy observation of the publike Faith neither any thing uncomely to my selfe and after this speach hee sent them away not doing to them any harme Heereby men may know that at that time the scoffe and jest so much used of the Canonists was not in use Frangenti fidem fides frangatur eidem Faith must bee broken to him that breaketh Faith Caesar also had this propertie that hee would never imitate the treacherie and disloyaltie of his enemies nor breake his Faith unto them although they broke theirs And indeede as that wise captaine Quintus Cincinnatus said naturall reason sheweth us that wee must not sinne for others example nor breake a law because others have alreadie broken it nor commit that fault which we reprehend and condemne in others These ancient Romanes were so scrupulous and exact observersiof their Faith Titus Livius lib. 8. Dec. 2. that not onely they esteemed that a man did violate it when hee did any thing against it but also whensoever hee suffered any thing to bee done by others which seemed to bee to the detriment of that Faith As when Anniball besieged and ruined the towne of Saguntum in Spaine which was an allie of the Romanes because they could not give succours to the Saguntines before the taking of the towne they thinking that heerein their Faith was something engaged never ceased till they had rebuilded and repeopled it And therefore warred they in Spaine by the space of foureteene yeeres at unspeakeable charge and vanquished the Turditans which brought in Anniball against the Saguntines made them tributaries to the Saguntines drive the Carthaginians wholy out of Spaine and redeemed all the Saguntine slaves which Anniball had sold after the taking of the towne and recalled from all parts such as were escaped to repeople the towne So well affectionated were these old Romanes to leave nothing behinde whereby they might make knowne That a publike Faith was the thing of the world which they had in most singular recommendation Iugurtha king of Numidia in Affrica slew wickedly his two brethren the naturall Salust de bello Iugurth and legitimate children of good king Micipsa who left his kingdome as well to the said children as to the said Iugurtha his adoptive sonne borne of his brother The Romanes which greatlie loved that good king Micipsa were much greeved that this adoptive had dealt so wickedly with them unto whom the kingdome better belonged than to him yet hee had both spoiled and withall bereaved them of their lives Notwithstanding hee desiring to goe to Rome they gave him a safe conduct to goe and returne because hee made the Senate beleeve that hee would justifie himselfe When hee came at Rome hee sought for his justification to obtaine friends by great presents but hee could no way cause his fact to bee approved yet hee returned into his kingdome in all assurance for although hee merited well by reason and justice to have beene staied seeing the execrable act which hee had committed and that it appertained to the Romanes to doe justice thereof because they had the protection of the children of Micipsa yet notwithstanding saith Salust the publike Faith got the victorie
but warres come too soone and under the pretext of more occasions than we would therefore we need no baits to draw it upon us It is not then best for a prince to bee reputed a man full of treasures and silver as Machiavell thinketh for money of it selfe cannot but serve us for a bait to attract and draw upon us them which are hungry and desirous of it And although commonly money is thought to be the sinewes of war yet are they not so necessarily required that without money warre cannot bee made I will not here alledge the poore Hugonet souldiors which most commonly warred without wages but I will onely alledge the militarie estate which was in the Roman empire in the emperour Valentinians time and since For in that time the militarie art was so policied that every souldior tooke for a moneth so much bread so much wine so much larde and so much of other necessarie things His habites also were new from tearmeto tearme and all other things necessarie so that he touched either none or very little money yet had he all that he wanted And indeede money serves but for commutation for men cannot eat it nor apparrell themselves with it nor if he be sicke can it heale him Wherefore then serves it For a prompt quicke and easie commutation For if you have money you straight have whatsoever you neede If then by other meanes and policie order be taken that a souldior have all he needs as was done in Valentinians time and others it will be found that money makes not a prince puissant Moreover I doe confesse that it is certaine that in the militarie policie which we have at this day which is that a souldior shall receive in money all he needeth that money is very necessarie and that without it a man can doe no great thing and that they are as sinewes or as the maintenance of the sinewes of warre