of their Rice their chief Sustenance These Rivers are generally very rocky and so un-navigable In them are great quantities of Fish and the greater for want of Skill in the People to catch them The main River of all is called Mavelagonga Which proceeds out of the Mountain called Adams Peak of which afterwards it runs thro the whole Land Northward and falls into the Sea at Trenkimalay It may be an Arrows flight over in bredth but not Navigable by reason of the many Rocks and great falls in it Towards the Sea it is full of Aligators but on the Mountains none at all It is so deep that unless it be mighty dry weather a man cannot wade over it unless towards the head of it They use little Canoues to pass over it but there are no Bridges built over it being so broad and the Stream in time of Rains which in this Countrey are very great runs so high that they cannot make them neither if they could would it be permitted for the King careth not to make his Countrey easie to travel but desires to keep it intricate This River runs within a mile or less of the City of Cande In some places of it full of Rocks in others clear for three or four miles There is another good large River running through Cotemul and falls into that before mentioned There are divers others brave Rivers that water the Countrey tho none Navigable for the cause abovesaid The Land is generally covered with Woods excepting the Kingdome of Ovuah and the Counties of Oudipallet and Dolusbaug which are naturally somewhat clear of them It is most populous about the middle least near about by the Sea how it is with those Parts under the Hollander I know not The Northern parts are somewhat sickly by reason of bad water the rest very healthful The Valleys between their Hills are many of them quagmires and most of them full of brave Springs of pure water Which watery Valleys are the best sort of Land for their Corn as requiring much moisture as shall be told in its place On the South side of Conde Vda is an Hill supposed to be the highest on this Island called in the Chingulay Language Hamalell but by the Portuguez and the Europaean Nations Adams Peak It is sharp like a Sugar-loaf and on the Top a flat Stone with the print of a foot like a mans on it but far bigger being about two foot long The people of this Land count it meritorious to go and worship this impression and generally about their New Year which is in March they Men Women and Children go up this vast and high Mountain to worship The manner of which I shall write hereafter when I come to describe their Religion Out of this Mountain arise many fine Rivers which run thro the Land some to the Westward some to the Southward and the main River viz. Mavelagonga before mentioned to the Northward This Kingdom of Conde Vda is strongly fortified by Nature For which way soever you enter into it you must ascend vast and high mountains and descend little or nothing The wayes are many but very narrow so that but one can go abreast The Hills are covered with Wood and great Rocks so that 't is scarce possible to get up any where but onely in the paths in all which there are gates made of Thorns the one at the bottom the other at the top of the Hills and two or three men always set to watch who are to examine all that come and go and see what they carry that Letters may not be conveyed nor Prisoners or other Slaves run away These Watches in case of opposition are to call out to the Towns near who are to assist them They oftentimes have no Arms for they are the people of the next Towns but their Weapons to stop people are to charge them in the Kings Name which disobeyed is so severely punished that none dare resist These Watches are but as Sentinels to give notice for in case of War and Danger the King sends Commanders and Souldiers to ly here But of this enough These things being more proper to be related when we come to discourse of the Policy and Strength of the Kingdom The one part of this Island differs very much from the other both in respect of the Seasons and the Soyl. For when the Westwardly Winds blow then it rains on the West side of the Island and that is the season for them to till their grounds And at the same time on the East side is very fair and dry weather and the time of their Harvest On the contrary when the East Winds blow it is Tilling time for those that inhabit the East Parts and Harvest to those on the West So that Harvest is here in one part or other all the Year long These Rains and this dry weather do part themselves about the middle of the Landâ— as oftentimes I have seen being on the one side of a Mountain called Cauragas hiâ—g rainy and wet weather and as soon as I came on the other dry and so exceeding hot that I could scarcely walk on the ground being as the manner there is barefoot It rains far more in the High-Lands of Conde Vda then in the Low-Lands beneath the Hills The North End of this Island is much subject to dry weather I have known it for five or six Years together so dry having no Rains and there is no other means of water but that being but three Springs of running water that I know or ever heard of that they could not plow nor sow and scarcely could dig Wells deep enough to get water to drink and when they got it its tast was brackish At which time in other Parts there wanted not Rain Whither the Northern People were forced to come to buy food Let thus much suffice to have spoken of the Countreys Soyl and Nature of this Island in general I will proceed to speak of the Cities and Towns of it together with some other Remarkable Matters thereunto belonging CHAP. II. Concerning the Chief Cities and Towns of this Island IN this Island are several Places where they say formerly stood Cities and still retain the Name tho little or nothing of Building be now to be seen But yet there are Five Cities now standing which are the most Eminent and where the King hath Palaces and Goods yet even these all of them except that wherein his Person is are ruined and fallen to decay The First is the City of Candy so generally called by the Christians probably from Conde which in the Chingulays Language signifies Hills for among them it is situated but by the Inhabitants called Hingodagul-neure as much as to say the City of the Chingulay people and Mauneur signifying the Chief or Royal City This is the Chief or Metro-political City of the whole Island It is placed in the midst of the Island in
Tattanour bravely situate for all conveniences excellently well watered The Kings Palace stands on the East corner of the City as is customary in this Land for the Kings Palaces to stand This City is three-square like a Triangle but no artificial strength about it unless on the South side which is the easiest and openest way to it they have long since cast up a Bank of Earth cross the Valley from one Hill to the other which nevertheless is not so steep but that a man may easily go over it any where It may be some twenty foot in height In every Way to come to this City about two or three miles off from it are Thorn-Gates and Watches to examine all that go and come It is environed round with Hills The great River coming down from Adams Peak runs within less than a mile of it on the West side It has oftentimes been burnt by the Portuguez in their former Invasions of this Island together with the Kings Palace and the Temples Insomuch that the King has been fain to pay them a Tribute of three Elephants per annum The King left this City about Twenty Years ago and never since has come at it So that it is now quite gone to decay A second City is Nellemby-neur lying in Oudipollat South of Cande some Twelve miles distance Unto this the King retired and here kept his Court when he forsook Candy Thirdly The City Allout-neur on the North East of Cande Here this King was bornâ— here also he keeps great store of Corn and Salt c. against time of War or Trouble This is Situate in the Countrey of Bintan which Land I have never been at but have taken a view of from the top of a Mountain it seems to be smooth Land and not much hilly the great River runneth through the midst of it It is all over covered with mighty Woods and abundance of Deer But much subject to dry Weather and Sickness In these Woods is a sort of Wild People Inhabiting whom we shall speak of in their place Fourthly Badoula Eastward from Cande some two dayes Iourney the second City in this Land The Portugals in time of War burnt it down to the ground The Palace here is quite ruined the Pagodas onely remain in good repair This City stands in the Kingdom or Province of Ouvah which is a Countrey well watered the Land not smooth neither the Hills very high wood very scarce but what they plant about their Houses But great plenty of Cattle their Land void of wood being the more apt for grazing If theâ—e Cattle be carried to any other Parts in this Island they will commonly dye the reason whereof no man can tell onely they conjecture it is occasioned by a kind of small Tree or Shrub that grows in all Countreys but in Ouvah the Touch or Scent of which may be Poyson to the Ouvah Cattel though it is not so to other The Tree hath a pretty Physical smell like an Apothecaries Shop but no sort of Cattle will eat it In this Cuontry grows the best Tobacco that is on this Land Rice is more plenty here then most other things The fifth City is Digligy-neur towards the East of Cande lying in the Country of Hevahatt Where the King ever since he was routed from Nellemby in the Rebellion Anno 1664. hath held his Court. The scituation of this place is very Rocky and Mountainous the Lands Barren So that hardly a worse place could be found out in the whole Island Yet the King chose it partly because it lyes about the middle of his Kingdom but chiefly for his safety having the great Mountain Gauluda behind his Palace unto which he fled for Safety in the Rebellion being not only high but on the top of it lye three Towns and Corn Fields whence he may have necessary supplies and it is so fenced with steep Cliffs Rocks and Woods that a few men here will be able to defend themselves against a great Army There are besides these already mentioned several other ruinous places that do still retain the name of Cities where Kings have Reigned tho now little Foot-steps remaining of them At the North end of this Kings Dominions is one of these Ruinous Cities called Anurodgburro where they say Ninety Kings have Reigned the Spirits of whom they hold now to be Saints in Glory having merited it by making Pagoda's and Stone Pillars and Images to the honour of their Gods whereof there are many yet remaining which the Chingulayes count very meritorious to worship and the next way to Heaven Near by is a River by which we came when we made our escape all along which is abundance of hewed stones some long for Pillars some broad for paving Over this River there have been three Stone Bridges built upon Stone Pillars but now are fallen down and the Countrey all desolate without Inhabitants At this City of Anurodgburro is a Watch kept beyond which are no more people that yield obedience to the King of Candy This place is above Ninety miles to the Northward of the City of Candy In these Northern Parts there are no Hills nor but two or three Springs of running water so that their Corn ripeneth with the help of Rain There is a Port in the Countrey of Portaloon lying on the West side of this Island whence part of the Kings Countrey is supplyed with Salt and Fish where they have some small Trade with the Dutch who have a Fort upon the Point to prevent Boats from coming But the Eastern Parts being too far and Hilly to drive Cattel thither for Salt Gods Providence hath provided them a place on the East side nearer them which in their Language they call Leawava Where the Eastwardly Winds blowing the Sea beats in and in Westwardly Winds being then fair weather there it becomes Salt and that in such abundance that they have as much as they please to fetch This Place of Leawava is so contrived by the Providence of the Almighty Creator that neither the Portuguez nor Dutch in all the time of their Wars could ever prevent this People from having the benefit of this Salt which is the principal thing that they esteem in time of Trouble or War and most of them do keep by them a store of Salt against such times It is as I have heard environed with Hills on the Land side and by Sea not convenient for Ships to ride and very sickly which they do impute to the power of a great God who dwelleth near by in a Town they call Cotteragâ—m standing in the Road to whom all that go to fetch Salt both small and great must give an Offering The Name and Power of this God striketh such terror into the Chingulayes that those who otherwise are Enemies to this King and have served both Portuguez and Dutch against him yet would never assist either to make Invasions
prompted to or earnestly solicited for it neglect to do it others delay to do it so long till they have forgotten what they intended Such as these Importunity would prevail upon to disclose their knowledge if fitting Persons were found to Discourse and ask them Questions and to Compile the Answers into a History Of this kind was lately produc'd in High Dutch a History of Greenland by Dr. Fogelius of Hamborough from the Information of Frederick Martin who had made several Voyages to that Place in the doing of which he made use of the Instruction given by the Royal Society 'T is much to be wondred that we should to this Day want a good History of most of our VVest-Indian Plantations Ligon has done well for the Barbadoes and somewhat has been done for the Summer Islands Virginia c. But how far are all these short even of the knowledge of these and other Places of the VVest-Indies which may be obtain'd from divers knowing Planters now Residing in London And how easie were it to obtain what is Defective from some Ingenious Persons now Resident upon the Places if some way were found to gratifie them for their Performances However till such be found 't is to be hoped that the kind Acceptance only the Publick shall give to this present Work may excite several other Ingenuous and knowing Men to follow this Generous Example of Captain Knox who though he could bring away nothing almost upon his Back or in his Purse did yet Transport the whole Kingdom of Cande Uda in his Head and by Writing and Publishing this his Knowledge has freely given it to his Countrey and to You Reader in particular 'T was not I confess without the earnest Solicitations and Endeavours of my self and some others of his Friends obtain'd from him but this uneasiness of parting with it was not for want of Generosity and Freedom enough in Communicating whatever he knew or had observed but from that usual Prejudice of Modesty and too mean an Opinion of his own Knowledge and Abiâ—â—ties of doing any thing should be worthy the view of the Publick And had he found leisure to Compose it he could have filled a much greater Volume with useful and pertinent as well as unusual and strange Observations He could have inrich't it with a more particular Description of many of their curious Plants Fruits Birds Fishes Insects Minerals Stones and told you many more of the Medicinal and other uses of them in Trades and Manufactures He could have given you a compleat Dictionary of their Language understanding and speaking it as well as his Mother Tongue But his Occasions would not permit him to do more at present Yet the Civil Usage this his First-born meets with among his Countreymen may 'tis hoped oblige him to gratifie them with further Discoveries and Observations