who first followed the Heresie of Marcion called Marcionists say they have very many Martyrs of Christ and yet they doe not in truth acknowledge Christ himself And after some few words he subjoyns hereunto saying Wherefore also as often as those of the Church being called to undergoe Martyrdom for the true Faith have by accident happened into company with some of those of the Phrygian Heresie who are called Martyrs they dissent from them and having avoided all communion with them are perfected by a glorious Martyrdom for they are unwilling to give their assent to the spirit of Montanus and his women and that this is true 't is manifest from what has been done in our times in the City Apamea scituate on the River Meander by Caius and Alexander of Eumonia who suffered Martyrdom CHAP. XVII Concerning Miltiades and the books he compiled IN the same book he makes mention of one Miltiades a writer who also wrote a book against the foresaid Heresie having therefore cited some words of those Hereticks he proceeds saying Having found all this in a certain book which they wrote in answer to a book of our brother Alcibiades's wherein he proves that a Prophet ought not to speak in an extasie of mind I epitomized them A little after this in the same book he enumerates the Prophets of the New Testament amongst whom he recounts one Ammias and Quadratus he says thus but a false Prophet in a false extasie whose concomitants are licentiousness and audaciousness takes his beginning indeed from a voluntary ignorance but ends as I have said in an involuntary madness of mind they shall not be able to show any of the Prophets either under the Old or New Testament who was inspired after this manner by such a spirit They shall not boast of Agabus nor of Judas nor of Silas nor of the daughters of Philip nor of Ammias in Philadelphia nor of Quadratus nor of many others which do not at all belong to them Again after some few words he says thus For if as they say Montanus's women succeeded in the gift of Prophecy after Quadratus and Ammias in Philadelphia let them show us who among them have been the successours of Montanus and his women For the Apostle is of opinion that the gift of Prophecy ought to continue in every Church untill the last Advent of our Lord. But they are unable to shew any Prophet although this is now the fourteenth year since the death of Maximilla Thus far he Now that Miltiades whom he mentions has left us other monuments of his diligence about the divine Scriptures both in the books he composed against the Gentiles and also in those against the Jews having prosecuted each subject particularly in two Volumes Moreover also he made an Apology for the Christian Philosophy which he profest and dedicated it to the Presidents of the Provinces in that Age. CHAP XVIII How Apollonius also confuted the Cataphrygians and whom he has made mention of APollonius also an Ecclesiastick writer imploying himself about a confutation of that called the Cataphrygian Heresie which in his time was prevalent in Phrygia composed a peculiar Volume against them wherein he does both word by word disprove the false Prophecies vented by them and also laies open the life and manners of the Founders of that Heresie shewing how they behaved themselves Hear what he says in these very words concerning Montanus But who is this new Doctor His works and doctrine doe demonstrate this is he who has taught a dissolution of marriages who has imposed Laws of fasting who has named Pepuza and Tymium little Cities of Phrygia Jerusalem being desirous to gather together their men from all parts who has constituted exactours of money who under the name of oblations has subtilly mask't his taking of gifts who gives stipends to those that Preach up his doctrine that so by stuffing of the paunch the doctrine he professes may thrive and prevail Thus much he says concerning Montanus Concerning his Prophetesses a little after these words he writes thus We have demonstrated therefore that these principal Prophetesses for the time they were filled with the Spirit forsook their husbands how falsly then doe they speak who term Prisca a virgin Then he goes on saying Does not the whole Scripture seem to you to prohibit a Prophet to receive gifts money When therefore I see a Prophetess receive Gold and silver and rich garments how can I choose but abhor her Again after some words he says this concerning one of those whom they call Confessours Moreover Themison who has covered himself with a specious pretext of avarice he who would not bear the sign of confession but rid himself of his bonds by a great sum of money when as upon that account he should in future have behaved himself submissively does notwithstanding boast himself to be a Martyr and has been so audacious as in imitation of the Apostle to write a general Epistle for the instruction of those who have behaved themselves more like true believers than he but does therein defend the Tenets of his own vain Doctrine and speaks impiously of the Lord his Apostles and holy Church Again he writes thus concerning others who amongst them have been honoured as Martyrs But that we may speak of no more let the Prophetess answer us concerning Alexander who terms himself a Martyr with whom she feasts whom many of them pay a reverence to Whose robberies and his other audacious facts for which he has been punished we need not speak of since they may be seen in that place where the publick Registers are kept Which therefore of these two forgives the others sins Does the Prophet pardon the Martyrs robberies or does the Martyr forgive the Prophets avarice For when as the Lord has said Provide neither gold nor silver neither two coats these persons wholly on the contrary have committed heinous sins in possessing themselves of things that are forbidden For we will evidence that those which they call Prophets and Martyrs have extorted money not onely from the rich but also from the indigent from Orphans and Widdows And if they are confident of their innocency herein let them stay and decide the matter with us concerning these things that so if they shall be convinced for the future they may leave their viciousness For the fruits that is the deeds of a Prophet must be approved For a tree is known by its fruit That therefore those who are desirous may know the truth concerning Alexander judgment was past upon him at Ephesus by Aemilius Frontinus the Proconsul of Asia not for the name of Christ but the robberies he had audaciously committed being at that time an Apostate from Christ. Then after he had counterfeited a profession of the name of the Lord and deceived the faithfull brethren there he was dismist but his own Church where he was born admitted him not because he was
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the reading is in the Tellerian M. S. In the incomparable Florentine M. S. 't is plainly written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * Or who raged †See Socrates book 7. chap. 8 and 18. b Here it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as it is in Robert Stephens's Edit Vales. c This is the Claudian whose excellent Verses are at this day extant But a twofold difficulty occurs at this place 1 How a Latine Poet should come to be mentioned here by Evagrius 2 Why he is placed by the same Evagrius on the times of Theodosius Junior when as That Claudian whose verses we now have flourished in the Reigns of Arcadius and Honorius as His writings inform us The answer to the first Question is easie For Claudian wrote not only Latine but Greek Poems also On which account in the Old Epigram which was inscribed on the Basis of his Statue he is said to have had the soul of Virgil and Homer also transfused into him He began to write a Latine Poem first in the year of Christ 395 whereon Olybrius and Probinus were Consuls He wrote an Elegant Poem on their Consulate which is still extant When this attempt had succeeded happily to Claudian it encouraged him to the writing of Latine verses afterwards whereas he had published only Greek Poems before as himself attests in his Elegy to Probinus in these words Romanos bibimus primùm Te Consule fontes Et Latiae cessit Graja Thalia toga Incipiensque tuis a â—acibus omina cepi Fataque debebo posteriorâ— Tibi 'T is certain Claudian was by Nation a Grecian born at the City Alexandria as Suidas informs us at the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Claudian himself also attests the same in his Poem to Hadrianus Praefectus Praetorio who was himself also an Alexandrian For he writes thus concerning Alexander the Macedonian Conditor hic patriae Sic hostibus ille pepercit And in the close of the same Poem he has these words Saviet in miseros cognata potentia cives Audiat haec commune solum longéque carinis Vales. Nota Pharos c. d The Poet Cyrus was by Nation an Aegyptian born at the Town Panopolis Who having on account of his poetick faculty been highly acceptable to Eudocia Augusta wife to Theodosius Junior for this woman was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Great lover of verses is promoted by the Emperour Theodosius to the Praefecture of the Prâ—torium and to That of the City He was also Ex-Consul and Patricius as Suidas relates But afterwards when the Empress Eudocia on account of some unknown reasons had left the Pallace and was gone to the City Jerusalem Cyrus deprived of his power is made Bishop of Cotyaeum a City of Phrygia or rather of Smyrna as the Author of the Alexandrian Chronicle and Theophanes doe inform us He lived till the times of Leo Augustus as Suidas attests Theophilact in the 8 th book of his History chap. 8 makes mention of this Cyrus the Consul and Poet where he says that the Church of the God-bearing Virgin at Constantinople was built by him in the times of Theodosius Augustus Vales. a A particle is to be added here after this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But a long time after this she that is Eudocia For unless you add this paâ—ticle what follows will be meant concerning Eudoxia Eudocia's daughter of whom Evagrius has spoken just before But the adding of this particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But shews that the discourse is not now concerning Eudoxia but her Mother Eudocia Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Musculus and Christophorson understood this place very erroneously For they supposed that by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the City Jerusalem was meant when as the City Antioch is to be understood For Evagrius wrote his History at Antioch in which City he had fixt the Mansion of his own fortunes as we have shown in our account of his Life and Ecclesiastick History Moreover Nicephorus fell into the same mistake with Musculus and Christophorson For in his 14 th book chap. 50 where he writes out this passage of Evagrius he understands the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the City Jerusalem But 't was easie to have perceived from Evagrius's following words that these words could not have been meant of the City Jerusalem For Jerusalem was not a Colony of Greeks but rather of Jews and after that of Romans Nor did Ulpianus Libanius and the other writers here mentioned by Evagrius write concerning the City Jerusalem Nor lastly could the Empress Eudocia who by originall extract was an Athenian speak to the Citizens of Jerusalem in this verse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I boast thai I am of Your Stock and Blood 'T is certain the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle does say that Eudocia made an Oration to the Antiochians out of a Golden Chariot Vales. c That place in Strabo which Evagrius points to here is extant in his 16 th book pag. 750. Edit Paris Vales. d There were two Pisanders Poets The one a Rhodian who wrote the Poem Heraclea in two books which treats concerning Hercules's Actions Some make this Pisander ancienter than Heâ—iod Others place him on the thirty third Olympiad as Suidas relates The other Pisander was a Lycaâ—nian born at Larindi a Town of Lycaönia son of the Poet Nestor Suidas says he flourish't in the Reign of Alexander son of Mammeâ— He wrote six books in Heroïck Verse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 concerning the marriages of the Heroes and Goddesses which were stuft with all manner of History as Suidas attests Zosimus mentions this work in his fifth book where he speaks concerning the building of the City Hemona 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which words of Zosimus Leunclavius translates in this manner Sicuti Pisander Poeta memoriae prodidit qui heroicarum divinâ—â—umque nuptiarum titulo totam hanc propemodùm historiam complexus est As Pisander the Poet has recorded who under the Title of Heroick and Divine marriages has in a manner comprized this whole History This is not the meaning of Zosimus's words For Zosimus says that Pisander the Poet in that Poem of his concerning the marriages of the Heroes and Goddesses has in a manner comprehended all History Suidas does likewise artest the same whose words concerning Pisander are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he wrote a various History in verse which he intitled concerning the marriages of the Heroes and Goddesses in six books In this work therefore Piâ—ander had written concerning Triptolemus the Argive and concerning Iö who were the first that built Antioch a City of Syria Further this work seems to have been comprehended in sixteen books and not in six as 't is erroneously extant in Suidas For Stephanus in his book de Urbibus cites the tenth and fourteenth book of Pisander Vales. This is Ulpianus the Antiochian Sophist who taught Rhetorick first at Emesa
Church joyns many to his own impiety To confute the perfidiousness of which persons a Synod of 318 Bishops being conven'd at Nicaea a City of Bithynia ruin'd all the subtil devices of the Hereticks by the opposition of the term HOMOOUSIOS 't is plain enough that those words were not written by Eusebius but were added by Saint Jerome who interpolated Eusebius's Chronicon by inserting many passages on his own head For to â—mâ—t that â—â—mely that the mention of the Nicene Synod is here set in a forreign and disagreeable place who can ever believe that Eusebius would have spoken in this manner concerning Ariâ—â— or would have inserted the Term HOMOOUSIOS into his own Chronicon Which word always displeased him as we shall see afterwards How should Eusebius say that there were three hundred and eighteen Bishops present at the Nicene Synod when in his Third Book concerning the Life of Constantine he writes in most express words that something more than two hundred and fifty sate in that Synod Yet I don't doubt but the Ecclesiastick History was finished by Eusebius some years after the Nicene Synod But whereas Eusebius had resolved to close his History with that Peace which after Diocletian ' s Persecution shone from heaven upon the Church as he himself attests in the beginning of his work he designedly avoided mentioning the Nicene Synod least he should be compell'd to set forth the strifes and broils of the Bishops quarrelling one with another For Writers of Histories ought chiefly to take care of and provide for this that they may conclude their work with an illustrious and glorious close as Dionysius Halicarnassensis has long since told us in his comparison of Herodotus and Thucydides Now what more illustrious Event could be wish'd for by Eusebius than that Repose which by Constantine had been restored to the Christians after a most bloudy Persecution when the Persecutourâ— being every where extinct and last of all Licinius taken off no fear of past mischiefs was now left remaining With this Peace therefore Eusebius chose to close his History rather than with the mention of the Nicene Synod For in that Synod the Divisions seem'd not so much composed as renewed And that not by the fault of the Synod it self but by their pertinacious obstinacy who refused to acquiesce in the most whole some determinations of the Sacred Council And Let thus much suffice to have been said by us in reference to the Life and Writingâ— of Eusebius It remains that we speak something concerning his Faith and Orthodoxy And in the first place I would have the Readers know that they are not to expect here from us a defence of Eulebius For it belongs not to us to pronounce concerning matters of this nature in regard in these things we ought rather to follow the Judgement of the Church and the Opinion of the Ancient Fathers Wherefore we will set down some Heads onely here whereon relying as on some firm foundations we may be able to determine with more of certainly concerning Eusebius ' s faith Whereas therefore the Opinions of the Ancients in reference to our Eusebius are various and some have thought that he was a Catholick others an Heretick others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is a person of a doubtfull and wavering faith we must enquire to which opinion chiefly we ought to assent 'T is a constant Rule of the Law in doubtfull matters the more favourable and milder opinion ought to be embrac'd Besides whereas all the Westerns Saint Jerome onely excepted have entertained honourable sentiments concerning our Eusebius and whereas the Gallican Church hath enroll'd him amongst the number of Saints as may be gathered from Victorius Aquitanus Usuardus and others without question 't is better that we should subscribe to the Judgment of our Fathers than to that of the Eastern Schismaticks Lastly whose authority ought to be greater in this matter than that of the Bishops of Rome But Gelasius in his Book De Duabus Naturis has recounted Our Eusebius amongst the Catholick Writers and has recited two authorities out of his Books Moreover Pope Pelagius terms him the most honourable amongst Historians and pronounces him free from all Spot of Heresie notwithstanding he had highly commended heretical Origen But some body will say that the Judgment of the Easterns is rather to be followed in regard the Easterns were better able to know Eusebius as being a man of their own language But it may be answered that there are not wanting some amongst the Easterns who have thought well of Our Eusebius Amongst whom is Socrates and Gelasius Cyzicenus But if the judgment of the Seventh Oecumenical Synod be opposed against us Our answer is in readiness For Eusebius ' s Faith was not the subject of that Synod's debate but the worship of Images In order to the overthrowing whereof when the Adversaries a little before conven'd in the Imperial City had produc'd an Evidence out of Eusebius's Letter to Constantia and laid the greatest stress thereon the Fathers of the Seventh Synod that they might lessen the authority of this Evidence cryed out that Eusebius was an Arian But they did this by the by onely from the occasion and hatred of that Letter not designedly or after a cognizance of the Cause They do indeed produce some passages out of Eusebius whereby they would prove that he adher'd to the Arian Opinion But they make no difference between Eusebius ' s Books before the Nicene Council and those he wrote after that Council which nevertheless ought by all means to be done to the end a certain and just sentence might be pronounc'd concerning Eusebius ' s faith For whatever he wrote before the Nicene Synod ought not be objected and charg'd as a fault upon Eusebius Farther Eusebius ' s Letter to Alexander wherein he intercedes with him for Arius was doubtless written before the Nicene Synod Therefore that Testimony of the Fathers of the Seventh Synod against Eusebius although it has the greatest autority yet seems to us a rash judgment before the matter was heard rather than a Synodal Sentence But the Greeks may have leave to think thus concerning our Eusebius and to call him a Borderer upon the Arian Heresie or even an Arian But who can with patience bear Saint Jerome who not content to term him Heretick and Arian does frequently stile him a Ring-leader of the Arians Can he be justly termed a Ring-leader of the Arians who after the Nicene Synod always condemned the Opinion of the Arians Let his Books De Ecclesiasticâ Theologiâ be perused which he wrote against Marcellus long after the Nicene Council We shall find what I have said that they were condemn'd by him who would affirm that the Son of God was made of things which are not and that there was a time when He was not Athanasius does likewise attest the same thing concerning Eusebius in his Letter about the Decrees of the
Annas from being High-priest made Ismael the son of Baphi High-priest not long after he removed him and made Eleazar son of the High-priest Annas High-priest within a year after he deprived him and gave Simon the son of Camithus the High-priesthood He after he had held that honour not more than a year had Josephus whose name also was Caiphas for his successour It is manifest therefore that the whole time of our Saviours Preaching was not compleat four years within which space of time there were as many High-priests made reckoning from Annas his bearing that Office to Caiphas his promotion to it every one of which bore the Office one year The Holy Gospel therefore is right in noting Caiphas to be the High-priest that same year in which our Lords salutary passion hapned From which authority of the Gospel also it is evident that the time of Christs Preaching does not disagree with the account we have laid down Now our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ not long after his beginning to Preach called twelve men whom he named Apostles giving to them in particular a Title more honourable and preferring them before the rest of his disciples Besides he chose other seventy men whom he sent two by two before his face into every of those places and Cities whither he himself would come CHAP. XI What hath been testified concerning John the Baptist and concerning Christ. THe sacred History of the Gospel also mentions the beheading of John the Baptist by Herod Junior to have been not long after this To which also agrees Josephus who both makes mention particularly of Herodias by name and also expresly declares how that Herod having put away his former wife lawfully married to him took this woman his brothers wife by force from him being yet alive and married her she was the daughter of Arethas King of the Arabians and that upon her account Herod having slain John went to war with Arethas incensed at the disgrace of his daughter In which war he relates that Herod and his whole Army were vanquished in a Battel and that these things befell him upon account of his cruelty towards John The same Josephus does agree with the Evangelical History in the account it gives of this John especially as to his confessing him to have been a most righteous man and a Baptist. He says further that Herod was deprived of his Kingdom for the sake of this Herodias and was together with her banisht to Vienna a City of Gallia All this he relates in his eighteenth Book of Antiquities where also he writes these very words concerning John But some of the Jews judged Herods Army to have been overthrown by God he avenging justly on him the murther of John called the Baptist. For him Herod had slain who was a good man and one that exhorted the Jews to the exercise of virtue commanding them to deal justly with one another and to behave themselves piously towards God and so to come to be baptized For Baptism said he was then onely well-pleasing to God when it was used not for the excusing of some certain offences but in order to the cleansing of the body the soul being before purified by righteousness Now when many flockt to him from every quarter for they were strangely taken with hearing of such discourses Herod fearing least through the powerfull perswasion of the man his subjects should revolt for they seemed ready to doe any thing that he advised judged it better to cut him off before any innovation hapned by him than after it was come to pass and had greatly endangered his affairs to repent he did not when it was too late Upon this very mistrust of Herods he being put into bonds was sent to the foresaid Castle of Machaerous and there slain Thus far he concerning John The same Authour in the same Book makes mention also of our Saviour in these words About that time there was one Jesus a wise man if he may be called a man for he wrought wonderfull miracles and taught all that with delight would embrace the truth He had many followers both Jews and Gentiles This was he that was called Christ. Whom though he was accused by the chief men of our Nation and Pilate condemned him to be crucified yet those who at first loved him forbore not to worship him For he appeared unto them alive on the third day as the holy Prophets had predicted who foretold these and many more wonderfull things concerning him And till this day that Sect continues which of Him are called Christians Seeing therefore that this Writer being a Jew born and bred has in his works recorded thus much of our Saviour and John the Baptist what evasion can remain to the Forgers of those Acts against them that they should not evidently be proved to be the most impudent of men But thus far of these matters CHAP. XII Concerning our Saviours Disciples MOreover the names of our Saviours Apostles are to all apparently manifest in the Gospel but as to the seventy disciples a particular catalogue of them is no where extant But Barnabas is said to have been one of them of whom we have frequent mention both in the Acts of the Apostles and also most especially in Pauls Epistle to the Galatians Softhenes also they say was another of them he that together with Paul wrote to the Corinthians for so says Clemens in the fifth Book of his Institutions where also he affirms Cephas that Cephas of whom Paul speaks But when Cephas came to Antioch I withstood him to the face a name-sake of Peters to have been one of the seventy disciples Matthias also who was numbred with the Apostles in the room of the Traitor Judas and the other who had the honour to be proposed in the same lot with him are reported to be of the number of the Seventy Thaddaeus likewise of whom I will by and by adjoyn an History as it came to our hands is reported to have been one of them But he that shall attentively observe will find even from Pauls testimony alone that our Saviours disciples were more in number than Seventy For he says Christ after his Resurrection was seen first of Cephas then of the twelve after that he was seen of above five hundred Brethren at once of whom some were fal'n asleep but the greatest part he declares were alive when he wrote these things Then says he he appeared to James He is said to have been one of the Seventy disciples of our Saviour and also one of the Lords Brethren Lastly there being many more besides the twelve who were called Apostles by way of imitation of which sort Paul himself was one he farther adds saying Then he was seen of all the Apostles But so much of this The fore-mentioned History concerning Thaddaeus was thus CHAP. XIII The History of the Prince of the Edessens THe Divinity of our Lord and Saviour
called him for the time allotted him was now accomplished When he was brought before the place of judicature and had shewed a greater courage in the confession of the Faith then he did before immediately he was halled away to Execution and was Crowned with Martyrdom CHAP. XVI A Relation concerning Astyrius AStyrius also is much fam'd for his Religious boldness and freedom at that time A man who was a Roman Senatour a singular favourite of the Emperours and both for his nobleness of Birth and Estate known to all persons He being present at the death of the foresaid Martyr took up the Corps wrapped it in a white and precious garment laid it upon his shoulders and carried it away and when he had adorned it very richly he deposited it in a decent Grave This persons familiars who lived till our days relate infinite other things concerning him CHAP. XVII Concerning the mighty Miracles of our Saviour at Paneas AMongst which they relate this Miracle At Caesarea-Philippi which the Phaenicians call Paneas they report there are springs to be seen at the foot of the Mountain called Panius out of which the River Jordan hath its original They say that on a certain Festival they used to cast a sacrifice into these Springs and by the power of the Devil it would miraculously vanish out of sight And that this was a Miracle much talked of by them who had seen it Astyrius therefore being upon a time present with those that did this and seeing many struck with admiration at what was done was sorry for their errour Then he lifted up his eyes to heaven and besought the supream God by Jesus Christ that he would rebuke this Devil which seduced the people and command him to cease from deceiving of men They report that when he had prayed thus the sacrifice floated upon the Waters immediately Thus perished their Miracle and never afterwards was there any prodigie done neer that place CHAP. XVIII Concerning the Statue which the Woman who had the Flux of bloud erected BUt since I have made mention of this City I think it not at all unsutable to produce a story which is worthy to be related to posterity For they say that the woman who had the Issue of bloud whom the sacred Gospels inform us to have been healed by our Saviour was born in this City and that her house may be seen there and that the illustrious Monuments of our Saviour's beneficence shown towards her doe yet remain For neer the gate of her house 't is said stands upon a Pillar of stone the Effigies of a woman in brass kneeling on her knees and stretching forth her hands forward in the form of a suppliant On the other side opposite to it stood another Image of a man made of the same mettal standing upright dressed decently in a short vesture and stretching out his hand towards the woman At whose feet upon the base of the Pillar 't is said there springs up a strange kind of an herb which grows up to the skirt of his brasen doublet and is a present remedy to remove all sorts of diseases They say that this Statue represented our Saviour This remained till our Age and therefore we our selves went to the City to see it Nor need it seem a wonder that the Ancient Gentiles who received benefits from our Saviour did these things seeing that we have seen the pictures of his Apostles Peter and Paul and of Christ himself drawn in Colours and preserved till our days It is probable enough that those Ancients according to the custom of the Heathens were wont unadvisedly to honour all those after this manner as Saviours by whom they had been any ways benefited CHAP. XIX Concerning the Chair of James the Apostle THe Episcopal Chair of James the first Bishop of Jerusalem who was consecrated by our Saviour himself and the Apostles who in holy Writ is honoured with the title of the Brother of Christ being reserved till this time the Brethren who have succeeded in that Church do reverence it Hence they plainly manifest to all what great veneration and respect both the Antients and also those of our Age have and do pay to holy men for their love to God But thus much concerning these things CHAP. XX. Concerning Dionysius's Paschal Epistles in which he prescribeth a Canon concerning Easter MOreover besides those his fore-mentioned Epistles the same Dionysius at the same time wrote these still extant called Paschal Epistles amongst which he interweaves Panegyrick discourses concerning the feast of Easter one of these Epistles he Dedicateth to Flavius another to Domitius and Didymus In which he publisheth a Canon of eight years having proved that we ought to celebrate the feast of Easter at no other time but after the vernal Aequinox He composed another Epistle besides these to his Fellow-Presbyters at Alexandria and others to divers other persons and these he wrote whilest the rage of the Persecution still continued CHAP. XXI Concerning what things happened at Alexandria DIonysius returned to Alexandria Peace being as yet scarce throughly setled there But when Sedition and War joyntly raged again there so that he could not visit all the Brethren in the City they being divided into the one or the other party of the faction Again even on Easter-day as if he had been exil'd out of Alexandria he conversed with them by letters And in his other Paschal Letter which a little after this he wrote to Hierax one of the Aegyptian Bishops he mentioneth the Sedition then at Alexandria in these words It is no wonder if it be difficult for me to converse with men far remote even by Letters whenas it is rendred now no easie matter for me to discourse with my self and to give advice to my own soul. For I am compelled to send Letters even to my own bowels my Brethren who live under the same roof have the same mind and are members and inhabitants of the same Church and it appears to me a great difficulty how I should convey my Letters to them For a man may with more ease and less danger travel not onely beyond the bounds of this Province but even from East to West then out of Alexandria into Alexandria For the very middle street of this City is more unfrequented and impassible then that vast and invious wilderness which Israel travelled through in two Ages Those calm and still Havens do represent the Sea through which the Israelites had a spatious passage it being divided and made like a wall on both hands but the Aegyptians were drowned in the paths thereof And through the frequent slaughters perpetrated therein they were like a red Sea The River which runneth by the City seemed sometimes more dry and uncomfortable then the thirsty wilderness through which when the Israelites travelled they were so thirsty that they murmured against Moses until by the power of God who
of Christ he was honoured with a Presbytership of the Church there Now this man having undertaken to dispute against Paul the Notaries having written down all the passages of that disputation which is at this day extant was the onely person that was able to detect and convince that crafty and deceitfull fellow CHAP. XXX Concerning the Epistle of the Bishops against Paul THe Prelates therefore being assembled together by common consent writ an Epistle to Dionysius Bishop of Rome and Maximus Bishop of Alexandria and then sent it over all the Provinces both manifesting their diligence to all men the perverse Heterodoxy of Paul the Confutations and Disputes which were held against them and also giving in a Narration of the whole Life and Morals of the man whose words in which Epistle that Posterity may remember them it will be convenient here to relate THE EPISTLE To Dionysius and Maximus and to all our fellow-Ministers over the whole world Bishops Presbyters and Deacons and to the whole Catholick Church under heaven Helenus Hymenaeus Theophilus Theotecnus Maximus Proclus Nicomas Aelianus Paul Bolanus Protogenes Hierax Eutychius Theodorus Malchion and Lucius And all the rest of the Bishops of the Neighbouring Cities and Provinces which are with us the Presbyters and Deacons and the Churches of God To the beloved Brethren in the Lord health After some words interpos'd they adde these following We have written to and intreated many of the Bishops far Remote that they would come and assist in the Curing of this Pestiferous Doctrine for we wrote to Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria and to Firmilianus Bishop of Cappadocia men of blessed Memory The first of them wrote to Antioch but did not so much as vouchsafe the Authour of the Heresie a salutation neither did he write to him by name but to the whole Church a Copy of which Letter we have here inserted The other Firmilianus came twice and condemned Paul's novelties as we who were then present do attest and many others do also know as well as we But when he promised to recant Firmilianus believing him and hoping that the business might be composed without any reproach to our Religion deferred his sentence being deceived by him who denyed his God and Lord and who kept not the faith which he formerly professed But Firmilianus was now about coming to Antioch and he came as far as Tarsus For he had had experience of his malicious wickedness who denyed his God But in the interim of our assembling and whilest we were sending for him and expecting his coming he died After some other passages they describe his Morals and what course of Life he lead in these words But since he turn'd to forged and spurions Opinions departing from the true Rule it is not our concern to examine the Actions of one who is out of the Church Neither how he who was formerly poor and indigent having had no Estate from his Parents nor got any thing by any Trade or Profession is now become incredibly rich by his unlawful and sacrilegious dealings by extortion and vexatiousness used towards the Brethren and by taking bribes from those that were injured promising to help them to their right for a reward but he deceiv'd them too getting money for doing nothing through their willingness who were entangled in Suits to give any thing for a delivery from those troubles He supposed godliness to be gain Neither need we declare how proud and insolent he was being invested with secular Dignities and desiring to be stiled a Ducenarius rather then a Bishop and how he walk't in state through the Forum reading and dictating Letters as he walked in publick with a numerous Guard about him some going before and some following him in so much that there was an ill opinion and an odium brought upon the faith through his pride and haughtiness Neither does it concern us to examine his vain glorious ambition in the Ecclesiastick conventions which he greedily pursues being desirous of glory and affected with an imaginary pomp with such devices as these terrifying the minds of the faithful and ignorant Besides he errected for himself a Tribunal and a lofty throne not like one of Christ's disciples but had a place called his Secretum like as the secular Magistrates have He also used to clap his hand upon his thigh and stamp't upon the Throne with his feet And such as did not commend him and shake their oraria as they usually did in the Theaters and did not make loud exclamations nor leapt up and down in the same manner as his favourites which were a company of silly men and women that during their hearkning to him used such indecencies did but were attentive to him with such a seemly reverence and decencie as befits the house of God those persons he rebuked and reproach't In his publick discourses he reflected upon those Doctours of our Religion that were dead with all imaginable scorn and petulancy but he magnified himself not as became a Bishop but rather like a counterfeit and an Impostour He abolished the Psalms which were usually sung in honour of our Lord Jesus Christ as Novel and the composures of modern men On the great feast of Easter he appointed women to sing Psalms in his commendation in the body of the Church which whosoever heard might justly tremble at He also privately sent the Bishops of the Neighbouring Villages and Towns and the Presbyters who were his flatterers to make discourses to the people in commendation of him For he will not joyn in a confession with us that the Son of God came down from heaven that we may now premise some things of what we shall hereafter more at large declare in writing Neither shall this be affirmed on our bare word but it is evident in many places up and down his Acts which we have sent you and most especially there where he says that Jesus Christ is of the earth But those who chaunt out his praises and sing his Encomium's amongst the people do say that this their impious master is an angel come down from heaven nor does that haughty fellow prohibit these expressions but is himself present when they are spoken What need we here mention his and his Presbyters and Deacons Subintroduced women as the Antiochians term them in whom he conceals not onely this but many other damnable crimes which he is conscious of and of which he has been convict they are guilty that by this means he may keep them so obnoxious as not to adventure through a fear of their own guilt to accuse him for his impious words and practises Moreover he has enriched them And this is the reason he is beloved and admired by them who covet such things But why do we write these things We know beloved that it is the duty of a Bishop and of the whole Clergy to be examples of good