but yet by good husbandrie a prince may have sufficient of it and without Covetousnesse As for that which Machiavell makes no account of that a prince bee reputed to be a Mechanique I leave it to them to thinke which have I will not say the heart of a prince but onely of a simple gentleman that hath honour but in a little recommendation if they would not bee greeved to bee reputed a mechanique person I know well that the nobilitie of Italie which more commonly trade and deale with marchandize than with armes care not for that name of a mechanique so they may get money But the gentlemen of Fraunce of Almaigne of England and of other countries of Christendome are not of the humor of that mechanique nobilitie neither would they for any thing in the world be so reputed as Machiavel would persuade them And as for the examples which Machiavell alledgeth of Pope Iulius and of Ferdinand king of Spaine which he said were covetous yet effected great matters I answere him in one word That it prooveth nothing of that hee saith for Pope Iulius made no great prowesses not conquests as every man knoweth and king Ferdinand in the exploits and enterprises of warres was not covetous for any thing we reade in hystories And if that were true which Machiavell saith of those two I will oppose alwayes against those two obscure examples them above alledged which are farre more illustrious and notable and by the which I have shewed that Covetousnesse hath alwayes been pernicious to princes and Liberalitie without profusion profitable and honourable For a resolution then of this matter I say That the vice of Ingratitude accompanieth ordinarily covetousnesse and that none can bee covetous and illiberall unlesse he will proove ingrate to his friends and good servants which is one of the greatest vices wherewith a prince can bee noted For it is impossible that his affaires can bee well governed without good and loyall ministers and servants such as hee can never have being ingrate Therefore a prince ought well to ingrave perpetually in his memorie the sentence of king Bochus who said It was lesse dishonourable for a prince to bee vanquished by armes than by munificence And therefore that good emperour Salust in bello Iugurth Titus whensoever he passed any day without exercising some liberalitie and beneficence said to his friends O my friends I have lost this day meaning that that was the chiefe marke at which a prince should shoot to wit Beneficence and that otherwise hee emploies his time evill 27. Maxime A prince which will make a straight professiion of a good man cannot long endure in this world in the companie of so many other that are so bad MAny saith Machiavell have vvritten bookes to instruct a prince and to bring him to a perfection in all vertues as Xenophon Cap. 15. Of a prince did in the institution of Cyrus There are also many philosophers and others which by their vvritings have formed Ideaes and figures of monarchies and common vveales whereof there were never seene the like in the world because there is a great difference betwixt the manner that the world liveth in and that it ought to live He then that will amuse and stick upon the formes of philosophers monarchs and common weales by dispising that which is done and praising that vvhich ought to bee done hee shall sooner learne his owne ruine than his conservation Leaving then behinde all that can bee imagined of a princes perfection and staying our selves upon that which is true and subiect to bee practised By experience I say saith Master Nicholas that the prince vvhich vvill maintaine himselfe ought to learne hovv hee may sometimes not bee good and so ought to practise it according to the exigence of his affaires For if alwaies he will hould a straight profession of a good man hee cannot long endure in the companie of so many others which are of no valew THis Maxime meriteth no other confutation than that which resulteth from the points before handled for wee have at large demonstrated that the truth is cleane contrary to that which Machiaveell saith heere and that princes which have beene good men have alwaies raigned long and peceably and have beene firme and assured in their estates and the wicked contrary have not raigned long but have violently beene deposed from their estates And as for ideaes and formes of perfect monarchs and commonweales whereof some philosophers have Patterns to imitate must be perfect written they handled not that subject saying there were any such but to propose a patterne of imitation for monarchs and government of commonweales For when a man will propose a patterne to imitate hee must forme it the most perfect and make it the best hee can and after every man which giveth himselfe to imitate it must come as nigh it as he can some more nigh others lesse But a prince which proposeth to himselfe Machiavells patternes such as Caesar Borgia Oliver de Ferme Agathocles how can hee doe any good thing