in his future Travels To conclude He has in this History given you a tast of his Observations In which most Readers though of very differing Gusts may find somewhat very pleasant to their Pallat. The Statesman Divine Physitian Lawyet Merchant Mechanick Husbandman may select something for their Entertainment The Philosopher and Historian much more I believe at least all that love Truth will be pleas'd for from that little Conversation I had with him I conceive him to be no ways prejudiced or byassed by Interest affection or hatred fear or hopes or the vain-glory of telling Strange Things so as to make him swarve from the truth of Matter of Fact And for his opportunity of being informed any one may satisfie himself when he understands his almost 20 years Abode and Converse among them His Skill in the Language and Customs of the People his way of Employment in Travelling and Trading over all Parts of the Kingdom add to this his Breeding till 19 years of Age under his Father a Captain for the East-India Company and his own Natural and acquired parts but above all his good Reputation which may be judged from the Employment That Worshipful Company have now freely bestowed upon him having made him Commander of the Tarquin Merchant and intrusted him to undertake a Voyage to Tarquin Read therefore the Book it self and you will find your self taken Captive indeed but used more kindly by the Author than he himself was by the Natives After a general view of the Sea Coasts he will lead you into the Country by the Watches through the Thorney Gates then Conduct you round upon the Mountains that Encompass and Fortifie the whole Kingdom and by the way carry you to the top of Hommalet or Adam's Peak from those he will descend with you and shew you their chief Cities and Towns and pass through them into the Countrey and there acquaint you with their Husbandry then entertain you with the Fruits Flowers Herbs Roots Plants and Trees and by the way shelter you from Sun and Rain with a Fan made of the Talipat-Leaf Then shew you their Beasts Birds Fish Serpents Insects and last of all their Commodities From hence he will carry you to Court and shew you the King in the several Estates of his Life and acquaint you with his way of Governing Revenues Treasures Officers Governors Military Strength Wars and by the way entertain you with an account of the late Rebellion against him After which he will bring you acquainted with the Inhabitants themselves whence you may know their different Humours Ranks and Qualities Then you may visit their Temples such as they are and see the Foppery of their Priests Religious Opinions and Practices both in their Worship and Festivals and afterwards go home to their Houses and be acquainted with their Conversation and Entertainment see their Housewifery Furniture Finery and understand how they Breed and Dispose of their Children in Marriage and in what Employments and Recreations they pass their time Then you may acquaint your self with their Language Learning Laws and if you please with their Magick Iugling And last of all with their Diseases Sickness Death and manner of Burial After which he will give you a full account of the Reason of his own Going to and Detainment in the Island of Ceylon and Kingdom of Conde-Uda And of all his various Conditions and the Accidents that befel him there during Nineteen years and an halfs abode among them And by what ways and means at last he made his Escape and Returned safe into England in September last 1680. Aug. 1. 1681. Robert Hooke To the Right Worshipful Sir William Thomson Knight Governor Thomas Papillon Esquire Deputy and the 24 Committees of the Honorable EAST-INDIA Company hereunder Specified Viz. The Right Honorable George Earl of Berkley The Right Honorable Iames Lord Chandois Sir Matthew Andrews Knight Sir Iohn Bancks Baronet Sir Samuel Barnardiston Baronet Mr. Christopher Boone Iohn Bathurst Esquire Sir Iosia Child Baronet Mr. Thomas Canham Collonel Iohn Clerk Sir Iames Edwards Knight Mr. Ioseph Herne Richard Hutchinson Esquire Iames Hublon Esquire Sir Iohn Lethieullier
Knight Mr. Nathaniel Petton Sir Iohn Moor Knight Samuel Moyer Esquire Mr. Iohn Morden Mr. Iohn Paige Edward Rudge Esquire Daniel Sheldon Esquire Mr. Ieremy Sambrook Robert Thomson Esquire Right Worshipful SInce my return home to my Native Countrey of England after a long and Disconsolate Captivity my Friends and Acquaintance in our Converse together have been Inquisitive into the State of that Land in which I was Captivated whose Curiosity I indeavour to satisfie But my Relations and Accounts of Things in those Parts were so strange and uncouth and so different from those in these Western Nations and withal my Discourses seeming so Delightful and Acceptable unto them they very frequently called upon me to write what I knew of that Island of Ceilon and to digest it into a Discourse and make it more Publick unto which motion I was not much unwilling partly that I might comply with the Desires and Councels of my Friends and chiefly that I might Publish and Declare the great Mercy of God to me and Commemorate before all Men my singular Deliverance out of that Strange and Pagan Land which as often as I think of or mention I cannot but admire and adore the goodness of God towards me there being in it so many notable Footsteps of his signal Providence I had then by me several Papers which during my Voyage homeward from Bantam at leisure times I writ concerning the King and the Countrey and concerning the English there and of my Escape which Papers I forthwith set my self to Peruse and draw into a Method and to add what more might occur to my Thoughts of those Matters which at length I have finished contriving what I had to relate under four Heads The first concerning the Countrey and Products of it The second concerning the King and his Government The third concerning the Inhabitants and their Religion and Customs and the last concerning our Surprize Detainment and Escape In all which I take leave to Declare That I have writ nothing but either what I am assured of by my own personal Knowledge to be true and wherein I have born a great and a sad share or what I have received from the Inhabitants themselves of such things as are commonly known to be true among them The Book being thus perfected it required no long Meditation unto whom to present it it could be to none but your selves my Honoured Masters by whose Wisdom and Success the East-Indian Parts of the World are now near as well known as the Countries next adjacent to us So that by your means not only the Wealth but the Knowledge of those Indies is brought home to us Unto your Favour and Patronage therefore Right Worshipful I humbly presume to recommend these Papers and the Author of them who rejoyceth at this opportunity to acknowledge the Favours you have already conferred on him and to profess that next unto God on you depend his Future Hopes and Expectations being Lond. 18th March 16â—â— â—â— Right Worshipful Your most obliged and most humble and devoted Servant to be Commanded Robert Knox. The CONTENTS PART I. CHAP. I. A General Description of the Island THE Inland Parts of it hitherto unknown The chief Places on the Sea-Coasts The Names of the Provinces and Counties of the Inland Country Which are divided from each other by Woods The Countrey Hilly but inriched with Rivers The great River Mavelagonga described Woody Where most Populous and Healthful The nature of the Vallies The great Hill Adams Peak described The natural Strength of this Kingdom The difference of the Seasons in this Country What Parts have most Rain CHAP. II. Concerning the chief Cities and Towns of this Island THE most Eminent Cities are Five Viz. Cande Nellemby Allâ—utneur The Country of Bintan described Badoula The Province of Ouvah Digligy the place of the King's Residence Gauluda Many ruines of Cities Anarodgburro The nature of the Northern Parts The Port of Portaloon Affords Salt Leawava Affords Salt in abundance Described Thâ—ir Towns how built Many ly in ruins and forsaken and upon what occasion CHAP III. Of their Corn with their manner of Husbandry THE Products and Commodities of the Country Corn of divers sorts Rice Growes in water Their ingenuity in watering their Corn-lands Why they do not always sow the best kind of Rice They sow at different times but reap together Their artificial Pooles Alligators harbor in them They sow Corn on the mud A sort of Rice that growes without water The Seasons of Seed-time and Harvest A particular description of their Husbandry Their Plow The convenience of these Plowes Their First plowing Their Banks and use of them Their Second plowing How they prepare their Seed-Corn And their Land after it is plowed Their manner of Sowing How they manure order Young Corn. Their manner of reaping They tread out their Corn with Cattel The Ceremonies they use when the Corn is to be trodden How they unhusk their Rice Other sorts of Corn among them Coracan Tanna Moung Omb. CHAP. IV. Of their Fruits and Trees GReat Variety of Fruits and delicious The best Fruits where ever they grow reserved for the Kings use Betel-Nuts The Trees The Fruit The Leaves The Skins and their use The Wood. The Profit the Fruit yields Iacks another choyce Fruit. Iombo another Other Fruits found in the Woods Fruits common with other Parts of India The Tallipot the rare use of the Leaf The Pith good to eat The Kettule Yields a delicious juice The Skin bears strings as strong as Wyer The Wood its Nature and Use. The Cinnamon Tree The Bark The Wood The Leaf The Fruit. The Orula The Fruit good for Physic and Dying Water made of it will brighten rusty Iron and serve instead of Ink. The Dounekaia The Capita Rattans Their Fruit. Canes The Betel tree The Bo-gauhah or God-Tree CHAP. V. Of their Roots Plants Herbs Flowers ROots for Food The manner of their growing Boyling Herbs Fruits for Sawce European Herbs and Plants among them Herbs for Medicine Their Flowers A Flower that serves instead of a Dyal called Sindric-mal Picha-mals Hop-mals CHAP. VI. Of their Beasts Tame and VVild. Insects WHat Beasts the Country produceth Deer no bigger than Hares Other Creatures rare in their kind The way how a wild Deer was catched for the King Of their Elephants The way of catching Elephants Their understanding Their Nature The dammage they do Serve the King for executing his Malefactors Their Disease The Sport they make Ants of divers sorts How one sort of them called Coddias came to sting so terribly These Ants very mischievous The curious Buildings of the Vaeos another kind of them The manner of their death Bees of several kinds Some build on Trees like Birds The people eat the Bees as well as their Honey Leaches that ly in the grass and creep on Travaylers Legs The Remedies they use against them Apes and Monkeys of divers kinds How they catch Wild Beasts How they take the Wild
certainly we would have attempted it had they not removed us There was a small Moors Vessel which lay in the River which they had seized on about this time as we supposed they would have done by our Ship if they could have catched her there This Vessel had some forty men belonging to her who were not made Prisoners as we were but yet lay in the same Town with those we had concluded that they should furnish us with Arms and in the night altogether to march down and get on board of their Vessel and so make our escape But being prevented in this design by our departure we were fain to lay at their mercy In our new quarters our entertainment proved as good as formerly And indeed there was this to mitigate our misery that the People were courteous to us and seemed to pity us For there is a great difference between the People inhabiting the high-lands or the mountains of Cande and those of the low-lands where we now are placed who are of a kinder nature by far than the other For these Countreys beneath the mountains formerly were in subjection unto the Portugueze Whereby they have been exercised and acquainted with the customs and manners of Christian People Which pleasing them far better than their own have begot and bred in them a kind of love and affection towards Strangers being apt to shew Pity and Compassion on them in their distress And you shall hear them oftentimes upbraiding the High-landers for their insolent and rude behavior It was a very sad Condition whilst we were all together yet hitherto each others company lessened our sufferings and was some comfort that we might condole one another But now it came to pass that we must be separated and placed asunder one in a Village where we could have none to confer withall or look upon but the horrible black faces of our heathen enemies and not understand one word of their Language neither this was a great addition to our grief Yet God was so merciful to us as not to suffer them to part my Father and I. For it was some sixteen days after our last remove the King was pleased to send a Captain with Soldiers to bring us up into the Country Who brought us and the other men taken in the Long boat together Which was an heavy meeting Being then as we well saw to be carried Captives into the mountains That night we supped together and the next morning changed our condition into real Captivity Howbeit they gave us many comfortable promises which we believed not as that the Kings intent was not to keep us any longer than till another Ship came to carry us away Altho we had but very little to carry God knows yet they appointed men to carry the cloths that belonged to the Captain and Officers We still expected they would plunder us of our cloths having nothing else to be plundered of but the Chingulay Captain told us that the King had given order that none should take the value of a thread from us Which indeed they did not As they brought us up they were very tender of us as not to tyre us with Travelling bidding us go no faster than we would our selves This kindness did somewhat comfort us The way was plain and easie to Travail through great Woods so that we walked as in an Arbour but desolate of Inhabitants So that for four or five nights we lay on the Ground with Boughs of Trees only over our heads And of Victuals twice a Day they gave us as much as we could eat that is of Rice Salt-fish dryed Flesh And sometimes they would shoot Deer and find Hony in the Trees good part of which they always brought unto us And drink we could not want there being Rivers and Puddles full of Water as we Travelled along But when we came out of the Woods among Inhabitants and were led into their Towns they brought us Victuals ready dressed after their fashion viz. Rice boiled in Water and three other sorts of Food whereof one Flesh and the other two Herbs or such like things that grow in their Countrey and all kinds of ripe Fruit which we liked very well and fed heartily upon Our entertainment all along was at the Charge of the Countrey So we fed like Soldiers upon free Quarter Yet I think we gave them good content for all the Charge we put them to Which was to have the satisfaction of seeing us eat sitting on Mats upon the Ground in their yards to the Publick view of all Beholders Who greatly admired us having never seen nor scarce heard of English-men before It was also great entertainment to them to observe our manner of eating with Spoons which some of us had and that we could not take the Rice up in our hands and put it to our mouths without spilling as they do nor gaped and powred the Water into our Mouths out of Pots according to their Countreys custom Thus at every Town where we came they used both young and old in great Companies to stare upon us Being thus brought up all together somewhat near to the City of Cande Now came an Order from the King to separate us and to place us one in a Town Which then seemed to us to be very hard but it was for the convenience of getting Food being quartered upon the Countrey at their Charge The Captain Mr. Iohn Loveland my self and Iohn Gregory were parted from the rest and brought nearer to the City to be ready when the King should send for us All the Rest were placed one in a Town according to the aforesaid Order Special Command also was given from the King that we all should be well entertained and according to the Countrey fare we had no cause to complain We four were thus kept together some two Months faring well all the while But the King minding us not Order came from the great Men in Court to place us in Towns as the rest were only my Father and I were still permitted to be together and a great Charge given to use us well And indeed twice a Day we had brought unto us as good fare as the Countrey affordedâ— All the rest had not their Provisions brought to them as we had but went to eat from house te house each house taking its turn On the Sixteenth of September 1660. My Father and I were placed in a Town called Bonder Coos-wat the situation was very pleasing and commodious lying about Thirty Miles to the Northward of the City of Cande in the Countrey called Hotcurly and distant from the rest of our People a full days journey We were removed hither from another Town nearer to the City where the Nobles at Court supposing that the King would call for vs had placed us to have us ready Being thus brought to Bonder Cooswat the People put it to our choice which House we would have