the gravity of Presbyters and prudent men Let us of our own accord depart from the tentations of the Devil Our great God the Saviour of all men hath reached forth a light common to all men By the assistance of whose providence give us leave who are his servant that we may successfully finish this our endeavour that by our exhortation diligence and earnest admonitions we may reduce you to an unity of assembly For in regard as we have already said you hold the same faith and have the same sentiments of our Religion and since the commandment of the law doth in all its parts inclose all in general in one consent and purpose of mind Let not this thing which has raised a mutual division between you in as much as it appertaineth not to the power and efficacy of Religion in general by any means make a separation and a faction amongst you These things we speak not to necessitate you to be all of one Opinion concerning this foolish idle controversie of what sort soever it be For the pretious value of the assembly may be preserved entire amongst you and one and the same Communion may be retained although there be interchangeably amongst you a great diversity of sentiments in things of the smallest import For we do not all mean the same in all things neither is there one disposition or opinion in all of us Therefore concerning the Divine Providence let there be amongst you one faith one meaning and one covenant of the Deity But as for these slender and light questions which with so much niceness you dispute of and make researches into amongst your selves although therein you do not all agree in the same opinion yet 't is your duty to confine them to your own thoughts and keep them within the secret repositories of your own minds Let therefore an unutterable and excellent common friendship a belief of the truth the honour of God and a Religious observance of his Law remain amongst you firm and immoveable return ye to a mutual friendship and charity restore to the whole body of the people their usual embraces And be you your selves having as it were purifi'd your own souls acquainted again and renew your familiarity with one another For friendship is frequently more sweet and pleasing after the occasion of the enmity is laid aside return to a reconciliation again Restore therefore to us peaceable and serene days and nights void of sollicitude that during the residue of our Life we may have the pleasure of the pure light and the joy of a quiet life reserved for us Which if we shall not obtain we must necessarily groan and be wholly surrounded with tears nor shall we finish the residue of our Life without great disquietude For whilst the people of God we mean our fellow servants are rent asunder by this pernitious and indiscreet dissention which they are now involved in how is it possible for us in future to continue in a sedate temper of mind And that you may be sensible of our excessive sorrow for this thing be attentive to what we shall tell you When we lately came to the City of Nicomedia we had resolv'd forthwith to have made a journey into the East But while we were hastning towards you and had performed above half our journey the news of this affair quite altered our resolution least we should be necessitated to be a spectator of these things which we could not endure even to hear Do you therefore by your unanimity for the time to come open the way for us into the East which by your mutual discord you have stopped up Give us leave with joy speedily to see you and all the rest of the people and that with an unanimous consent of praises we may offer up to God due thanks for the publick agreement and liberty CHAP. VIII Concerning the Council held at Nicaea a City of Bithynia and concerning the Faith there published SUch admirable and prudent advice did the Emperours Letter give them But the mischievous difference was grown so strong and potent that neither the Emperours industry nor the authority of the Person who brought the Letters was able to do any good For neither Alexander nor Arius were in the least mollifi'd by the Letter amongst the populace also there was an irreconcileable discord and a great disturbance Moreover before this broke out there was another distemper in that place which had caus'd disturbance in the Church to wit a disagreement concerning the Feast of Easter but this was only in the Eastern parts where some made it their business to celebrate that Festival after the Jewish manner others in their solemnization thereof imitated the rest of the Christians throughout the whole world But though they differ'd thus concerning the Feast yet they did not refrain from a mutual Communion However they clouded the joy of the Feast by this their dissention The Emperour therefore seeing the Church disturbed by these two evils convened a General Council by his Letters requesting the Bishops from all parts to meet together at Nice a City of Bithynia Accordingly the Bishops out of divers Provinces and Cities assembled concerning whom Eusebius Pamphilus in his third book of Constantin's Life writeth thus word for word The most eminent therefore amongst Gods Ministers of all those Churches which filled all Europe Libya and Asia were conven'd And one sacred Oratory enlarged as it were by God himself included at the same time within its walls both Syrians and Cilicians Phoenicians and Arabians Palestinians and Aegyptians also Thebaeans Libyans and those that came out of Mesopotamia There was also at this Synod a Persian Bishop neither was the Scythian absent from this Quire Pontus also and Galatia Pamphilia and Cappadocia Asia and Phrygia afforded their most select Divines Moreover there appeared here Thracians and Macedonians Achaians and Epirots and such as dwelt far beyond these were nevertheless present Hosius also that most fam'd Spaniard together with many of his Countreymen was one that sate in this Council The Prelate of the Imperial City was absent by reason of his age But his Presbyters were there and supplied his place The Emperour Constantine was the only person of all the Princes since the foundation of the world who after he had platted such a Crown as this by the Bond of Peace dedicated it to Christ his Saviour as a divine present and acknowledgment for the Victories he had obtained over his Enemies and Adversaries having constituted this Synod convened in our days to be a lively representation of that Apostolick Quire For it is Written that in the Apostles days there were gathered together devout men out of every nation under heaven amongst whom were Parthians Medes and Elamites and the inhabitants of Mesopotamia Judaea and Cappadocia of Pontus and of Asia of Phrygia and Pamphilia of Aegypt and of the parts of Libya adjacent to Cyrene strangers also of Rome Jews and
consent to these Circular Letters as did likewise Peter Bishop of Antioch surnamed Fullo who together with Timotheus was present at the Imperial City Constantinople These things having been performed in this manner they Vote that Paulus also should recover the Archiepiscopall Chair of Ephesus Further the same Zacharias affirms that Anastasius who had succeeded Juvenalis in the See of Jerusalem subscribed the same Circular Letters as likewise very many others insomuch that they were in number about Five hundred who condemned Leo's Letter and the Chalcedon Synod The same Authour does also some where record the Supplicatory Libell presented by the Bishops of Asia convened at Ephesus to Basiliscus part of the Contents of which Libell run thus To the most Pious in all things and the Lovers of Christ our Lords Basiliscus and Marcus perpetual Victors Augusti And after some words You have always seemed Most pious and Christ-Loving Emperours to be divers ways assaulted together with the Faith which is hated and opposed And after other words A certain terrible expectation of Judgment and an Ardour of Divine Fire and the Just Resentment of Your Serenity will in a short time Seize the Adversaries who with a certain arrogant folly as it were with Darts attempt to make an attack against the powerfull God and your Empire fortified by the true Faith nor do they in any manner spare our Tenuity but continually assault us with reproaches and lies as if by a necessity and a force we had subscribed to your Divine and Apostolick Circular Letters whereas we have set our hands thereto with all imaginable joy and alacrity of mind And after some other words Be pleased therefore to publish nothing contrary to your Divine Circular Letters knowing for certain what we have already said that the whole world will be overturned again and that the mischiefs done by the Synod at Chalcedon will be found small and triviall which yet have effected these innumerable murders and have unjustly and illegally poured forth the bloud of the Orthodox And after other words We protest before our Saviour Jesus Christ We entreat Your piety to be free from that just Canonicall and Ecclesiastick condemnation and deposition inflicted on them and especially from that inflicted on him who by many evidences has been detected not to have governed the Bishoprick of the Imperial City holily Further the same Zacharias writes word for word thus As soon as the Circular and Imperial Letters were published those persons in the Imperial City who were distempered with Eutyches's Opinion and followed a Monastick life supposing they had met with Timotheus as with some unexpected gain and hoping to reap a great advantage to themselves from the Circular Letters in great hast betook themselves to Timotheus And when they had been convinced by him that the Word of God was of the same substance with us according to the flesh but Consubstantiall to the Father in relation to the Deity they went back to their own homes CHAP. VI. That Timotheus Aelurus recovered the Bishoprick of Alexandria and having restored the priviledge of a Patriarchate to the Church of Ephesus Anathematized the Chalcedon-Synod THE same Zacharias says that Timotheus leaving the Imperial City Constantinople arrived at Ephesus and there placed Paulus in the Archi-Episcopall See of the Ephesians This Paulus had long before this been ordained by the Bishops of that Province agreeable to the more ancient usage but had been ejected out of his See Timotheus also restored to the Ephesine Church the Patriarchicall priviledge which the Synod of Chalcedon had deprived it of as I have said Removing from thence he comes to Alexandria and persisted to request those who came to him to Anathematize the Synod of Chalcedon Nevertheless many others of his own Faction receded from him as 't is related by the same Zacharias as did likewise Theodotus one of those that had been ordained at Joppa by Theodosius who was made Bishop of Jerusalem by some persons at such time as Juvenalis went to Constantinople CHAP. VII That the Monks having raised a Sedition by the perswasion of Acacius Basiliscus was put into a fear and wrote and promulged Circular Letters contrary to those he had published before THE same Zacharias relates likewise that Acacius Bishop of Constantinople was extreamly troubled at these things and that he incited the Monks and Populacy of the Imperial City against Basiliscus as being an Heretick And that Basiliscus at length renounced his Circular Letters and wrote a Constitution that what had been surreptitiously and rashly done should be wholly vacated and made null and that he sent abroad Letters contrary to his former Circular Letters wherein he confirmed the Synod at Chalcedon And these Anti-Circular-Letters as he terms them Zacharias has omitted who hath written his whole History with partiality and in favour to his own party But the Contents of them run word for word thus Basiliscus's Anti-Circular-Letter Emperours Caesars Basiliscus and Marcus We Decree that the Apostolick and Orthodox Faith which originally and from the beginning hath flourished in the Catholick Churches which hath obtained even untill our Empire which doth now obtain under our Empire and which ought forever to obtain into which we have been baptized and which we believe shall only continue inviolate and unshaken and shall for ever be prevalent in all the Catholick and Apostolick Churches of the Orthodox and that nothing else shall be required For this reason therefore We command that all things which have been done on account of the Faith or Ecclesiastick Discipline under our Empire whether they be Circular Letters or other Letters or what ever else shall be void and null Nestorius and Eutyches and every other Heresie and all those who embrace the same Sentiments with them being Anathematized And ' t is our will that concerning this Subject neither any Synod should be convened nor any other question started but that these things should continue firm and unshaken Moreover We command that those Provinces the Ordination whereof the Chair of this Imperiall and Glorious City hath had shall be restored to the most pious and most Holy Patriarch and Arch-Bishop Acacius to wit the most pious Bishops that now are continuing in their own Sees yet so that after their deaths no prejudice from this business may arise to the Right of Ordination belonging to the Holy Chair of this Imperial and famous City Now it is dubious to no person that this our Divine Decree has the force of a Divine Constitution And these things proceeded in this manner CHAP. VIII Concerning Zeno's Return BUT Zeno having as 't is reported seen in his sleep the Holy Proto-Martyr Thecla famous for her many Conflicts who incited him and made him a promise that his Empire should be restored to him marched his Army towards Byzantium And having with gifts corrupted
Codex Theodosian there is put P. P. which mark signifies that that Law of the Emperour was made Publick in such a City For the Emperours as oft as they would have any Edict be taken notice of and known to all were wont to write with their own hand this word Proponatur i. e. Let it be Publisht Vales. f That is in the room or place where the Councill met It may also be taken for the Temple which the Province of Asia built in honour of Rome and Augustus There is extant an old Coin of Claudius Augustus whereon there is a Temple to be seen with this Title R. AUG and this inscription COM. ASIAE on both sides of the Temple This Temple I suppose was at Ephesus wherein all the Cities of Asia met to solemnize their Religious Rites for the prosperity of the Emperour and the Roman People and this Temple was for the use of all Asia in common being built at the publick charge Vales. a In the Original the term is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which in this place is the same almost in signification with the word Salutare i. e. to Salute For therefore would Marcion have had himself taken notice of that he might be saluted So antiently in the Church when the Faithfull approacht the holy Table the Deacon was wont to cry aloud often 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. acknowledge one another to wit least any prophane person or Jew should come to the Sacrament Vales. S. Paul uses this term 1 Cor. 16. 18. where our translation renders it acknowledge * Tit. 3. 10. 11. a Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. throughout Pontus the reading as I judge should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Every where which is confirmed by the inscription of the Epistle which is thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. i. e. every where c. Neither is there any mention of the Churches of Pontus in the title of this Epistle For Philomelium is not a City of Pontus but of Lycaonia as Pliny says or as others of Pisidia For so in the Acts of the Council of Chalcedon one Paul a Philomelian is named among the Bishops of Pisidia Vales. In Robert Stephens Edit it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. throughout Pontus b This whole Epistle concerning the Martyrdom of Polycarp is put out by the Learned Bishop Usher Our Eusebius does not insert the whole Epistle the Learned reader may see it entire in that Edit of Bishop Ushers c In Bishop Ushers Edit of this Epistle this place is different from what t is here The words there are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. For the most couragious Germanicus strengthened the imbecillity of others by his great patience in undergoing the Tortures d Or counâ—enance for in Rob. Stephens Edit it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But in the Kings M. S. it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. behaviour or carriage as we translate it Vales. e In the Maz. and Med. M. SS in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. which happened c. the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. which had been conversant and so Rufinus read this place as appears from his Version and the old Translatour of this Epistle put forth by Bishop Usher is found to have read it so likewise Vales. In Rob. Stephens Edit it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. which had happened to him f So it was called whenever the first day of the feast of unleavened bread fell on the Sabbath day See Jo. 19. 31. 7. 37. For that which among the Jews is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a feast 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the day of solemn assembly in any feast and such were the first day and the last of the feast of tabernacles the first and seventh of the feast of unleavened-bread and the day of Penteoost is by the Jews writing in Greek called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a great day So the 72 render it Isa. 1. 13. where we read calling of assemblies Seâ— Scalig. proleg de Emend Temp. p. 6 7. Bishop Usher in his tract De anno Macedon chap. 3. says that the great Sabbath mentioned here was that which immediately preceded Easter the Learned reader may see the Authour and his reasons g It was the office of this Magistrate to apprehend seditious persons and disturbers of the publick peace and having before sent their indictments to bring them to the places of judicature so says August in his 140 and 159 Epist. Hence 't is here said that Herod the Irenarch of Smyrna took up Polycarp into his Chariot whom he had commanded to be found out and apprehended by his guards These Irenarchs were made of some of the members of the Court of Judicature as the 49 th Law in the Codex Theodos. does shew At last Theodosius Junior wholly abolished that office in the East his constitution is extant in the Codex Theodos. They had under their command horsemen and the Diogmitae i. e. pursuers a sort of Souldiers that were lightly armed and so more expedite to pursue and take such as were thieves Vales. †That was the place where their sacred games and shews were exhibited h This Proconsul's name was Statius Quadratuâ—â— for so 't is truly Printed in the old Latine translation of this Epistle which the most learned Arch B. Usher published This man as â— judge was the same person with L. Statius Quadratus who was Consul in the reign of Antoninus anno urâ— condit 895. Aristiâ—â—â— makes mention of this Proconsul of Asia in the first and fourth of his Sacred Orations where he also calls him a Rhetorician I doubt not therefore but he was the same man with Quadratus the Consul who as Philostratus says was the master of Varus Sophista who was wont to declaim extempâ—re upon any subject given and was a great emulatour of Favorinus Sophista In what year he bore the office of Proconsul of Asia Aristides indeed says not But that as it seems to me may be made out from his relation For in the 4 of his Orat. Sacr. Aristides says that a little after that Plague which raged in Asia Scverus was Proconsul Eusebius in his Chronicon places that Plague on the 8 year of M. Aurelius Antoninus Therefore Severus was Proconsul of Asia in the 9 of M. Aurelius When he was Proconsul Aristides writes that he received letters out of Italy from the Emperours to wit from the seniour Augustus and his son where by the name of Augustus he understands Mareus and the son of the Emperour is Commodus who was then called Caesar. Next before Scverus Pollio was Proconsul as Aristides attests in the same place and immediately before Pollio our Quadratus was the Proconsul of Asia for so says Aristides in the same Oration So that Quadratus was Proconsul of Asia in the 7 of Marcus's Empire On which year also Eusebius in his Chronicon places the
learned reader may see in his notes on that Epist. and in his tract De Anno Solar Maced Asian Eusebius is here much mistaken in that he thought Pionius Metrodorus Carpus and the rest suffered in the Reign of M. Antoninus at the same time when Polycarp was Martyred for 't is manifest from the Acts of Pionius Carpus and Papulus that they were Martyred in the Reign of Decius Vales. See Usher in his book De Anno Solar Maced Asian cap. 3. a Eusebius mentions this second Apology of Justins in the following chapter and so does Jerom in his work De Script Ecclesiast But in the vulgar Editions of Justin's works his Apologies are preposterously placed for that which in the Printed Copies is put in the second place should be placed first and that which in those Editions is set first and dedicated to the Roman Senate should be placed last which we shall more fully manifest hereafter Vales. b This passage of Justin's is now extant in his first Apology pag. 46. Edit Paris Graco-Latin Vales. c The Maz. Fuk. Med. M. SS interpose here the preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. in which we have followed in our translation The term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we have rendered stocks in which sense this word is frequently used in Eusebius for example in the beginning of his 5 B. The learned Petavius in his notes on Themistius Orat. 9. remarques that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which there occurs is the same in signification with nervus i. e. a kind of stocks For these sort of fetters were made of wood Vales. The same word is used Acts 16. 24. where our translatours render it thus And made their feet fast in the stocks d In the Maz. Med. and Fuk. M. SS the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Crescens did very ill to defame the Christians the points of whose religion he was altogether ignorant of meerly to win the applause of the multitude Vales. In Rob. Stephens Edit it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. i. e. Crescens did this to please and delight the erroneous multitude e He means that incomparable saying of Socrates that is in Plato's works which Valesius thought good to insert into his translation supposing it was left out by the negligence of the transcribers of Eusebius and we also have exprest it in our Version but it is not in this original Edit of Eusebius nor in Rob. Stephens Edit and is therefore Printed in a different Character f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term in the original which though it be sometimes taken in that signification Eusebius here uses it in yet by other Writers and particularly by Tatianus in his book here quoted by Eusebius about the end of it it is used in such a sense as to comprehend all the learning of the Grecians and the Liberal Sciences Vales. g This work of Tatianus's is extant at the latter end of Justin Martyrs works Edit Paris 1636. It is there called Tatiani Assyrâ—i contra Graecos oratio This passage here quoted by Euseb. occurs p. 157 158. where the translatour renders these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Megalopolâ—â— but we following Valesius have translated it thus in the great City i. e. Rome a It should be in his second Apology c. as the learned Petavius has conjectured in his notes on Heres 46. Epiphan For Eusebius does not recount the Apologies of Justin in the same order wherein they are now Printed For that which in the ordinary Editions is termed the second and is dedicated to Antoninus Pius Eusebius calls the first as appears from chapt 12. B. 2. and from chapt 12 and 18. B. 4. And that which in the vulga Editions is said to be his first Apology and is dedicated to the Senate Eusebius calls the second See chap. 16. of this book and says chap. 16. and 18 of this 4 B. it was presented to M. Aurelius Antoninus after the death of Pius As to the order of Justins Apologies I agree with Eusebius and doe grant that to be the latter which is in the vulgar Edit inscribed to the Senate But whereas Eusebius says Justins former Apology was presented to M. Aurelius Antoninus I cannot assent to him For in the beginning of that Apology Justin says that the woman which was a Christian being accused by her husband presented a Petition to the Emperour and she presented a Libell to these O Emperour see these words in this chapter Now if that Apology had been presented to the Successouâ—s of Antoninus Pius as Eusebius thinks it was doubtless Justin would have used the plural number and said To You O Emperours For Marcus and Verus were both Emperours together Again Justin says that one Lucius seeing Ptolemeus a Christian led away to be put to death used these words to the Judge these judiciary proceedings are misbecoming both Pius the Emperour and the son of Caesar the Philosopher c. in chap. 12. of this 4 th B. the reading is better thus and the Philosopher which is confirmed by our M. SS Who therefore sees not that Antoninus Pius is meant in these words For his surname Pius evidently shews so much and the Philosopher son of the Emperour manifestly confirms this our opinion Lastly Urbicus the Prefect See note d. in this chap. whom Justin there mentions lived in the times of Antoninus Pius For he was that Lollius Urbicus who being the Emperours Deputy appeaâ—ed the Rebellion of the Brittans as Capitolinus relates in the life of Antoninus Apulâ—ius in the beginning of his Apology affirms that this Lollius Urbicus was Prefect of the City in the Reign of Pius These are the reasons by which I am induced to affirm that the latter Apology of Justin was not presented to M. Aurelius but to Antoninus Pius under which Emperour he suffered Martyrdom and not under Marcus Aurelius as Eusebius here places his Martyrdom But in his Chronicon whom Georg. Syncellus also follows he seems to place it in the Reign of Antoninus Pius and so does Mich. Glycas in Annal. Vales. M r Tho. Lydiat in his Emend Temp. says Justin suffered under this Emperour Antoninus Pius b That is a Petition wherein the woman requested of the Emperour that the proceedings against her might be deferred which delay was usually granted as well to the accused as to the Accusor See Cod. Theod. Tit. 36. ut intra annum c. Vales. c To wit which was prefixt by the Emperour who had granted the womans Petition in regard it was reasonable and just Vales. d This Urbicus was Prefect of the City whose sentence pronounced against the two Christians Ptolemaeus and Lucius was the occasion of Justins writing this Apology He was called Q. Lollius Urbicus as an old inscription at Rome attests See Apulcius in desens suâ— yet 't is strange that in all our Copies he is written Urbicius In Justin he is now and then rightly
expressed as in this place yet may be tacitly understood which thing the Latine Translatours did not take notice of and hence they make 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signifie before he had devoted himself to him i. e. as they supposed to Novatianus but I had rather read it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with George Syncellus The meaning of the place then is this that the unhappy man was not permitted to tast before he had solemnly cursed himself Vales. †This phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instead of saying Amen has the same import with what Cornelius has said a little before viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instead of blessing him For the faithfull when they received the Eucharist from the hands of the priest used to answer Amen after the Priest delivering the Sacrament had said The body of our Lord c. See Ambros. in his B. 4. Chap. 5. De Sacrament Cyrill of Jerusalem in his last Catechism and August B. 12. Chap. 10. against Faustus Vales. x Concerning this Moses a Presbyter of Rome Cyprian in his Epistles does speak frequently After the Martyrdom of Fabianus Bishop of Rome who suffered Anno Christi 250 this Moses was apprehended together with Maximus the Presbyter and Nicostratus the Deacon cast into prison where after 1â— Months and 11 days he dyed See Cyprian's 15 th Epistle to Moses and Maximus Vales. y Moses being a Presbyter had no authority to excommunicate his fellow-Presbyters all he could doe was to separate himself from their communion when they came to visit him in prison This phrase here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. he deprived him of communion the ancient writers frequently used when they spake of those Presbyters who abstained from communion with others See Paulinus in the Life of S t Ambros. Moses's depriving of Novatianus of communion was I suppose done by him a little before his death For at first Moses the Confessour had communion with Novatianus and when the Clergy of Rome wrote that Epistle to Cyprian which among Cyprian's Epistles is accounted the 31 Moses then had communion with Novatianus for both of them subscribed that Epistle Moreover Novatianus himself wrote an Epistle as Cyprian attests in his Epistle to Antonianus from which Epistle we may perceive the wit and eloquence of Novatianus for that Epistle we must confess is a most elegant piece and it was written when Moses had been a year in prison as may be collected from Cyprian's Epistles to Moses Vales. z Who these five Presbyters were who with Novatianus made a Schism 't is to me unknown I can't think that Maximus the Presbyter and Confessour who with Urbanus Sidonius Nicostratus and the rest of the Confessours were reduced by Novatianus adhered to his party any long time For Maximus and the rest of the Confessors went over to Novatianus's party after Moses's death Indeed Novatianus separated himself from the Church before Moses's death which happened in February Decius 3 and Etruscus being Consuls but the confessours did not betake themselves to Novatianus's â—ide till after Moses's death So great was the power and authority of Moses Besides 't is evident the Confessours were not dismist of their imprisonment till Moses was dead for why should they be freed rather than Moses Therefore they became Novatianus's followers after Moses's death One Maximus name-sake to Maximus the Presbyter and Confessour seems to have been one of these five Presbyters whom Novatianus sent as his messenger afterwards into Africa Vales. a He means that none of the Clergy or Laity were moved with his entreaties so as to think him worthy of absolution For the people's suffrages were required when any one was to be received into the Church who for any fault had been excommunicated And the Bishop himself sometimes asked the Consent of the people The people also did often intercede for the penitents to the Bishop as we may see in the preceding Chap. in the Epistle of Pope Cornelius to Fabian Bishop of Antioch Vales. b Some one may perhaps ask why Serapion did not rather send for the Bishop whose Office it was to reconcile penitents The Bishop had given this authority to the Presbyters for fear least he being absent any one should die without absolution and the Communion See Epiphanius in his Heresic of the Arrians This custom of committing this authority to the Presbyters was usual in all great Cities Vales. c This was the Decree of the African Synod about the same time that Dionysius wrote these things Vales. d In the Savil and Fuk. M. SS before this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there are some words inserted which also Christophor inserts in his translation it may appear from this place that the Sacrament was delivered to such penitents in case of necessity without the reconciliatory imposition of hands And this communion was called the viaticum See Canon the 77 and 78 of the 4 th Council of Carthage and the 39 th Carton of the first Council of Arausica this Communion was called also dispensatoria because it was granted to dying penitents before the completion of the full time appointed for Repentance and if the penitent communicant recovered it was perfected after his recovery by imposition he compleating his time of repentance Vales. e This that Dionysius here says concerning the giving of the Eucharist to the boy to carry to the sick person ought not to seem strange for it was frequently done a long time after So that S t Udalric thought it necessary expresly to prohibit it in his Synodical speech which Gretser published together with the Life of Gregory the seventh Chap. 20. But that which Gretser takes to be S t Udalric's Oration I found lately to be the Synodical Epistle of Ratherius Bishop of Verona to his Clergy And so 't is intitled in the old Laudunensian M. S. Vales. f Rufinus translates this phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus he commanded it should be given him being dipped So the Antients us'd to dip the Consecrated bread in water as Adamannus witnesseth in his 2 d book concerning the Miracles of S t Columba Cap. 6. And Bede also in the life of S t Cuthbert Chap. 31. and in his Poem upon the same man's life and several other Ecclesiastick Writers But the Eucharists being put into the mouth of sick persons is mentioned in the 76 th Canon of the 4 th Council of Carthage which Canon is concerning sick persons who desired repentance but were speechless before the Priest came to them See the contents of that Canon Vales. g Langus Wolfius and Musculus render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place by the Latine word confiteri which in my opinion is intolerable Christoph. renders it in numerum Confessorum referri to be reckoned amongst the Confessours which Translation I like if it be understood thus referri â— Christo to be reckoned by Christ. For Dionysius alludeth to Christ's words in the Gospel He who shall confess me before