Catechism The Compleat Clerk History of the late Wars of New England Dr. Outram de Sacrificiis Bishop Taylor 's Disswasive from Popery Dr. Gibb's Sermons Parkeri Disputationes de Deo History of the future State of Europe Dr. Fowler 's Defence of the Design of Christianity against Iohn Bunynan Dr. Sherlock's Visitation-Sermon at Warrington Dr. West's Assize-Serm at Dorchester 1671. Lord Hollis's Relation of the Unjust Accusation of certain French Gentlemen charged with a Robbery 1671. The Magistrates Authority asserted in a Sermon by Iames Paston OCTAVO ELborow's Rationale upon the English Service-Book Dr. Burnet's Vindication of the Ordination of the Church of England Bishop Wilkin's Natural Religion Hard-castle's Christ. Geography and Arithmetick Dr. Ashton's Apology for the Honours and Revenues of the Clergy Lord Hollis's Vindication of the Iudicature of the House of Peers in the case of Skinner Iurisdiction of the House of Peers in case of Appeals Iurisdiction of the House of Peers in caâ—e of Impositions Letter about the Bishops Vote in Capital Cases Dr. Grew's Idea of Phytological History continued on Roots The Spaniards Conspiracy against the State of Venice Several Tracts of Mr. Hales of Eaton of the Sin against the Holy Ghost c. Bishop Sanderson's Life Drâ— Tillâ—â—son's Rulâ— of â—â—ith Dr. Simpson's Chymical Anatomy or â—he York-shire Spaws with a Discourse of the Original of Hot Springs and other Fountains His Hydrological Essays with an Account of the Allum-works at Whitby and some Observations about the Iaundies Dr. Cox's Discourse of the Interest of the Patient in reference to Physick and Physicians Organon Salutis Or an Instrument to cleanse the Stomach with divers New Experiments of Tobacco and Coffee with a Preface of Sir H. Blunt Dr. Cave's Primitive Christianity in three Parts Allen's Discourse of two Covenants 1672. Ignatius Fuller's Sermons of Peace and Holiness Buckler of State and Iustice against France's Design of Universal Monarchy A free Conference touching the Present State of England at home and abroad in order to the Designs of France Bishop Taylor of Confirmation Mystery of Iesuitism third and fourth Parts Dr. Salmon's Dispensatory Dr. Samway's Unreasonableness of the Romanists Record of Urines Dr. Ashton's Cases of Scandal and Persecuâ—ion DUODECIMO HOdder's Arithmetick Grotius de Veritate Religionis Christianae Bishop Hacket's Christian Consolations VICESIMO QUARTO VAlentine's Devotions Guide to Heaven Books lately printed GVillim's Display of Herauldry with large Additions Dr. Burnet's History of the Reformation of the Church of England Folio in two Volumes Dr. Burlace's History of the Irish Rebellion folio Herodoti Historiâ— Gr◠〈◊〉 Fol. Cole's Latin and English Dictionary with large Additions William's Sermon before the Lord Mayor Octob. 12. 1679. Impartial Consideration of the Speeches of the Five Iesuits Executed for Treason Fol. Dr. Burnet's Relation of the Massacre of the Protestants in France Quarto His Letter written upon the Discovery of the late Plot Quarto Decree made at Rome March 2. 1679. condemning some Opinions of the Iesuits and other Casuists Quarto Tryals of the Regicides Octavo Mr. Iames Brome's Two Fast Sermons Dr. Iane's Fast Sermon before the House of Commons April 11. 1679. Mr. Iohn Iames's Visitation Sermon April 9. 1671. Quarto Mr. Iohn Cave's Fast Sermon on Ian. 30. 1679. quarto His Asâ—ize Sermon at Leicester Iuly 31. 1679. quarto His Gospel preached to the Romans Octavo Certain Genuine Remains of the Lord Bâ—con in Arguments Civil Moral Natural c. with a large Account of all his Works by Dr. Tho. Tenison Octavo Dr. Puller's Discourse of the Moderation of the Church of England Octavo Dr. Saywel's Original of all the Plots in Christendom with the Danger and Remedy of Schism Sir Iohn Munson Baronet of Supreme Power and Common Right Octavo Dr. Edw. Bagshaw's Discourses upon Select Texts Octavo Mr. Rushworth's Historical Collections The Second Part. Fol. His large and exact Account of the Trial of the E. of Straf with all the Circumstances preliminary to concomitant with and subsequent upon the same to his Death Fol. Remarques relating to the state of the Church of the three first Centuries By Ab. Seller Octavo Speculum Baxterianum or Baxter against Baxter Quarto The Countrey-man's Physician For the use of such as live far from Cities or Market-Towns Octavo 〈…〉 Sermon upon the â—ast for the Fire 1680. quarto Conversion and Persecutions of Eve Cohan a Person of Quality of the Iewish Religion lately Baptized a Christian. quarto His Life and Death of the late Earl of Rochester Octavo His Fast Sermon before the Commons Decemb. 22â— 1680. His Sermon on the 30th of Ian. 168â— New England Psalms Twelves An Apology for a Treatise of Humane Reason Written by Mr. Clifford Esq Twelves The Laws of this Realm concerning Iesuits Seminary Priests c. explained by divers Iudgments and Resolutions of the Iudges with other Observations thereupon by William Cawley Esq Fol. Bishop Sanderson's Sermons with his Life Fol. Fowlis his History of Romish Conspiracies Treasons and Usurpations Fol. Markham's Perfect Horseman Octavo Dr. Parker's Demonstration of the Divine Authority of the Law of Nature and the Christian Religion quarto Dr. Sherlock's practical discourse of Religious Assemblies Octavo A Defence of Dr. Stillingfleet's Unreasonableness of Separation Octavo Dr. Outram's Sermons Octavo FINIS A general division of the Inland Countrey Each County divided by Woods The Country Hilly but enriched with Rivers The great River Mavelagonga described Woody Where most populous and healthful The nature of the Valleys The great Hill Adams Peak described The natural Strength of this Kingdom The difference of the Seasons in this Country What Parts have most Rain The most Eminent Cities are Five Candy Nellemby Allout-neur The Country of Bintan described Badoula The Province of Ouvah Digligy the place of the Kings constant Residence Gauluda Many Ruins of Cities Anurodgburro The nature of the Northern Parts The Port of Portaloon It affords Salt Leawava affords Salt in abundance Described Their Towns how Built Many lye in Ruins and forsaken and upon what occasion The Products and Commodities of the Countrey Corn of divers sorts Rice Grows in Water Their Ingenuity in watering their Corn Lands Why they do not alwayes sow the best kind of Rice They sow at different times but reap together Their Artificial Pools Aligators harbor in them They sow Corn on the Mud. A sort of Rice that grows without Water The Seasons of Seed-time and Harvest A particular description of their Husbandry Their Ploughâ— The convenience of these Ploughs Their first Ploughing Their Banks and use of them Their second Ploughing How they prepare their Seed-Corn And their Land after it is Ploughed Their manner of sowing Their manner of Reaping They tread out their Corn with Cattel The Ceremonies they use when the Corn is to be trodden How they unhusk their Rice Other sorts of Corn among them Coracan Tanna Moung Omb. Great variety of Fruits and delicious The best Fruits where-ever they grow reserved
Officers Forced to pass thro a Governours Yard The Method they used to prevent his Suspition of them Their danger by reason of the Wayes they were to pass They still remain at the Governors to prevent suspition An Accident that now created them great fear But got fairly rid of it Get away plausibly from the Governor In their way they meet with a River which they found for their purpose They come safely to Anarodgburro This Place described The People stand amazed at them They are examined by the Governor of the Place Provide things necessary for their Flight They find it not safe to proceed further this way Rosolve to go back to the River they lately passed CHAP. X. The Authors Progress in his Flight from Anarodgburro into the Woods unto their arrival in the Malabars Country THey depart back again towards the River but first take their leave of the Governor here They begin their Flight Come to the River along which they resolve to go Which they Travel along by till it grew dark Now they fit themselves for their Iourney Meeting with an Elephant they took up for the second Night The next morning they fall in among Towns before they are aware The fright they are in lest they should be seen Hide themselves in a hollow Tree They get safely over this danger In that Evening they Dress Meat and lay them down to sleep The next morning they fear wild Men which these Woods abound with And they meet with many of their Tents Very near once falling upon these People What kind of Travelling they had Some account of this River Ruins The Woods hereabouts How they secured themselves anights against wild Beasts They pass the River that divides the King's Countrey from the Malabars After four or five days Travel they come among Inhabitants But do what they can to avoid them As yet undiscovered CHAP. XI Being in the Malabar Territories how they encountred two Men and what passed between them And of their getting safe unto the Dutch Fort. And their Reception there and at the Island Manaar until their Embarking for Columbo THey meet with two Malabars To whom they relate their Condition Who are courteous to them But loath to Conduct them to the Hollander In danger of Elephants They overtake another Man who tells them they were in the Dutch Dominions They arrive at Arrepa Fort. The Author Travelled a Nights in these Woods without fear and slept securely Entertained very kindly by the Dutch Sent to Manaar Received there by the Captain of the Castle Who intended they should Sail the next day to Iafnipatan to the Governor They meet here with a Scotch and Irish Man The People Flock to see them They are ordered a longer stay They Embark for Columbo CHAP XII Their Arrival at Columbo and Entertainment there Their Departure thence to Batavia And from thence to Bantam Whence they set Sail for England THey are wondered at Columbo ordered to appear before the Governor Treated by English there They come into the Governor's presence His State Matters the Governor enquired of Who desires him to go with him to Batavia Cloths them And sends them Money and a Chirurgeon The Author writes a Letter hence to the English he left behind him The former Demands and Answers penned down in Portugueze by the Governor's Order They Embark for Batavia Their friendly Reception by the Governor there Who furnishes them with Cloths and Money And offers them passage in their Ships home Come home from Bantam in the Caesar. CHAP. XIII Concerning some other Nations and chiefly Europeans that now live in this Island Portugueze Dutch MAlabars that Inhabit here Their Territories Their Prince That People how governed Their Commodities and Trade Portugueze Their Power and Interest in this Island formerly The great Wars between the King and them forced him to send in for the Hollander The King invites the Portugueze to live in his Countrey Their Privileges Their Generals Constantine Sa. Who loses a Victory and Stabs himself Lewis Tissera served as he intended to serve the King Simon Careé of a cruel Mind Gaspar Figazi Splits Men in the middle His Policy Gives the King a great Overthrow loseth Columbo and taken Prisoner The Dutch The occasion of their coming in The King their implacable Enemy and why The Damage the King does them The means they use to obtain Peace with him How he took Bibligom Fort from them Several of their Embassadors detained by the King The first Embassador there detained since the Author's Remembrance His Preferment and Death The next Ambassador dying there his Body is sent down to Columbo in great State The third Ambassador Gets away by his Resolution The fourth was of a milder Nature The fifth brings a Lion to the King as a Present The number of Dutch there They follow their Vice of Drinking The Chingulays prejudiced against the Dutch and why CHAP. XIV Concerning the French VVith some Enquiries what should make the King detain white men as he does And how the Christian Religon is maintained among the Christians there THe French come hither with a Fleet. To whom the King sends Provisions and helps them to build a Fort. The French Ambassador offends the King He refuseth to wait longer for Audience Which more displeaseth him Clapt in Chains The rest of the French refuse to dwell with the Ambassador The King useth means to reconcile them to their Ambassador The Author acquaints the French Ambassador in London with the Condition of these men An Inquiry into the reason of this King 's detaining Europoeans The Kings gentleness towards his White Soldiers They watch at his Magazine How craftily the King corrected their negligence The Kings inclinations are towards White men The Colour of White honoured in this Land Their privilege above the Natives The King loves to send for and talk with them How they maintain Christianity among them In some things they comply with the worship of the Heathen An old Roman Catholick Priest used to eat of their Sacrifices The King permitted the Portugueze to build a Church ERRATA Besides divers Mispointings and other Literal Mistakes of smaller moment these are to be amended PAge 1. Line 16. after Parts strike out the Comma p. 3. l. 25. for Oudi pâ—llet read Oudi pollat p. 7. l. 31. after they dele that p. 12. l. 43. for Ponudecarso read Ponudecars p. 13. after rowling dele it p. 22. l. 38. for Out-yards read Ortyards p. 25. l. 6. for tarrish read tartish p. 27. l. 10. for sometimes read some p. 29. l. 33. for Rodgerati read Rodgerah p. 33. l. 15 25 29. for Radga in those three lines read Raja p. 35. l. 12. for a read at Ibid. l. 51. for being none read none being p. 39. l. 1. dele a p. 47. l. 36. for Ourpungi read Oulpangi Ibid. l. 43. for Dackini read Dackim p. 50. l. 16. for Roteraâ—ts read Roterauls Ibid. l. 17. after these read are Ibid. l. 24.
a small Profession as perceiving that there is a greater God than those that they thro long custom have and do Worship And therefore when an Impostor a Bastard Moor by Nation born in that Land came and publickly set up a new nameless God as he styled him and that he was sent to destroy the Temples of their Gods the King opposed it not for a good while as waiting to see which of these Gods would prevail until he saw that he aimed to make himself King then he allowed of him no longer as I shall shew more at large hereafter when I come to speak of the Religion of the Countrey The Christian Religion he doth not in the least persecute or dislike but rather as it seems to me esteems and honours it As a sign of which take this passage When his Sister died for whom he had a very dear Affection there was a very grievous Mourning and Lamentation made for her throughout the whole Nation all Mirth and Feasting laid aside and all possible signs of sorrow exprest and in all probability it was as much as their lives were worth who should at this time do any thing that might look like joy This was about Christmas The Dutch did notwithstanding adventure to keep their Christmas by Feasting The News of this was brought to the King And every body reckoned it would go hard with the Dutch for doing this But because it was done at a Festival of their Religion the King past it by and took no notice of it The Value also that he has for the Christian Religion will appear from the respect he gives the Professors of it as will be seen afterwards CHAP. III. Of the King's Tyrannical Reign WEE have all this while considered this King with respect unto his Person Temper and Inclinations now we will speak of him with more immediate respect unto his Office and Government as he is a King And here we will discourse of the manner of his Government of his Treasure and Revenues of his Great Officers and lastly of his Strength and Wars As to the manner of his Government it is Tyrannical and Arbitrary in the highest dâ—gree For he ruleth Absolute and after his own Will and Pleasure his own Head being his only Counsellor The Land all at his Disposal and all the People from the highest to the lowest Slaves or very lâ—kâ— Slaves both in Body and Goods wholly at his Command Neither wants He those three Virtues of a Tyrant Iealousie Dissimulation and Cruelty But because Policy is a necessary endowment of a Prince I will first shew in an instance or two that he is not devoid of it The Countrey being wholly His the King Farms out his Land not for Money but Service And the People enjoy Portions of Land from the King and instead of Rent they have their several appointmentsâ— some are to serve the King in his Wars some in their Trades somâ—â—erve him for Labourers and others are as Farmers to furnish his House with the Fruits of the Ground and so all things are done without Cost and every man paid for his pains that is they have Lands for it yet all have not watered Land enough for their needs that is such Land as good Rice requires to grow in so that such are fain to sow on dry Land and Till other mens Fields for a subsistence These Persons are free â—rom payment of Taxes only sometimes upon extraordinary occasions they must give an Hen or Mat or such like to the King's use for as much as they uâ—e the Wood and Water that is in his Countrey But if any find the Duty to be heavy or too much for them they may leaving their House and Land be free from the King's Service as there is a Multitude do And in my judgment they live far more at ease after they have relinquished the King's Land than when they had it Many Towns are in the King's hand the Inhabitants whereof are to Till and Manure a quantity of the Land according to their Ability and lay up the Corn for the King's use These Towns the King often bestows upon some of his Nobles for their Encouragement and Maintenance with all the fruits and benefits that before came to the King from them In each of these Towns there is a Smith to make and mend the Tools of them to whom the King hath granted them and a Potter to fit them with Earthen Ware and a Washer to wash their Cloaths and other men to supply what there is need of And each one of these haâ—h a piece of Land for this their Service whether it be to the King or the Lord but what they do for the other People they are paid for Thus all that have any Place or Employment under the King are paid without any Charge to the King His great Endeavour is to Secure himself from Plots and Conspiracies of his People who are sorely weary of his tyrannical Government over them and do oâ—ten Plot to make away with him but by his subtilty and good fortune together he prevents them And for this purpose he is very Vigilant in the Night the noise of Trumpets and Drums which he appoints at every Watch hinders both himself and all others from sleeping In the Night also he commonly does most of his Business calling Embassadors before him and reading the Letters also displacing some of his Courtiers and promoting others and giving Sentence to execute those whom he would have to live no longer and many times Commands to lay hold on and carry away great and Noble men who until that instant knew not that they were out of his favour His Policy is to make his Countrey as intricate and difficult to Travel as may be and therefore forbids the Woods to be felled especially those that divide Province from Province and permits no Bridges to be made over his Rivers nor the Paths to be made wider He often employs his People in vast works and that will require years to finish that he may inure them to Slavery and prevent them from Plotting against him as haply they might do if they were at better leisure Therefore he approves not that his People should be idle but always finds one thing or other to be done tho the work be to little or no purpose According to the quantity of the work so he will appoint the People of one County or of two to come in and the Governor of the said County or Counties to be Overseer of the Work At such times the Soldiers must lay by their Swords and work among the People These works are either digging down Hills and carrying the Earth to fill up Valleys thus to enlarge his Court which standeth between two Hills a more uneven and unhandsom spot of ground he could not well have found in all his Kingdom or else making ways for the Water to run into the Pond and elsewhere for his use
they die naturally they are not The Farmers all in general besides their measures of Corn pay a certain Duty in Money with their Rents If they Sell or Alienate their Inheritances the Kings accustomed Duties must not be diminished whosoever buyeth or enjoyeth them Neither is here any Land which doth not either pay or do some Duty to the King Only one case expected and that is if they give or dedicate Land to a Priest as an Alms or Deed of Charity in God's Name On that there is never any more Tax or Duty to be imposed as being sacrilegâ—â—ns to take ought from one that belongs to the Temple Formerly the King had the Benefit of the trade of two Ports Cotiar and Portalone unto each of which used to come yearly some twenty or thirty Sail of small Vessel which brought considerable Customs in But now the Hollander has deprived him of both suffering no Vessels to come The King hath several Treasure houses and in several places in Cities and Towns where always are Guards of Soldiers to watch them both day and night I cannot certainly declare all that is contained in them There are Precious Stones such as his Land affords mony but not very much Cloth and what he hath got by Shipwrack Presents that have been sent him from other Nations Elephants-teeth Wax good store of Arms as Guns Bowes and Arrows Pikes Halberds Swords Ammunition store of Knives Iron Tallipat-Leaves whereof one will cover a large Tent Bedsteads Tables Boxes Mats of all sorts I will not adventure to declare further the Contents of his Treasuries lesâ— I may be guilty of a mistake But sure I am he hath plenty of all such things as his Land affords For he is very Provident and Careful to be well furnished with all things And what he does abound with he had rather it should lye and rot then be imbezelled and wasted that is distributed among his Servants or Slaves of which he hath great store He hath some hundreds oâ— Elephants which he keepeth tame and could have as many more as he pleaseth but altho not catched yet they are all his and at his Command when he pleaseth It is frequently reported and I suppose is true that both he and his Predecessors by the distress they have been driven to by the Portuguezes have cast some store of Riches into the great River Maâ—velagonga running by the City in deep holes among Rocks which is irrecoverable and into a made Pond by the Palace in the City of Cande or Hingodegulâ—neur Wherein are kept to this day two Alligators so that none dare go into the water for fear of being devoured by them And often times they do destroy Cows that go to drink there But this Pond by cutting the Bank might easily be drained To conclude the Land that is under his jurisdiction is all his with the People their Estates and whatsoever if affords or is therein But that which he doth chiefly value and esteem are Toys and Novelties as Hawks Horses Dogs strange Birds and Beasts and particularly a spotted Elephant and good Arms of which he hath no want CHAP. V. Of the Kings great Officers and the Governours of the Provincesâ— THere are two who are the greatest and highest Officers in the Land They are called Adigars I may term them Chief Iudges under whom is the Government oâ— the Cities and the Countries also in the Vacancy of other Governors All People have liberty in default of Iustice to appeal to these Adigaâ—s â— or if their causes and diffeâ—rences be not decided by their Governours according to their minds To these there are many Officers and Sergeants belonging All which to be known carry slaves in their hands like to Bandâ—eâ— the crooked end uppermost which none but they dare carry The sight of which slaves upon what message soever they be sent signifies as much as the Adigars Hand and Seal If the Adigar be ignorant in what belongâ— to his place and office these men do instruct him what and how to do The like is in all other places which the King bestows if they know not what belongs to their places there are Inferiour Officers under them that do teach and direct them how to Act. Next under the Adigars are the Dissauva's who are Governours over Provinces and Counties of the Land Each Province and County has its Governour but all Governours are not Dissauva's nor other great Officers known by other names of Titles as Râ—terautâ— and â—â—â—anies â— But all these Generals or Chief Commanders who have a certain number of Soldiers under them These great men are to provide that good orders be kept in the Countries over which they are placed and that the Kings accustomed dutie be brought in due season to the Count. They have Power also to decide controversies between the People of their Iurisdiction and to punish contentions and disorderly personsâ— which they do chiefly by amercing a Fine from them which is for their Proâ—fit for it is there own and also by committing them Prison Into which when they are once fallen no means without mony can get them out again But be the â—acâ— never so hainous Murther it â—ell they can put none to death The sentence of death being pronounced only by the King They also are sent upon expeditions in War with their Soldiers and give Attendance and watch at Court in their appointed Stations These Dissauva's are also to see that the Soldiers in their Countries do come in due season and order for that purpose They are appointed by the King himself not for life but during his good pleasure And when they are dead or removed oftentimes their places lay void somtimes for months somtimes peâ—haps for yearsâ— during which time the Adigar rules and governs those Countries and for his labour receiveth all such Incoms and Profits as are accustomed and of right do belong to the Governour The King when he advances any to be Dissauva's or to any other great Office regards not their ability or sufficiency to perform the same only they must be persons of good rank and gentile extracâ—ion and they are all naturally discreet and very solid and so the siâ—ter for the Kings employment When he firsâ— promotes them he shews them great testimonies of his Love and â—avour especially to those that are Christians in whose service he imposeth greater confidence than in his own people concluding that they will make more conâ—â—â—ence of their ways and be more â—aithful in their Office and giveâ— them a Sword the hilâ— all carved and inlaid with Silver and Brass very handsomly the Scabberd also covered with Silver a Knife and Hâ—lbeâ—d and lastly a Town or Towns for their maintenance The benefit of which iâ— that all the Profitâ— which before the King received from those Townsâ— now accrues unâ—o the Kings Officer These Towns are composed of all And in the discharge of this his Office
is far inferior to that of Cande and as far beyond that of Digligy where he now is Nillemby lyeth some fourteen miles southward of the City of Cande In the place where this City stands it is reported by Tradition an Hare gave chase after a Dog upon which it was concluded that place was fortunate and so indeed it proved to the King It is invironed with Hills and Woods The time appointed to put their design in action was the one and twentieth of December 1664. about Twelve in the night And having gotten a select company of men how many well I know not but as is supposed not above two hundred neither needed they many here having so many Confederates in the Court in the dead of the night they came marching into the City The Watch was thought to be of their confedracy but if he were not it was not in his power to resist them Howbeit afterwards whether he were not he was execued for it The said men being thus in the City hastened and came down to the Court and â—ell upon the great men which then â—aid without the Palace upon Watch since which by the Kings order they lye allways within the Palace For they were well informed before who were for them and who not Many who before were not intrusted to know of their design were killed and wounded and those that could seeing the slaughter of others got in unto the King Who was walled about with a Clay-wall thatched that was all his strength Yet these people feared to assault him laying still until the morning At which time the King made way to flee fearing to stay in his Palace endeavouring to get unto the mountains and had not with him above fifty persons There were horses went with him but the wayes were so bad that he could not ride They were fain to drive an Elephant before him to break the way through the Woods that the King with his followers might pass As he fled they pursued him but at a great distance fearing to approach within shot of him For he wanted not for excellent good Fowling pieces which are made there So he got safe upon a Mountain called Gauluda some fifteen miles distant where many of the Inhabitants that were near resorted to him Howbeit had the people of the Rebel-party been resolute who were the major part almost all the Land this Hill could not have secured him but they might have driven him from thence there being many ways by which they might have ascended There is not far from thence a high and peaked hill called Mondamounour where there is but one way to get up and that very steep at the top are great stones hanging in chains to let fall when need requireth Had he fled hither there had been no way to come at him But he never will adventure to go where he may be stopped in The People having thus driven away the old King marched away to the City of Cande and proclaimed the Prince King giving out to us English who were there that what they had done they had not done rashly but upon good Consideration and with good advice the King by his evil Government having occasioned it who went about to destroy both them and their Countrey As in keeping Ambassadours disanulling of Trade detaining of all people that come upon his Land and killing of his Subjects and their Children and not suffering them to enjoy nor to see their Wives And all this was contrary to reason and as they were informed to the Government of other Countries The Prince being young and tender and having never been out of the Palace nor ever seen any but those that attended on his person as it seemed afterwards was scared to see so many coming and bowing down to him and telling him that he was King and his Father was fled into the mountains Neither did he say or act any thing as not owning the business or else not knowing what to say or do This much discouraged the Rebells to see they had no more thanks for their pains And so all things stood until the five and twentieth of December at which time they intended to march and fall upon the old King But in the Interim the Kings Sister Flyes away with the Prince from the Court into the Countrey near unto the King which so amazed the Rebells that the mony and cloth and plunder which they had taken and were going to distribute to the Strangers to gain their good will and assistance they scattered about and fled Others of their Company seeing the Business was overthrown to make amends for their former fact turned and fell upon their Consorts killing and taking Prisoners all they could The people were now all up in arms one against another killing whom they pleas'd only saying they were Rebells and taking their goods By this time a great man had drawn out his men and stood in the Field and there turned and publickly declared for the old King and so went to catch the Rebells that were scattered abroad Who when he understood that they were all fled and no whole party or body left to resist him marched into the City killing all that he could catch And so all revolted and came back to the King again whilst he only lay still upon his mountain The King needed not to take care to catch or execute the Rebells for they themselves out of their zeal to him and to make amends for what was past imprisoned and killed all they met the Plunder being their own This continued for some eight or ten days Which the King hearing of commanded to kill no more but that whom they took they should imprison until examination passed which was not so much to save innocent persons from violence as that he might have the Rebells to torment them and make them confess of their Confederates For he spared none that seemed guilty some to this day lye chained in Prison being â—equestred of all their Estates and beg for their living One of the most noted Rebells called Ambom Wellaraul he sent to Columba to the Dutch to execute supposing they would invent new Tortures for him beyond what he knew of But they instead of executing him cut off his chains and kindly entertained him and there he still is in the City of Columba reserving him for some designs they may hereafter have against the Countrey The King could but not be sensible that it was his rigorous government that had occasioned this Rebellion yet amended it not in the least but on the contrary like to Rehoboam added yet more to the Peoples yoak And being thus safely re-instated in his Kingdom again and observing that the life of his Son gave encouragement to the Rebellion resolved to prevent it for the future by taking him away Which upon the next opportunity he did by Poysoning him which I have related before But one thing there is that argues him