of this reading 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. having now acknowledged c. By the term fear in the foregoing clause he means the Christians who through fear of persecution had neglected the Churches or renounced the faith The term Unbelief belongs to the Heathens who had demolished the Churches and divers ways vexed the Christians See Valesius's notes at the Book and Chapter before cited q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the term here used signifies an Office or company of Apparitours attending on a Magistrate i. e. a certain number of Souldiers waiting on the Judges 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the Praesects of the Praetorium so termed because they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 over the Presidents and Rectours of Provinces Therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the phrase here used imports the Office of the Praetorian Praesecture concerning which consult the Notitia Imperii Romani Further the Office or Attendants of the Prefect of the Praetorium was more honourable than the Offices of all the other Magistrates For as the Prefect of the Praetorium excelled all the other judges as well Military as Civil in dignity so his Officials or attendants were lookt upon to be more honourable then the other officials Hence in the Chalcedon Council Action 3 the Office of the Praefects of the Praetorium is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 See Valesius's notes at the before cited book and Chapter * He means the City of Constantinople r In Eusebius's Life of Constantine book 4. chap. 36. where this Letter occurs this place is far otherwise read and pointed than it is here so aâ—so it is in Theodoret book 1. chap. 16. Vales. s Concerning the Rationalist and his Office we have spoken before in our notes on Eusebius By Dioecesis is meant here the Diocess of the East The old Romans called a certain number of Provinces which taken together were under a Deputy of the Praetorian Praefecture by this name Dioecesis For the Prefect of the Praetorium had under his jurisdiction many Dioeceses but the Deputies had each but one Dioecesis This term began to be used in this sense about Constantin's time as appears from his Letters and from some Laws in the Cod. Theod. See Valesius's Annotations on Eusebius's Life of Constant. B. 4. chap. 36. * He means our Blessed Saviours Sepulchre t Constantine here terms Licinius the publick enemy after whose destruction he says the sacred Sepulchre of our Lord which had been before concealed was discovered Licinius was slain in the year of Christ 326 as 't is recorded in Fast. Idat. And on that very year when Helena came to Jerusalem the Sepulchre of our Lord was found By the name of the publick Enemy the Devil might here be meant were not this contradicted by the expressions here used For the Devil was not then vanquished and overcome when the Sepulchre of our Lord was cleared from the rubbish that covered it Besides the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 slaughter is more expressive being meant of Licinius than of the Devil See Valesius's notes on Euscbius's Life of Constant. book 3. chap. 30. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the faith autority or estimation of this miracle c. u He means the Temple built by Adrian the Emperour on Mount Calvary in honour of Venus which receptacle of Paganism was demolished by Helena Constantines mother and in the room thereof was built a magnificent Temple at this day called The Temple of the Sepulchre the description whereof you may see in Sandys Travels book 3. pag. 125. c. Edit Lond. 1673. †There are two Laws made by Constantine extant in the Cod. Theod. the one in Tit. de usuris the other in Tit. de Haereticis written to this Dracilianus The former of these Laws bears this Inscription Imp. Constantinus Aug. ad Dracilianum agentem vices Praefectorum praet that is Emperour Constantinus Augustus to Dracilianus Deputy to the Praefects of the Praetorium This Law was published at Caesarea in Palestine on the 15 th of the Calends of May when Paulinus and Julianus were Consuls The other is said to have been published on the Calends of September Constantinus Aug. being the seventh time and Constantius Caesar Coff that is in the year of Christ 326. In which year Constantine wrote this Epistle to Macarius Bishop of Jerusalem Further we must remarke that the Praefects of the Praetorium are here stiled clarissimi most excellent For as yet they had not received the title of Most Illustrious Moreover in other of Constantin's Laws the Praefects of the Praetorium are stiled Most Excellent Now as the Praefects of the Praetorium were in Conctantin's time allowed only the title of Most Excellent so the Deputies of the Praetorian Praefecture had in the said Constantin's times only the title of Most Perfect given them as the Epistle to Probianus Proconsul of Africa shews which we meet with in Athanasius's Apology to Constantius pag. 794. See Valesius's notes on book 3. chap. 31. of Eusebius's Life of Constantine x At this place the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies the Model or Delineation of the Fabrick that was to be erected It is taken in the same sense in the Epistle of Himerius Rationalist of Alexandria to the Praefect of Mareotis which Athanasius has recorded in his Apology pag. 803. For after he had said that Augustus and the Caesars had permitted Ischyras to build a Church in his Town he orders the Governour of that Town that he should forthwith draw a Model of the future building and transmit it to his Office 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 See Valesius's notes at the book and chapter before cited y The inner roofs of Churches were commonly framed two ways For they were either beautified with arched or embowed roofs or else painted with Mosaick-work Concerning the arched or embowed roofs this place of Constantin's Letter is an evidence Procopius evidences the use of the Mosaick-work in his first book De Fabricis Justiniani where he describes the Temple of Sancta Sophia Now the arched roofs were usually adorned two ways For they were either guilded with gold or painted which latter way was first invented by Pausias as Pliny attests book 35 chap. 11. Hist. Natural See Valesius's notes at the book and chapter before cited z Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He added the reading must necessarily be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He published For the Roman Emperours did usually propose to publick view those Rescripts they wrote to the Cities Therefore at the close of the Rescript they added this word Proponatur let it be published as we have observed in our notes on Eusebius So Constantine when he had wrote many Letters against Arius and his followers commanded they should be proposed to publick view in the Forum Of this sort was Constantin's Epistle to Arius and the Arians which Gelasius Cyzicenus has recorded in his 3 d book De Gestis Synod Nicaenae which Epistle
Epiphanius mentions in Hares Arian It was written by Constantine after the Nicene Synod and it contains the punishment of those that would not recede from Arius's wicked tenets For at the close of that Epistle the Emperour commands that if they be persons of the ordinary rank they shall pay tribute for ten heads besides their own Poll-money But if they be descendants of the Curiales or Noble-men they shall be delivered to the Court and made liable to bear the publick Offices of the Decurions This Letter therefore was like an Edict and so ought to be publickly read and promulged Vales. a The greatest part of this Epistle is extant in the first book of Theodorets Ecclesiastick History chap. 20. it is entire in Latin in Baronius at the year of Christ 329 as Justinian the Emperour sent it to Pope Vigilius Vales. a Sozomen relates the same story in his first book chap. 22. but in such a manner that 't is sufficiently apparent he had it out of Socrates's History For Socrates tells the whole story more fully and elegantly And after he has told it says he had it from a credible person who lived in the times of the Nicene Council But Sozomen begins this relation thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. It s reported that the Empeour c. Nor does he confirm it by any persons authority Besides Sozomen has in a manner stole the very words of Socrates making some small alterations and interpositions as Plagiaries usually do But this story seems to me very improbable upon many accounts First because it is founded on the autority of no ancient writer Secondly neither Socrates nor Sozomen do say of what City Acesius was Bishop which was very necessary to confirm the story Thirdly it is not at all likely that an Heretical Bishop should be summoned by Constantine to an Ecclesiastick Synod For if Constantine had sent for Acesius in order to the restoring of Peace and Agreement to the Church upon the same account he ought to have summoned the Bishops of other Heresies also to the Nicene Council Lastly what Socrates says to wit that he had this story from a very old man who was at the Synod seems to me altogether incredible This persons name was Auxano a Novatian Presbyter who was at the Synod with Acesius and lived untill the reign of Theodosius Junior as Socrates says chap. 13. of this book Now from the Nicene Synod to the beginning of Theodosius's reign there are 83 years To which if you adde 20 for so old Auxano must needs be when he was present at the Council Auxano must necessarily be above an hundred years old when he told Socrates this story Let the Reader judge therefore at what rate the testimony of a decrepid old Heretick is to be valued Vales. a The Florent M. S. addes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Sub-Deacons and so the reading is in Sozomen book 1. chap. 23 where he tells this story concerning Paphnutius where also what we said before is apparent to wit that Sozomen borrowed from Socrates For he that addes to anothers relation shews evidently that he wrote last Vales. b Rufinus out of whom Socrates had the former story which he tells in this chapter concerning Paphnutius says not a word of this speech of Paphnutius see his first book Eccles. Hist. chap. 4. But he relates that Paphnutius was one of the Bishops in the parts of Egypt and that he was present at the Nicene Council * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is in a place where the Ascetae lived concerning whom and their course of life see Euseb. Ecclesiast Hist. book 2. chap. 17. note a. book 7. chap. 32. note c. in the second Alphabet Vales. a By 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he means the Protectores Domestici or Guards of the Body which waited on the Emperours person They were Souldiers of a superiour order who also had greater pay then the others See Valesius's notes on Amm. Marcellin book 14. pag. 33. b We perfected this place by the assistance of the Florentine and Sfortian M. SS For in the common Editions of Socrates after these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hosius Bishop of Corduba followed these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vito and Vincentius But those incomparable M. SS exhibited this place entire to us after this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. i. e. Hosius Bishop of Corduba in Spain I do believe as it is before written Vito and Vincentius Presbyters of Rome c. This is the series of the Bishops who subscribed the Nicene Council which Socrates transcribed from Athanasius's Synodicon as he himself attests hereafter In the Greek collections of the Canons this series is wanting nor is it extant in Dionysius Exiguus's Version But in that ancient collection lately published at Paris which the Western Church heretofore made use of before Dionysius's Version and in Isidorus's collection this series occurs almost in the same words In that ancient collection the words are these Et subscripserunt Osius Episcoâ—us civitatis Cordubensis Provinciae Spaniae dixit ita credo sicut superius scriptum est Victor Vincentius Presbyteri urbis Romae Alexander Alexandriae magna Alphâ—cration c. i. e. And they subscribed Osius Bishop of the City Corduba in the Province of Spain said I believe so as it is above written Victor and Vincentius Presbyters of the City of Rome Alexander of Alexandria the great Alphocration c. The words in Isidorus's Collection are almost the same But in Athanasius's Synodicon Eustathius Bishop of Antioch and Macarius Bishop of Jerusalem are placed after Alexander Bishop of Alexandria Vales. c Athanasius makes mention of this Vito the Presbyter in His Apologetick against the Arians and attests that a Roman Synod consisting of fifty Bishops by whom he was received into communion was convened in his Church Vales. d In the Latine collections of the Canons Harpocration is stiled Bishop of Naucratis and next to him is set Adamantius Cynopolites or Cynensis as it is in that forementioned ancient collection Vales. e This book of Athanasius's is not now to my knowledge extant But 't is probable that the names of the Bishops who subscribed the Nicene Council were translated out of that book Vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the term that occurs here imports the notation or express declaration of the time usually prefixt before publick Acts. In the Greek collection of the Canons which Joannes Tilius first published the notation of the time is prefixt thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. The Canons of the 318. Holy Fathers convened at Nice in the Consulate of the most illustrious Paulinus and Julianus on the 636 th year from Alexander on the nineteenth day of the month Desius before the thirteenth of the Calends of July Vales. g It is otherwise in the Greek collection which Tictius published see the foregoing note For 't is said that the Synod was convened on the
usually comes to pass that we loath and disregard those things which are readily apparent and prostrated to every understanding c. Vales. * â—otheÌ„ having outed the Enemy * Or in regard his paternal Religion was adulterated a Instead of the Son of God to be new which is the vulgar reading in the Sfort. and Florent M. SS the reading is the Son of God to be a new God accordingly we have rendred it Vales. a In the Florent M. S. the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be reduced into money which if I mistake not is the truer Notwithstanding the common reading to wit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he put a money-value upon is sound and needs no alteration For Chrysostom uses this term in this sense in his 67 Homily on Matth. 21. The old Glosses expound 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Adaerat he values by money Further what Socrates remarks here to wit that Valens instead of supplies of Souldiers did afterwards exact Gold of his Provinces is also related by Amm. Marcellinus book 31. pag. 441. which place because 't is corrupt even in our Edition I will here set down as it ought to be amended Eruditiâ— adulatoribus in majus fortunam principis extollentibus quod ex ultimis terris tot tirocinia not Thracenses nec opinanti offerrent But trahens ci nec opinanti offerret ut collatis in unum suis alieniginis viribus invictum haberet exercitum pro militari supplemento quod provinciatim annuum pendebatur thesauris accederet auri cumulus magnus Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they were Gold and of about a Crown value a Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 under the East I read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 towards the East Vales. b Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having been initiated we read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in order to his being initiated c. Further this story concerning Moses's being made Bishop of the Saracens and concerning the Peace made with them Socrates has taken out of Rufinus book 2. chap. 6. Eccles. Hist. but has not observed Rufinus's order For Rufinus has placed it about the beginning of Lucius's Episcopate after the persecution of the Edessens not at the latter end of Valens's Reign And I had rather follow Rufinus's opinion than that of Socrates and Sozomen The motive I have to be of this opinion is grounded on Socrates's words at the close of this chapter where he says that Mavia the Queen having made a Peace with the Romans betrothed her daughter to Victor the Roman Lieutenant General Now Victor about the latter end of Valens's Reign was too old to have any thoughts of marrying a wife Vales. * Or Lay his hand on me * Or Peace a Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Peter being returned the reading should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Peter at that time returning and the full-point which is in some copies placed before these words must be expunged Epiphanius Scholasticus seems to have followed this reading Vales. a The reading must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 marches out not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 passes by Moreover the same days which Socrates here assignes for Valens's entry into and march out of Constantinople are recorded in Idatius's Fasti in these words Valente VI. Valentiniano Is. c. In Valens's sixth and Valentinianus's second Consulate Valens Augustus entred Constantinople from the East on the third of the Calends of June that is the thirtieth of May. And on the same year Valens Augustus went out of the City to the Fort on the third of the Ides that is the eleventh of June Vales. * The Ancients made use of a Plough both at their demolishing and also at their raising of a City See Horace Carm. Lib. 1. Od. 16. b It should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It was usuall with Transcribers of books for brevities sake to write these words thus For they wrote 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. a Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by being continually detained For a repetition of the negative particle is inelegant and nauseous in regard these words may not be cloy'd do precede For after them an affirmation ought to follow Vales. †1 Tim. 5. 24. * The Reader may observe from this passage in whose power it was in those days to summon General Synods * Or Domnica a Sozomen mentions this Law of Gratianus's book 7. chap. 1. and so does Theodoret book 5. chap. 2. who says that Sapor Lieutenant-General was sent by Gratianus into the Eastern parts of the Empire to put this Law in Execution That hapned in the year of Christ 378. This Law of Gratianus's is not now extant And yet it seems to be mentioned in the fifth Law in the Theodosian Code de fide Catholicâ Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 living in Exile Lucius was not banished the people of Alexandria forced him to leave that City See Socrates book 4. chap. 37. * Or to dissent again †Or they reapt no benefit or delight from their attempt * Book 4. chap. 2. †Book 3. chap. 9. * Book 4. chap. 2. ‖ See Book 5. chap. 2. * Or Colleague in the Bishoprick †〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * That is Melitius and Paulinus †See Book 3. chap. 9. * Or Marched a Indeed Socrates thought that Gregorius had been translated from the Bishoprick of Nazianzum to that of Constantinople which was the opinion of many others also But Gregorius had never been Bishop of Nazianzum he was only his father Gregorius's Assistant in that Bishoprick being sent for thither by his father then very aged out of the Solitudes whither he had retired after he had accepted of and also refused the Bishoprick of Sasimi in the year of Christ 371 as Baronius has remarked Vales. b I am not of Socrates's opinion who says here that that Church wherein Gregorius Nazianzenus used to Preach the word of God at Constantinople was by the succeeding Emperours named Anastasia For in Gregorius's own life time this Church was called Anastasia which is apparent both from Gregorius's own Oration wherein he bids farwell in express words to Anastasia and The Apostles and also from his Elegiack concerning the Dream of Anastasia Consult Baronius at the year of Christ 378. Vales. * See Matt. 10. 23. where 't is thus worded in the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but when they shall persecute you in this City But here in Socrates the words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if they shall persecute you out of this City c. c We found a far different reading in our Florentine and Sfortian M. SS For in both those Copies 't is thus exprest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 stands in need of the Churches this reading Epiphan
Summer-Bath the other a Winter-one Of these Baths says Evagrius the one was ruined by that Earthquake Vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christophorson has explained this place thus Et ut quidam conjecturam ex pane qui in totâ civitate consumi solet faciunt haec lues Sexaginta hominum millia extinxit And as some make a conjecture from the bread which is wâ—nt to be spent in the whole City this common destruction destroyed Sixty thousand persons But I am not pleased with this Rendition For 't is my Sentiment that the number of the dead could not be made out that way Wherefore I had rather explain this place thus As at Rome Constantinople and Alexandria the Annona was distributed to the Citizens out of the publick stock so in my opinion the practise was at Antioch For Antioch was one of the four greatest Cities of the Roman Empire From this bread therefore which they were wont to distribute daily 't was easie to collect the number of the dead Nevertheless if any one had rather follow Christophorson's Exposition I shall not much resist him Especially in regard there is extant no evidence of any Ancient Writer concerning the publick Annona of the City Antioch Vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nicephorus has added some few words here in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 took up the Bishop together with his Bed or Couch on their Shoulders I know not whether he added this by conjecture or found it so written in his own Copy Vales. * Or Continued in the same posture they were in a Concerning this Victory of Germanus's Theophylactus speaks briefly as his usage is in book 3 chap. 3. Vales. a Theophylactus seems to call this person Aristobulus in his third book and third Chapter He says also that he was Curator of the House Antiochus Vales. * Or Guards * Or Theopolis †Or Cast upon a This place is not a little difficult and obscure Musculus renders it thus Quando ad Militiam conscripti ex Catalogo per ipsum sunt admissi when having been enrolled to the Militia by Catalogue they were admitted by him Christophorson translates it almost in the same manner thus Alii vestitu cibo aliis rebus adjuti tum cùm in album militum adscripti per eum admissi fuerant Others were assisted with Clothes Provision and other things then when they were registred in the Muster-Roll and had been admitted by him Nicephorus also seems to have followed the same sense who has expressed this place of Evagrius thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which words Langus renders thus tum autem quicunque delectu habito per sacramentum Militare in Catalogum adscripti erant per ipsum id consecuti fuerant then also whoever when an Election was made by the Military Oath had been registred in the Muster-Roll had obtained that by his means But this rendition does not please me For the Roman Militia was not at that time so desirable a thing that there should be need of any persons favour and assistance for this matter to procure any one to be enrolled amongst the number of the Souldiers Wherefore I rather think that these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are to be expounded thus Tunc cum Militaribus numeris adscripti per ipsius agros transirent at such time as when registred amongst the Military Companies they had passed or marched through his Grounds Evagrius at this place sets forth the Munificence of Gregorius Bishop of Antioch who had not only given entertainment to the Souldiers passing thorow his grounds but had also bestowed on them Clothes Provisions for eating and money Indeed Justinian uses the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this sense in his 130 th Novell concerning the passage of Souldiers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in so much that without making complaint or without fault he nourished those of our Army in their passage in every Province In the Telleriam Manuscript I found this place thus written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 'T is a Village in the Terâ—itory of Chalcis a City of Syria whereof the Emperour Julian makes mention in his 27 th Epistle Near this Village were the Winter-Quarters of King Antiochus the remains whereof were visible in his age as Julian does there attest in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which place Martinius renders thus Ad Litarbos veni quod oppidum est in Chalcide casu incidi in viam quandam quae reliquias adhuc Antiochensium Hibernorum habebat I came to Litarbi which is a Town in Chalcis and by chance I light upon a certain way which as yet bad the remains of the Antiochian Winter-Quarters But I translate it thus Litarba adveni qui vicus est in agro Chalcidico Et viam offendi quae reliquias habebat Hibernorum Regis Antiochi I came to Litarba which is a Village in the Territory of Chalcis And I found a way which had the Remains of the Winter-Quarters of King Antiochus Theophanes mentions the same Village in his Chronicon pag. 151 where he says that Alamundarus depopulated Syria prima as far as the Borders of Antioch and unto Litarga and Scaphata But in my judgment it must be written thus in Thcophanes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 those possessions termed Litarba and Scaphata Which emendation is confirmed by his following words For he adds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and he burnt the places without Chalcis Vales. * Or Communicate a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christophorson dream't I know not what here concerning a Navall Fight of the Romans A Navall Fight had not been begun at that time by the Romans but they had engaged with the Persians in a Land-Fight Our Evagrius therefore has made use of a Metaphor at this place and compares the Roman Camp to a Ship and the Mutiny they had raised he compares to a Tempest Vales. * Oblivion †Or Instead of a Supplication and Olive-Branches ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 preference or the Better b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 At this place there was this whole line wanting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 judgment The heart of a King is in the Hand of God which I have supplied from the Incomparable Florentine Manuscript There seems to have been the same imperfection also in that Copy which Nicephorus made use of For he would never have omitted that brave Sentence which Mauricius had made use of The heart of a King is in the hand of God had he found it in his own Copy Vales. * Or Betray c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the excellent Florentine Manuscript this whole place is read thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Incomparably well provided we read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in two words as the reading is in Nicephorus book 18 chap. 15. and we have rendred it accordingly Away therefore with Christophorson's and S r Henry Savil's conjecture who at this place have made it
Contents of this Chapter and in Sozomen He bore the same dignity under Constantius as Athanasius attests in his Book de Synodis Arimini Seleuciae Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 There is the same errour in the foregoing Chapter where the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in which manner 't is written at both places in the Fuketian Copy Vales. a This whole passage as far as those words Others interpreted c was wanting in the Kings Copy and in Robert Stephens Edition which words Learned men have inserted from some Manuscript Copy as I judge For they seem to me to be genuine and to proceed from Eusebius's own stile They do indeed occur in the excellent Fuketian Copy but in S r Henry Savil's they are wanting For at this place S r Henry hath made this Remark Christophorsonus hoc loco c. At this place Christophorson has from his own Copies inserted these following words which to me seem scarce agreeable to this place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eusebius does not without reason term that kindness and benignity which the Emperour Constantine made use of towards the Priests of God a benignity towards Christ himself For kindness towards his Ministers redounds to the honour of the Lord himself Therefore says Christ in the Gospel He that receiveth you receiveth me and that which you have done to one of them you have done to me Vales. * Or Delivered to their hearers Theologick c. †Or Made interpretations of the divine readings ‖ Or Goods c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Here the words seem to be transposed a thing which as we have told you is frequently done in these Books Above therefore is must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 making descriptions and here the reading must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 explaining the meanings c. But some body will perhaps aske what those Prophetick Visions are which Eusebius means here He means if I mistake not that place which occurs in the third chapter of Zephaniah verse 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For Cyril of Jerusalem also in his fourth Homily explains this passage of Zephaniah concerning the Martyrium or Church which Constantine erected in the place of our Lord's Resurrection Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He terms the Jerusalem Church and all its Members and Edifices Symbols See Eusebius's Oration in the dedication of the Church at Tyre which is recorded in the tenth book of his Eccles. History where he asserts that every member of the Church imported some thing that was mystical In the Fuketian Copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without the conjunction 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. e ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Translatour has rendred it right tricesimo imperii anno in the thirtieth year of his Empire For the Dedication-Feast of the Jerusalem Church was celebrated in the year of Christ 335 on the Ides of September Constantius and Albinus being Consuls in Constantine's Tricennalia At which time Constantine was in the thirtieth year of his Empire 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does properly signifie Tricennalia that is a festivity of sports which were performed on account of the thirtieth year of an Emperours Reign The Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle in the Consulate of Constantius and Albinus has these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which in Idatius's Fasti occur rendâ—ed into Latine in this manner His Coss. Tricennalia Edidit Constantinus Augustus die 8. Cal. August in the Consulate of these persons Constantinus Augustus published his Tricennalia on the eight of the Calends of August Yet sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Tricennalia are taken for the thirtieth year So Jerome relates that Dalmatius was created Caesar in Constantine's Tricennalia that is on the thirtieth year of his Empire But whereas I have said that the Dedication Feast of the Jerusalem Church was celebrated on the Ides of September of this matter I have Nicephorus my Authour in his eight book chap. 30. Indeed in Saint Saba's Typicon and in the Greek Menology on the thirteenth day of September are placed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So also Sophronius in his Oration de Exaltatione Sanctae Crucis and this Festivity was observed every year for the space of eight days From these Authours the Alexandrian Chronicle must be corrected wherein there is a mistake as well in the day as the Consulate in which these things were done Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and how great the Emperours attempts of Elegancy a Amongst the other Donaria Sacred Gifts which Constantine gave to the Jerusalem Church there was a Sacerdotal pall woven with threads of gold which the Bishop made use of in his performing the solemn prayers as Theodoret relates Eccles. Hist. book 2. chap. 27. Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after this present Subject That is at the close of this work The Translatour rendred it ill Quod etiam cum videbitur absoluto opere edemus But our Rendition is confirmed by Eusebius himself in chap. 32. of this book Vales. c For Eusebius had before made a speech in the Palace as he himself attests above at chap. 33 where see what we have noted Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which reading I have followed in my Version nor do I doubt but Eusebius wrote so Further in this place there is an ambiguity For the words may be construed thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c This Second Synod which we know to be the greatest after that First Synod which he had assembled at the most eminent City of Bithynia the Emperour convenâ—d at Jerusalem Which sense Christophorson has followed Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I embrace the emendation of Learned men which I found written in Moraeus's Copy also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Neveâ—â—heless I would willingly add another word also in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and have rendred it accordingly Further the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be rendred vota vowes For Eusebius alludes to the usage of the Romans who in such Solemnities made Vowes for the safety and felicity of the Prince as 't is apparent from Plinius's Epistle to Trajan Moreover in old Coyns we reade such Vows as these thus exprest VOTIS XX. MULTIS XXX But in other Coyns 't is thus SIC X. SIC XX. That is So His Decennalia So His Vicennalia In the Fuketian Copy 't is plainly written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Letter of the Bishops of the Jerusalem Synod who by Constantine's Order met in order to the Dedication of this Church which Letter Athanasius records in his Apologetick pag. 801 't is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Salutary Martyrium Jerome also in his Chronicon terms it the Martyrium
Paulus was for that reason turned out of the Church again ibid. Chap. 14. That the Arians having removed Gregorius from the see of Alexandria put Georgius into his place Page 251 Chap. 15. How Athanasius and Paulus going to Rome and being fortified with Bishop Julius's Letters recovered their own Sees again ibid. Chap. 16. That the Emperour sent an order by Philippus Praefect of the Pretorium that Paulus should be ejected and banished and that Macedonius should be enstalled Bishop in his See Page 252 Chap. 17. That Athanasius being afraid of the Emperours menaces returned to Rome again Page 253 Chap. 18. How the Emperour of the Western parts requested of his brother that such persons might be sent as could give an account of the deposition of Athanasius and Paulus And that they who were sent published another form of the Creed Page 254 Chap. 19. Concerning the large Explanation of the Faith ibid. Chap. 20. Concerning the Synod at Serdica Page 256 Chap. 21. An Apology for Eusebius Pamphilus Page 258 Chap. 22. That the Synod of Serdica restored Paulus and Athanasius to their Sees and that upon the Eastern Emperours refusal to admit them the Emperour of the West threatned him with War Page 259 Chap. 23. That Constantius being afraid of his Brothers Menaces by his Letters ordered Athanasius to appear and sent him to Alexandria Page 260 Chap. 24. That Athanasius passing through Jerusalem in his return to Alexandria was received into Communion by Maximus and convened a Synod of Bishops which confirmed the Nicene Faith Page 262 Chap. 25. Concerning the Tyrant Magnentius and Vetranio Page 263 Chap. 26. How after the Death of Constans the Western Emperour Paulus and Athanasius were Ejected out of their own Sees again And that Paulus after his being carried into banishment was slain But Athanasius made his escape by flight ibid. Chap. 27. That Macedonius having got possession of the See of Constantinople did much mischief to those that in opinion dissented from him Page 264 Chap. 28. Concerning what was done at Alexandria by Georgius the Arian from Athanasius's own relation ibid. Chap. 29. Concerning Photinus the Arch-Heretick Page 265 Chap. 30. Concerning the forms of the Creed published at Sirmium in the presence of the Emperour Constantius Page 266 Chap. 31. Concerning Hosius Bishop of Corduba Page 269 Chap. 32. Concerning the overthrow of Magnentius the Tyrant ibid. Chap. 33. Concerning the Jews inhabiting Dio-Caesarea in Palestine Page 270 Chap. 34. Concerning Gallus Caesar. ibid. Chap. 35. Concerning Aëtius the Syrian Eunomius's Master ibid. Chap. 36. Concerning the Synod at Millaine Page 271 Chap. 37. Concerning the Synod at Ariminum and concerning the Draught of the Creed which was published there ibid. Chap. 38. Concerning the cruelty of Macedonius and the Tumults by him raised Page 275 Chap. 39. Concerning the Synod at Seleucia a City of Isauria Page 277 Chap. 40. That Acacius Bishop of Caesarea dictated another Draught of the Creed in the Synod at Seleucia Page 278 Chap. 41. Thaâ— upon the Emperours return from the Western parts the Acacians were convened in the City of Constantinople and firmed the Ariminum Creed making some additions to it Page 281 Chap. 42. That upon Macedonius's being deposed Eudoxius obtained the Bishoprick of Constantinople ibid. Chap. 43. Concerning Eustathius Bishop of Sebastia Page 282 Chap. 44. Concerning Meletius Bishop of Antioch Page 283 Chap. 45. Concerning Macedonius's Heresie ibid. Chap. 46. Concerning the Apollinaristae and their Heresie Page 284 Chap. 47. Concerning the death of the Emperour Constantius ibid. Book III. Chap. 1. COncerning Julianus his Extract and Education And how upon his being made Emperour he revolted to Gentilism Page 285 Chap. 2. Concerning the Sedition which hapned at Alexandria and after what manner Georgius was slain Page 287 Chap. 3. That the Emperour incensed at Georgius's murder sharply rebuked the Alexandrians by his Letter Page 288 Chap. 4. How upon Georgius's being murdered Athanasius returned to Alexandria and recovered his own Church Page 289 Chap. 5. Concerning Lucifer and Eusebius ibid. Chap. 6. How Lucifer arriving at Antioch Ordained Paulinus ibid. Chap. 7. How Eusebius and Athanasius accorded together and assembled a Synod of Bishops at Alexandria wherein they expresly declared that the Trinity is Consubstantial Page 290 Chap. 8. Some passages quoted out of Athanasius's Apologetick concerning his own flight Page 291 Chap. 9. How after the Synod at Alexandria made up of those who asserted the Homoöusian Faith Eusebius returning to Antioch found the Catholicks disagreeing there upon account of Paulinus's Ordination and being unable to bring them to an agreement he departed from thence Page 293 Chap. 10. Concerning Hilarius Bishop of Poictiers ibid. Chap. 11. How the Emperour Julianus exacted money from the Christians Page 294 Chap. 12. Concerning Maris Bishop of Chalcedon ibid. Chap. 13. Concerning the tumult raised by the Heathens against the Christians Page 295 Chap. 14. Concerning Athanasius's flight ibid. Chap. 15. Concerning those who in the Reign of Julianus suffered Martyrdom at Merus a City of Phrygia Page 296 Chap. 16. How when the Emperour prohibited the Christians from being educated in the Grecian Literature the two Apollinaris's betook themselves to writing of Books ibid. Chap. 17. How the Emperour making preparations for an expedition against the Persians arrived at Antioch and being derided by the Antiochians he published an Oration against them entituled Misopâ—gâ—n Page 297 Chap. 18. How when the Emperour was desirous to consult the Oracle the Daemon gave no answer being afraid of Babilas the Martyr Page 298 Chap. 19. Concerning the Emperours wrath and concerning Theodorus the Confessour ibid. Chap. 20. How the Emperour perswaded the Jews to sacrifice and concerning the utter destruction of Jerusalem ibid. Chap. 21. Concerning the Emperours inroad into Persia and concerning his death pag. 299 Chap. 22. Concerning Jovianus's being Proclaimed Emperour ibid. Chap. 23. A confutation of what Libanius the Sophista has said concerning Julianus Page 300 Chap. 24. That the Bishops flockt from all places to Jovianus every one of them hoping they should induce him to embrace their own Creed Page 303 Chap. 25. That the Macedonians and Acacians meeting together at Antioch confirmed the Nicene Creed ibid. Chap. 26. Concerning the Death of the Emperour Jovianus Page 304 Book IV. Chap. 1. THat after Jovianus's death Valentinianus is Proclaimed Emperour who made his brother Valens his Colleague in the Empire And that Valentinianus was a Catholick but Valens an Arian pag. 305 Chap. 2. That Valentinianus went into the Western parts of the Empire and Valens resided at Constantinople who upon the Macedonians address to him that a Synod might be convened granted their request And that he persecuted the Homoöusians Page 306 Chap. 3. That whilst Valens persecuted those who embraced the Homoöusian opinion in the East there arose a Tyrant at Constantinople by name Procopius And that at the same time an Earthquake hapned and an inundation of the Sea which ruined many Cities ibid. Chap.