guilty of imprudence and horrible ingratitude that most of those that went along with him when he fled of whose Loyalty he had such ample experience he hath since cut off and that with extreme cruelty too In the year 1666 in the month of February there appeared in this Countrey another Comet or stream in the West the head end under the Horizon much resembling that which was seen in England in the year 1680 in December The sight of this did much daunt both King and People having but a year or two before felt the sad event of a Blazing-Star in this Rebellion which I have now related The King sent men upon the highest mountains in the Land to look if they could perceive the head of it which they could not being still under the Horizon This continued visible about the space of one month and by that time it was so diminished that it could not be seen But there were no remarkable passages that ensued upon it A Vadda or Wild Man PART III. CHAP. I. Concerning the Inhabitants of this Island WEE shall in this Part speak of the Inhabitants of this Countrey with their Religion and Customs and other things belonging to them Besides the Dutch who possess as I judg about one fourth of the Island there are Malabars that are free Denizons and pay duty to the King for the Land they enjoy as the Kings natural Subjects do there are also Moors who are like Strangers and hold no Land but live by carrying goods to the Sea-Ports which now are in the Hollanders hands The Sea-Ports are inhabited by a mixt people Malabars and Moors and some that are black who profess themselves Roman Catholicks and wear Crosses and use Beads Some of these are under the Hollander and pay toll and tribute to them But I am to speak only of the natural proper People of the Island which they call Chingulays I have asked them whence they derive themselves but they could not tell They say their Land was first inhabited by Devils of which they have a long Fable I have heard a tradition from some Portugueze here which was That an antient King of China had a Son who during his Fathers Reign proved so very harsh and cruel unto the people that they being afraid he might prove a Tyrant if he came to the Crown desired the King to banish him and that he might never succeed This that King to please the people granted And so put him with certain Attendants into a ship and turned them forth unto the Winds to seek their fortune The first shore they were cast upon was this Island Which they seated themselves on and peopled it But to me nothing is more improbable than this Story Because this people and the Chineses have no agreement nor similitude in their features nor language nor diet It is more probable they came from the Malabars their Countrey lying next tho they do resemble them little or nothing I know no nation in the world do so exactly resemble the Chingulays as the people of Europe Of these Natives there be two sorts Wild and Tame I will begin with the former For as in these Woods there are Wild Beasts so Wild Men also The Land of Bintan is all covered with mighty Woods filled with abundance of Deer In this Land are many of these wild men they call them Vaddahs dwelling near no other Inhabitants They speak the Chingulayes Language They kill Deer and dry the Flesh over the fire and the people of the Countrey come and buy it of them They never Till any ground for Corn their Food being only Flesh. They are very expert with their Bows They have a little Axâ— which they stick in by their sides to cut hony out of hollow Trees Some few which are near Inhabitants have commerce with other people They have no Towns nor Houses only live by the waters under a Tree with some boughs cut and laid round about them to give notice when any wild Beasts come near which they may hear by their rustling and trampling upon them Many of these habitations we saw when we fled through the Woods but God be praised the Vaddahs were gone Some of the tamer sort of these men are in a kind of Subjection to the King For if they can be found tho it must be with a great search in the Woods they will acknowledg his Officers and will bring to them Elephants-Teeth and Honey and Wax and Deers Flesh but the others in lieu thereof do give them near as much in Arrows Cloth c. fearing lest they should otherwise appear no more It hath been reported to me by many people that the wilder sort of them when they want Arrows will carry their load of Flesh in the night and hang it up in a Smith's Shop also a Leaf cut in the form they will have their Arrows made and hang by it Which if the Smith do make according to their Pattern they will requite and bring him more Flesh but if he make them not they will do him a miâ—chief one time or another by shooting in the night If the Smith make the Arrows he leaves them in the same place where the Vaddahs hung the Flesh. Formerly in this Kings Reign these wild men used to lye in wait to catch Carriers people that went down with Oxen to trade at the Sea-Ports carrying down Betelnuts and bringing up Cloth and would make 〈◊〉 to give them such things as they required or else threatning to shoot them They fearing their lives and not being able to resist were fain to give them what they asked or else most certainly they would have had both life and goods too At which this King sent many Commanders with their Soldiers to catch them which at length they did But had not some of themselves proved false to them being incouraged by large promises they could never have taken them The chief being brought before the King promising amendment were pardoned but sent into other Woods with a Command not to return thither any more neitheir to use their former courses But soon after their departure they forsook those Woods they were put into and came to their old haunt again falling to their former course of Life This the King hearing of and how they had abused his Pardon gave command either to bring them dead or alive These Vaddahs knowing now there could be no hope of Pardon would not be taken alive but were shot by the Treachery of their own men The heads of two of the chiefest were hanged on Trees by the City And ever since they have not presumed to disturb the Countrey nor the King them he only desiring their quiet and not to be against him About Hourly the remotest of the Kings Dominions there are many of them that are pretty tame and come and buy and sell among the people The King once having occasion of an hasty Expedition
These men can certainly foretel Eclipses of the Sun and Moon They make Leet that is Almanacks that last for a Month. They are written upon a Tallipat leaf a little above a foot long and two fingers broad In them are told the Age of the Moon and the good Seasons and times to begin to Plough or to Sow or to go a Iourney or to take any work in hand On this precise time they will be sure to sprinkle their first Seed tho they sow all their Field it may be a Month after And so they will begin to set forth at the very moment tho possibly they will not go till some days after These Astronomers tell them also when the old year ends to the very minute At which time they cease from all work except the Kings which must not be omitted They acquaint them also with the good hour of the New year they are to begin to work At which time every Man and Woman begins to do somewhat in their employment they intend to follow the ensuing year They have also another season directed them by their Astronomers that is when to begin to wash their heads which is assigned to every one according to the time of their Nativities which Ceremony they observe very religiously These Astronomers or rather Astrologers are skilful in the Knowledge of the Stars and Planets of which they reckon nine 't is supposed they may add the Dragon's Head and Tail By which they pretend to foretel all things concerning the health and recovery of Sick Persons also concerning the fate of Cildren born about which the Parents do presently consult them and save their Children or kill them according to the fortunate or unfortunate hour they tell the Parents they were born in VVhen a Person is Sick he carries to these men his Nativity which they call Hanna hom pot upon the perusal of which they tell his destiny These also direct â—it times for beginning Iourneys or other undertakings They are likewise consulted concerning Marriages by looking upon the Man and Womans Nativity They reckon their Time from one Saccawarsi an ancient King Their year consists of 365 days They begin their year upon our Eight and twentieth day of March and sometimes the Seven and twentieth and sometimes but very seldom on the Nine and twentieth The reason of which I conceive to be to keep it equal to the course of the Sun as our Leap year doth They call the year Quredah This they divide into Twelve Months named Wasachmaha Pomaha Ahalamoha Micheneha Bochmoha c. They divide their Months into Weeks each consisting of seven days called Fridah Sandudah Onghorudah Bodadah Braspotindah Sâ—couradah Henouradah The first of which they account a good and a fortunate day to begin to do or undertake any thing and it falls our upon our Sunday On their Wednesdays and Saturdays they open their Churches and perform their Ceremonies Their day which they call Dausack they divide into Thirty Pays hours or parts and begin their account from the Sun rising and their Night also into as many and begin from Sun-setting So that the Fifteenth Pay is Twelve a Clock at Noon They have a Flower by which they judge of the time which constantly blows open seven Pays before Night They have no Clocks Hour-glasses or Sun-Dials but keep their time by guess The King indeed hath a kind of Instrument to measure time It is a Copper Dish holding about a Pint with a very small hole in the bottom This Dish they set a swimming in an Earthen Pot of water the water leaking in at the bottom till the Dish be full it sinks And then they take it out and set it empty on the water again and that makes one Pay Few or none use this but the King who keeps a man on purpose to watch it continually The People will use it upon some occasions as if they are to sow their Corn at any particular hour as being the good lucky Season then they make use of the Copper Pan to know the time exactly Thâ—y do practise Magick Whereof take these two remarkable instances of many that might be given The Countrey of Neurecalava formerly brought forth great plenty of Corn occasioned by reason of its large waterings A Neighbour Kingdom the Kingdom of Cournegal which lyes in Hotcourley in those times was brought to a great dearth At which the King sends to the People of Neurecalava that they would bring a supply of Corn to his Countrey which they did in great store upon Beasts in Sacks and arrived at the King's City and there for the more expeditious measuring out every Housholder his proportion of Corn they made a hole in the Sacks and let it run out still driving on the Beasts before them and all that was shed before every man's House was to be his share This exceedingly gratified the King Afterward the King to requite them asked what they most needed in their Countrey They answered They had plenty of all things only they wanted Cahah mirris that is Turmeric and Pepper The King to gratifie them sent them such a quantity of each as his Country could afford As soon as this was brought to the People of Neurecalava they went to measure it out to every man his Portion but finding it of so small a quantity they resolved to grind it as they do when they use it with their Victuals and put it into the River to give a seasoning to the water and every Man was to take up his Dish of water thus seasoned From whence Neurecalava had its denomination viz. from Neur signifying a City and Cahah that signifies Turmeric and Lava as if it were Lalla put into the River The King hearing of this Action of theirs was offended in that they so contemned his gift but concealed his displeasure Sometime after he took a Iourney to them and being there desired to know how their Countrey became so very fruitful They told him it was the water of the River pent up for their use in a very vast Pond Out of which they made Trenches to convey the water down into their Corn Grounds This Pond they had made with great Art and Labour with great Stones and Earth thrown up of a vast length and thickness in the fashion of an half Moon The King afterwards took his leave of them and went home and by the help of his Magicians brake down this vast Dam that kept in the water and so destroyed the Pond And by this means this fruitful Countrey wanting her water is become as ordinary Land as the rest having only what falls out of the Sky When a Robbery is committed to find the Thief they Charm a Coker-nut which is done by certain words and any one can do it that can but utter the Charm words Then they thrust a stick into it and set it either at the Door or hole the Thief went out at Then one holds the
the King would take it at our hands from whom we knew this could not be hid Into our Houses we got safely But no sooner were we there but immediately we were called again by a great Man who had drawn out his Men and stood in the Field This Man we thought had been one of the Rebels who to secure himself upon this change had intended to run away down to Columbo to the Dutch Which made us repair to him the more cheerfully leaving our Meat a roasting on the Spit But it proved otherwise For no sooner had he gotten us unto him but he Proclaimed himself for the old King and forthwith he and his Company taking us with him marched away to Fight or seize the Rebels but meeting none went into the City and there dismissed us saying He would acquaint the King how willing and ready we were to fight for him if need had required altho God knows it was the least of our thoughts and intents yet God brought it to pass for our good For when the King was informed of what we had received of the Rebels this piece of good Service that we had done or rather supposed to have done was also told unto him At the hearing of which himself justified us to be innocent saying Since my absence who was there that would give them Victuals And It was mere want that made them to take what they did Thus the words of the King 's own mouth acquitted us And when the Sword devoured on every side yet by the Providence of God not one hair of our heads perished The Tumults being appeased and the Rebellion vanished the King was settled in his Throne again And all this happened in five days time We were now greatly necessitated for food and wanted some fresh Orders from the King's mouth for our future subsistence So that having no other remedy we were fain to go and lay in the High way that leads to the City a begging for the People would not let us go any nearer towards the King as we would have done There therefore we lay that the King might come to the knowledge of us and give Command for our allowance again By which means we obtained our purpose For having laid there some two Months the King was pleased to appoint our Quarters in the Countrey as formerly not mentioning a word of sending us away as he had made us believe before the Rebellion Now we were all sent away indeed but not into our own Countrey but into new Quarters Which being God would have to be no better we were glad it was so well being sore a weary of laying in this manner For for some three Months time we had no manner of allowance We were all now placed one in a Town as formerly together with the Persia Merchant men also who hitherto had lived in the City of Cande and had their Provisions brought them out of the King's Palace ready dressed These were now sent away with us into the Countrey And as strict a charge was given for our good entertainment as before We were thus dispersed about the Towns here one and there another for the more convenient receiving our allowance and for the greater ease of the People And now we were far better to pass than heretofore having the Language and being acquainted with the Manners and Customs of the People and had the same proportion of Victuals and the like respect as formerly And now they fall into employments as they please either Husbandry or Merchandizing or knitting Caps being altogether free to do what they will themselves and to go where they will excepting running away and for that end we are not permitted to go down to the Sea but we may travel all about the Countrey and no man regards us For tho the People some of the first years of our Captivity would scarcely let us