send a Deposition to Acacius Bishop of Constantinople Page 459 Chap. 19. Concerning Cyrillus Governour of the Monastery of the Acoemeti how he sent some persons to Felix at Rome inciting him to revenge what had been committed against the Faith ibid. Chap. 20. Concerning what Felix wrote to Zeno and Zeno to Felix Page 460 Chap. 21. That Symeones a Monk belonging to the Monastery of the Acoemeti went to Rome and accused those Bishops sent from the Romans to Constantinople as having held Communion with Hereticks and that these Legates and those persons who held Communion with Petrus were deposed by the Romans ibid. Chap. 22. Concerning the disturbances at Alexandria and in several other places on account of the Synod at Chalcedon Page 461 Chap. 23. Concerning Fravita and Euphemius Bishops of Constantinople and concerning Athanasius and Johannes Bishop of Alexandria also concerning Palladius and Flavianus Prelates of Antioch and concerning some other persons ibid. Chap. 24. Concerning the slaughter of Armatus who was kinsman to the Empress Verina Page 462 Chap. 25. Concerning the Rebellion of Theodoricus the Scythian and concerning the same person's death Page 463 Chap. 26. Concerning Marcianus's Insurrection and what hapned in relation to him ibid. Chap. 27. Concerning the Tyranny of Illus and Leontius Page 464 Chap. 28. Concerning Mammianus and the Structures built by him ibid. Chap. 29. Concerning Zeno's death and the proclaiming Anastasius Emperour ibid. Chap. 30. Concerning the Emperour Anastasius and how because he would not innovate any thing in relation to the Ecclesiastick Constitution the Churches over the whole world were filled with infinite disturbances and many of the Bishops for that reason were ejected Page 465 Chap. 31. The Letter of the Monks of Palestine to Alcison concerning Xenaias and some other persons ibid. Chap. 32. Concerning the Expulsion of Macedonius Bishop of Constantinople and of Flavianus Bishop of Antioch Page 467 Chap. 33. Concerning Severus Bishop of Antioch ibid. Chap. 34. Concerning the Libell of Deposition sent to the same Severus by Cosmas and Severianus Page 469 Chap. 35. Concerning the destruction of the Isaurian Tyrants ibid. Chap. 36. Concerning the Saracens that they made a Peace with the Romans Page 470 Chap. 37. Concerning the Siege of Amida and the building of the City Daras ibid. Chap. 38. Concerning the Long Wall ibid. Chap. 39. Concerning that Tax termed the Chrysargyrum and how Anastasius abolished it ibid. Chap. 40. Concerning what Zosimus hath written in relation to the Chrysargyrum and about the Emperour Constantine Page 472 Chap. 41. An Invective against Zosimus on account of the Reproaches and Calumnies he has cast upon Constantine and the Christians ibid. Chap. 42. Concerning The Chryso elia Page 474 Chap. 43. Concerning the Tyranny of Vitalianus Page 475 Chap. 44. That Anastasius being desirous to add these words Who hast been crucified on our account to the Hymn termed The Trisagium a Sedition and disturbance hapned amongst the people Which Anastasius fearing made use of dissimulation and soon altered the minds of the people And concerning the death of Anastasius Page 476 Book IV. Chap. 1. COncerning the Empire of Justinus Senior Pag. 4 7 Chap. 2. Concerning the Eunuch Amantius and Theocritus and in what manner Justinus put these persons to death ibid. Chap. 3. In what manner Justinus slew Vitalianus by treachery ibid. Chap. 4. How Justinus having Ejected Severus put Paulus into his place and that some little time after Euphrasius obtained the See of Antioch Page 478 Chap. 5. Concerning the Fires which hapned at Antioch and the Earth-quakes wherein Euphrasius was buried and ended his life Page 479 Chap. 6. Concerning Ephraemius who succeeded Euphrasius ibid. Chap. 7. Concerning Zosimas and Johannes who were Workers of Miracles Page 480 Chap. 8. Concerning the Universal Calamities Page 481 Chap. 9. How Justinus whilst he was yet living took Justinianus to be his Colleague in the Empire ibid. Chap. 10. That Justinianus favoured those who embraced the Chalcedon Synod But his Wife Theodora was a Lover of the contrary party ibid. Chap. 11. How Severus perverted Anthimus Bishop of Constantinople and Theodosius Bishop of Alexandria which Prelates the Emperour ejected and put others into their Sees Page 482 Chap. 12. Out of the History of Procopius Caesariensis concerning Cavades King of the Persians and his Son Chosroes Page 483 Chap. 13. Concerning Alamundarus and Azarethus and concerning that Sedition at Constantinople which had the name Nica given it ibid. Chap. 14. Concerning Hunericus King of the Vandals and concerning those Christians whose tongues were cut out by him ibid. Chap. 15. Concerning Cabaones the Moor. Page 484 Chap. 16. Concerning Belisarius's Expedition against the Vandals and their totall overthrow ibid. Chap. 17. Concerning the spoyles which were brought out of Africa Page 485 Chap. 18. Concerning those Phoenicians who fled from the face of Jesus the son of Nave ibid. Chap. 19. Concerning Theodoricus the Goth and what hapned at Rome under him till the times of Justinian and that Rome was again reduced to a subjection to the Romans after Vitiges had fled out of that City Page 486 Chap. 20. How those people termed the Eruli turned Christians in the times of Justinian ibid. Chap. 21. That Belisarius recovered the City Rome which had been again taken by the Goths ibid. Chap. 22. That the Abasgi turned Christians also in those times pag. 486 Chap. 23. That the Inhabitants of Tanais also at that time embraced the Christian Religion and concerning the Earthquakes which hapned in Greece and Achaia Page 487 Chap. 24. Concerning Narses a Master of the Milice and his piety ibid. Chap. 25. That Chosroes stimulated with envy at the prosperous successes of Justinian broke out into a War against the Romans and ruined many Roman Cities amongst which he destroyed Antioch the Great also ibid. Chap. 26. Concerning the Miracle of the pretious and Vivifick wood of the Cross which hapned at Apamia Page 488 Chap. 27. Concerning Chosroes's expedition against Edessa ibid. Chap. 28. Concerning the Miracle which was performed at Sergiopolis Page 489 Chap. 29. Concerning the Pestilential distemper Page 490 Chap. 30. Concerning Justinian's insatiable Avarice Page 491 Chap. 31. Concerning the great Church of Saint Sophia and that of The holy Apostles ibid. Chap. 32. Concerning the Emperour Justinian's madness rather then kindness shown towards the Faction of the Venetiani Page 492 Chap. 33. Concerning Barsanuphius the Asceta Page 493 Chap. 34. Concerning the Monk Symeon who for Christ's sake feigned himself a Fool. ibid. Chap. 35. Concerning the Monk Thomas who in like manner feigned himself a Fool. Page 494 Chap. 36. Concerning the Patriarch Menas and concerning the Miracle which hapned then to the Boy of a certain Hebrew ibid. Chap. 37. Who were Bishops of the Greater Cities at that time Page 495 Chap. 38. Concerning the Fifth Holy Oecumenicall Synod and on what account it was convened ibid. Chap. 39. That Justinian having forsaken the right Faith asserted the Body of
is the Glory of Good Servants to speak truth concerning the Lord and 't is the honour of those Fathers who have taught well if their Doctrines be repeated And again in the same Book pag. 37. Haec audiebamus semper a beato illo viro c. These words we always heard from that Blessed man For they were often spoken in this manner by him although some suspected that he uttered these words with his mouth but that in his heart he thought otherwise And indeed I remember with you that I have heard from him that he hath satisfied us with an holy oath that there was not one thing in his tongue and another in his heart And a little after Sed 〈◊〉 quidem paucis c. But now Let thus much be said by us in short in memory and honour of that Our Father so Good so Laborious and every where vigilant for the Churches For we have not made mention of his Stock nor of his Education or Learning or of the rest of his Life and Resolution Which passages in Eusebius that I may not defraud any one of his commendation were shown me by the Most Learned Franciscus Ogerius Now from what I have said it may be evidently enough gathered that Eusebius was joyned to Pamphilus by no Tye of kindred but by the Bond of friendship onely 'T is certain Euseb us although he names Pamphilus in so many places and boasts so highly of his friendship yet never terms him his Kinsman or Relation Tea from Eusebius ' s own Testimony 't is plainly made out that Pamphilus the Martyr was not Eusebius ' s Kinsman For in the close of his Seventh Book of Ecclesiastick History where he makes mention of Agapius Bishop of the Church of Caesarea his words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In this man's time we knew Pamphilus a most eloquent man and a true Philosopher in the practises of his Life honoured with a Presbytership of that Church Whereas therefore Eusebius himself does attest that Pamphilus was first known by him then it is sufficiently apparent that they were not joyned together by any kindred or affinity In these times hapned that most severe Persecution of the Christians which being first begun by Diocletian was by the following Emperours continued to the tenth year In the time of this Persecution Eusebius in regard he was then a Presbyter of the Church of Caesarea resided almost constantly in that City and by continual Exhortations instructed many persons in order to Martyrdom Amongst whom was Apphianus a noble Youth whose illustrious Combat Our Eusebius does relate in his Book concerning the Martyrs of Palestine In the same Persecution Pamphilus was taken and cast into Prison where he spent two whole years in Bonds During which time Eusebius in no wise deserted his Friend and Companion but visited him continually and in the Prison wrote together with him Five Books in defence of Origen the Sixth and last Book of that Work he at length finished after Pamphilus was dead That whole work was by Eusebius and Pamphilus dedicated to the Confessours living in the Mines of Palestine as Photius relates in his Bibliotheca Chapter 118. In the time of the same Persecution on account of some urgent Business of the Church as 't is probable Eusebius went to Tyre During his residence in that City he attests Book 8. Chap 7. that he himself was eye-witness of the Glorious Combats of five Egyptian Martyrs And in the Ninth Chapter of the same Book he writes that he came into Egypt and Thebais whilst the fury of the Persecution as yet rag'd and that there he beheld with his own eyes the admirable constancy of many Martyrs of both Sexes There are those who relate that Eusebius in this Persecution to free himself from the Troubles of a Prison sacrificed to Idols and that that was objected against him by the Egyptian Bishops and Confessours in the Synod at Tyre as we will hereafter relate But I doubt not but this is false and a caluâ—â—y forged by the Enemies of Eusebius For had so great a Crime been really committed by Eusebius how could he have been afterwards made Bishop of the Church of Caesarea How is it likely that he should have been invited by the Antiochians to undertake the Episcopate of that City And yet Cardinal Baronius has catcht up that as certain and undoubted which was objected against Eusebius by the way of contention and wrangling by his Enemies nor was ever confirm'd by any one's Testimony At the same time a Book was written by Eusebius against Hierocles The occasion of writing it was given by Hierocles of Nicomedia who about the beginning of this Persecution when the Churches of the Christians were every where demolished insulting as 't were over the disquieted Religion in the City Nicomedia published two Books against the faith of Christ which he entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In which Books amongst other things he asserted this that Apollonius Tyaneus performed far more and greater Miracles than Christ as Lactantius does attest in his Seventh Book But Eusebius contemning the Man rested satisfied in confuting him in a very short Book Agapius Bishop of Caesarea being dead during this interval and the Persecution being now abated and peace restored to the Church by the general consent of all persons Eusebius is put into his place Others make Agricola who was present at and subscribed to the Synod of Ancyra on the year of Christ 314 Successour to Agapius So Baronius in his Annals at the year of Christ 314 and Blondellus in his Apology pro sententiá B. Hieronymi Chap. 19. Where he writes that Eusebius undertook the Administration of the Church of Caesarea after Agricola ' s death about the year of Christ 315. But those Subscriptions of the Bishops which are extant in the Latine Collections of the Canons in my judgment seem to have little of certainty and validity in them For they occur not either in the Greek Copies or in the Latine Version of Dionysius Exiguus Besides Eusebius reckoning up in the Seventh Book of his Ecclesiastick History the Bishops of the chief Sees under whom the Persecution began and rag'd ends in Agapius Bishop of Caesarea who says he took a great deal of pains in that Persecution for the good of his own Church He therefore must of necessity have sate Bishop untill the end of the Persecution But Eusebius was made Bishop immediately after the Persecution was ended For when Paulinus Bishop of Tyre dedicated a Cathedral sometime after Peace and repose was restored to the Church He together with other Bishops was invited by Paulinus to its Dedication and made a most Elegâ—nt Oration before him as we are informed from the Tenth Book of his Ecclesiastick History Now this hapned before Licinius rebell'd against Constantine which fell out on the year of Our Lord 315. About these times Eusebius wrote those famous Books concerning Evangelick
Demonstration and Preparation Which Books 't is plain were written before the Nicene Council in regard they are by name cited in his Ecclesiastick History which was written by Eusebius before that Council as we have shown in Our Annotations In the interim Licinius who managed the Government in the Eastern Parts incited by a sudden rage began to persecute the Christians especially those that were Prelates of whom he had a suspicion that they shewed more of favour to Constantine and put up prayers for him But Constantine undertook an Expedition against Licinius and in a short time compell'd him after he had been vanquished in two fights by Land and Sea to a Surrendry And thus Peace was again by Constantine restored to the Christians who inhabited the East But a far more vehement disturbance was at that time rais'd amongst the Christians themselves For Arius a Presbyter of the City Alexandria in regard he would publickly in the Church preach up some new and impious Opinions concerning the Son of God and having been frequently admonished by Alexander the Bishop would nevertheless persist in those Assertions was at length condemned together with the Associates of â—his own Errour and was expell'd out of the Church Highly resenting this his Condemnation he sent Letters with a draught of his own Faith to all the Bishops of the neighbouring Cities wherein he complain'd that he had been undeservedly deposed by Alexander in regard he asserted the same Points that the rest of the Eastern Prelates maintained Many Bishops impos'd upon by these Artifices and powerfully incited by Eusebius of Nicomedia who was an open Favourer of Arius ' s Party wrote Letters in defence of Arius to Alexander Bishop of the City Alexandria entreating him to restore Arius to his former place Our Eusebius was one of their number whose Letter written to Alexander is extant in the Acts of the Seventh Occumenical Synod and is by us put amongst the Testimonies of the Ancients Eusebius Caesariensis ' s example being presently followed by Theodotus and Paulinus the one Bishop of Laodicea the other of Tyre they interceded with Alexander for Arius ' s restitution Whose Letters as Patronizing his own Opinions in regard Arius boasted of in all places and by the authority of such great men drew many persons into a Society of his own Errour on this account Alexander himself also was forc'd to write Letters to the other Bishops of the East whereby it might be made publickly known that Arius together with his Associates had been justly condemn'd and depos'd Two Letters of Alexanders are at this present extant the one to Alexander Bishop of Constantinople in which Alexander complains of three Bishops of Syria who agreeing in opinion with Arius had inflamed the quarrel which they ought rather to have extinguished and had rendred it siercer than it was before These three are Eusebius Theodotus and Paulinus as may be collected from Arius ' s Letter written to Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia The other Letter of Alexanders written to all the Bishops throughout the world Socrates records in his First Book To these Letters of Alexander almost all the Eastern Bishops subscribâ—d amongst whom the Prelates of chiefest note were Philogonius Bishop of Antioch Eustathius of Beroea and Macarius of Jerusalem Now those Bishops who feem'd to be of Arius ' s side in regard they saw themselves severely touch'd in Alexanders Letters made it their business to defend Arius with far more of fierceness and Vehemency but most especially Eusebius Nicomediensis For our Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea together with Patrophilus and Paulinus and other Bishops of Syria concluded upon this onely that Arius the Presbyter should have a Liberty of holding Assemblies in his own Church nevertheless that he should be subject to Alexander the Bishop and should earnestly request of him that he might be admitted to Peace and Communion The Bishops in this manner disagreeing amongst themselves and some favouring Alexanders others Arius ' s side the Contention was incredibly height'ned To cure which mischief Constantine assembled a General Synod of Bishops such a one as no age had ever seen from all parts of the Roman World in Nicaea a City of Eithynia Of this Greatest and most celebrated Council Our Eusebius was not the least part For he had both the first place in the right-hand Side and also in the name of the whole Synod made a Speech to the Emperour Constantine who sate on a Golden Chair in the midst between the two Rows of those who sate together in the Council as he himself attests in the Preface to his first Book concerning the Life of Constantine and in his Third Book of the same work The same is likewise confirmed by Sozomen in the First Book of his Ecclesiastick History Farther when there was a great contest amongst the Bishops concerning a Draught of the Creed Our Eusebius proposed a Draught that was exactly true and plain and which was commended by the consent of all the Bishops and of the Emperour Himself But in regard something seem'd to be wanting in that Draught in order to confuting the impiety of the new Opinion the Fathers of the Nicene Synod judged these words as necessary to be further added Very God of Very God begotten not made being of One Substance with the Father They likewise annex'd Anathematisms against those who should assert that the Son of God was made of things which are not and that there was a time when He was not And at first indeed Our Eusebius refused to admit of the Term Consubstantial But afterwards informed by the other Bishops what the import and magning of that word was he at length consented and subscrib'd to this Creed as he himself relates in his Letter to his Diocess of Caesarea Some affirm that Eusebius forc'd by necessity and out of a fear of the Emperour rather than from the Sentiment of his own mind had subscrib'd to the Nicene Creed I might indeed be easily induc'd to believe that concerning others who were present at this Synod But I can't think so of Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea For after the Nicene Synod Eusebius always condemned those who would assert that the Son of God was made of nothing as 't is plain from his Books against Marcellus and expressly from the ninth and tenth Chapter of his First Book De Ecclesiastica Theologia Athanasius does likewise attest the same concerning him Who though he has often related that Eusebius Caesariensis had subscribed to the Nicene Synod yet does never declare that he did that dissemblingly and in pretence onely Had Eusebius subscrib'd to the Nicene Council not heartily but by fraud and under a colour why did he afterwards send that Letter I have mentioned to his Diocess of Caesarea wherein he profess'd ingenâ—ously that he had embraced that Faith which had been published in the Nicene Council After the Nicene Synod the Arians out of a fear of the Emperour were
Jesus Christ being every where famous by reason of his wonderfull power by which he wrought miracles drew together an innumerable company even of forreigners and inhabitants of Countreys far remote from Judea who were sick and troubled with all sorts of pains hoping to be recovered Therefore King Agbarus the then worthy Governour of the Nations lying beyond Euphrates being much weakened with a sore disease incurable by humane skill as soon as he heard of the great Name of Jesus and of his wonderfull works attested by all sent a Letter to him by a Letter-carrier humbly beseeching him to vouchsafe to cure his distemper Now though he did not then hearken to his request yet he vouchsafed to give him answer by his own Letter wherein he promised to send one of his disciples who should both cure him and also bring salvation to him and his relations and friends Soon after therefore this promise was exactly fulfilled For after his Resurrection from the dead and Ascension into heaven Thomas one of the twelve Apostles moved thereto by Divine impulse sent Thaddaeus chosen one of the eventy disciples of Christ to Edessa to be a Preacher and Evangelift of the Doctrine of Christ. By whom all that which our Saviour had promised was fulfilled The written evidence of this matter we have taken out of the Office of Records within the princely City of Edessa in which Agbarus then was Governour For among the publick Records there wherein the antiquities of the City and the Acts of Agbarus are contained are found these things there preserved to our days Nothing hinders but that we may hear the very words of the Letter which we have taken out of the antient Rolls and faithfully translated out of the Syriack Tongue in these words thus A Copy of a Letter written by King Abgarus to Jesus and sent to him to Jerusalem by Ananias the Courier Abgarus Prince of Edessa to Jesus the good Saviour who hath manifested himself within the confines of Jerusalem sendeth greeting I have heard of thee and of the Cures wrought by thee without Herbs or Medicines for as it is reported thou dost restore sight to the Blind thou makest the Lame to walk thou cleansest the Leprous and thou dost cast out devills and unclean spirits and thou healest those that are tormented with diseases of a long continuance and thou dost raise the dead When I heard all this of thee I was fully perswaded to believe one of these two things either that thou art very God and art come down from heaven to doe such things or else the Son of God and so performest them Wherefore I have now written to thee beseeching thee to come to me and cure my disease For I have heard that the Jews murmur against thee and contrive to doe thee mischief I have a City a little one indeed but it is beautifull and capable of receiving us both Thus wrote Agbarus as then but a little enlightned from above It is also worth while to hear the Answer of Jesus returned to him by the same Courier short indeed it is but it has much of power and efficacy in it It was thus The Answer of Jesus to Agbarus the King sent by Ananias the Courier Blessed art thou Agbarus who hast believed in me whom thou hast not seen For it is written of me that they which have seen me should not believe in me that so they which have not seen me may believe and be saved But as concerning what thou writest about my coming to thee Know that all things for which I am sent must be here by me fulfilled which being finished I shall be taken up and return to him that sent me But after I am ascended I will send thee one of my disciples who shall cure thy distemper and give life to thee and to them that are with thee To this Letter there is this farther added in the Syriack Language After Jesus was ascended Judas called also Thomas sent Thaddaeus the Apostle who was one of the Seventy disciples to Agbarus When he was come thither he abode with Tobias the son of Tobias As soon as it was heard that he was come having manifested himself by the miracles he wrought Agbarus was told that the Apostle of Jesus was come thither according to his promise in his Letter Now Thaddaeus began to cure every disease and distemper by the power of God to the wonder of all When Agbarus heard of the great and wonderfull works wrought by him and how in the Name and by the power of Jesus Christ he cured diseases he had some suspicion that this was the person about whom Jesus wrote to him saying when I am taken up I will send thee one of my disciples who shall heal thy distemper Having therefore called for Tobias with whom Thaddaeus abode I have heard said he that there is a certain powerfull man come from Jerusalem who lodges at thy house that performs many Cures in the name of Jesus There is a stranger Sir replied he come to my house who does many miracles Bring him said Abgarus to me Tobias went home to Thaddaeus and told him Agbarus the Governour of this City having sent for me commands me to bring thee to him that thou mayest cure his distemper I will go replied Thaddaeus for it is chiefly upon his account that I am with power sent hither Tobias therefore getting up early next morning took Thaddaeus along with him and went to Agbarus When he was come to Agbarus his Nobles being present and standing round him there appeared a wonderfull sight in the face of the Apostle Thaddaeus as he came in to him and therefore he worshipped him All that were present wondred at that for they saw nothing of that sight which appeared onely to Agbarus Then he asked Thaddaeus art thou in truth a disciple of Jesus the Son of God who wrote thus to me I will send thee one of my disciples who shall cure thy distemper and give life to thee and to all with thee Thaeddaeus answered for as much as thou hast firmly believed in the Lord Jesus who sent me therefore am I sent to thee and if thy Faith in him does still increase according to thy Belief thou shalt have the desires of thine heart fulfilled Agbarus made him answer I did so firmly believe in him that I would have raised Forces to have destroyed the Jews who crucified him had I not been inhibited from that purpose by the Roman Empire Jesus Christ replied Thaeddaeus our Lord God fulfilled the will of his Father and having finished that was taken up to his Father Agbarus said unto him I believed both in Him and in his Father Therefore said Thaddaeus I lay my hand on thee in the name of the same Lord Jesus Christ and having done so he was presently cured of the disease and distemper that he had Agbarus wondred greatly when he saw that really accomplished which he had
Paul when the multitude of the Jews raised a tumult against him Art not thou that Egyptian which before these days madest an uproar and leddest into the wilderness four thousand men that were murtherers But thus much concerning the times of Felix CHAP. XXII How Paul being sent bound from Judea to Rome having made his defence was wholly acquitted BUt Festus is by Nero sent as successour to this Felix in whose time Paul having pleaded for himself is carried bound to Rome Aristarchus was with him whom somewhere in his Epistles he deservedly stiles his fellow prisoner And Luke who committed to writing the Acts of the Apostles concluded his History here having shewed that Paul lived two full years at Rome enjoying in a great measure his liberty and that he Preached the Word of God no man forbidding him Then having made his defence it is moreover reported that the Apostle travelled again upon account of the ministration of Preaching and that coming the second time to the same City he ended his life by martyrdome in this Emperours Reign At which time being in bonds he wrote the second Epistle to Timothy signifying therein both his former defence and also his approaching death Take his own Testimonie hereof At my first answer says he no man stood with me but all men forsook me I pray God that it may not be laid to their charge notwithstanding the Lord stood with me and strengthened me that by me the Preaching might be fully known and that all the Gentiles might hear and I was delivered out of the mouth of the Lion By which words he makes it plainly evident that at the first time that his Preaching might be fulfilled he was delivered out of the mouth of the Lion speaking as it was likely of Nero because of his cruelty But afterwards he has not added any thing like unto these words He shall deliver me out of the mouth of the Lion for by the Spirit he saw that his end was now near at hand wherefore having said and I was delivered out of the mouth of the Lion he adds this The Lord shall deliver me from every evil work and will preserve me unto his heavenly Kingdom evidently signifying that his martyrdom was at hand which he more plainly foretels in the same Epistle saying For I am now ready to be offered and the time of my departure is at hand Moreover in this second Epistle to Timothy he manifestly declares that onely Luke was then with him when he wrote it but at his first answer that not so much as he was with him then Whence 't is aggreable to reason to think that Luke concluded the Acts of the Apostles at that time having continued the History so long as he accompanied Paul These things we have spoken that we may make it manifest that the martyrdom of Paul was not consummated at that first coming of his to Rome which Luke mentions For its likely that Pauls Apology for his opinion was more easily admitted by Nero he behaving himself more mildly at the beginning of his Empire but proceeding afterwards to the commission of most horrid and villanous Acts those things against the Apostles together with many other persons were by him taken in hand CHAP. XXIII How James called the brother of the Lord was Martyred MOreover Paul having appealed to Caesar and being by Festus sent to Rome the Jews who had plotted a design against him being now disappointed of their expectation set upon James the brother of the Lord to whom the Episcopal seat at Jerusalem was given by the Apostles and of this sort were their villanous practises against him Leading him forth publickly they required him to renounce the faith of Christ before all the people But when he contrary to the expectation of all had spoken freely and with a greater boldness than they looked for before the whole multitude and had confessed that our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ was the Son of God being no longer able to endure the Testimony of the man they slew him who was believed by all to be a most just person by reason of that singular eminence he arrived to in his leading a Philosophical and pious course of life taking the vacancy of the Government as a fit oportunity for this their Licentiousness For Festus being at that time dead in Judea that Province was without a President and Procuratour Now the manner of this James's death the words of Clemens before quoted by us have manifested he having declared that he was cast headlong from the battlement of the Temple and beaten to death with a club But moreover Hegesippus being one of those who were of the first succession after the Apostles does in the fifth Book of his Commentaries most accurately relate these things concerning this James speaking after this manner James the brother of our Lord undertook together with the Apostles the Government of the Church That James who was surnamed the Just by all even from the times of our Lord untill ours For many were called by the name of James but this man was holy from his mothers womb He drank neither wine nor strong drink nor eat any creature wherein there was life There never came Rasour upon his head he anointed not himself with oyl neither did he use a Bath To Him onely it was lawfull to enter into the Holiest of Holie's He wore no woollen but linnen garments and went into the Temple alone where he was found upon his knees making supplication for the forgiveness of the people in so much that his knees were become hard and brawny like those of a Camel by reason of his continual kneeling to worship God and to make supplication for the remission of the people Wherefore upon account of his most eminent righteousness he was called Justus and Oblias which signifies in English the defence and righteousness of the people as the Prophets declare concerning him Therefore certain men of the seven Heresies among that people of the Jews which we have before written of in our Commentaries asked him which is the gate of Jesus And he said that That Jesus was the Saviour Some of them believed that Jesus was the Christ but the forementioned Sects believed neither the Resurrection nor that he was to come to reward every man according to his works But as many as believed believed by the means of James Therefore many of the chief men believing there was a commotion among the Jews and Scribes and Pharisees who said that all the people were in danger to think Jesus to be the Christ. Coming altogether therefore unto James they said unto him we beseech thee restrain the people for they are in an errour concerning Jesus supposing him to be the Christ we entreat thee perswade all those that come together at the day of the passover that they may think aright concerning Jesus For we all put our confidence in thee and we and
all the people bear thee witness that thou art just and respectest not the person of any man perswade the multitude therefore that they be not deceived about Jesus for we and all the people put our confidence in thee stand therefore upon the battlement of the temple that from on high thou mayest be conspicuous and thy words readily heard by all the people for upon account of the passover all the tribes together with the Nations are come together Therefore the foresaid Scribes and Pharisees placed James upon the battlement of the Temple and cried out to him and said O Justus whom we all ought to put our confidence in because the people are mislead after Jesus who was crucified declare to us which is the gate of Christ who was crucified and he answered with a loud voice Why do ye question me about Jesus the Son of man He even sits in heaven at the right hand of great power and will come in the clouds of heaven Now when many were fully satisfied and confirmed and glorified God for this Testimony of James and cryed saying Hosanna to the Son of David then the same Scribes and Pharisees said again to one another we have done ill in exhibiting such a Testimony to Jesus but let us go up and cast him down that so the people being terrified may not give credit to him And they cried out saying O O even Justus himself is also seduced And they fulfilled that which was written in Esaiah We will destroy the righteous for he is troublesome to us wherefore they shall eat the fruit of their doings They went up therefore and cast down Justus and said amongst themselves Let us stone James the Just and they began to stone him for he was not fully dead after his fall but turning he kneeled saying I intreat thee O Lord God the Father forgive them for they know not what they doe As they were thus stoning of him one of the Priests of the sons of Rechab the son of Rechabim testifyed of by Jeremy the Prophet cried out saying cease what doe ye Justus prays for us And one of them being one of the Fullers took a leaver with which he used to squeeze garments and smote Justus on the head and so he was martyred And they buried him in that place and his Grave-stone as yet remains neer the Temple This man was a true and substantial witness both to Jews and Gentiles that Jesus was the Christ and soon after Vespasian beset Judea round about and took the Jews captive These things Hegesippus having related fully and largely does therein agree with Clemens But James was a person so admirable and so much cried up amongst all men for his righteousness that the most sober men of the Jews were of opinion that this was the cause of the siege of Jerusalem which immediately followed upon his Martyrdome and that this siege befell them upon no other account than that audacious villany committed against this James Josephus therefore was not afraid to testifie this in writing declaring himself in these words These things befell the Jews in the way of revenge for James the Just who was the brother of Jesus called Christ because the Jews had murthered him being a most righteous person And the same Authour in the twentieth Book of his Antiquities relates his death in these words Caesar being certified of Festus his death sent Albinus Procuratour into Judea But Ananus the younger who as we said before had gotten the High-priesthood was a man as to his disposition rash and excessively bold he embraced the Sect of the Sadduces who in matters of judgment are cruell above all the Jews as we before manifested Ananus therefore being such an one as we have described him to be supposing he had a fit opportunity in that Festus was dead and Albinus yet upon his journey called an Assembly of the Judges into which he caused the brother of Jesus called Christ whose name was James with certain others to be brought whom he accused as violatours of the Law and so delivered them up to be stoned But as many as seemed to be the mildest and most modest in the City and who were the strictest observers of the Law were very much offended hereat and sending privately to the King they intreated him to write to Ananus to warn him that he should not any more attempt any such thing For that he had not done this first fact regularly and legally And some of them also went to meet Al binus journeying from Alexandria and informed him that it was not lawfull for Ananus without his consent to assemble the Sanhedrim Albinus being induced to believe what they said wrote in great anger to Ananus threatning that he would punish him And King Agrippa for this very thing took the High-priesthood from him which he had held three months and constituted Jesus the son of Dammaeus High-priest Thus much concerning James whose the first of those called the general Epistles is reported to be But you must know it is suspected to be spurious Therefore not many of the Antients have made mention of it like as neither of that called Jude being also one of the seven termed the general Epistles Yet notwithstanding we know that these with the rest have been publickly read in most Churches CHAP. XXIV How after Mark Annianus was constituted the first Bishop of the Church of the Alexandrians BUt Nero being in the eighth year of his reign Annianus the first after Mark the Apostle and Evangelist succeeded in the publick charge of the Church at Alexandria being a man beloved of God and in all respects admirable CHAP. XXV Of the persecution in the time of Nero in which Paul and Peter were for Religion graced with Marty dome at Rome THe Empire being now confirmed to Nero he giving his mind to the commission of nefarious facts armed himself against the very worship of the supream God Indeed how wicked a person he was our present leisure will not permit us to describe But in as much as many have related in most accurate Treatises those things that were done by him he that is desirous may from thence see the cruelty and insolent rage of the man Whereby having without all consideration destroyed an infinite number of men he arrived to such an height of murdering cruelty that he forbore not his most familiar and most beloved friends but slew his mother and his wife with innumerable others that were related to him as if they had been enemies and adversaries by sundry kinds of death This indeed also ought together with the rest to have been ascribed to him as one of his titles That he was the first of the Emperours that demonstrated himself to be an Adversary to the worship due to God Thus much again Tertullian the Roman does record saying after this manner Consult your Records There you will