go any whither and had an eye upon us afterwards yet in process of time all their Suspitions of our going away wore off especially when several of the English had built them Houses and others had taken them Wives by whom they had Children to the number of eighteen living when I came away Having said all this in general of the English People there I will now continue a further account of my self CHAP. VI. A Continuation of the Author 's particular Condition after the Rebellion Purchaseth a piece of Land MY hap was to be quartered in a Countrey called Handapondown lying to the Westward of the City of Cande Which place liked me very well being much nearer to the Sea than where I dwelt before which gave me some probable hopes that in time I might chance to make an escape But in the mean time to free my self from the Suspition of the People who watched me by Night and by Day had an eye to all my actions I went to work with the help of some of my Neighbors to Build me another House upon the Bank of a River and intrenched it round with a Ditch and Planted an Hedge and so began to settle my self and followed my business in Knitting and going about the Countries a Trading seeming to be very well contented in this Condition Lying so long at the City without allowance I had spent all to some Seven shillings which served me for a stock to set up again in these new Quarters And by the Blessing of my most gracious God which never sailed me in all my Undeâ—takings I soon came to be well furnished with what that Countrey afforded insomuch that my Neighbours and Townsmen no more suspected my running away but earnestly advised me to marry saying It would be an ease and help to me knowing that I then dressed my Victuals my self having turned my Boy to seek his Fortune when we were at the City They urged also That it was not convenient for a young man as I was to live so solitarily alone in a house and if it should so come to pass that the King should send me hereafter to my Country their manner of Marriage they said was not like ours and I might without any Offence discharge my Wife and go away I seemed not altogether to sâ—ight their counsel that they might the less suspect I had any thoughts of mine own Countrey but told them That as yet I was not sufficiently stocked and also That I would look for one that I could love tho in my heart I never purposed any such matter but on the contrary did heartily abhor all thoughts tending that way In this place I lived two years and all that time could not get one likely occasion of running for it For I thought it better to forbear running too great a hazard by being over-hasty to escape than to deprive my self of all hopes for the future when time and experience would be a great help to me In the year MDCLXVI the Hollanders came up and built a Fort just below me
looked after them And so I began the world anew and by the Blessing of God was again pretty well recruited before I left this Town In the time of my residence here I chanced to hear of a small piece of Land that was to be sold. About which I made very diligent inquiry For altho I was sore a weary of living in this Town yet I could not get out of it not having other new Quarters appointed me unless I could provide a place for my self to remove to which now God had put into my hand As for the King's Command I dreaded it not much having found by observation that the King's Orders weaâ— away by time and the neglect of them comes at last to be unregarded However I was resolved to put it to a hazard come what will Altho I had been now some seven or eight years in this Land and by this time came to know pretty well the Customs and Constitutions of the Nation yet I would not trust my own knowledge but to prevent the worst I went to the Governor of that same Countrey where the Land lay to desire his advice whether or no I might lawfully buy that small piece of Land He inquired Whose and what Land it was I informed him That it had been formerly dedicated to a Priest and he at his death had left it to his Grandson who for want was forced to sell it Understanding this the Governor approved of the business and encouraged me to buy it saying That such kind of Lands only were lawful here to be bought and sold and that this was not in the least litigious Having gotten both his consent and advice I went on chearfully with my purchase The place also liked me wondrous well it being a point of Land standing into a Corn Field so that Corn Fields were on three sides of it and just before my Door a little Corn ground belonging thereto and very well watered In the Ground besides eight Coker-nut Trees there were all sorts of Fruit Trees the Countrey afforded But it had been so long desolate that it was all overgrown with Bushes and no sign of a House therein The price of this Land was five and twenty Larees that is five Dollars a great Sum of Money in the account of this Countrey yet thanks be to God who had so far inabled me after my late and great loss that I was strong enough to lay this down The terms of Purchase being concluded on between us a Writing was made upon a leaf after that Countrey manner witnessed by seven or eight Men of the best Quality in the Town which was delivered to me and I paid the Money and then took Possession of the Land It lyes some ten Miles to the Southward of the City of Cande in the County of Oudaneur in the Town of Elledat Now I went about Building an House upon my Land and was assisted by three of my Countreymen that dwelt near by Roger Gold Ralph Knight and Stephen Rutland and in short time we finished it The Countrey People were all well pleased to see us thus busie our selves about buying of Land and Building of Houses thinking it would ty our Minds the faster to their Countrey and make us think the less upon our own Tho I had built my new House yet durst I not yet leave my old Quarters in Laggendenny but wait until a more convenient time fell out for that purpose I went away therefore to my old home and left my aforesaid three English Neighbours to inhabit in it in my absence Not long after I found a fit season to be gone to my Estate at Elledat And upon my going the rest left the Town also and went and dwelt elsewhere each one where he best liked But by this means we all lost a Privilege which we had before which was that our Victuals were brought unto us and now we were forced to go and fetch them our selves the People alledging true enough that they were not bound to carry our Provisions about the Country after us Being settled in my new House I began to plant my ground full of all sorts of Fruit Trees and by the Blessing of God all grew and prospered and yielded me great Plenty and good increase sufficient both for me and for thoâ—e that dwelt with me For the three English men I left at my House when I departed back to Laggendenny still lived with me We were all single men and we agreed very well together and were helpful to one another And for their help and assistance of me I freely granted them Liberty to use and enjoy whatsoever the ground afforded as much as my self And with a joynt consent it was concluded amongst us That only single Men and Batchellors should dwell there and such as would not be conformable to this present agreement should depart and absent himself from our Society and also forfeit his right and claim to the forementioned Privilege that is to be cut off from all benefit of whatsoever the Trees and Ground afforded I thought fit to make such a Covenant to exclude women from coming in among us to prevent all strife and dissention and to make all possible Provision for the keeping up love and quietness among our selves In this manner we four lived together some two years very lovingly and contentedly not an ill word passing between us We used to take turns in keeping at home while the rest went forth about their Business For our house stood alone and no Neighbour near it Therefore we always left one within The rest of the English men lived round about us some four or five miles distant some more So that we were as it were within reach one of another which made us like our present Situation the more Thus we lived upon the Mountains being round about us beset with watches most of our People being now married so that now all talk and suspition of our running away was laid aside Neither indeed was it scarce possible The effect of which was that now we could walk from one to the other or where we would upon the Mountains no man molesting or disturbing us in the least So that we began to go about a Pedling and Trading in the Country farther towards the Northward carrying our Caps about to sell. By this time two of our Company seeing but little hopes of Liberty thought it too hard a task thus to lead a single life and married Which when they had done according to the former agreement departed from us So that our Company was now reduced to two viz. my Self and Stephen Rutland whose inclination and resolution was as stedfast as mine against Marriage And we parted not to the last but came away together CHAP. VII A return to the rest of the English with some further accounts of them And some further discourse of the Authors course of life LEt us now make a Visit
my refuge was Prayer to God whose hand was not shortned that it could not save and would make all things work together for good to them that trust in him From him only did I expect help and deliverance in this time of need In this manner I lodged in an English mans house that dwelt in the City about ten days maintaining my self at my own charge waiting with a sorrowful heart and daily expecting to hear my Doom In the mean time my Countrey men and Acquaintance some of them blamed me for refusing so fair a Profer whereby I might not only have lived well my self but also have been helpful unto my Pooâ— Country-men and friends others of them pittying me expecting as I did nothing but a wrathful sentence from so cruel a Tyrant iâ— God did not prevent And Richard Varnham who was at this time a great man about the King was not a little scared to see me run the hazard of what might ensue rather than be Partaker with him in the felicities of the Court. It being chargable thus to lye at the City and hearing nothing more of my business I took leave without asking and went home to my House which was but a Days distance to get some Victuals to carry with me and to return again But soon after I came home I was sent for again So I took my load of Victuals with me and arrived at the City but went not to the Court but to my former Lodging where I staid as formerly until I had spent all my Provisions and by the good hand of my God upon me I never heard any more of that matter Neither came I any more into the Presence of the Great-men at Court but dwelt in my own Plantation upon what God provided for me by my Labour and Industry For now I returned to my former course of life dressing my Victuals daily with mine own hands fetching both Wood and Water upon mine own back And this for ought I could see to the contrary I was like to continue for my life time This I could do for the Present but I began to consider how helpless I should be if it should please God I should live till I grew old and feeble So I entred upon a Consultation with my self for the providing against this One way was the getting of me a Wife but that I was resolved never to do Then I began to enquire for some poor body to live with me to dress my Victuals for me that I might live at a little more ease but could not find any to my mind Whereupon I considered that there was no better way than to take one of my poor Country-mens Children whom I might bring up to learn both my own Language and Religion And this might be not only Charity to the Child but a kindness to my self also afterwards And several there were that would be glad so to be eased of their charge having more than they could well maintain a Child therefore I took by whose aptness ingenuity and company as I was much delighted at present so aâ—terwards I hoped to be served It was now about the year M DCL XXIII Altho I had now lived many years in this Land and God be praised I wanted for nothing the Land afforded yet could I not forget my native Countrey England and lamented under the Famine of Gods Word and Sacraments the want whereof I found greater than all earthly wants and my dayly and fervent Prayers to God were in his good time to restore me to the enjoyment of them I and my Companion were still meditating upon our escape and the means to compass it Which our pedling about the Countrey did greatly forward and promote For speaking well the Language and going with our Commodities from place to place we used often to entertain discourse with the Countrey people viz. concerning the ways and the Countreys and where there were most and fewest inhabitants and where and how the Watches laid from one Countrey to another and what Commodities were proper to carry from one part to the other pretending we would from time to time go from one place to another to furnish our selves with ware that the respective places afforded None doubted but we had made these inquiries for the sake of our Trade but our selves had other designs in them Neither was there the least suspition of us for these our questions all supposing I would never run away and leave such an estate as in their accounts and esteem I had By diligent inquiry I had come to understand that the easiest and most probable way to make an escape was by travailing to the Northward that part of the Land being least inhabited Therefore we furnished our selves with such wares as were vendible in those parts as Tobacco Pepper Garlick Combs all sorts of Iron Ware c. and being laden with these things we two set forth bending our course towards the Northern Parts of the Island knowing very little of the way and the ways of this Countrey generally are intricate and difficult here being no great High-ways that run thro the Land but a multitude of little Paths some from one Town to another some into the Fields and some into the Woods where they sow their Corn and the whole Countrey covered with Woods that a man cannot see any thing but just before him And that which makes them most difficult of all is that the ways shift and alter new ways often made and old ways stopped up For they cut down Woods and sow the ground and having got one Crop off from it they leave it and Wood soon grows over it again and in case a Road went thro those Woods they stop it and contrive another way neither do they regard tho it goes two or three miles about and to ask and inquire the way for us white men is very dangerous it occasioning the People to suspect us And the Chingulays themselves never Travail in Countreys where they are not experienced in the ways without a guide it being so difficult And there was no getting a guide to conduct us down to the Sea But we made a shift to travail from Cande Vda downwards towards the North from Town to Town happening at a place at last which I knew before having been brought up formerly from Cooswat that way to descend the Hill called Bocaul where there is no Watch but in time of great disturbance Thus by the Providence of God we passed all difficulties until we came into the County of Neurecalava which are the lowest parts that belong to this King and some three days journey from the place whence we came We were not a little glad that we were gotten so far onwards in our way but yet at this time we could go no farther for our ware was all sold and we could pretend no more excuses and also we had been out so long that it might cause our Towns-men to