CHAP. IV. Of the first Succession of the Apostles THat Paul therefore Preaching to the Gentiles laid the foundations of those Churches from Jerusalem and round about unto Illyricum is manifest both from his own words and also from what Luke has related in the Acts. Likewise in what Provinces Peter Preaching the Gospel of Christ to those of the Circumcision delivered the doctrine of the New Covenant is sufficiently apparent from his own words out of that Epistle of his which we have said is universally acknowledged as genuine which he wrote to the Jews that were dispersed throughout Pontus and Galatia Cappadocia and Asia and Bithynia Now how many and what sincere followers of them have been approved as sufficient to take the charge of those Churches by them founded it is not easie to say except such and so many as may be collected from the words of Paul For he had very many fellow labourers and as he termed them fellow souldiers many of which were by him vouchsafed an indeleble remembrance he having in his own Epistles ascribed to them an everlasting commendation But Luke enumerating in the Acts the disciples of Paul makes mention of them by name Moreover Timothy is reported to have been the first that was chosen to the Bishoprick of the Ephesian Church as also Titus of the Churches in Orâ—â—t Luke by original extract an Antiochian by profession a Physitian for the most part accompanied Paul and being diligently conversant with the rest of the Apostles has left us in two Books written by divine inspiration Lessons that are medicinable for our souls which he prâ—â—ured of them The one is the Gospel which he professes he wrote even as they delivered it unto him who from the beginning were eye witnesses and Ministers of the Word in all which things he says he had perfect understanding from the very first The other is the Acts of the Apostles which Treatise he composed now not of such passages as he had received by report but of what he had seen with his own eyes They say also that Paul was wont to mean the Gospel according to Luke when speaking as it were of his own Gospel he says According to my Gospel Of the rest of the followers of Paul Crescens is by the Apostle himself declared to be one who was sent by him into Gallia Linus also whom in his second Epistle to Timothy he mentions to be at Rome with him who was before manifested to have been the first that was chosen to the Bishoprick of Rome after Peter Clemens also who was likewise constituted the third Bishop of Rome is attested by Paul himself to have been his fellow labourer and companion in sufferings Furthermore that Areopagite by name Dionysius whom Luke in the Acts records to have been the first that believed after the Sermon made by Paul to the Athenians in Areopagus another Dionysius one of the Antients a Pastour of the Corinthian Church relates to have been the first Bishop of the Athenian Church But as we goe on with this work of ours we will in due place declare the successions of the Apostles in their several times Now we will proceed to that part of our History which follows in order CHAP. V. Of the last Siege of the Jews after Christs death AFter Nero who held the Government thirteen years Galba and Otho having reigned a year and six months Vespasian grown famous in the wars against the Jews was made Emperour in Judea being proclaimed by the Army there He therefore going immediately to Rome committed the management of the war against the Jews to his son Titus Moreover after the Ascension of our Saviour when the Jews besides the audacious wickedness committed against him had now contrived and executed very many cruel designs against his Apostles first Stephen being stoned to death by them then after him James the son of Zebedee and brother of John beheaded and last of all that James who was first chosen into the Episcopal seat there after our Saviours Ascension Murthered according to the fore mentioned manner when the rest of the Apostles were by innumerable wiles laid wait for to be put to death and being driven out of Judea were gone to Preach the doctrine of the Gospel to all nations assisted by the power of Christ who had said unto them Goe and teach all Nations in my Name And furthermore when the whole congregation of the Church in Jerusalem according to an Oracle given by revelation to the approved persons amongst them before the war were commanded to depart out of the City and inhabit a certain City they call it Pella beyond Jordan into which when those that believed in Christ had removed from Jerusalem and when the holy men had as it were totally relinquished the Princely Metropolis of the Jews and the whole Country of Judea then at length divine vengeance seized them who had dealt so unjustly with Christ and his Apostles and utterly destroyed that wicked and abominable generation from among men But how great calamities then befell the whole nation in every place and how they especially who were inhabitants of Judea were driven to the extremity of misery and how many Myriads of men together with women and children were destroyed by Sword and Famine and by infinite other kinds of death and how many and what Sieges there were of the Jewish Cities and how great miseries and more than miseries they beheld who fled into Jerusalem it self as into the best fortified Metropolis and also the manner and order of the whole war and every particular action therein and how at length the abomination of desolation predicted by the Prophets was set up in the very Temple of God heretofore famous but now about to suffer all manner of pollution and to undergoe its last destruction by fire He that is desirous to know it may accurately read all this in the History written by Josephus But how the same Writer relates that a multitude of about thirty hundred thousand persons assembled together from all parts of Judea at the time of the passeover feast were shut up in Jerusalem as it were says he in a prison I think it requisite to shew in those his own words For it was fit that at that very time wherein they had killed the Saviour and Benefactour of all Christ the Son of God that in the same days I say they should be shut up as it were in a Prison to receive that destruction from divine vengeance which awaited them But I will omit the particular relation of those miseries which befell them and their great sufferings by the Sword and otherwaies and doe think it necessary to propose onely the Calamities of the Famine that so they who shall read this our work may from that part of their sufferings understand that the divine punishment for their enormous impieties committed against the Christ of God did not long after
the same Writer relates saying that a Prophecy was found in the holy Scriptures comprehending thus much to wit that about that time one was to come out of their Country who should rule over the whole world which this Writer understood to have been fulfilled in Vespasian But he did not rule over the whole world onely obtained the Roman Empire This therefore may more justly be referred to Christ to whom it was said by the father Desire of me and I shall give thee the Heathen for thine inheritance and the utmost parts of the earth for thy possession And the sound of whose Holy Apostles at the very same time went out into all Lands and their words unto the ends of the world CHAP. IX Of Josephus and the Writings he left AFter all this it is fit that we should not be ignorant of this same Josephus who has given us so great assistance in the History we now have in hand from whence and of what stock he came And he himself does manifest even this also saying after this manner Josephus the son of Mattathias a Priest of Jerusalem who my self also at first fought against the Romans and was by necessity forced to be present at what was done afterwards This man was esteemed the most eminent person of all the Jews of those times not onely by his own country men but also by the Romans insomuch that he was honoured with a Statue dedicated to him in the City of Rome and the Books compiled by him were accounted worthy to be placed in the publick Library He wrote all the Jewish Antiquities in twenty entire Books and the History of the Jewish war in his own time in seven Books which History he himself testifies he put forth not onely in Greek but also in his own Country language and He is worthy to be credited both in this and in other things There are also two other Books of his extant very worthy to be read which are about the Ancientness of the Jews in which he answers Apion Grammaticus who at that time wrote a Volume against the Jews and some others who had attempted to calumniate the Antiquity and Laws of the Jewish Nation In the former of these he sets forth the number of the Canonical Books of that called the Old Testament which of them are among the Hebrews unquestionable and undoubted as being received from antient tradition discoursing of them in these words CHAP. X. How Josephus makes mention of the Holy Bible THere are not therefore amongst us an innumerable company of Books disagreeing and contradicting one another but onely two and twenty containing an Historical account of all times which are worthily believed to be divine And five of these are the works of Moses which comprehend both the Laws and also a continued Series of the generations of men and what was done by them from their first creation untill his own death This space of time wants little of three thousand years And from the death of Moses untill the Reign of Artaxerxes King of the Persians successour to Xerxes the Prophets who succeeded Moses wrote what was done in their Ages in thirteen Books The remaining four contain Hymnes to God and precepts and admonitions for the well ordering of mens lives Also from Artaxerxes untill our own times every thing is indeed recorded but these Books have not been accounted worthy of the like authority with the former in that the succession of the Prophets was not so accurately known But it is manifestly apparent how highly we revere our own Writings For in so many ages now passed over no one has dared either to adde or to diminish from them or to change any thing therein but it is implanted upon all us Jews immediately from our very birth to think that these are the Precepts of God and to persevere in them and if need so require willingly to die for them And let these words of this Writer be profitably here inserted He compiled also another elaborate work not unworthy of himself about the Empire of Reason which some have entitled Maccabees because it contains the conflicts of those Hebrews in the writings called the Maccabees so termed from them who valiantly fought for the worship of God And at the end of his twentieth Book of Antiquities he intimates as if he purposed to write in four Books according to the opinion of the Jews which they had received from their Ancestours of God and of his essence also of Laws why according to them some things are lawfull to be done and others forbidden Himself also in his own Books mentions other works compiled by his diligence Moreover it is also consonant to reason to adjoyn those words of his which he has inserted at the conclusion of his Antiquities for the confirmation of the quotations and Authorities we have taken out of him He therefore blaming Justus Tiberiensis who had taken in hand as well as he to write an History of those very times as having not related the truth and accusing the man of many other faults at last adds thus much in these words But I was not in that manner as you were timorous concerning my Writings but gave my Books to the Emperours themselves when the deeds done were fresh and almost yet to be seen for I was conscious to my self that I had all along faithfully observed the delivery of the truth upon account whereof hoping for their evidence I was not disappointed of my expectation and moreover I communicated my History to many others some of whom were actually present in the war as was King Agrippa and several of his Relations Also Titus the Emperour was so willing that the knowledge of what was done should be delivered to men solely out of them that he subscribed my Books with his own hand and gave command they should be publickly read And King Agrippa wrote Sixty two Epistles testifying therein that the truth was delivered by me Two whereof Josephus there adjoyns But let thus much be thus far manifested concerning him We will now proceed to what follows CHAP. XI How after James Simeon Governed the Church at Jerusalem AFter the Martyrdom of James and the taking of Jerusalem which immediately followed thereupon report goes that the Apostles and disciples of our Lord who were yet alive met together from all parts in the same place together also with the kinsmen of our Lord according to the flesh for many of them hitherto survived and that all these held a consultation in common who should be adjudged worthy to succeed James and moreover that all with one consent approved of Simeon the son of Cleophas of whom the History of the Gospel makes mention to be worthy of the Episcopal seat there which Simeon as they say was Cousin German by the Mothers side to our Saviour for Hegesippus relates that Cleophas was the brother of Joseph CHAP. XII How
not imprudently who abjured the Faith and that after the manner of the Pythagoreans he injoyned a five years silence to his followers the foresaid Authour having recounted these things and others like them concerning this Basilides hath most diligently detected and brought to light the errour of the forementioned Heresie But Irenaeus writeth also that Carpocrates the father of another Heresie termed the Gnostick Heresie was cotemporary with these These Gnosticks thought that those magical delusions of Simon 's were not to be exposed covertly as he did but publickly and openly boasting of amorous potions accurately and curiously made by them and of certain spirits that were causes of Dreams and Familiars and of certain other such like delusions as if these were the greatest and onely excellent things And agreeable hereunto they taught that those who would arrive to perfection in their mysteries or rather detestable wickednesses must act all things that were most filthy and unclean being no other ways able to avoid the Rulers of the world as they call them unless they distributed to all of them their dues by most filthy and detestable acts of obscenity The devill therefore who delights in mischief making use of these instruments it came to pass that he both miserably enslaved such as were seduced by them and so led them into destruction and also gave those Nations that were unbelievers a great occasion of abundantly slandring the divine doctrine a report arising from them being diffused to the reproachfull detraction of the whole Christian Religion Upon this account therefore chiefly it happened than an impious and most absurd suspition concerning us was spread abroad amongst those who then were unbelievers as if we used detestable carnal copulation with mothers and sisters and fed upon nefarious meats But these crafts of the devil 's did not long succeed with him the truth asserted and confirmed its self and in process of time shone forth most clearly and apparently For these devices of the adversaries being repelled by their own force forthwith became extinct Heresies of a different sort newly designed and cut out and succeeding one after the other the former forthwith melted and fell away and being dissolved into kinds that were of divers sorts and fashions were some one way some another destroyed But the brightness of the Catholick and onely true Church being always the same and so continuing stedfast and like it self was greatly increased and augmented the gravity the sincerity the ingenious freedom the modesty and purity of an holy conversation and Philosophical course of life shooting forth a splendour over all Nations both Grecians and Barbarians That reproachfull detraction therefore wherewith our Religion had been overspread was instantly suppressed Wherefore our doctrine continued to be the onely and the prevailing opinion among all men and was confessed to be most eminently flourishing upon account of its gravity its prudent modesty and its divine and wise precepts in so much that no one hitherto hath been so audacious as to charge our faith with any foul slander or any such reproachfull detraction as those our old adversaries were formerly ready and willing to make use of But moreover in these times the truth again produced many that were its defenders who engaged these impious Heresies not onely with unwritten arguments but also with penned demonstrations CHAP. VIII What Ecclesiastical Writers there were in those times AMongst which flourished Hegesippus out of whom we have quoted many words in our foregoing books when we delivered some passages of those things done in the Apostles times from his relation thereof He therefore having in five books set forth the certain relation of the Apostolick doctrine in a most plain series evidently shews the time wherein he flourished writing thus concerning those who at first set up images For whom they made Monuments and Temples as untill now they doe Of which number is Antinous the servant of Caesar Adrianus in honour of whom there is a sacred game instituted called Antinoium which is celebrated now in our days For Adrian also built a City and named it Antinous and instituted Prophets At the same time also Justin a sincere lover of the true Philosophy as yet spent his time about and was studious in the writings of the gentile Philosophers he in like manner declares this very time in his Apologie to Antoninus writing thus We judge it not absurd here to mention Antinous also who lived very lately whom all men through fear have undertaken to worship as a God not withstanding they evidently know who he was and from whence he had his original The same Authour mentioning also the war then waged against the Jews adds thus much For in the late Jewish war Barchochebas who was the Head of the Jewish Rebellion gave command that the Christians onely should be most cruelly tormented unless they would deny Jesus Christ and blaspheme But moreover declaring in the same book his own conversion from the gentile Philosophy to the worship of the true God that it was not done by him rashly and unadvisedly but with judgment and consideration he writes thus I also my self being much addicted to and affected with the Platonick Philosophy hearing the Christians calumniated and seeing them undaunted at death and at what ever else is accounted terrible thought it impossible that such men should live wickedly and be given to voluptuousness For what sensual or intemperate person and one who accounts humane flesh good food could willingly embrace death which would deprive him of his desires and would not rather use his utmost endeavour to live continually in this life and conceal himself from the Magistrates much less would he voluntarily offer himself to be put to death Moreover the same Authour relates that Adrian having received letters from that most eminent Governour Serenius Granianus concerning the Christians setting forth how unjust it was they should be slain uncondemned meerly to gratifie the clamours of the people when no accusation appeared against them wrote an answer to Minucius Fundanus Proconsul of Asia wherein he commanded that no one should be put to death without a judiciary prosecution and an accusation lawfull and allowable And Justin there produceth the copy of the Rescript in Latine the language wherein it was originally written But before it he premiseth these words And although from the letter of the most excellent and renowned Caesar Adrianus your father we might request you would give command that the judiciary proceedings against us be made according as we desire yet we crave this not so much because it was commanded by Adrian but in regard we know and understand our petition to be just And moreover that you may perceive what we say herein to be true we have inserted the copy of Adrian's letter which is thus To these words Justin hath annexed the Latine copy of the Letter which we as well as we could have done into Greek
to send this Edict to the Common-Council of Asia CHAP. XIII The Rescript of Antoninus to the Common Council of Asia concerning our Religion THe Emperour Caesar Mareus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus Armenicus Pontifex Maximus Tribune of the People XV Consul III. to the Common Councill of Asia sendeth greeting We know indeed that the Gods doe take care this sort of men should not continue undiscovered For it is much more sutable for them to punish such as resuse to pay them Adoration than for you You confirm those whom you molest and disquiet in their opinion which they have embraced whilest you accuse them of impiety And it would please them much more to seem to be accused and put to death for their own God than to live upon which account they are become conquerours and doe willingly lose their lives rather than they will be induced to doe what you command them But concerning the Earthquakes which either have been or yet doe happen it will not be inconvenient to advertise you because you despond and are out of heart when such accidents come to pass to compare your manner of life and behaviour with theirs They at such times put a greater confidence in God but you during the whole time upon which account you seem to us to err through ignorance neglect the Gods and are careless both of all other religious performances and also of the worship of the immortal God And the Christians who adore him you are enraged at and persecute even to death Concerning these men many Governours of Provinces heretofore wrote to our most divine father To whom he returned answer that such men should not be molested unless it appeared they attempted any thing prejudicial to the State of the Roman Empire And many also have given us intimation concerning these men whom we answered pursuant to our Fathers decree If therefore any one shall still persevere to give disturbance to any one of these sort of men because he is a Christian the party accused shall be acquitted although it evidently appears he is a Christian but the accuser shall be obnoxious to punishment This Edict was publisht at Ephesus in the publick assembly of Asia That these things were thus done Melito Bishop of the Church at Sardis who flourisht in the same times does evidently attest by what he has said in his most usefull Apologie which he made to the Emperour Verus for our Religion CHAP. XIV Some memoires of Polycarp the disciple of the Apostles AT this time Anicetus presiding over the Roman Church Irenaeus relates that Polycarp who till now survived came to Rome and discourst Anicetus about a question that arose concerning Easter-day And the same Authour delivers another relation concerning Polycarp in his third book against Heresies which I judged requisite to adjoyn to what has been mentioned concerning him it is thus And Polycarp who was not onely instructed by the Apostles and conversant with many that saw Christ but also was by the Apostles ordained Bishop of the Church of Smyrna in Asia whom we also saw in our younger days for he lived to a great age and being very antient ended his life by a glorious and most renowned Martyrdom This Polycarp I say continually taught what he had learned of the Apostles such points as the Church now teacheth and such onely as are true all the Churches throughout Asia doe attest this and also all those who to this day have been successours to Polycarp who doubtless is a witness much more worthy to be credited and gives a firmer assurance to the truth than either Valentinus or Marcion or any other Authours of corrupt opinions This Polycarp coming to Rome in the times of Anicetus converted many of the foresaid Hereticks to the Church of God declaring that he had received the one and onely truth from the Apostles which was taught by the Church And there are some yet surviving who heard him relate that John the disciple of the Lord going into the Bath at Ephesus to wash himself and seeing Cerinthus in it leapt out having not bathed himself but said let us make hast away least the Bath fall Cerinthus that enemy of the Truth being within it This same Polycarp also when Marcion on a time came into his presence and said to him Take acquaintance of us returned him answer I take notice of thee to be the first begotten of the devill So exceedingly cautious were the Apostles and their disciples not so much as by speech to have any converse with such as were corrupters of the Truth as Paul also said A man that is an heretick after the first and second admonition reject knowing that he that is such is subverted and sinneth being condemned of himself There is extant also of this Polycarp's a most incomparable Epistle written to the Philippians from which those who are desirous to be carefull about their own salvation may learn the character of his Faith and the publication of the Truth Thus far Irenaeus But Polycarp in his said Epistle to the Philippians which is still extant quotes some authorities out of the first Epistle of Peter Moreover Antoninus surnamed Pius having compleated the two and twentieth year of his Reign died and was succeeded by M Aurelius Verus who also was named Antoninus and was his son and his brother Lucius CHAP. XV. How in the Reign of Verus Polycarp together with others suffered Martyrdom in the City of Smyrna AT this time when most sore persecutions were stirred up in Asia Polycarp ended his life by Martyrdom The account of whose death as it is yet extant in writing we judged most requisite to be inserted into this our History It is an Epistle written from the Church over which he presided to the Churches throughout Pontus which sets forth the sufferings of Polycarp in these words The Church of God which is at Smyrna to the Church at Philomelium and to all the congregations of holy Catholick Church every where the mercy peace and love of God the Father and of our Lord Jesus Christ be multiplied we have written unto you brethren both concerning others who suffered Martyrdom and also about the blessed Polycarp who by his own Martyrdom sealed up as it were and put an end to the persecution After these words before their relation concerning Polycarp they give an account of the other Martyrs describing their constancy of mind during their torments For those they say who stood round were astonished when they saw them first lacerated with scourges even as deep as their in-most Veins and Arteries insomuch that the hidden parts of their bodies and their bowels were visible then laid upon the shells of a sort of Sea-fish and on some very sharp heads of darts and Javelins strewed on the ground and undergoing all sorts of punishments and torments and in fine thrown to the wild beasts to be devoured But most especially they relate that
therefore suggested to Nicetas the father of Herod but the brother of Dalcis do address to the Governour that he would not give us his body least as they said they leave him that was crucified and begin to worship this person and this they spoke upon account of the suggestion and importunity of the Jews who very diligently watcht us when we were about to take his body out of the fire but they were ignorant that we could never at any time relinquish Christ who suffered for the salvation of all those throughout the world who were to be saved nor yet worship any other For we adore him as being the Son of God but we have a worthy affection for the Martyrs as being the disciples and followers of the Lord because of their most exceeding great love shown to their own King and Master whose companions and fellow disciples we wish our selves to be The Centurion therefore perceiving the contentious obstinacy of the Jews caused the body to be brought forth and as 't is customary with them burnt it and so we at length gathered up his bones more highly to be prized than the most pretious gemms and more refined than the purest gold and deposited them in a decent place of burial whereat being assembled together the Lord grant we may with joy and gladness celebrate the Birth-day of his Martyrdom both in memory of those who have heretofore undergone and been victorious in this glorious conflict and also for the instruction and preparation of such as hereafter shall be exercised therein Thus much concerning the blessed Polycarp who together with twelve Philadelphians was crowned with Martyrdom at Smyrna who alone is so eminently famous and memorable amongst all men that even the heathens every-where doe make mention of him Such was the glorious exit of the admirable and Apostolick Polycarp whose story the brethren of the Church in Smyrna have in the fore-cited Epistle recorded and to the same writing concerning him are annexed other Martyrdomes undergone at the same City of Smyrna and at the same period of time wherein Polycarp suffered Amongst which number Metrodorus supposed to be a Presbyter of the Sect of the Marcionites was burnt to death But the most famous and eminent Martyr of those times was one Pionius Whose particular professions boldness and freeness in speaking Apologies and most learned orations in defence of the faith made both before the people and in the presence of the Governours and moreover his affectionate invitations and encouragements to those who in time of persecution fell into temptation and the consolatory speeches he used to such brethren as made him visits during his imprisonment and further than all this the torments and besides them the exquisite tortours he endured his being nailed to the stake and his fortitude amidst the fiery pile and lastly his death which was subsequent to all these miraculous sufferings whosoever are desirous to know all these particulars we remit them to the Epistle which contains a most ample account concerning him which we have inserted into that collection we made of the sufferings of the Primitive Martyrs Moreover there are extant the Acts and Monuments of others who suffered Martyrdom at Pergamus a City of Asia to wit of Carpus and Papulus and of a woman named Agathonica who after many and most eminent confessions of our faith were made perfect by a glorious death CHAP. XVI How Justin the Philosopher asserting the Christian Religion at the City of Rome suffered Martyrdom AT the same time also Justin of whom we made mention a little before having presented a second Apology to the foresaid Emperours in defence of our faith was crowned with divine Martyrdom Crescens the Philosopher whose life and manners were answerable to the appellation of a Cynick of which Philosophical Sect he was a follower formed and contrived the treacherous plot against him because Justin confuted him often in several disputes had in the presence of many auditours at length by his own Martyrdom he obtained the reward of that truth he was an assertour of Thus much this most studious follower of the truth perceiving before hand what was about to befall him does in his foresaid Apology expresly predict in these same words And I also my self doe expect to be treacherously betraied by some one of those called Philosophers and put in the stocks and perhaps by Crescens that illiterate fellow and one who is a lover of vain glorious boasting for the man is unworthy the name of a Philosopher because he declares in publick such things as he is altogether ignorant of and affirms the Christians to be impious and irreligious persons meerly to please and delight the multitude committing herein a great errour For in that he inveighs against us having never read the doctrine of Christ he is abominably wicked and much worse than the vulgar sort of men who most frequently are cautious in their discourses concerning those things they are ignorant in and avoid speaking falsely thereof But if he has read our doctrine and understands not the majestick sublimity thereof of if he understands it and behaves himself thus because he would not be suspected to be a Christian then he is far more base and wicked in that he makes himself the slave of popular applause and irrational fear For I would have you to know that when I proposed to and asked him some such questions as these I perceived and was convinced he indeed understood nothing at all and that you may know I speak what is true I am ready if those our disputations have not come to your knowledge to propose the queries again even in your presence And this exercise will by no means be misbecoming your Imperial Majesty But if both my questions and also his answers have been made known to you then it will be apparently manifest to you that he is altogether ignorant of our Religion But if he understands it but dares not freely declare himself because of his auditours he is no Philosopher as I said before but is manifestly evidenced to be an affector of popular applause and has no esteem for that most excellent saying of Socrates to wit that no man is to be preferred before the truth Thus far therefore Justin And that he was put to death according to his own prediction by a treacherous plot of which Crescens was the framer Tatianus a man who in the former part of his life had been a teacher of Rhetorick was well read in the Grecian learning and obtained no small repute by his being conversant therein who also has left in his works many monuments of his Ingenuity does relate in the book he wrote against the Grecians in these words And the most admirable Justin said truely that the foresaid persons were like thieves Then interposing some words concerning these Philosophers he adjoyns thus much Indeed Crescens who had made his nest