to look after my House and Goats We went down at the Hill Bocawl where there was now no Watch and but seldom any From thence down to the Town of Bonder Cooswat where my Father dyed and by the Town of Nicavar which is the last Town belonging to Hotcurly in that Road. From thence forward the Towns stand thin For it was sixteen miles to the next Town called Parroah which lay in the Country of Neure Cawlava and all the way thro a Wilderness called Parroah Mocolane full of wild Elephants Tigres and Bears Now we set our design for Anarodgburro which is the lowest place inhabited belonging to the King of Cande where there is a Watch alwayes kept and nearer than twelve or fourteen miles of this Town as yet we never had been When we came into the midst of this Countrey we heard that the Governor thereof had sent Officers from the Court to dispatch away the Kings Revenues and Duties to the City and that they were now come into the Country Which put us into no small fear lest if they saw us they should send us back again Wherefore we edged away into the Westernmost Parts of Ecpoulpot being a remote part of that Countrey wherein we now were And there we sate to knitting until we heard they were gone But this caused us to overshoot our time the Moon spending so fast But as soon as we heard they were departed out of the Countrey we went onwards of our Iourney having kept most of our Ware for a pretence to have an occasion to go further And having bought a good parcel of Cotton Tarn to knit Caps withal the rest of our Ware we gave out was to buy dryed flesh with which only in those lower Parts is to be sold. Our Way now lay necessarily thro the chief Governors Yard at Colâ—iwilla Who dwells there purposely to see and examine all that go and come This greatly distressed us First because he was a stranger to us and one whom we had never seen And secondly because there was no other way to escape him and plain reason would tell him that we being prisoners were without our bounds Whereupon we concluded that our best way would be to go boldly and resolutely to his house and not to seem daunted in the least or to look as if we diâ—â— distrust him to disallow of our Iourney but to shew such a behaviour as if we had authority to travail where we would So we went forward and were forced to enquire and ask the way to his house having never been so far this way before I brought from home with me Knives with fine carved handles and a red Tunis Cap purposely to sell or give him if occasion required knowing before that we must pass by him And all along as we went that we might be the less suspected we sold Caps and other Ware to be paid for at our return homewards There were many cross Paths to and fro to his house yet by Gods Providence we happened in the right Road. And having reached his house according to the Countrey manner we went and sate down in the open house which kind of Houses are built on purpose for the reception of Strangers Whither not long after the Great Man himself came and sate down by us To whom we presented a small parcel of Tobacco and some Betel And before he asked us the cause of our coming we shewed him the Ware we brought for him and the Cotton Yarn which we had trucked about the Country telling him withall how the case stood with us viz. That we had a Charge greater than the Kings allowance would maintain and that because dryed Flesh was the chief Commodity of that Part we told him That missing of the Lading which we used to carry back we were glad to come thither to see if we could make it up with dryed Flesh. And therefore if he would please to supply us either for such Ware as we had brought or else for our Money it would be a great favour the which would oblige us for the future to bring him any necessaries that he should name unto us when we should come again unto those Parts as we used to do very often and that we could furnish him having dealings and being acquainted with the best Artificers in Cande At which he replyed That he was sorry we were come at such a dry time wherein they could not catch Deer but if some Rain fell he would soon dispatch us with our Ladings of Flesh. But however he bade us go about the Towns and see whether there might be any or no tho he thought there was none This answer of his pleased us wondrous well both because by this we saw he suspected us not and because he told us there was no dryed Flesh to be got For it was one of our greatest fears that we should get our Lading too soon for then we could not have had an excuse to go further And as yet we could not possibly fly having still six miles further to the Northward to go before we could attempt it that is to Anarodgburro From Anarodgburro it is two dayes Iourney further thro a desolate Wilderness before there is any more Inhabitants And these Inhabitants are neither under this King nor the Dutch but are Malabars and are under a Prince of their own This People we were sorely afraid of lest they might seize us and send us back there being a correspondence between this Prince and the King of Cande wherefore it was our endeavour by all means to shun them lest according to the old Proverb We might leap out of the Frying pan into the Fire But we must take care of that as well as we could when we came among them for as yet our care was to get to Anarodgburro Where altho it was our desire to get yet we would not seem to be too hasty lest it might occasion suspition but lay where we were two or three dayes and one stay'd at the Governors House a knitting whilst the other went about among the Towns to see for Flesh. The Ponds in the Country being now dry there was Fish every where in abundance which they dry like red Herrings over a fire They offered to sell us store of them but they we told them would not turn to so good profit as Flesh. The which we said we would have tho we stayed ten dayes longer for it For here we could live as cheap and earn as much as if we were at home by our knitting So we seemed to them as if we were not in any hast In the mean time happened an Accident which put us to a great fright For the King having newly clapped up several Persons of Quality whereof my old Neighbour Ova Motteral that sent for me to Court was one sent down Souldiers to this High Sheriff or Governor at whose house we now were to give him order to set a
eat These Elephants were a very good Guard behind us and were methought like the Darkness that came between Israel and the Egyptians For the People we knew would not dare to go forwards hearing Elephants before them In this Security we pitched our Tents by the River side and boiled Rice and roasted flesh for our Supper for we were very hungry and so commending our selves to God's keeping laid down to sleep The Voice which we heard still continued which lasting so long we knew what it meant it was nothing but the hollowing of People that lay to watch the Corn Fields to scare away the wild Beasts out of their Corn. Thus we past Monday But nevertheless next Morning so soon as the Moon shone out bright to prevent the worst we took up our Packs and were gone being past all the tame Inhabitants with whom we had no more trouble But the next day we feared we should come among the wild onesâ— for these Woods are full of them Of these we were as much afraid as of the other For they would have carried us back to the King where we should be kept Prisoners but these we feared would have shot us not standing to hear us plead for our selves And indeed all along as we went by the sides of the River till we came to the Malabar Inhabitants had been the Tents of wild Men made only of Boughs of Trees But God be praised they were all gone tho but very lately before we came as we perceived by the Bones of Cattle and shells of Fruit which lay scattered about We supposed that want of water had driven them out of the Countrey down to the River side but since it had rained a shower or two they were gone again Once about Noon sitting down upon a Rock by the River side to take a Pipe of Tobacco and rest our selves we had almost been discovered by the Women of these wild People coming down as I suppose to wash themselves in the River Who being many of them came talking and laughing together At the first hearing of the noise being a good distance we marvailed what it was sitting still and listning it came nearer a little above where we sat and at last we could plainly distinguish it to be the Voices of Women and Children Whereupon we thought it no boot to sit longer since we could escape undiscovered and so took up our Bags and fled as fast as we could Thus we kept travelling every day from Morning till Night still along by the River side which turned and winded very crooked In some places it would be pretty good Travelling and but few Bushes and Thorns and in others a great many So that our Shoulders and Arms were all of a Gore being grievously torn and scratched For we had nothing on us but a clout about our Middles and our Victuals on our Shoulders and in our hands a Tallipat and an Ax. The lower we came down this River the less Water so that sometimes we could go a Mile or two upon the Sand and in some places three or four Rivers would all meet together When it happened so and was Noon the Sun over our head and the Water not running we could not tell which to follow but were forced to stay till the Sun was fallen thereby to judge of our course We often met with Bears Hogs Deer and wild Buffaloes but all ran so soon as they saw us But Elephants we met with no more than that I mentioned before The River is exceeding full of Aligators all a long as we went the upper part of it nothing but Rocks Here and there by the side of this River is a world of hevvn Stone Pillars standing upright and other heaps of hevvn Stones vvhich I suppose formerly were Buildings And in three or four places are the ruins of Bridges built of Stone some Remains of them yet standing upon Stone Pillars In many places are Points built out into the River like Wharfs all of hewn Stone which I suppose have been built for Kings to sit upon for Pleasure For I cannot think they ever were employed for Traffick by VVater the River being so full of Rocks that Boats could never come up into it The VVoods in all these Northern Parts are short and shrubbed and so they are by the River side and the lower the worse and the Grounds so also In the Evenings we used to pitch our Tent and make a great Fire both before and behind us that the wild Beasts might have notice where we lay and we used to hear the Voices of all sorts of them but thanks be to God none ever came near to hurt us Yet we were the more wary of them because once a Tiger shewed us a cheat For having bought a Deer and having nothing to salt it up in we packed it up in the Hide thereof salted and laid it under a Bench in an open House on which I lay that Night and Stephen layd just by it on the Ground and some three People more lay then in the same House and in the said House a great Fire and another in the Yard Yet a Tiger came in the Night and carried Deer and Hide and all away But we missing it concluded it was a Thief VVe called up the People that lay by us and told them what had happened Who informed us that it was a Tiger and with a Torch they went to see which way he had gone and presently found some of itâ— which he let drop by the way VVhen it was day we went further and pickt up more which was scattered till we came to the Hide it self which remained uneaten We had now Travelled till Thursday Afternoon when we crossed the River called Coronda oyah which was then quite dry this parts the King's Countrey from the Malabars VVe saw no sign of Inhabitants here The VVoods began to be very full of Thorns and shrubby Bushes with Cliâ—ts and broken Land so that we could not possibly go in the VVoods but now the River grew better being clear of Rocks and dry water only standing in holes So we marched along in the River upon the Sand. Hereabouts are far more Elephants than higher up by Day we saw none but by Night the River is full of them Friday about Nine or Ten in the Morning we came among the Inhabitants For then we saw the footing of People on the Sand and tame Cattel with Bells about their Necks Yet we kept on our way right down the River knowing no other course to take to shun the People And as we went still â—orwards we saw Coracaâ— Corn sowed in the VVoods but neither Towns nor People nor so much as the Voice of Man But yet we were somewhat dismayed knowing that we were now in a Countrey inhabited by Malabars The Wanniounay or Prince of this People for fear pay Tribute to the Dutch but stands far more affected towards
had given me in my Voyage hither Which offer he made me he said That I might better satisfie their Company in Holland concerning the Affairs of Ceilon which they would be very glad to know At this time came two English Merchants hither from Bantam with whom the General was pleased to permit us to go But when we came to Bantam the English Agent very kindly entertained us and being not willing that we should go to the Dutch for Passage since God had brought us to our own Nation ordered our Passage in the good Ship Caesar lying then in the Road bound for England the Land of our Nativity and our long wished for Port. Where by the good Providence of God we arrived safe in the Month of September CHAP. XIII Concerning some other Nations and chiefly Europaeans that now live in this Island Portugueze Dutch HAving said all this concerning the English People it may not be unacceptable to give some account of other Whites who either voluntarily or by constraint Inhabit there And they are besides the English already spoken of Portugueze Dutch and French But before I enter upon Discourse of any of these I shall detain my Readers a little with another Nation inhabiting in this Land I mean the Malâ—bars both because they are Strangers and derive themselves from another Countrey and also because I have had occasion to mention them sometimes in this Book Thâ—se Malabars then are voluntary Inhabitants in this Island and have a Countrey here tho the Limits of it are but small it lyes to the Northward of the King's Coasts betwixt him and the Hollander Corunda Wy River parts it from the King's Territories Thro this Countrey we passed when we made our Escape The Language they speak is peculiar to themselves so that a Chingulays cannot understand them nor they a Chingulays They have a Prince over them called Coilat wannea that is independent either upon the King of Cande on one hand or the Dutch on the other only that he pays an acknowledgment to the Hollanders Who have endeavoured to subdue him by Wars but they cannot yet do it yet they have brought him to be a Tributary to them viz. To pay a certain rate of Elephants per annum The King and this Prince maintain a Friendship and Correspondence together And when the King lately sent an Army against the Hollanders this Prince let them pass thro his Countrey and went himself in Person to direct the King's People when they took one or two Forts from them The People are in great subjection under him they pay him rather greater Taxes than the Chingulays do to their King But he is nothing so cruel He Victualleth his Soldiers during the time they are upon the Guard either about the Palace or abroad in the Wars they are now fed at his Charge whereas 't is contrary in the King's Countrey for the Chingulay Soldiers bear their own Expences He hath a certain rate out of every Land that is sown which is to maintain his Charge The Commodities of this Countrey are Elephants Hony Butter Milk Wax Cows wild Cattel of the three last great abundance As for Corn it is more scarce than in the Chingulays Countrey neither have they any Cotton But they come up into Neure Caulava yearly with great droves of Cattel and lade both Corn and Cotton And to buy these they bring up Cloth made of the same Cotton which they can make better than the Chingulays also they bring Salt and Salt Fish and brass Basons and other Commodities which they get of the Hollander because the King permits not his People to have any manner of Trade with the Hollander so they receive the Dutch Commodities at the second hand We now proceed unto the Europaean Nations And we begin with the Portugueze who deserve the first place being the oldest Standers there The Sea-Coasts round about the Island were formerly under their Power and Government and so held for many years In which time many of the Natives became Christians and learned the Portugueze Tongue Which to this day is much spoken in that Land for even the King himself understands and speaks it excellently well The Portugueze have oâ—ten made Invasions throughout the whole Land even to Cande the Metropolis of the Island Which they have burnt more than once with the Palace and the Temples and so formidable have they been that the King hath been forced to turn Tributary to them paying them three Elephants per Annum However the middle of this Island viz. Cand ' Vda standing upon Mountains and so strongly â—ortified by Nature could never be brought into subjection by them much less by any other but hath always been under the Power of their own Kings There were great and long Wars between the King of Ceilon and the Portugueze and many of the brave Portugal Generals are still in memory among them of whom I shall relate some passages presently Great vexation they gave the King by their irruptions into his Dominions and the Mischiefs they did him tho oftentimes with great loss on their side Great Battels have been lost and won between them with great destruction of Men on both parts But being greatly distresâ—ed at last he sent and called in the Hollander to his aid By whose seasonable assistance together with his own Arms the King totally dispossessed the Portugueze and routed them out of the Land Whose rooms the Dutch now occupy paying themselves for their pains At the Surrender of Columbo which was the last place the Portugueze held the King made Proclamation That all Portugueze which would come unto him should be well entertained Which accordingly many did with their whole Families Wives Children and Servants choosing rather to be under him than the Dutch and divers of them are alive to this day living in Cande Uda and others are born there To all whom he alloweth monthly maintenance yea also and Provisions for their Slaves and Servants which they brought up with them This People are privileged to Travel the Countreys above all other Whites as knowing they will not run away Also when there was a Trade at the Sea Ports they were permitted to go down with Commodities clear â—rom all Customs and Duties Besides these who came voluntarily to live under the King there are others whom he took Prisoners The Portugueze of the best Quality the King took into his Service who are most of them since cut off according to his kind Custom towards his Courtiers The rest of them have allowance from that King and follow Husbandry Trading about the Countrey Stilling Rack keeping Taverns the Women â—ew Womens Wastcoats the Men â—ew Mens Doublets for Sale I shall now mention some of the last Portugueze Generals all within this present King's Reign with some passages concerning them Constantine Sa General of the Portugals Army in Ceilon when the Portugueze had footing in this