Stromata which are ten in Number in that City in the Reign of Alexander as his Annotations written with his own hand and prefixt before those books do manifest CHAP. XXV After what manner Origen has mentioned the Books of the Old and New Testament BUt in his Explication of the first Psalm he has exhibited a Catalogue of the holy Scriptures of the Old Testament writing on this manner word for word We must understand that as the Hebrew Traditions say there are twenty two bookes of the Old Testament just so many in number as they have letters A little after he adds saying These are the twenty two books according to the Hebrews That which we give the Title of Genesis to is by the Hebrews from the beginning of the book entitl'd Bresith that is in the beginning Exodus Vellesmoth that is these are the names Leviticus Vaicra that is and he hath called Numbers the Hebrews call Hammisphecodim Deuteronomie Helle-haddabarim that is these are the words Jesus the Son of Nave in Hebrew Jehosue Ben Nun. Judges Ruth are by them comprehended in one book and call'd Sophetim The first and second of Kings among them one book termed Samuel that is called of God The third and fourth of Kings amongst the Hebrews one book call'd Vammelech David that is the Kingdom of David The first and second book of Chronicles in one Volume call'd Dibre Hajamim that is The words of Days Esdras the first and second book by them made one book call'd Esra that is A helper The book of Psalms Sepher Tehillim in Hebrew Solomon's Proverbs in Hebrew Misâ—oth Ecclesiastes Coheleth The Song of Songs Sir Hâ—sirim Esaias Iesaâ—a Hierimas with his Lamentations and his Epistle all in one book call'd Jermia Daniel The Hebrews also call Daniel Ezechiel Jeezchel Job Job Ester Ester also among the Hebrews Besides these there are but not of their number the Maccabees which are intitl'd Sarbet Surbane-el These Origen has set forth in the aforesaid work But in the first book of his Comments upon Matthew's Gospel observing the Canon of the Church he attests there are onely four Gospels in these words As I have understood by Tradition there are four Gospels which and onely which are to be allow'd without contradiction by the Church of God under heaven As for the first 't was written by one Matthew formerly a Publican but afterwards an Apostle of Jesus Christ he publisht it being written in Hebrew for the sake of those Jews who believ'd The second is Mark 's Gospel who wrote it as Peter expounded to him whom also he confesses to be his Son in his Catholick Epistle and in these words The Church which is at Babylon elected together with you saluteth you and so doth Marcus my Son And the third is the Gospel according to Luke which is commended by Paul he wrote it for the sake of the Heathens Lastly S t John's Gospel And the same Writer in the fifth book of his Expositions upon John has these words concerning the Apostle's Epistles Paul being made a fit Minister of the New Testament not in the Letter but in the Spirit he who fully Preacht the Gospel from Jerusalem round about to Illyricum wrote not to all those Churches which he taught But to those to whom he wrote he sent Epistles that contained but a few verses But Peter on whom the Church of Christ was builded against which the gates of hell shall not prevail left but one Epistle which is acknowledg'd to be his But let us grant that the second is his too for it is question'd whether it be his or not But what must we say of John he who lay in Christ's bosome He left behind him but one Gospel though he professes he could have written so many books as the world could not have contain'd He also wrote the Revelation being commanded to be silent and not to write the voices of the Seven Thunders He also left to posterity a very short Epistle But let us grant that the second and third were his for all men do not allow them to be genuine both of them doe not contain above an hundred verses Besides he discourses thus concerning the Epistle to the Hebrews in his Homilies upon that Epistle For the stile of that Writing entitled The Epistle to the Hebrews has nothing of that plain homeliness of the Apostle Paul who confesses himself to be unlearn'd in his speech that is in his manner of Expression But this Epistle as to the composition of the stile favours much of the Grecian eloquence this every one will confess who knowes how to judge of Stiles which are different Again the sentences of this Epistle are admirable and nothing inferiour to those books which are acknowleg'd to be Apostolick And this every one will assent to as true who gives attention to the reading of the Apostles writings After the interposition of some words Origen addes these saying This is my Opinion that the sentences are the sentences of an Apostle but the Phrase and Composition is some ones else who committed to writing the words of the Apostle and as it were illustrated with Explications the words of his Master If any Church therefore accounts this to be Paul's Epistle let it be commended even for so doing for the Antients did not inconsiderately declare it to be Paul's Epistle But God alone truely knows who wrote this Epistle But of those written records which are come to our hands some ascribe the writing of this Epistle to Clemens who was Bishop of Rome others to Luke who wrote the Gospel and the Acts. But thus far concerning this CHAP. XXVI How Heraclas succeeded in the Bishoprick of Alexandria IT was now the Tenth year of the Reign of the afore-mention'd Emperour Alexander in which Origen departed from Alexandria to Caesarea and left the care of his Catechetick School to Heraclas and not long after dy'd Demetrius the Bishop of the Church of Alexandria having continu'd in that Office fourty three years compleat Heraclas succeeded him At this time Firmilianus Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia was very famous CHAP. XXVII How the Bishops had him in admiration HE had so great an esteem for Origen that he both invited him into the Countries of his Province for the good of the Churches and also at another time went into Judaea to visit him and to stay some time with him to improve himself in the knowledge of Divine matters Besides Alexander Bishop of Jerusalem and Theoctistus Bishop of Caesarea at all times as one may say were attentive to him as if he had been their Master and permitted onely him to expound the holy Scriptures and to perform all other things appertaining to Ecclesiastick doctrine CHAP. XXVIII Concerning the Persecution under Maximinus MOreover Maximinus Caesar succeeded Alexander the Roman Emperour after he had Reign'd thirteen years He because of his hatred to
searching all places both high-ways Rivers and fields where he thought I might be conceal'd or where he conjectur'd I might have gone but he was so blinded that he found not my house Neither could he imagine that I should stay at home when there was inquisition made for me And at length after the fourth day when God had commanded me to depart thence and had miraculously â—opened a way for me I and my servants and many of the Brethren went out together Now that that was a special act of God's Providence the sequel declar'd in which peradventure I was profitable to some Again after the interposition of some words he relates what happened to him after his flight in these words I my self and my companions being much about the time of Sun-setting apprehended by some Souldiers was brought to Taposiris But Timothcus according to the providence of God was not with us neither was he taken But when he at last came he found the house empty and Souldiers keeping Guard about it and us reduced to slavery After some other words he saith thus What now was the order and manner of this miraculous act of providence I will tell nothing but truth A certain country man met Timothy as he was flying and thus disturb'd in mind and he inquired of him the reason of this great hast he told him the real truth When the man had heard his relation he was then a going to a marriage feast and 't is customary amongst them to tarry all night at such meetings he went his way and coming into the house told the story to those that were set at the table All of them with an unanimous earnestness as if it had been by a compact amongst them rose up together set a running and with great clamours came speedily upon us The Souldiers who guarded us being by them forthwith put to flight they came upon us as we were and found us lying upon Couches without any furniture on them I God knows at first supposing them to be thieves who came thither for prey and pillage continued lying on the Couch naked as I was excepting onely a linnen garment which I had on and offered to them my other cloathes which lay by me But they bid me arise and come out immediately Then understanding what was the cause of their coming thither I cry'd out intreating and beseeching them to depart and let us alone But if their intent was to do me a kindness I begg'd of them to behead me and by that means to prevent those who brought me prisoner thither While I thus cry'd out as my companions and fellow-sufferers in all my troubles doe know they compell'd me to rise up I threw my self on my back upon the ground but they took me by the hands and feet and dragg'd me out There follow'd me those who are my witnesses of these things Caius Faustus Peter Paul who took me together with that Couch upon their shoulders and convey'd me out of the village and having set me upon an Ass unsaddled they carried me away These things Dionysius relates concerning himself CHAP. XLI Concerning those who suffer'd Martyrdom at Alexandria THe same man in an Epistle of his to Fabius Bishop of Antioch gives this account of the combats of those Martyrs who suffer'd at Alexandria in the times of Decius The Persecution amongst us did not begin at the time when the Imperial Edict was issued out but preceded it one whole year For a Soothsayer and a Poet whoever he was who so endamag'd this City had stirr'd up and encouraged the tumults of the Heathens against us exciting them to their Countrey Superstition They being prick't forward by him and having obtained free power of acting all mischief thought it the most acceptable service and worship of their Gods to slaughter us First of all therefore they lay hands upon an old man named Metrá and bid him pronounce some Atheistical words and because he obey'd them not they beat him with clubs and prick'd him in the face and eyes with sharp Reeds and when they had led him into the Suburbs they ston'd him to death Afterwards they dragg'd a believing woman call'd Quinta to the Temple of their Idol and compell'd her to fall down and worship but she turning away her face and abominating it they bound her feet and dragg'd her through the City which is pav'd with sharp stones and having dash'd her against Millstones and scourg'd her they led her to the same place without the City and ston'd her Afterwards all with one accord violently broke into the houses of pious men and every one of them ran to their Neighbours whom they knew and plunder'd and rob'd them their goods which were of greater value they purloin'd but the lumber and what was made of wood they cast forth and burnt in the streets so that the City seem'd as if it had been taken by an enemy but the Brethren withdrew themselves thence and privately fled and like those S t Paul speaks of took joyfully the spoyling of their goods And not one of them that I know of except one who somewhere fell into their hand renounc'd the Lord till this time Moreover at that time they took a most admirable Virgin who was antient call'd Apollonia and buffeting her on the cheeks they dash'd out all her teeth And when they had built a pile of wood before the City they threatned to burn her alive except she would repeat together with them some profane words But she having begged a little respite being let loose forthwith leapt into the fire and was consum'd to Ashes They also apprehended Serapion as he was in his house and having tortur'd him with grievous torments and broken all his joints they cast him down headlong out of an upper room There was now no way for us not the common highway not so much as any narrow street through which we could securely pass either by day or by night Every body proclaiming at all times and in all places that whosoever would not repeat those blasphemous words he should be dragg'd away and burn't immediately After this manner these things continu'd for a great while Afterwards followed Sedition and a Civil war which seized these wretches and returned the cruelty they us'd towards us upon themselves And we had a little breathing time their fury towards us being something appeas'd But presently news came of the translation of that Empire which had been more favourable to us and much fear of a threatning storm appear'd And now arrived the Imperial Edict almost like that foretold by our Lord representing those most terrible times in so much that even the Elect if it were possible should be discouraged Indeed all were put in great fear Immediately many of them who were more eminent yielded up themselves to their Idolatry through fear others who had to doe in the management of the Publick
ignorant for how could he be that there should be 46 Presbyters seven Deacons Seven sub-Deacons Clerks 42 Exorcists Readers together with Janitors 52. Widows and indigent persons which could not maintain themselves above a thousand and five hundred All these the grace and bounty of the Lord maintain'd But neither could so great multitude so necessary in the Church a congregation which by Gods providence is both rich and numerous together with a great and innumerable multitude of people make this man ashamed of this so desperate an attempt or deter him from proceeding in it or recall him into the Church And again after some other words which intervene he adjoyns these But come on let us in our following words declare in what works of his own or what good practices he was so confident as to aspire to a Bishoprick Was it upon this account that from the beginning he had been conversant in the Church and had fought many combats in defence of it and had been in many and great perils upon account of Religion No this is nothing so For the devil who had entered into him and for a long time dwelt in him was the occasion of his being a believer He being relieved thereof by the Exorcists fell into a grievous distemper and it being supposed that he would die immediately he received Baptism being besprinkled with water on the bed whereon he lay if that can be termed Baptism Neither when he had escaped that sickness did he afterwards receive the other things which the Canon of the Church injoyneth should be received nor was he sealed by the Bishops imposition of hands which if he never received how did he receive the holy Ghost And again a little after he saith This man in the time of Persecution through timerousness and a desire of life deny'd that he was a Presbyter For being desired and intreated by the Deacons that he would come out of his Chamber in which he had shut himself up and succour the Brethren as far as it was meet and possible for a Presbyter to succour the distressed Brethren who wanted assistance he was so far from complying with the Deacons who intreated him that with great indignation he went his way and departed For he said he would no longer be a Presbyter but was a favourer of another kind of Philosophy Having ran over some few passages he makes this addition hereto in these words For this excellent fellow has deserted the Church of God in which after he had received Baptism he was vouchsafed the degree of Presbyter by the favour of the Bishop who by imposition of hands Ordain'd him Priest Who being denyed Orders by all the Clergy and many of the Laity because it was not lawfull for one who had been baptized in his bed by reason of some infirmity as he was to be admitted into any sacred Order the Bishop intreated licence might be granted him to Ordain this person onely To these impious acts he afterwards subjoyneth this other the worst of all his wicked exploits saying thus For he made oblations and distributed to every one a part thereof which when he had delivered instead of blessing them he compelled the wretched men to swear holding the hands of him that received with both his hands and not letting them go till the persons had sworn pronouncing these words for I will here make use of his own words Sweat to me by the body and bloud of our Lord Jesus Christ that thou wilt never desert me and revolt to Cornelius So the miserable man was not permitted to taste before he had cursed himself And at the receiving of the bread instead of saying Amen he says I will never return to Cornelius Again after some other words he says thus Now you must understand he is stript naked of all his followers and leâ—t desolate The Brethren daily deserting him and returning to the Church And Moses a blessed Martyn who lately amongst us suffered a famous and admirable Martyrdom taking notice in his life time of this man's impudence and folly deprived him of communion together with the five Presbyters who with him had voluntarily separated themselves from the Church Now at the end of his Epistle he makes a catalogue of those Bishops who were present at Rome and condemn'd the folly of Novatus He also gives an account of their names and the name of every ones particular Church in which he Govern'd He does also expresly mention those who were not then present at Rome but by letters approved of the sentence of the foresaid Bishops together with their names and the names of the Cities from which each of them wrote Thus much Cornelius has recorded in his Epistle to Fabius Bishop of Antioch CHAP. XLIV Dionysius's story concerning Serapion DIonysius Bishop of Alexandria sent Letters to this same Fabius who was something inclining to this Schism and having discours'd severall things concerning repentance in his Letters to him and also related the combats of some who had undergone Martyrdom a little before at Alexandria amongst other stories he relates a miraculous thing which I thought necessary here to insert into this our History it runs thus I will here propose to you one example which happened amongst us There was amongst us one Serapion an old man a believer who for a long time had lived blameless but in the time of persecution he lapsed he often petitioned for pardon but no body gave attention to him because he had sacrificed Being taken with sickness he remained for the space of three days speechless and senseless being a little refreshed on the 4 th day he called his daughters son to him and said Child how long do you detain me I pray make hast and absolve me quickly call one of the Presbyters to me And when he had spoken these words he was again speechless The child ran to the Presbyter It was now night and the Presbyter also was sick and not able to come But because I had before given command that those people who were dying if they desired it and especially if they had before humbly requested it should be absolved that they might depart with a lively hope he gave to the Child a piece of the Sacrament bidding him to moisten it in water and put it into the old man's mouth the child 〈◊〉 with it And when he approached before he came in â— Serapion again recovered himself a little and said Child thou art come the Presbyter was not able to come but doe thou perform quickly what he injoyn'd thee and let me depart The boy moistned it in water and put it into his mouth immediately And when he had swallowed it by little and little he straightway gave up the Ghost Is it not plain that he was preserved and his life prolonged till he was absolv'd that his sin being quite blotted out he might
by force dragging us by violence who were unwilling and would not follow them But at this present I and Caius and Peter being alone and deprived of the rest of the brethren are shut up in a desert and most uncomfortable place of Libya being three days journey distant from Paraetonium And a little after these words he saith Some have hid themselves secretly in the City that they may visit the brethren As Maximus Dioscorus Demetrius and Lucius who are Presbyters For Faustinus and Aquila being men more eminently known in the world travel up and down Aegypt But the Deacons that are surviving besides those that died in the Plague are these Faustus Eusebius Chaeremon Eusebius I say one whom God hath impowered from the beginning and furnished with great vigour to fulfil the Office of Ministration to the Confessours in Prison and to perform the Funeral Rites due to the bodies of the perfected and blessed Martyrs with great hazard and danger For to this very present the Governour ceaseth not most cruelly to slay some who are brought before him as I before told you to tear in pieces others with tortures and to make other-some to pine away in Prisons and bonds giving a strict charge that none approach them and making diligent search whither any one be seen to come neer them Notwithstanding God through the chearfulness and fortitude of the brethren doth incessantly refresh the afflicted These are Dionysius's words and are contained in that Epistle We must further understand that this Eusebius whom he before called a Deacon was a great while after constituted Bishop of the Church of Laodicea in Syria And Maximus who he said was then a Presbyter succeeded Dionysius himself in the Government of the brethren at Alexandria Faustus also who together with Dionysius was at that time famous for his being a Confessour was reserved even till the Persecution in our days and being very old and full of years he was perfected by Martyrdom being beheaded even in our Age. But thus much concerning what happened to Dionysius about that time CHAP. XII Concerning the Martyrs which suffered at Caesarea in Palestine IN this Persecution under Valerian three men of Caesarea in Palestine very eminent for their confession of Christ were crowned with divine Martyrdom being made food for the wild beasts One of them was called Priscus the other Malshus the name of the third was Alexander They report that these men living in the Countrey should blame themselves first for being careless and slothful persons because they were negligent of and did not eagerly catch at the crown of Martyrdom seeing that was a seasonable time of distributing those rewards of victory to them who had the least spark of celestial love in them Then when they had consulted about these things amongst themselves they took a journey to Caesarea and went immediately to the place where the Judge was and received the aforementioned sentence of death Besides these there was a woman of the same City in the same Persecution who they report strove in the same combate But 't is famed that she was one of Marcion's Sect. CHAP. XIII Concerning the Peace under Gallienus BUt not long after Valerian being captivated and enslaved by the Barbarians his son Reigned alone who behaved himself more prudently in his Empire He immediately putteth a stop to the Persecution against us by his Edicts and gave command that the Prelates of our Religion should securely and with freedom execute their usual Offices by his Rescript which runs thus EMPEROUR CAESAR PUBLIUS LICINIUS GALLIENUS PIUS FELIX AUGUSTUS To Dionysius Pinna Demetrius and the rest of the Bishops We have commanded that the Indulgence of our Gracious Bounty be published through the whole World That all shall quickly depart out of Religious places And for this cause you are impowered to make use of a Copy of our Rescript that no body may molest you And that which is Lawful for you to put in execution was Granted by Us long ago And upon this account Aurelius Cyrenius Our High Steward shall keep the Copy of this Edict Granted by Us. For the more manifest understanding of these things they were Translated by Us out of Latine into Greek and here inserted There is also extant another Rescript sent to other Bishops in which he permitteth to them the Restauration of the places called Coemeteria CHAP. XIV What Bishops flourisht in those times AT this time Xystus still continued to preside over the Church of Rome but Demetrianus succeeded Fabius in the Bishoprick of Antioch Firmilianus was Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia Moreover Gregorius and his brother Athenodorus governed the Churches of Pontus they were both Origen's Schollars Theoctistus Bishop of Caesarea in Palestine being dead Domnus succeeded in that Bishoprick he living but a little while Theotecnus who lived till our times was constituted his successour And this person also was one of Origen's School But Mazabanes of Jerusalem being dead Hymenaeus succeeded in that See who also was very eminent in our days CHAP. XV. How Marinus was Martyred at Caesarea A General peace being at this time restored to the Churches in Caesarea of Palestine Marinus a man honoured with a Military dignity and eminent for descent and riches was beheaded for his confession of Christ upon this account There is a certain dignity amongst the Romans termed the Vine which those that obtained are said to be made Centurions this place being vacant Marinus whose course in order it was was called to that promotion when he was forthwith to have been invested in that dignity there came another before the Tribunal and accused him saying it was unlawful according to the old Laws for him to hold any dignity amongst the Romans for he was a Christian and did not sacrifice to the Emperours therefore the Office belonged to him Achaeus for that was the name of the Judge being enraged at this first asked Marinus what Opinion he was of then when he saw that he stedfastly confessed himself to be a Christian he granted him three hours respit for deliberation When he was gone out of the place of judicature Theotecnus the Bishop of that City coming to him taketh him aside to discourse with him and laying hold of his hand leads him to the Church wherein when he had placed him at the very Altar he put his Cloak a little aside and shewed him the sword wherewith he was girded and also brought the Book of the Sacred Gospels and placed it right against him bidding him on his own accord to take which of those two best pleased him When Marinus without any delay had put forth his right hand and taken up the Sacred Book Theotecnus said unto him adhere therefore adhere to God and being impowered by him thou shalt obtain what thou hast chosen go in peace Immediately as he returned from the Church the Cryer who stood before the Tribunal
a most amiable ornament of Religion as we may easily understand from the words of Dionysius before quoted Anatolius was ordained his successour a good man as the saying is succeeding a good man He also was an Alexandrian by birth for eloquence Grecian Literature and Philosophy he was acknowledged the chiefest of the most eminent men in our age for he had arrived to a perfection in Arithmetick Geometry Astronomy Logick Physical Contemplations and Rhetorick Upon which account as report says he was intreated by the Citizens of Alexandria to set up a School there of the Aristotelick Order of Philosophers They relate indeed many other famous acts of his in the Siege of the Bruchium at Alexandria for by an universal consent he was dignified with the chiefeâ—â— place of preheminence and authority amongst the magistracy of that City but for instance I will here mention onely this Act of his There being as they say a great scarcity of Corn amongst the besieged in so much that the famine was more intolerable to them then the enemies without this afore-mentioned Anatolius being there made this provision for their relief the one part of the City being confederates with the Roman Army and upon that account not besieged Anatolius sendeth to Eusebius for as yet he was there this happening before his removal into Syria who was amongst them that were not besieged and had gotten great repute and a famous name even with the Roman General to inform him of the number of those that died by the famine in the siege Eusebius understanding this petitioned the Roman General as for the highest favour that safety might be granted to those who would desert the enemy having obtained his request he made it known to Anatolius who having forthwith received the General 's promise called together the Senate of Alexandria and at first entreated them all to enter into an amicable friendship with the Romans But when he perceived them to be exasperated at that his proposal but says he I suppose you would not contradict me in this should I counsel you to send out of the gates all persons which are superfluous and of whom we have no use at all to wit old women children and old men and let them go whither they will for why should we to no purpose retain them with us who are even dying Why do we destroy them with famine who are disabled and maimed in their bodies We ought to feed onely men and those that are young and strong and to distribute necessary corn to such as are fit to defend the City When by such arguments as these he had prevalled with the Senate rising up he gave his vote first that all those who were not fit for service of what Sex soever whether men or women should quit the City for should they continue with them and being wholly useless tarry in the City there could be no hopes of safety but they would be destroyed by the famine All the rest of the Senate having approved of his proposal he saved almost all the besieged First he provided that those of our Religion then that others of all Ages throughout the City not those onely to whom the Senate had given licence but a great many others under pretence hereof should make their escape secretly who being disguised in womens habit went in the night out of the gates by his procurement and fled to the Roman Army where Eusebius receiving them all like a Father and Physician refreshed them who had been afflicted with a tedious siege with all imaginable care and methods of cure The Church of Laodicea was honoured with two such Pastours as these by the divine providence one succeeding the other for after the war aforesaid was ended they both removed from Alexandria into Syria Indeed Anatolius did not write many books but so many works of his came to our handâ— that from them we may perceive both his eloquence and his great learning especially from those Canons of his in which he gives us his opinion concerning Easter Out of which it may be requisite to make mention of these words in this place Excerptions out of Anatolius's Canons concerning Easter You have therefore in the first year the New-moon of the first moneth which is the beginning of the circle of nineteen years according to the Aegyptian account on the 26 day of the moneth Phamenoth but according to the Macedonian computation of moneths on the 22 day of the moneth Dystrus and as the Romans phrase it before the 11 th of the Calends of April On the aforesaid 26 day of the moneth Phamenoth the Sun is found not onely to have entered the first segment of the Zodiack but is then going the fourth day in it They usually call this segment the first Dodecatemorion the Aequinox the beginning of moneths the head of the Cycle and the original of the course of the Planets The segment next before this they commonly call the end of the moneths and the twelfth segment the last Dodecatemorion and the term of the circuit of the Planets Wherefore we affirm that they who place the first moneth in this segment and take the 14 th day from it to be the feast of Easter are as it happens in no small mistake Neither is this our opinion but it was known to the antient Jews even before Christ's coming and it was also in an especial manner observed by them which may be understood from the words of Philo Josephus and Musaeus And not from the words of these persons onely but from them who were antienter then they to wit from the two Agathobulus's who were sirnamed the Masters and also from the famous Aristobulus who was one of the Seventy that at the request of Ptolomâ—us Philadelphus and his father translated the Sacred and divine Scriptures of the Hebrews and Dedicated his Expositions on Moses's Law to the same Kings These Authours in their solutions of the Questions upon Exodus say that all ought to sacrifice the Passover together after the vernal Aequinox in the middle of the first moneth Now this happens when the Sun goes through the first part of the Solar Circle or as some of them terme it the Zodiack but Aristobulus addeth that not onely the Sun but the Moon also must of necessity pass through the Aequinoctial segment on the feast of the Passover for whereas there are two Aequinoctial segments the one called the vernal the other the Autumnal and they diametrically opposite the one to the other and whereas the feast of the Passover is granted to be on the 14 day at evening the Moon shall be diametrically opposite to the Sun as we may see it is in full Moons Wherefore the Sun will be in the vernal Aequinoctial segment and the Moon will necessarily be in the Autumnal Aequinoctial segment I know they have said a great deal more part whereof is probable and part concluded from
without any commiseration and afterwards when they were dead that they should be thrown on the ground and drag'd up and down For they ought not he said to take the least care of us but that all persons should so think of and behave themselves towards us as if we were not men This second torture after they had beaten us with stripes our Adversaries invented There were some also who after they had been scourged lay in the stocks both their feet being stretched to the fourth hole in so much that they were forced to lie in the stocks with their bellies upwards being unable to stand because of their fresh wounds caused by the stripes which they had all over their bodies Others threw themselves upon the ground where they lay by reason of the innumerable wounds made by their tortures yielding a more miserable spectacle to those that lookt on them than in the very time of their being tortured and bearing in their bodies the various and different sorts of tortures invented for them These things being thus performed some of the Martyrs expired under their tortures having made the adversary ashamed by their persevering constancy Others being half dead were shut up in prison where having been sorely afflicted with the smart of their wounds they ended their lives not many days after The residue having been refreshed with methods of cure became more stout and confident by time and their abode in prison Therefore when afterwards command was given that they should choose whether by touching the detestable sacrifices they would free themselves from all molestation and obtain from them an execrable liberty or whether refusing to sacrifice they would receive the sentence of death without any delay they chearfully proceeded forth to death For they well knew what was before prescribed to us by the sacred Scriptures for he says the word of God that sacrificeth to other Gods shall be utterly destroyed And again Thou shalt have no other Gods but me Such were the expressions of Phileas the Martyr a true Philosopher and also a sincere lover of God which he sent to the Brethren of his Church before his last sentence of condemnation being yet in prison whereby he informed them both in what condition he was in and also exhorted them stifly to retain their piety in Christ after his death which was now approaching But what need we spend many words in relating the conflicts of the divine Martyrs over the whole world whose new combats were succeeded by other conflicts that were as new and especially when as they were assaulted not in an ordinary way but in an hostile manner CHAP. XI Concerning what was done in Phrygia FOr at that time some armed Souldiers invested a whole City of Christians that was very populous in Phrygia and having set it on fire burnt the men together with the women and children whilst they called upon Christ the supream God The reason hereof was this the whole body of inhabitants of that City the Curator the Duumvir together with all the rest who were of the Magistracy and all the common people professing themselves to be Christians would in no wise obey those that commanded them to sacrifice to Idols Another person also by name Adauctus a man descended from a noble family in Italy that had obtained a Roman dignity a person that had passed through all degrees of honour in the Palace of the Emperours in so much that he had faithfully discharged the Office of Receiver General which amongst them is called The Master of the private Revenue and that of Rationalist besides all this he was famous for his virtuous performances in Religion and for his confessions of the Christ of God was adorned with the crown of Martyrdom having undergone the conflict upon account of Religion whilst he bore the Office of Rationalist CHAP. XII Concerning many other men and women who suffered Martyrdom in a various and different manner WHat need is there now of mentioning the rest by name or of recounting the multitude of men or delineating the various sorts of tortures endured by the admirable Martyrs of Christ Part whereof were beheaded as it happened to those in Arabia and part were killed by having their legs broken as it befell those in Cappadocia Some being hung up on high by the feet with their heads downwards a slow fire having been kindled under them were suffocated with the smoak that ascended from the combustible matter set on fire so it befell those in Mesopotamia others had their noses the tips of their ears and their hands cut off and the other members and parts of their bodies were mangled as it happened at Alexandria What need is there of renewing the remembrance of what was done at Antioch where some were broyled on Grid-irons set over the fire not till they were killed but that their punishment might be prolonged others were more ready to thrust their right hands into the fire than to touch the impious sacrifices Whereof some avoiding the being put to the test whether they would sacrifice before they would be apprehended and fall into the hands of those that laid wait for them threw themselves headlong from the tops of high houses having accounted death to be a gain because of the malitiousness of the impious Also a certain holy woman admirable for her virtuous soul and her comely body eminently famous beyond all at Antioch for riches descent and reputation had educated two daughters virgins that were eminent for beauty and in the flower of their age in the precepts of Religion when many moved thereto by envy used all manner of industry in inquiring out the place where they absconded and it being at length understood they lived in a forrein country they were with much diligence summoned to Antioch after the woman knew that she and her daughters were now incompassed with the Souldiers nets perceiving her self and daughters reduced to an inextricable state of perill she exhorted the virgins expresly declaring to them the mischiess that would befall them from the Souldiers and that of all evils ravishment was the most intollerable the meances whereof it was unlawfull for them to endure even to hear Moreover having said that to yield up their souls to the service of devils was worse than all sorts of death and all manner of destruction there was but one way she declared to avoid all these evils which was to flie to the Lord for refuge Immediately after these words having all agreed to embrace the same advice they adorned their bodies with a decent dress when they had gone half their journey having intreated their guard for a short recess out of the way and that being granted them they threw themselves into a River which ran hard by thus these persons drowned themselves At the same City of Antioch another pair of virgins in all points divine and truly Sisters eminent for descent splendid
Governours of Provinces supposing that the Letter written to them by Sabinus contained Maximin's true and genuine meaning did by their Letters communicate the Emperour's pleasure to the Curators Magistrates and Presidents of the Villages Nor did they urge these things to them by Letters only but much more by such deeds as that the Princes command might thereby be put in execution bringing forth and setting at liberty those prisoners which they had in hold for Confession of the faith of God and also releasing them who had been adjudged to the punishment of working in the Mines For they supposed that this would in reallity be wellpleasing to the Emperour but herein they were mistaken These things being thus finished on a sudden like some bright shining light which darts forth its rays after a thick darksome night you might have seen Churches gathered together throughout every City full assemblies and the usual solemn services performed at these meetings All the Infidels were not a little astonished at these things wondring at so great and unexpected an alteration of affairs and crying out that the God of the Christians was the great and only true God Also those of our Religion who had faithfully and manfully strove in the Combat of Persecution obtained great confidence and freedom amongst all men But as many as through weakness of faith had made shipwrack of their souls with much earnestness ran to seek for a remedie begging and praying for an assisting right hand from them that were strong and supplicating God to be merciful to them Moreover soon after this the Noble Champions of Religion released from their servitude in labouring in the Mines returned to their own Countries and being glad and jocund travelling through the Cities were filled with an inexpressible joy and a confidence unutterable Thus did numerous companies of persons that were Christians perform their journies lauding God with Hymns and Psalmes in the midst of the High-ways and Market-places And you might now have seen those who but lately had been in bonds groaning under most severe punishments and driven from their own Countries with joyful and pleasant countenances possessing their own habitations again in so much that they who formerly threatned to murther and destroy us when they saw this miracle which did so far surpass all mens expectation rejoyced with us at what had happened CHAP. II. Concerning the change of affairs which did afterwards ensue BUT the Tyrant who as we said before Ruled in the Eastern parts no longer able to endure these things he being a professed Enemy to goodness and one who laid wait to insnare all good men suffered not this state of affaires to continue the space of six months complete But inventing all the ways imaginable to subvert the Peace first he attempted upon some pretence or other to hinder us from assembling in the Coemiteria Afterwards he sends an Embasie to himself against us having sollicited the Antiochians by the means of some impious persons that they should petition to obtain this from him under the notion of the greatest favour to wit that he would impower them to suffer no Christians to dwell amongst them he also excited the Inhabitants of other Cities to do the like The chief of all these was one Theotecnus an Antiochian a turbulent person an impostor and a wicked man whose nature was not answerable to his name he was at that time Curator of Antioch CHAP. III. Concerning an Image newly made at Antioch WHen this Theotecnus therefore had several ways made his attacks against us and had taken all imaginable care to hunt those of our Religion out of their Coverts as if they had been Thieves and Malefactours and had invented all the ways and methods of calumniating and accusing us and had been the occasion of putting many men to death at last he erects an Image of Jupiter Philius and consecrates it with Magick charmes And having invented and instituted in honour of it impure ceremonies execrable initiations and most detestable expiations he gave the Emperour himself a demonstration of the imposture of his Oracles by which he effected what he had undertaken Moreover this man to please the Emperour by his flattery stirreth up the Daemon against the Christians feigning that God commanded that the Christians as being his enemies should be banished the City and all the Countries adjoyning to the City CHAP. IV. Concerning the Decrees of the Cities against the Christians WHen Theotocnus the first person that acted against us had had this desired success all the other Magistrates inhabiting the Cities under Maximin's Jurisdiction hastned to establish the same Decree also the Governours of Provinces perceiving that this was acceptable to the Emperour prompted those that lived within their district to do the same thing Moreover when the Tyrant had by his Rescript most willingly assented to their Ordinances the flame of Persecution was again kindled afresh against us At length Priests of the Images were constituted in every City and moreover such men as had been most eminent in State employments and had acquitted themselves honourably in the publick Offices they had born were by Maximin himself created chief Priests These men were very diligent and earnest about the worship of their Gods For that I may speak briefly the great superstition of this Emperor had such an influence as well upon the Governours as the private persons within the limits of his Government that it induced them all to act any thing against us in compliance to him and they thought that to murther us and to invent some new mischievous stratagems against us was the most grateful acknowledgement they could pay for the favours they expected to receive from him CHAP. V. Concerning the forged Acts HAving therefore forged some Acts of Pilate concerning our Saviour which were stuffed with all manner of Blasphemie against Christ by Maximin the Emperour's order they send them throughout all his Dominions commanding by their Letters that these Records should be posted up in all places both in the Country and in the Cities and that such as were School-masters should give them to their Scholars in stead of their lessons and make them study them that so they might have them imprinted on their memories Whilst these things were done after this manner the chief Commander in the Army at Damascus a City of Phoenicia whom the Romans call a Captain having haled some infamous women out of the Market-place compelled them by threatning them with tortures to testifie by subscribing the said publick Records that they were formerly Christians and that they were conscious to their profane practices and that in their very Churches they performed obscene and lascivious actions and what ever else he would have them say that might bring a scandal upon our Religion The testimonies of these women he inserted into the said Acts and sent them to the Emperour By whose order these very Records were
men he hath again purified and cleansed by their poinant and reprehensive Preaching of the divine Precepts as it were with shovels and spades those souls which â— little before were defiled and totally covered over with all manner of filthiness and heaps of impious Injunctions And when he had made the place of all your minds bright and clear he delivered it up to this most prudent Prelate most acceptable to God Who being a man endowed with great judgment and reason in other things and also most acute in discerning and distinguishing the disposition of the souls allotted to his care from the very first day as I may say even to this present he hath not ceased to build cementing together in you all one while glistering gold at other times purified and tryed silver and precious and rich stones So that by his workes towards you he hath again compleated that sacred and mystical Prophesie the words whereof are these Behold I prepare Carbuncle for thy stone and Saphire for thy foundations and for thy Bulwarks Jasper and for thy gates stones of Christal and for thy wall choice stones and all thy children shall be taught of God and great shall be the peace of thy children and thou shalt be built in righteousness He therefore building in righteousness hath aptly and fitly differenced the strength of all the people Some he hath inclosed with the outward wall onely that is he hath fortified them round with an unerring and strong faith of this sort there is a great multitude who cannot bear a more excellent structure To others he committeth the custody of the entrances into the Temple giving them in command to watch at the Gates and to conduct those in that come thither these may fitly be compared to the Porches of the Temple Other some he hath set to support the chief Pillars which are without about the Court quadrangular-wise Bringing them within the first Bolts of the literal sense of the four Gospels Some he hath also placed about the sanctuary on both sides these are such as are Catechumens as yet and do make a good progress and increase in the faith but yet they are not far from inspecting those most secret Mysteries which priviledge only the perfect believers do enjoy Out of this number he hath taken those whose immaculate souls have been purified like gold in the sacred Laver some of whom he hath set to support Pillars far more noble then those outward ones even the most intricate and Mysterious sentences of sacred Scripture others of them he illuminateth to be as it were windows to transmit light into the Temple He hath also beautified the whole Temple with one most spacious Portico that is with the glorious worship of the one and only God the supream King He hath represented Christ and the Holy Ghost on each side of the Fathers preeminence and authority as the second rays of light And he demonstrateth throughout the whole Cathedral a most copious and excellent light and evidence of the truth particularly coucht in the remaining Articles of our faith Moreover when he had from all parts selected living firm and strong stones of souls of all them he framed a stately and Royal sanctuary full of light and splendour both within and without in as much as not only in their souls and minds but their bodie 's also they are beautified with the glorious ornaments of Chastity and Modesty There are also within this Temple Thrones a great many Benches and Seats which are in all those souls whereon reside such gifts of the Holy Ghost as were heretofore seen by the holy Apostles To whom appeared cloven tongues like as of fire and it sate upon each of them But on him that presides over all these Christ himself 't is likely does entirely and wholly reside and upon those who are next to him in dignity on every one of them proportionably according as he is capable of receiving the distributions of the power of Christ and of the Holy Ghost The Benches also are the souls of certain Angels the instruction and custody of every one whereof is committed to them But the August Great and only Altar what can it be else but the most pure soul and holy of Holies of the Common Priest of all On his right hand standeth the great High Priest of all Jesus himself the only begotten Son of God who with a chearful countenance and stretcht-forth hands receiveth from all that sweet smelling incense and those unbloudy and immaterial sacrifices of prayers and transmits them to his heavenly Father the supream God whom in the first place he himself worshippeth and he only exhibiteth due veneration to the Father afterwards he beseecheth him for ever to continue favourable and propitious towards all us Such is that August Temple which the great Creatour of all things the Word of God hath built throughout all that world under the sun he himself hath again framed upon earth this intellectual representation of those things beyond the Arches of Heaven that by every creature and by rational souls upon the earth his Father might be duely honoured and adored But that Region above the Heavens and the things there which are the originalls of what we here behold that Jerusalem which is above that Celestial mount Sion and that City of the living God far above the world in which are innumerable companies of Angels and the Church of the first born which are written in heaven who with praises unutterable which we cannot understand laud their Creatour and supream Prince the Blessedness of this Region I say and of its inhabitants no mortal is able deservedly to set forth For eye hath not seen nor ear heard neither have entred into the heart of man the things that God hath prepared for them that love him Of which things since we are now vouchsafed to be partakers in part let us both men women and children small and great all together with one spirit and one soul never cease to give thanks and praise to the Authour of these our so great good things Who hath mercy on all our iniquities and healeth all our infirmities Who redeemeth our life from destruction and crowneth us with mercy and loving kindness who filleth our desire with good things For he hath not dealt with us according to our sins neither hath he rewarded us according to our iniquities For as far as the East is from the West so far hath he removed our sins from us As a father pittieth his own children even so is the Lord merciful to them that fear him Keeping these things fresh in our memories both now and throughout all succeeding times and moreover setting before the eyes of our mindes God the cause of this present days joyful solemnity and the Master of this feast both day and night every hour and as I may say every moment wherein we
Churches In as much as we have resolved that those estates which the said Churches have formerly possessed shall revert and become their right again Since therefore your Devotedness understandeth that this is the most evident purport of our Command take care that all estates which did formerly belong to the right of the said Churches whether gardens houses or whatever else be immediately restored to them again whereby we may be informed that you have with all diligence and accuracy obeyed this our Command Farewell dearest and Our most beloved Anulinus A Copy of the Emperour Constantine's Rescript by which he summoneth a Synod of Bishops at Rome for the uniting and reconciling of the Churches Constantinus Augustus to Miltiades Bishop of Rome and to Mark. In regard several such Libels as these have been sent me from the most Eminent Anulinus Proconsul of Africa wherein 't is declared that Cecilianus Bishop of the City of Carthage is accused of many things by some of his Collegues ordained Bishops throughout Africa and this matter seeming not a little grievous to us that in those very Provinces which the providence of God delivered to our sacredness by a voluntary surrender and where there is a great multitude of people the populace being in a manner divided should be found to degenerate and become worse and differences should be nourished even amongst Bishops It seemed good to us that Cecilianus himself together with ten Bishops his supposed Accusers and ten other Bishops whom he shall judge necessary in behalf of his cause sail to Rome that there in your presence and also in the presence of Reticius Maternus and Marinus your Collegues whom for this reason we have commanded to hasten to Rome he may be heard in such manner as you know is most agreeable with the most sacred Law Moreover that you may have a most compleat and perfect knowledge of all these things we have subjoyned to this our Rescript Copies of the Libels which were sent to us by Anulinus and have transmitted them to your aforesaid Collegues Which Libels when your Gravity shall have read you shall deliberate how the aforesaid controversie may with the greatest accuracy be examined and determined according to equity For it is not unknown to your Assiduity that we bear so great a Reverence to the most Legitimate Catholick Church that we would have you leave no Schisme or dissension at all in any part of it The Divinity of the supream God preserve you Dearest many years A Copy of an Imperial Rescript by which Constantine Summons a second Synod to put an end to all Dissension amongst the Bishops Constantinus Augustus to Chrestus Bishop of Syracuse When as heretofore some began wickedly and perversly to separate from the holy Religion the celestial power and the Catholick Opinion We desirous that such pertinacious contentions as these should be pared off took such order that some Bishops being sent out of France and also those summoned out of Africa who being of contrary factions pertinaciously and continually quarrelled amongst themselves the Bishop of Rome being also present this dissension which seemed to be raised after a most careful examination might in their presence be composed But in regard as it commonly happens some persons forgetful both of their own salvation and of the veneration due to the most holy Religion cease not as yet to improve their private grudges and animosities being unwilling to acquiesce in the sentence already passed but positively asserting that they were but a few Bishops who gave their Sentiments and Opinions and that before they had carefully enquired into all things which ought to have been first inspected they proceeded with too much hast and precipitancy to pass a definitive sentence From all this it happens that even they whose duty it is to preserve a brotherly and unanimous unity of mind unworthily or rather impiously create Schismes amongst one another and also give an occasion of scorn and derision to those men whose soules are alienated from the most holy Religion Wherefore it was our chiefest care that these divisions which ought after sentence already given to have been terminated by a voluntary assent might now at last be concluded in the presence of many Bishops Since therefore we have summoned many Bishops out of divers and innumerable places to assemble themselves on the Calends of August at the City Orleans we thought good to write to you also that having received a publick Chariot from the most eminent Latronianus Corrector of Sicily and taking into your company two of the second Order whom you shall think fit to chuse and also bringing along with you three servants which may minister to you in your journey you meet on the very day appointed at the place aforesaid that both by your Gravity and also by the unanimous and concordant prudence and perspicacity of the rest there assembled this dissension which has shamefully been continued hitherto by certain detestable quarellings after all things have been heard which shall be said by the now disagreeing parties whom we have summon'd to appear also may now at last be restored to a fit and congruous observancy of Religion and faith and to a Brotherly union God Almighty preserve you in health many years CHAP. VI. Concerning the Estates belonging to the Christians A Copy of the Emperour's Rescript by which he granteth money to the Churches COnstantinus Augustus to Cecilianus Bishop of Carthage For as much as it was our pleasure that through all the Provinces of Africa Numidia and both Mauritania's some thing should be allowed for necessary Expences to some Ministers of the most Holy and Legitimate Catholick Religion who were expresly named We wrote to the most perfect Ursus Rationalist of Africa and have intimated to him that he take care to pay to your Gravity three thousand Folles Therefore when you shall have received the sum aforesaid command that it be distributed to all the forementioned Ministers according to a Breve directed to you from Hosius But if you shall perceive there will be any thing wanting towards the fulfilling of our desire to all in this point without making any scruples or delays you shall demand of Heraclas the Steward of our Estates whatsoever you shall judge requisite For we ordered him when he was with us that if your Gravity demanded any money of him he should without the least hesitancy take care it should be told out to you And because we have been informed that some men who are of an unsetled mind make it their business to pervert the members of the most Holy Catholick Church by a certain impious and clancular falshood and corruption We would have you understand that We gave such orders to Anulinus our Proconsul and also to Patricius Deputy of the Prefects when present that amongst all other things they take an effectual and sufficient care about this business more especially and
God begotten not made of the same substance with the Father by whom all things were made that are in heaven and that are in earth Who for us men and for our salvation descended and was incarnate was made man suffered and rose again the third day he ascended into heaven He shall come to judge the quick and the dead We also believe in the Holy Ghost But those who hold that there was a time when he was not or that he was not before he was begotten or that he was made of nothing and those that affirm he is of any other substance or essence or that the Son of God is created or convertible or obnoxious to change all such God's Holy Catholick and Apostolick Church doth anathematize When this form of Faith was appointed by the Bishops we did not inconsiderately omit making an enquiry what their meaning was of those terms of the substance of the Father and of the same substance with the Father Hence therefore arose several Questions and Answers and the true import of those words was with great accuracy examined And it was acknowledged by them that these words To be of the substance did only signifie thus much that the Son is of the Father but not as a part of the Father It seem'd to us altogether reasonable and safe to give our assent to this meaning of this sacred Doctrine which asserteth that the Son is of the Father but is not a part of his substance Wherefore we our selves also gave our assent to this import of those words nor do we reject the terme Homoöusios having peace before our eyes as the marke at which we aime and being cautious lest we should fall from a right apprehension of the Faith For the same reasons also we have admitted of these words begotten not made For made said they is a common term attributed to all other creatures which were made by the Son of whom the Son hath no resemblance Wherefore he is no creature like to those which were created by him but he is of a far more excellent substance then any creature which substance as the sacred Oracles do instruct us is begotten of the Father but by such a manner of Generation as is ineffable and inexpressible by any created Being Thus also this proposition that the Son is of the same substance with the Father was discussed to wit that this is not to be understood according to the manner of bodies nor in a sense agreeable to mortal Creatures For this Consubstantiality cannot be either by Division of the Substance or by Abscision or Mutation of the Paternal Essence and Power For all these things are inconsistent with the uncreated nature of the Father But this proposition to be of the same substance with the Father doth expresly represent to us no more than this viz. that the Son of God hath no community with or resemblance to created Beings but that in every respect he is like to the Father onely who hath begotten him and that he does exist of no other substance or essence but of the Father To this Opinion therefore thus explain'd we thought good to give our assent more especially because we also knew that some of the Ancient Learned and eminent Bishops and Writers have made use of this term Homoöusios in their explications of the Divinity of the Father and of the Son Thus much therefore we have said concerning the Creed published at Nice to which we all agreed not inconsiderately and without examination but according to the senses given which were discussed in the presence of our most pious Emperour and for the forementioned reasons received with an unanimous consent Moreover as concerning the Anathematism published by the Fathers after the Creed we judged it not in the least troublesome in regard it does prohibit the use of terms that occur not in the Scriptures from the use of which terms came almost all the confusion and disturbance that hath been raised in the Church Since therefore no part of the Scripture given by divine inspiration hath made use of these terms to wit of things which exist not and there was a time when he was not it seem'd disagreeable to reason that these assertions should be either mentioned or taught To this good and sound Opinion we also have assented in as much as in former times we have never made use of such expressions These things beloved we thought requisite to send to you that we might most apparently evidence to you the considerateness as well of our examination and researches into all points as of our assent and that you might also know with what good reason we did at first make a resistance even to the last houre as long as some things written in a manner different from what they should have been offended us but at length without further contention we embraced those points which were not offensive when after a candid enquiry into the import of the terms we found them to be agreeable with what we our selves had made confession of in that form of the Creed we at first proposed Thus wrote Eusebius Pamphilus to Cesarea in Palestine Also by the common consent and approbation of the Council this following Synodicall Epistle was written to the Church of Alexandria and to the inhabitants of Aegypt Libya and Pentapolis CHAP. IX The Epistle of the Synod concerning those matters determined by it and how Arius was degraded together with them that embraced his sentiments TO the Holy by the Grace of God and great Church of the Alexandrians and to our beloved brethren the inhabitants of Aegypt Libya and Pentapolis The Bishops Assembled at Nice who fill up that great and holy Synod send Greeting in the Lord. For as much as by the Grace of God and the Summons of the most pious Emperour Constantine who hath call'd us together out of diverse Cities and Provinces a great and holy Synod has been convened at Nice it seem'd altogether necessary that a Letter should be written to you in the name of the sacred Synod whence you might understand what things were there propos'd and what taken into examination as also what were Decreed and established First of all therefore the impiety and iniquity of Arius and his complices was inquired into in the presence of the most pious Emperour Constantine and the Councils determination which was confirmed by the suffrages of all was that his impious Opinion and execrable terms and names should be anathematized which terms and names he blasphemously used affirming that the Son of God had his Being of nothing and that there was a time when he was not as also saying that the Son of God had à freedom of will whereby he was capable either of vertue or vice and calls him a Credture and a Work All these Tenets the holy Synod hath anathematized not enduring so much as patiently to hear this impious opinion or rather madness and these blasphemous expressions But what
that you should order fifty Copies of the sacred Scriptures the provision and use whereof you know to be most necessary for the instruction of the Church to be written on well prepared parchment by artificial Transcribers of Books most skilfull in the Art of accurate and fair Writing which Copies must be very legible and easily portable in order to their being used Moreover Letters are dispatch't away from our clemency to the Rationalist of the Dioecesis to take care for provision of all things necessary towards the preparing of the said Copies Let it therefore be the imployment of your care to see that the foresaid Copies be provided as soon as may be You are also impowr'd by this our letter to make use of two publick carriages for their conveyance For by this meanes those which are fairest Transcribed may be easiest convey'd even to our sight to wit if one of the Deacons of your Church be imployed in the performances hereof Who when he comes to us shall experience our liberality God preserve you Dear Brother Another Letter to Macarius VICTOR CONSTANTINUS MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS to Macarius Bishop of Jerusalem So great is our Saviours love and favour that no Rhetorick seems sufficient to set forth a declaration of the present miracle For that the Monument of his most holy passion long since hid underneath the earth should lie conceal'd for so many years space till such time as by the slaughter of the common Enemy it should gloriously appear to his servants now set at liberty is a matter which does really surmount all admiration For if all those persons that throughout the whole world are accounted wise should be convened in one and the same place with a design to speak something according to the worthiness of this matter they would not be able after their utmost endeavours to attain to an explication of the least part thereof For the authority and greatness of this miracle doth as far transcend every nature capable of humane reason as things that are celestial do exceed those that are humane Wherefore this is always our chief and only aim that as the authority of the truth doth daily demonstrate it self by new miracles so the minds of us all should with all modesty and unanimous alacrity become more careful and diligent about an observation of the divine Law Which in regard we judge to be manifestly apparent to all men our desire is you should most especially be perswaded of this that it is altogether our chiefest care that that sacred place which by Gods command we have unburthened of that most detestable accession of the Idol as it were of a ponderous and heavy weight which place was by Gods determination made holy from the beginning but was afterwards demonstrated to be more holy out of which he hath brought to light the certainty of our Saviour's passion should be beautified and adorned with magnificent and stately structures Wherefore it does well become your prudence so to order the matter and to make such a provision of materials necessary for this work that not only the Temple it self may in stateliness excel all others in what place soever but also that the other parts of it be made such as that all the beautifullest structures in every City may be acknowledged far inferiour to this fabrick And as concerning the workmanship and exquisite beauty of the walls we would have you know that we have committed the care thereof to our friend Dracilianus Deputy to the most excellent the Prefects of the Praetorium and to the President of the Province For our piety has taken order that artificers and workmen and whatever else they may be informed from your Prudence to be necessary for the structure shall by their care be forthwith sent But concerning the Pillars or Marbles and whatever you your self on sight of the Model of the building shall judge to be more rich and useful make it your business to inform us by writing that when we shall understand from your Letter how many and what manner of materials you stand in need of they may be convey'd to you from all parts For it is but reasonable that that most admirable place of the whole world should be beautifi'd according to its dignity and worth We desire to know of you whether you think good to have the inner roof of the Church arched or made of any other sort of work For if it be arched it may also be guilded with gold It remains therefore that your holiness inform as soon as may be the forementioned Judges how many Workmen and Artificers and what money for expences you shall want And be you careful to return Us a speedy account not only concerning the Marbles and Pillars but also concerning the arched roof if you shall judge that to be the more beautiful work Dearest Brother God preserve you The Emperour wrote several other Epistles in a more florid stile like Orations against Arius and those that embraced his Opinion and caused them to be published in every City in which Epistles he represents Arius to be an infamous person and rebukes him sharply in an Ironical manner Moreover He wrote to the Nicomedians against Eusebius and Theognis wherein he severely reprehends Eusebius's wickedness not only for his Arianism but also because having formerly been a favourer of the Tyrants party he had been a Traitor against Him and his affairs He therefore advises them to elect another Bishop in his stead But I thought it superfluous to insert his Letters concerning these matters here because they are long They that are desirous to inspect them may easily find them out and read them over Thus much concerning these things CHAP. X. That the Emperour summoned to the Synod Acesius also a Bishop of the Novatian Heresie THis great diligence and industry of the Emperour moves me to make mention of another thing wherein his mind is declared and how careful and solicitous he was to procure Peace For consulting the concord and agreement of the Churches He summoned Acesius a Bishop of the Novatian Heresie to appear at the Council When the Synod had drawn up a form of the Creed and subscribed it the Emperour enquir'd of Acesius whether he would also give his assent to these Articles of the Creed and also to the determination about the Festival of Easter He replied O Emperour the Synod has determined no new thing for anciently even from the Churches original and the Apostolick times I have in this same manner received by tradition both this form of Faith and also this time for the observation of the Feast of Easter When therefore the Emperour demanded of him again what then should induce you to be a separatist from the communion of the Church he related what was done under Decius in the time of the Persecution and recited the strictness of that severe Canon 'to wit that those who after Baptism
the reign of Theodosius the younger and rehearsed to me though then very young these Memoires of Eutychianus he discours'd much to me concerning the divine Grace infus'd into him but one thing he told me concerning him more especially worthy of remembrance which happened in the reign of Constantine One of those belonging to the Guard whom the Emperour calls his Domesticks being suspected to have attempted some Tyrannick designes made his escape by flight The Emperour highly incensed thereat gave order that he should be put to death wherever he could be found being apprehended about the mountain Olympus in Bithynia he was shut up in prison and loaded with very heavy and painful chaines neer these parts of Olympus Eutychianus then resided leading a solitary life where he wrought many cures both upon mens bodies and soules The long-lived Auxanon was with him at that time being then very young and was by him instructed in the Precepts of a solitary Life Many did resort to this Eutychianus beseeching him to release the Prisoner by interceding for him with the Emperour For the fame of the miracles wrought by Eutychianus was come to the Emperours hearing He readily promised to make a journey to the Emperour But in regard the Prisoner suffered most acute tortures caused by his chains those that did sollicit for him reported that his death haâ—tned by the tortures of his fetters would both prevent the Emperours punishment and Eutychianus's intercession for him Eutychianus therefore sent to the keepers of the Prison and intreated them to release the man But when they answered that it would be a very dangerous thing for them to release a criminal he taking Auxanon only along with him went to the Prison and upon the Keepers refusal to open the Prison the grace which was in Eutychianus did there more illustrate it self for the Prison doors opened of their own accord whilst the Keepers of the Prison had the keyes in their custody and when Eutychianus together with Auxanon had entred the Prison and a great amazement had seized those that were present the chains fell from the Prisoners members of their own accord Afterwards Eutychianus together with his companion Auxano travelled to the City heretofore named Byzantium but afterwards called Constantinople and being admitted into the Imperial Pallace he freed the Prisoner from the danger of death For the Emperour having a great respect for Eutychianus readily granted his request This was done after those times which we are now giving an account of But then the Bishops that were present at the Synod after they had drawn up in writing some things which they usually term Canons returned to their respective Cities Moreover I look upon it as a thing advantagious to such as are studious of History to insert here those Bishops names as many of them as we were able to find that were convened at Nice as also the name of the Province and City over which every one of them did preside and likewise the time wherein they were assembled Hosius Bishop of Corduba in Spain I do believe as is before written Vito and Vincentius Presbyters of Rome Alexander Bishop of Aegypt Eustathius Bishop of Antioch the Great Macarius Bishop of Jerusalem Harpocration Bishop of Cynopolis And the rest whose names are particularly and fully set forth in the Synodicon of Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria And the time when this Synod was convened was as we found it in the Notation of the time prefixt before the Synod in the consulate of Paulinus and Julianus on the twentieth day of the month of May that was the Six hundredth thirty six year from the reign of Alexander the Macedonian Thus the Synod was concluded We must also take notice that after the dissolution of this Synod the Emperour took his Progress into the Western parts of his Empire CHAP. XIV That Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia Theognis Bishop of Nice who had been banished because they were abettors of Arius's Opinion having afterwards sent a Libell of Repentance and agreed to the exposition of the Faith were re-admitted to their Sees MOreover Eusebius and Theognis having sent a Libell of Repentance to the most eminent Bishops were by an Imperial order recalled from exile and restored to their own Churches those who had been Ordained in their places being removed by them Eusebius put out Amphion and Theognis removed Chrestus This is a Copy of their Libell We having been sometime since condemned by your Piety without having our cause declared or defended ought quietly to bear what has been determined by your holy discretion But because 't is absurd by silence to give an occasion of calumny against our selves for this reason we declare to you that we have both unanimously agreed to the determination about the Faith and also after we had made researches into the notion of Homöousios with our utmost earnestness laboured for Peace having never been followers of any Heresie And when we had suggested whatever came into our minds upon account of the Churches security and had fully satisfied those that ought to be perswaded by us we subscribed the Faith but have not subscribed the Anathematism not that we had any thing to object against the Faith but because we did not believe the person accused to be such a one as he was represented to be having been fully satisfied that he was no such person partly from the private Letters written to us by him and partly from the discourses he made in our presence But if your holy Council was then satisfied we now make no resistance but agree to what you have determined and by this Libell do fully declare and confirm our consent which we are induced to do not because we took upon our exile to be tedious and burdensom but that we might avoid the suspicion of Heresie For if you shall now vouchsafe to let us return to your presence you shall find us to be of the same Opinion with you in all points and quietly to adhere to what you have determined since it hath seemed good to your piety gently to treat even him who is accused for these things and to recall him from banishment But it would be absurd since he that seemed to be guilty is recalled and has made his defence in reference to those things laid to his charge that we should be silent and muster up an argument against our selves Do you therefore vouchsafe as it befits your piety that loves Christ to remind our Emperour most dear to God to offer up our supplications to him and speedily to determine concerning us as shall be most agreeable to your prudence This is the Libell of Eusebius and Theognius's recantation From the words whereof I conjecture that they subscribed the Faith which had been publisht in the Council but would not give their consent to the deposing of Arius and it appears hence that Arius was recalled from banishment