after them read to p. 51. l. 2. after them a Semicolon Ibid. Marg. l. 3. for others read these Ibid. l. 18. for their read theirs Ibid. l. 19. dele and. Ibid. l. 49. for Courti-Atchila read Courli-atchila p. 58. l. 30. after were read or were p. 62. Marg. l. 1. for By read Pay Ibid. l. 18. after shooting add him Ibid. Marg. l. 14. for one read once p. 69. l. 28. after lace dele the Comma Ibid. l. 30. for Kirinerahs read Kinnerahs p. â—1 l. 3. after places add and p. 73. 14. dele they say Ibid. l. 42. for ward read reward p. 74. l. 5. dele â—he Semicolon after Vehar and place it after also Ibid. l. 27. for hands read heads p. 76. l. 23. for God read Gods Ibid. l. 36. after know a Period p. 80. l. 3. for him read them p. 87. l. 27. after Hens â— Semicolon p. 88. l. 35. for stream read steam p. 89. l. 7. for a read the p. 101. l. 28. for Husband read Husbandman p. 102. l. 23. after considerable a Comma p. 103. Marg. l. 4. for benefit read manner p. 105. l. 26. for so read To p. 109. l. 1. read Heawoy com-coraund To fight as much as to say To act the Soldier p. 110. l. 29. after go add their Iourney p. 111. l. 9. for Friday read Iridah p. 112. l. 52. after temple add in p. 118. l. 41. after and add his p. 128. l. 51. dele no p. 132. l. 38. dele the Comma after Holstein p. 134. l. 47. For Crock read crook p. 138. l. 37. for ny read any Ibid. l. 47. after they read had p. 148. l. 52. for go read got p. 151. l. 6. for here read have p. 154. l. 27. for favors read feavâ—rs p. 155. l. 4. dele the first it Ibid. l. 18. for he read we p. 161. l. 43. for Dâ—abac read Diabat p. 168. l. 4. after before add us Ibid. l. 7. after comparing add it p. 176. l. 22. for the read great p. 179. l. 21. for be read beg Ibid. l. 34. dele what they keep And instead of Cande Uda throout the Book read Conde Uda AN Historical Relation OF ZEILON Alià s Ceylon AN Island in the EAST-INDIES PART I. CHAP. I. A general Description of the Island HOw this Island lyes with respect unto the Neighbouring Countries I shall not speak at all that being to be seen in our ordinary Sea-Cards which describe those Parts and but little concerning the Maritime parts of it now under the Iurisdiction of the Dutch my design being to relate such things onely that are new and unknown unto these Europaean Nations It is the Inland Countrey therefore I chiefly intend to write of which is yet an hidden Land even to the Dutch themselves that inhabit upon the Island For I have seen among them a fair large Map of this Place the best I believe extant yet very faulty the ordinary Maps in use among us are much more so I have procured a new one to be drawn with as much truth and exactness as I could and his Iudgment will not be deemed altogether inconsiderable who had for Twenty Years Travelled about the Iland and knew almost every step of those Parts especially that most want describing I begin with the Sea-Coasts Of all which the Hollander is Master On the North end the chief places are Iafnipatan and the Iland of Manaur On the East side Trenkimalay and Batticalow To the South is the City of Point de Galle On the West the City of Columbo so called from a Tree the Natives call Ambo which bears the Mango-fruit growing in that place but this never bare fruit but onely leaves which in their Language is Cola and thence they called the Tree Colaambo which the Christians in honour of Columbus turned to Columbo It is the chief City on the Sea-coasts where the chief Governour hath his residence On this side also is Negumba and Colpentine All these already mentioned are strong fortified places There are besides many other smaller Forts and Fortifications All which with considerable Territories to wit all round bordering upon the Sea-coasts belong to the Dutch Nation I proceed to the Inland-Country being that that is now under the King of Cande It is convenient that we first understand that this land is divided into greater or less shares or parts The greater divisions give me leave to call Provirces and the less Counties as resembling ours in England tho not altogether so big On the North parts lyes the Province of Nourecalava consisting of five lesser Divisions or Counties the Province also of Hotcourly signifying seven Counties it contains seven Counties On the Eastward is Mautaly containing three Counties There are also lying on that side Tammanquod Bintana Vellas Paunoa these are single Counties Ouvah also containing three Counties In this Province are Two and thirty of the Kings Captains dwelling with their Soldiers In the Midland within those already mentioned lye Wallaponahoy it signifies Fifty holes or vales which describe the nature of it being nothing but Hills and Valleys Poncipot signifying five hundred Souldiers Goddaponahoy signifying fifty pieces of dry Land Hevoihattay signifying sixty Souldiers Cote-mul Horsepot four hundred Souldiers Tunponahoy three fifties Oudanour it signifies the Upper City where I lived last and had Land Tattanour the Lower City in which stands the Royal and chief City Cande These two Counties I last named have the pre-eminence of all the rest in the Land They are most populous and fruitful The Inhabitants thereof are the chief and principal men insomuch that it is a usual saying among them that if they want a King they may take any man of either of these two Counties from the Plow and wash the dirt off him and he by reason of his quality and descent is fit to be a King And they have this peculiar Priviledge That none may be their Governour but one born in their own Country These ly to the Westward that follow Oudipollat Dolusbaug Hotteracourly containing four Counties Portaloon Tuncourly containing three Counties Cuttiar Which last together with Batticalaw and a part of Tuncourly the Hollander took from the King during my being there There are about ten or twelve more un-named next bordering on the Coasts which are under the Hollander All these Provinces and Counties excepting six Tammanquod Vellas Paunoa Hotteracourly Hotcourly and Neurecalava ly upon Hills fruitful and dwell watered and therefore they are called in one word Conde Vda which signifies On top of the Hills and the King is styled the King of Conde Vda All these Counties are divided each from other by great Woods Which none may fell being preserved for Fortifications In most oâ— them there are Watches kept constantly but in troublesome times in all The Land is full of Hills but exceedingly well watered there being many pure and clear Rivers running through them Which falling down about their Lands is a very great benefit for the Countrey in respect
violence For they being rough and making resistance were bound with Wyths and so were led away till they came where the People got Ropes Which when our Men saw brought to them they were not a little affrighted For being already bound they concluded there could be no other use for those Ropes but to hang them But the true use of them was to bind them faster fearing lest the Wyths might break and so they were brought up farther into the Countrey but afterwards being become more tame they were loosed They would not adventure to bring them to us but quartered them in another House tho in the same Town Where without leave we could not see one another The House wherein they kept the Captain and us was all hanged with white Callico which is the greatest Honour they can shew to any But the House wherein the other men were that were brought up after us was not They gave us also as good Entertainment as the Countrey afforded Having thus taken both our Boats and Eighteen men of us their next care was fearing lest the Ship should be gone to secure her Therefore to bring this about the Dissauva told the Captain that the reason of this their detainment was that the King intended to send Letters and a Present to the English Nation by him and therefore that the Ship must not go away till the King was ready to send his Messenger and Message and thereupon desired the Captain to send on Board to order her stay and it being not safe for her to ride in the Bay lest the Dutch might come and fire her that he should take order for her bringing up into the River Which advice of his the Captain approved not of But concealing his dislike of it replied that unless he could send two of his own men on Board with his Letter and Order those in the Ship would not obey him but speedily would be gone with the Ship Which he rather than he would run the hazzard of the Ships departing granted imagining that the Captain would order the Ship to be brought up into the River as he had advised tho the Captain intended to make another use of this Message Upon which the Captain sent two of his men some Indians accompanying them in a Canoo to the Ship the Captain ordering them when they were aboard not to abuse the Indians but to entertain them very kindly and afterwards that setting them ashore they should keep the Canoo to themselves instead of our two Boats which they had gotten from us and to secure the Ship and wait till further order These two men stayed on Board and came not back again This together with the Ships not coming up displeased the Dissauva and hâ— demanded of the Captain the reason thereof His answer was That being detained on Shore the Men on Board would not obey his Câ—â—mand Upon this some days after the Dissauva bid the Captain sâ—â—d his Son with order to those aboard that the Ship might be brought into the River but provided that he would be Security for my reâ—urn which he promised he would His order to me was to see the top Chains put upon the Cables and the Guns Shotted and to tell Mr Iohn Burford chief Mate and all the rest as they valued their Lives and Liberties to keep a Watch and not to suffer any Boat to come near after it was dark and charged me upon his Blessing and as I should answer it at the great Day not to leave him in this Condition but to return to him again Upon which I solemnly vowed according to my Duty to be his Obedient Son So having seen all done according to his appointment I wrote a Letter in the Name of the Company to clear my Father and my self to this effect That they would not obey the Captain nor any other in this matter but were resolved to stand upon their own defence To which they all set their hands Which done according to my Promise and Duty I returned again and delivered the Letter to the Dissauva who was thereby answered and afterwards urged the Captain no more in that matter but gave him leave at his pleasure to write for what he pleased to have brought to him from the Ship still pretending the King's order to release us was not yet but would suddenly come And so we remained expecting it about two Months being entertained as formerly with the best Diet and Accommodation of the Countrey Having continued thus long in suspence and the time and season of the year spending for the Ship â—o proceed on her Voyage to some other place and our condition being as we feared and afterwards found to be the beginning of a sad Captivity the Captain sent order to Mr. Iohn Burford to take the charge of the Ship upon him and to set Sail for Porto Nova whence we came and there to follow the Agent 's order If any inquire what became of the Cloth of our Lading which we brought thither they only took an account to see what it was and so left it where and as it was before and there it remained until both House and Goods rotted as the People of the same Town informed me afterwards I impute the main reason of our Surprize to our Neglect viz. in not sending a Letter and Present to the King at our first coming Who looking upon himself as a great Monarch as he is indeed requires to be treated with sutable State Thus were Sixteen of us left to the mercy of those Barbarians the Names of which are as follow The Captain Mr. Ioh. Loveland Iohn Gregory Charles Beard Roger Gold Stephen Rutland Nicolas Mullins Francis Crutch Iohn Berry Ralph Knight Peter Winn William Hubbard Arthur Emery Richard Varnham George Smith and my Self Tho our hearts were very heavy seeing our selves betrayed into so sad a Condition to be forced to dwell among those that knew not God nor his Laws yet so great was the mercy of our gracious God that he gave us favour in the sight of this People Insomuch that we lived far better than we could have expected being Prisoners or rather Captives in the hands of the Heathen from whom we could have looked for nothing but very severe usage The Ship being gone the King sent to call the Dissauva speedily to him who upon this order immediately marched away with this Army leaving us where we were But concerning us was no order at all CHAP. II. How we were carried up into the Countrey and disposed of there and of the sickness sorrow and death of the Captain THe Dissauva with his men being gone the people of the Town were appointed to guard and secure us until further order But they carryed us some six miles higher into the Countrey and would not yet adventure to bring the Long boats-crew unto us but kept them by themselves in another Town fearing lest we might make an escape as
to reside in The Countrey being hot and their Houses dark and dirty my Father chose an open House having only a Roof but no Walls Wherein they placed a Cot or Bedstead only with a Mat upon it for him which in their Account is an extraordinary Lodging and for me a Mat upon the Ground Moneys at that time were very low with us For although we wanted not for opportunity to send for what we would have brought unto unto us from the Ship yet fearing we should be plundered of it sent not for any thing only a Pillow for my Father For we held it a point without dispute that they that made Prisoners of our Bodies would not spare to take our Goods my Father also alledging that he had rather his Children at home should enjoy them But to make amends for that we had our Provisions brought us without money and that twice a Day so much as we could eat and as good as their Countrey yielded to wit a Pot of good Rice and three Dishes of such things as with them is accounted good Cheer one always either Flesh Fish or Eggs but not over much of this Dish the other Dishes Herbs Pumkins or such like one of which is always made sower The first year that we were brought into this Town this part of the Land was extraordinary Sickly by Agues and Feavours whereof many People dyed insomuch that many times we were forced to remain an hungry there being none well enough either to boil or bring Victuals unto us We had with us a Practice of Piety and Mr. Rogers seven Treatises called the Practice of Christianity With which companions we did frequently discourse and in the cool of the Evening walk abroad in the Fields for a refreshing tyred with being all day in our House or Prison This Course lasted until God was pleased to visit us both with the Countrey Sickness Ague and Feavour The sight of my Fathers misery was farmore grievous unto me than the sence of my own that I must be a Spectator of his Affliction and not any ways able to help him And the sight of me so far augmented his grief that he would often say What have I done when I charged you to come ashore to me again your dutifulness to me hath brought you to be a Captive I am old and cannot long hold out but you may live to see many days of Sorrow if the mercy of God do not prevent it But my prayers to God for you shall not be wanting that for this cause he would visit you with his Mercy and bestow on you a Blessing My Father's Ague lasted not long but deep grief daily more and more increased upon him which so over-whelmed even his very heart that with many a bitter sigh he used to utter these words These many years even from my youth have I used the Seas in which time the Lord God hath deliverâ—d me from a multitude of Dangers rehearsing to me what great Dangers he had been in in the Straits by the Turks and by other Enemies and also in many other places too large here to insert and always how merciful God was to him in delivering him out of them all So that he never knew what it was to be in the hand of an Enemy But now in his old Age when his head was grown grey to be a Captive to the Heathen and to leave his Bones in the Eastern Parts of the World when it was his hopes and intention if God permitted him to finish this Voyage to spend and end the residue of his days at home with his Children in his Native Countrey and to settle me in the Ship in his stead the thoughts of these things did even break his heart Upwards of three Months my Father lay in this manner upon his Bed having only under him a Mat and the Carpet he sat upon in the Boat when he came ashore and a small Quilt I had to cover him withall And I had only a Mat upon the Ground and a Pillow to lay on and nothing to cover me but the Cloths on my back but when I was cold or that my Ague came upon me I used to make a Fire Wood costing nothing but the fetching We had a black Boy my Father brought from Porto Nova to attend upon him who seeing his Master to be a Prisoner in the hands of the People of his own Complexion would not now obey his Command further than what agreed unto his own humour neither was it then as we thought in our Power to compel or make him but it was our ignorance As for me my Ague now came to a settled course that is once in three days and so continued for Sixteen Months time There appearing now to us no probability whereupon to build any hopes of Liberty the sence of it struck my Father into such an Agony and strong Passion of Grief that once I well remember in Nine days time nothing came into his mouth but cold water neither did he in three Months together ever rise up out of his Bed but when the course of Nature required it always groaning and sighing in a most piteous manner which for me to hear and see come from my dear Father my self also in the same Condition did almost break my heart But then I felt that Doctrine most true which I had read out of Mr. Roger's Book That God is most sweet when the world is most bitter In this manner my Father lay until the Ninth of February 16 60 61. By which time he was consumed to an Anatomy having nothing left but Skin to cover his Bones yet he often would say That the very sound of Liberty would so revive him that it would put strength into his Limbs But it was not the will of him to whom we say Thy will be done to have it so The evening before his Death he called me to come near his Bed side and to sit down by him at which time also I had a strong Feavor upon me This done he told me That he sensibly felt his life departing from him and was assured that this Night God would deliver him out of this Captivity and that he never thought in all his Life-time that Death could be so easie and welcom to any Man as God had made it to be to him and the joyes he now felt in himself he wanted utterance to express to me He told me These were the last words that ever he should speak to me and bid me well regard and be sure to remember them and tell them to my Brother and Sister if it pleased God as he hoped it would to bring us together in England where I should find all things settled to my contentation relating to me after what manner he had settled his Estate by Letters which he sent from Cotiar In the first place and above all He charged me to serve God and with