these goods along with him and travelling into Persia changes his name calling himself Manes Where he distributed Buddas's or Terebinthus's books as his own genuine works amongst his seduced followers Now these are the Subjects of those books in the words they seemingly assert the Christian Religion but if the opinions contained in them be attentively considered they are neer a kin to Gentilism For Manichaeus being an impious person does incite his disciples to worship a plurality of Gods He also teaches that the Sun is to be adored Besides he introduces Fate and destroys mans free-will He apparently asserts a transmutation of Bodies following herein the opinions of Empedocles Pythagoras and the Aegyptians He denies that Christ existed in the flesh saying that he was a meer Phantasm He does also reject the Law and the Prophets and calls himself the Paraclete All which Tenets t is manifest are wholly disagreeable to the orthodox doctrine of the Church Moreover in his Letters he has been so audacious as to stile himself an Apostle But he met with a condign punishment for this impudent lie of his which befell him upon this occasion The son of the King of Persia happened to fall sick his Father desirous to save the life of his son left no stone unturn'd as the common saying is Having heard of Manichaeus and supposing the wonders he did to be real and true he sends for him as if he had been an Apostle hoping that he might preserve his Sons life When he was come in a fictitious and pretended manner he takes in hand to cure the Kings son But the King seeing that his son died under his hands clap't him in Prison with a designe forthwith to put him to death He made his escape out of Prison into Mesopotamia and saved himself But when the King of Persia had intelligence of his abode in those parts he caused him to be brought from thence by force and flead him alive and having stuffed his skin with chaff he hanged it up before the City gates These things which we relate are no forgeries of our own but we collected them out of a book we read over intitled the disputation of Archelaus Bishop of Cascharum one of the Cities of Mesopotamia For this Archelaus says that he disputed with Manichaeus face to face and what we have written above concerning Manichaeus's Life Archelaus himself does relate Thus therefore does the envy of the Devil as we said before delight to entrap good affairs when in their most flourishing posture But for what reason the goodness of God should permit this to be done whether it be that he is desirous to have the true opinion of the Church brought to the test and examined and wholly to extirpate arrogancy which usually grows up together with faith or for what other reason is a question that cannot be solved without great difficulty and tediousness nor can it now be opportunely discust by us For it is not our design to examin the truth of opinions or to make researches into the abstruse accounts of providence and the judgment of God but according to our ability to compose a narrative of the affairs that have been transacted in the Churches After what manner therefore the superstition of the Manichaeans sprang up a little before the times of Constantine it has been sufficiently declared Let us now return to the series of those times that are the proper subject of the History we designe CHAP. XXIII How Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia and Theognis Bishop of Nice taking courage again endeavoured to subvert the Nicene Creed by plotting against Athanasius EUsebius and Theognis being returned from exile recovered their own Churches having as we said before extruded those that had been ordained Bishops in their places Moreover they acquired great interest and favour with the Emperour who had an high esteem for them looking upon them as converts from an Heretical to the orthodox Doctrine But they abused this favour and liberty granted them and made more disturbance in the world then formerly they had done incited thereto by two motives the one proceeded from the Arian Heresie with which they had been formerly infected the other from their inveterate hatred against Athanasius because he had so vigorously opposed them in the Synod when the Articles of faith were discussed First of all therefore they began to find fault with Athanasius's ordination as if he were unworthy of a Bishoprick and as if his ordination had been performed by unfitting persons But it was afterwards demonstrated that he was superiour to all manner of calumny for being seated in the Bishoprick of Alexandria he stifly and vigorously contended for the Nicene Creed then Eusebius set all his wits at work to lay a plot for Athanasius and to bring Arius again into Alexandria For he supposed this to be the only way to eradicate the Doctrine of Consubstantiality and introduce Arianism Eusebius therefore wrote to Athanasius that he would readmit Arius and his companions into the Church And in his Letter he intreated him but openly and in publick he threatned him But when Athanasius could by no means be prevailed with he attempts to perswade the Emperour to grant Arius leave to come into his presence and that he would give him a liberty of returning to Alexandria And by what means he prevailed so far as to effect this I will relate in its due place But before these things were done there was another commotion raised in the Churches For her own sons did again disturb the peace of the Church Eusebius Pamphilus relates that immediately after the Synod Aegypt raised mutual factions within it self but he annexes not the occasion of this division Whence he is thought by many to have been double-tongued because declining to set forth the reasons of the discords he had resolved with himself not to assent to what had been determined at Nice But as we our selves have found from several Letters which the Bishops wrote to one another after the Synod the term Homoousios disturbed some mens minds Whilst they were busying themselves about this word and made too curious inquiries into its import and meaning they raised an intestine war amongst themselves And what was done herein was not unlike a fight in the night For neither side seemed to understand perfectly why they reviled one another For they that had an aversion for the term Homoöusios look'd upon them that approved of it as introducers of Sabellius's and Montanus's opinion And therefore they called them blasphemers as being persons that destroyed the existence of the Son of God On the other hand they that were maintainers of the term Homoöusios supposing the other their adversaries to be introducers of the worship of many Gods abominated them as the bringers in of Gentilism Eustathius Bishop of Antioch reviles Eusebius Pamphilus as one that adulterates the Nicene Faith Eusebius answers that he does in no wise infringe or
them whether they would agree to the Nicene faith They having readily given their assent the Emperour commanded them to deliver in a Libel containing the Articles of their faith CHAP. XXVI How Arius being recalled from exile and having given up a Libell of Repentance to the Emperour did therein hypocritically pretend himself an assertour of the Nicene Creed HAving therefore composed a Libell they present it to the Emperour the contents whereof are as followeth Arius and Euzoïus to our most Religious and most pious Lord Constantine the Emperour According to the order of your piety most acceptable to God our Lord the Emperour we do declare our Faith and in writing profess in the presence of God that we and all our adherents do believe as followeth We believe in one God the Father Almighty and in the Lord Jesus Christ his Son who was made by him before all worlds God the Word by whom all things were made that are in heaven and that are in earth who came down from heaven and was incarnate and suffered and rose again and ascended into the heavens who also shall come again to judge the quick and the dead We also believe in the Holy Ghost and in the Resurrection of the flesh and in the life of the world to come and in the kingdom of heaven and in one Catholick Church of God which is spred from one end of the world to the other This faith we have received from the holy Gospels the Lord saying to his disciples Go ye and teach all nations baptizing them in the name of Father and of the Son and of the holy Ghost If we do not thus believe these things and if we do not truly admit of the Father the Son and the holy Ghost in such manner as the whole Catholick Church and the Scriptures which we believe in all things do teach God is our Judge both now and in the Judgment to come We therefore beseech your piety O Emperour most acceptable to God! that we being Ecclesiastical persons and holding the Faith and sence of the Church and the holy Scriptures may by your pacifick and religious piety be united to our mother to wit the Church all questions and superfluous disputations being wholly taken away and suppressed that so both we and the Church enjoying a mutual peace and union may joyntly offer up our usual prayers for the peaceable Reign of your Imperial Majesty and for your whole Family CHAP. XXVII How Arius returned to Alexandria by the Emperours order and upon Athanasius's refusal to admit him Eusebius's faction framed divers accusations against Athanasius before the Emperour ARius having thus perswaded the Emperour returned to Alexandria But this specious covert was not prevalent enough to suppress the silenced and hidden truth For when Athanasius denied him reception upon his arival at Alexandria in regard he detested the man as an abomination he attempted to stir up new commotions in Alexandria by disseminating his heresie Moreover at that time Eusebius did both himself write Letters and also induced the Emperour to write that Arius and his complices might be received into the Church But Athanasius did wholly refuse to grant them reception And he acquainted the Emperour by his Letters that it was impossible for those who had once rejected the faith and were anathematized to be entirely readmitted again to their degrees in the Church at their return But the Emperour highly incensed at this return thus threatned Athanasius in a Letter Part of the Emperours Letter Having therefore received the knowledge of our will doe you afford a free ingress to all such as are desirous of entring into the Church For if we shall receive information that you have prohibited any of those that are desirous to be united to the Church or have hindred their admission We will immediately send one who shall be impowred by Our order to depose you and banish you your Countrey Thus wrote the Emperour having a regard to the good of the publick and being unwilling that the members of the Church should be rent asunder For he laboured to reduce them all to a perfect union At that time therefore the Eusebians who were deadly haters of Athanasius supposing they had gotten a fair opportunity made use of the Emperours indignation as instrumental for the execution of their own design Upon which account they made great disturbances labouring by that meanes to effect Athanasius's deposition from his Bishoprick for they hoped that the Arian opinion would become absolutely prevalent by these means only to wit by a removal of Athanasius There was therefore by a joynt consent an attack made against him by Eusebius of Nicomedia Theognis of Nice Maris of Chalcedon Ursacius of Singidunum a City of the Upper Maesia and Valens of Mursa in the Upper Pannonia These persons hire some of the Melitian Hereticks who bring in several accusations against Athanasius And first they frame a complaint against him by Ision Eudaemon and Callinicus who were Melitians as if Athanasius had ordered the Aegyptians to pay a linnen garment under the notion of tribute to the Church of Alexandria But Alypius and Macarius Presbyters of the Church of Alexandria who were then accidentally at Nicomedia extinguished this accusation having informed the Emperour that what they reported against Athanasius was false Wherefore the Emperour by his Letters sharply reproved those that informed against him but he advised Athanasius in a Letter to repair to him But the Eusebian faction before his arival and in order to their preventing of it tack another accusation to the first far worse than the former as if Athanasius entring into a conspiracy against the Emperours affaires had sent a little chest full of gold to one Philumenus But the Emperour having taken cognizance hereof at Psamathia which is the Suburbs of the City Nicomedia and finding Athanasius innocent dismissed him with honour and wrote to the Church of Alexandria that their Bishop Athanasius had been falsly accused It would indeed have been comely and decent to have passed over in silence those calumnies which the Eusebians afterwards framed against Athanasius lest Christs Church should be condemned by those that do not embrace his doctrine But in regard they have been committed to writing and exposed to the view of all men I therefore judged it necessary to treat of these matters as compendiously as may be which if particularized would require a peculiar volume Wherefore I will give a short account whence both the subject of the calumny it self and also the contrivers of the false accusation had their original Mareotes is a region of Alexandria There are in it a great many and those very populous villages and in them many and stately Churches All these Churches are under the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Alexandria and subject to his City like Parishes In this Country of Mareotes there was a man by name Ischyras who had committed a fact
SCHOLASTICUS CHAP. I. The Preface wherein he gives an account why he made a new Edition of his First and Second Book Rufinus he that wrote an Ecclesiastick History in the Latine tongue has erred concerning the notation of the times For he supposes that what was done against Athanasius hapned after the death of Constantine the Emperour He was also ignorant of his banishment into the Gallia's and of several other things We having at first followed Rufinus as our authour wrote the first and second book of our History according to his authority But from the third to the seventh Book we have made a collection of some passages partly out of Rufinus and partly out of various other authours and related others from those which do yet survive and so have compleated our work But when we had afterwards procured Athanasius's Books wherein he laments his own calamitous sufferings and how he was banisht by the calumny of the Eusebian faction we thought it more expedient to credit him who had suffered these hardships and those who had been present at the transacting of these matters rather then such as have followed conjectures in their relations thereof and for that reason have been mistaken Besides having gotten several Letters of persons at that time very eminent to our utmost ability we have diligently traced out the truth Upon which account we have been necessitated entirely to dictate again the first and second Book of this work making use nevertheless of those passages in the relation whereof Rufinus hath not forsaken the truth Moreover notice is to be taken that in our former Edition we had not inserted Arius's Libel of deposition nor the Emperours Letters but had onely set forth a bare relation of the affairs transacted that we might not dull our Readers by a prolixe and tedious narration But in regard that this also was to be done in favour to you O sacred man of God Theodorus that you might not be ignorant of what the Emperours wrote in their Letters nor of what the Bishops changing that faith by little and little promulged in divers Synods wherefore in this latter Edition we have made such alterations and insertions as we judged to be necessary And having done this in the first Book we will also make it our business to do the same in that now under our hands we mean the second But we must now begin the following series of our History CHAP. II. How Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia with his accomplices earnestly indeavouring to introduce Arius's opinion again made disturbances in the Churches THe Emperour Constantine being dead Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia and Theognis Bishop of Nice supposing they had now gotten a very seasonable opportunity made use of their utmost diligence and attempts to expell the Homoüsian faith and introduce Arianism in its stead But they supposed it impossible for them to effect this if Athanasius should return to Alexandria Moreover in order to their forming and carrying on of their design in this matter they made use of that Presbyters assistance who had a little before been the cause of Arius's being recalled from banishment But how this was effected we must relate That Presbyter we have mentioned presented Constantines last will and commands which he had received from the Emperour at his death to the Emperours son Constantius He having found that written in the Will which he was very desirous of for by the Will the Empire of the East was committed to him had an honorary respect for the Presbyter allowed him a great liberty of speaking and ordered he should freely and with confidence come into the Palace This liberty therefore being allowed the Presbyter made him in a short time well known both to the Empress and also to her Eunuches The principal person of the Emperours Bed-chamber at that time was an Eunuch whose name was Eusebius The Presbyter perswaded this person to embrace Arius's opinion After which the rest of the Eunuches were prevailed with to be of the same opinion Moreover the Emperours wife also by the perswasion of the Eunuches and this Presbyter became a favourer of Arius's Tenets Not long after this question came to the hearing of the Emperour himself And by degrees it was spread abroad first amongst those that were of the milice in the Palace and afterwards it was divulged amongst the multitudes of the Imperial City Those of the Bed-chamber together with the women discoursed concerning this opinion in the Imperial Palace and in the City throughout every private family there was a logical war waged Moreover the mischief soon spread its self over other Provinces and Cities And like a spark this controversie taking its rise from a small beginning excited the hearers minds to a most pertinacious contention For every person that enquired the reason of the disturbance immediately had an occasion of disputing given him and at the very interim of his making an enquiry he resolved upon entring into a wrangling dispute By this contention all things were subverted These alterations were started in the Eastern Cities only For the Cities of Illyricum and those scituated in the Western parts of the Empire were in that interim at quiet for they would by no means disanull the determinations made at the Nicene Synod When therefore this mischief thus kindled increased and grew daily worse and worse Eusebius of Nicomedia and his faction began then to think the disturbance of the Vulgar to be their gain For they were in hopes of being enabled by this means only to constitute a Bishop of Alexandria that should be of the same opinion with them But Athanasius's return at that time to Alexandria prevented this their design who came thither fortified with one of the Augustus's Letters which Constantinus the younger who bore the same name with his Father sent from Triers a City in Gallia to the people of Alexandria A Copy of which Letter I have here subjoyned CHAP. III. How Athanasius confiding in the Letter of Constantine the Younger returned to Alexandria CONSTANTINUS CAESAR to the people of the Catholick Church of the Alexandrians IT has not We suppose escaped the knowledge of your sacred mind that Athanasius an interpreter of the venerable Law was therefore sent into the Gallia's for a time lest in regard the barbarity of his bloud-devouring Enemies and Adversaries continually menaced his sacred head with imminent danger he should undergo incurable mischiefs through the perverseness of wicked men In order therefore to his frustrating of this barbarity he was snatcht out of the Jaws of those persons that designed his ruine and enjoyned to live under our district in such a manner that in that City wherein he was ordered to make his residence he should abound with all manner of necessaries although his most eximious virtue having put its confidence in the divine assistances esteems as nothing the troubles of a rougher fortune Wherefore although Our Lord and Father Constantinus Augustus
audaciously determined such things as these concerning the Father which are contrary both to the common notions of God and also to the sense and meaning of the scripture given by divine inspiration For we knowing God to have free and plenary power and to be Lord of himself do piously think that he begat the Son voluntarily and of his own accord Moreover although with fear and reverence we do believe this which is spoken concerning him The Lord created me the beginning of his ways upon account of his works yet we suppose not that the Son was made in the same manner with the rest of the Creatures and works made by him For it is impious and repugnant to the Ecclesiastick Faith to compare the Creatour with the works created by him and to think that he hath the same manner of Generation with the things of a different nature from him For the sacred Scriptures do teach us that the one and alone-only-begotten Son was genuinely and truely begotten But although we do assert that the Son is of himself and that he doth live and subsist in like manner as the Father doth yet we do not therefore separate him from the Father imagining in our minds in a corporal manner any spaces or intervalls of place between their conjunction For we believe that they are conjoyned without any intervening Medium and without any space or distance and that they cannot be separated one from the other the whole Father embracing the Son in his bosome and the whole Son hanging upon and cleaving close to the Father in whose bosome he alone continually resteth Believing therefore the most absolutely perfect and most holy Trinity and asserting that the Father is God and that the Son also is God notwithstanding this we do not acknowledge two but one God by reason of the Majesty of the Deity and the one absolutely-entire conjunction of the Kingdom the Father ruling over all things in general and over the Son himself also and the Son being made subject to the Father but excepting him reigning over all things which were made after him and by him and by his Fathers will liberally bestowing the grace of the holy Spirit upon the Saints For the sacred Scriptures have informed us that the manner of the Monarchy which is in Christ is thus manifested We were necessitated to make a perfect explanation of these things at large after the publication of our shorter form of the Creed not upon account of our excessive ambition but that we might clear our selves from all strange suspicious concerning our sentiments amongst such as are ignorant of our opinions and that all persons inhabiting the Western parts might know both the impudent and audacious calumny of those who dissent from us and also the Ecclesiastick sentiments of the Eastern Bishops concerning Christ which is without violence confirmed by the testimony of the divinely inspired Scriptures amongst those whose minds are not depraved CHAP. XX. Concerning the Synod at Serdica THe Bishops in the Western parts of the Empire both because they were unskilled in the Greek language and also in regard they understood not these things admitted not of them saying that the Nicene Creed was sufficient and that there was no necessity of making any further disquisitions But when upon the Emperours writing again ordering that Paulus and Athanasius should be restored to their own Sees no thing could be done further in that affair For there was a continued Sedition amongst the Populace Paulus and Athanasius requested that another Synod might be convened that both their cause and also the matters of faith might be determined by an Oecumenicall Synod and they made it apparent that they had been deposed for no other reason but this that the Faith might be subverted Another Oecumenicall Synod therefore is summoned to meet at Serdica which is a City of Illyricum by the determination of the two Emperours the one of them requesting this by his Letters and the other to wit the Emperour of the East readily complying with him It was then the eleventh year from the death of the Father of the Augusti Rufinus and Eusebius were Consuls at such time as the Synod at Serdica was assembled About three hundred Bishops of the Western parts met there as Athanasius attests But from the Eastern parts Sabinus says there came but seventy amongst which number Ischyras Bishop of Marcotes was recounted whom they who had deposed Athanasius Ordained Bishop of that Country Some of them pretended infirmity of body others complained of the shortness of the time that was set laying the blame thereof upon Julius Bishop of Rome although there had passed a year and six months after such time as the Synod had been summoned and during which space Athanasius made his abode at Rome expecting the meeting of the Synod When therefore they were all convened at Serdica the Eastern Bishops refused to come into the presence of the Western saying that they would not enter into discourse with them unless they would banish Athanasius and Paulus from the convention But when Protogenes Bishop of Serdica and Hosius Bishop of Corduba which is a City in Spain as we said before would by no means suffer Paulus and Athanasius to be absent from the Synod the Eastern Bishops went away immediately And returning to Philippopolis a City of Thracia they made up a Synod apart by themselves Wherein they openly anathematized the term Homoöusios and having inserted the Anomoian opinion into their Epistles they sent them about to all places But the Bishops at Serdica in the first place condemned them for deserting the Council Afterwards they divested Athanasius's Accusers of their dignities And having confirmed that form of the Creed published at Nice and rejected the term Anomoios they made a more manifest publication of the term Homoöusios concerning which they wrote Letters and as the others did sent them about to all places Moreover both parties were of opinion that they had done what was right and true the Eastern Bishops thought so because the Western Prelates had approved of and entertained those persons whom they had deposed and the Western Bishops were of that opinion because they who had deposed these persons fled away before their cause had been discussed and because they were the preservers and defenders of the Nicene Faith but these had been so audacious as to adulterate it They therefore restored Paulus and Athanasius to their Sees as also Marcellus Bishop of Ancyra a City in Galatia the less He had been deposed a long time before as we have made mention in our foregoing book but then he used his utmost diligence to get the sentence revoked which had been pronounced against him declaring that the expressions of the book written by him were not understood and that he therefore lay under a suspicion of maintaining Paul of Samosata's opinion But
Church might be allowed to those who refused to communicate with the Arians When the Arians understood that Athanasius's opinion would incommode their party they made answer that that business was to be deferred till another time but they permitted the Emperour to do what pleased him Wherefore the Emperour restored Athanasius Paulus and Marcellus to their own Sees as also Asclepas of Gaza and Lucius of Adrianople For they also had been received by the Synod of Serdica Asclepas was received upon his exhibiting the Acts whereby it was manifest that Eusebius Pamphilus together with many others having taken cognizance of his cause had restored him to his dignity and Lucius because those that accused him were fled Therefore the Emperours Edicts were sent to their Cities giving order that they should be readily admitted Upon Basilius's being turned out of Ancyra and Marcellus's entrance into that City there was no trivial disturbance made which gave those that were his adversaries an occasion of reproaching him But the Gazites willingly received Asclepas In Constantinople Macedonius did for some small time give place to Paulus and convened assemblies by himself seperately in a private Church of that City But in behalf of Athanasius the Emperour wrote to the Bishops to the Clergy and to the Laity that they should willingly receive him Moreover he gave order by other Letters that what had been enacted against him in the Courts of Judicature should be abrogated The contents of his Letters concerning both these Particulars are these Canstantius's Letter in behalf of Athanasius VICTOR CONSTANTIUS MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS to the Bishops and Presbyters of the Catholick Church The most Reverend Bishop Athanasius hath not been deserted by the Grace of God But although he was for a short time subjected to humane tryal yet he hath received a just sentence from Divine Providence which inspects all things having been restored by the will of God and our determination both to his own Country and Church over which by Divine permission he presided It was meet that what is agreeable hereto should be performed by our clemency That so all things which have heretofore been determined against those who have held communion with him should now wholly be forgotten and that all suspicion entertained against him should in future cease and that the immunity which those Clergy men that are with him did heretofore enjoy should as it is meet be confirmed to them Moreover We thought it equitable to make this addition to Our Indulgence in favour of him that all persons belonging to the sacred order of the Clergy might understand that security is granted to all those that have adhered to him whether they be Bishops or Clerks and a firm union with him shall be a sufficient testimony of every ones good resolution of mind For what persons soever making use of a better judgment and becoming followers of a sounder opinion shall embrace his communion We have ordered that all such shall enjoy that indulgence according to the Pattern of the preceding providence which We have now granted agreeable to the will of God Another Letter sent to the Alexandrians VICTOR CONSTANTIUS MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS to the populace of the Catholike Church in Alexandria In regard We make your good Government Our aim in all things and knowing that you have for some time been deprived of an Episcopall Providence We have thought good to send back to you again Athanasius the Bishop a person well known to all men for his sanctity of life and moral honesty When you shall have received this person according to your usual manner and as it is meet and shall constitute him your assistant in your prayers to God make it your business to preserve continually a Concord and Peace befitting your selves and gratefull to Us according to the Sanction of the Church For it is disagreeable to reason that there should be any dissention or faction raised amongst you contrary to the felicity of Our times Our desires and wishes are that you may be wholly freed from this mischief And We exhort you to persist continually in your usual prayers to God making use of him your Prelate and your assistant as was said before That so this resolution of yours being conveyed to the ears of all men even those Gentiles as yet enslaved in the erroneous worship of Idols may with the greatest alacrity hasten to the knowledge of the sacred Religion most dear Alexandrians We therefore again exhort you to persist in what hath been said before Do you willingly receive your Bishop sent to you by Gods Decree and Our determination and look upon him as worthy to be embraced with your whole souls and minds For that doth both become you and is also manifestly agreeable to Our Clemency And that all manner of disturbance and occasion of Sedition may be taken from such as are endowed with malevolent and factious mindes We have by Our Letters given order to the judges amongst you that they should render all those liable to undergo the penalty of the Laws whom upon inquiry they shall find to have been Seditions Taking therefore into your consideration these two things both Gods and Our determination and also the care we have taken about your agreement and the punishment we have commanded to be inflicted upon those that are disordered make it your chief business to have a diligent regard to whatever doth become and agree with the Sanctions of the sacred Religion and with all reverence to honour the foresaid Prelate that so you together with him may offer up prayers to the supream God and Father both for your Selves and also for the good Government and Concord of mankind in general An Epistle concerning the abrogating what had been enacted against Athanasius VICTOR CONSTANTIUS AUGUSTUS to Nestorius And in the same Copy to the Presidents of Augustamnica Thebaïs and Lybia If any thing be found to have been heretofore done to the detriment and injury of those who communicate with Athanasius the Bishop Our Will is that that be now wholly abrogated For Our Pleasure is that those of his Clergy should again have the same immunity which they formerly had And We command that this Order of Ours be kept that so Athanasius the Bishop having been restored to his Church they who communicate with him may have the same priviledge which they always had and which the other Clergy-men now have whereby their affairs being thus setled they also may rejoyce CHAP. XXIV That Athanasius passing through Jerusalem in his return to Alexandria was received into Communion by Maximus and convened a Synod of Bishops which confirmed the Nicene Faith AThanasius the Bishop being fortified with these Letters passed thorow Syria and came into Palestine And arriving at Jerusalem he made known to Maximus the Bishop both what had been done in the Syond of Serdica and also that Constantius the Emperour had consented to their determination and he makes it his
business to have a Synod of Bishops convened in that City Maximus without any delay sent for some of the Bishops in Syria and Palestine and having constituted a Synod he also restored to Athanasius communion and his former dignity Moreover this Synod wrote to the Alexandrians and to all the Bishops in Egypt and Libya declaring to them what had been Determined and Decreed concerning Athanasius Upon which account those who were Athanasius's enemies egregiously derided Maximus because he had before deposed Athanasius but then altering his mind again as if nothing had been done before he gave his suffrage for Athanasius and restored to him communion and his dignity Ursacius and Valens who had before been hot maintainers of Arianism understanding these things having at that time rejected their former industry in asserting that opinion went to Rome And presented a penitentiary Libel to Julius the Bishop after which they embraced the Homoöusian Faith And having written Letters to Athanasius they professed they would in future hold communion with him Ursacius therefore and Valens were at that time in such a manner vanquished by Athanasius's prosperous success that as I said they gave their consent to the Homoöusian Faith But Athanasius passed through Pelusium in his journey to Alexandria And he admonished all the Cities through which he passed to have an aversion for the Arians and to embrace those that professed the Homoöusian Faith He ordained also in some of the Churches Which gave beginning to another accusation against him because he attempted to ordain in other Bishops Diocesses Such was the posture of Athanasius's affaires at that time CHAP. XXV Concerning the Tyrants Magnentius and Vetranio BUt in the interim a disturbance in no wise trivial seized the publick affaires of the Empire It is necessary that we should give a summary account only concerning it by running over the chief heads thereof When the Builder of the City Constantinople was dead his three Sons succeeded him in the Empire as we have mentioned in our First Book But you must know that together with them reigned their Cousin-german whose name was Dalmatius of the same name with his own Father After he had been Colleague with them in the Empire some small time the Souldiers slew him Constantius neither commanding him to be murdered nor yet forbidding it After what manner Constantinus Junior invading those parts of the Empire which belonged to his Brother was also slain in an engagement with the Souldiers we have more than once mentioned before After his slaughter the Persian War was raised against the Romans wherein Constantius performed no action that was fortunate For there hapning an Engagement by night about the limits of the Romans and Persians the latter seemed then for some little time to have been Conquerours At the same time the posture of the Christians affaires was little less sedate but upon Athanasius's account and by reason of the term Homoöusios there was a War throughout the Churches During this state of affaires there arose a Tyrant in the Western parts of the Empire one Magnentius Who by treachery slew Constans the Emperour of the Western parts residing at that time in the Gallia's After which there was a mighty Civil War kindled For the Tyrant Magnentius conquered all Italy he also reduced Africa and Libya under his own Dominion and had possession even of the Gallia's In Illyricum likewise at the City Sirmium another Tyrant was set up by the Souldiers his name Vetranio Moreover Rome was involved in a disturbance For Constantine had a Sisters Son by name Nepotianus who being guarded by a party of the Gladiatours had by violence seized upon the Empire This Nepotianus was slain by Magnentius's Forces But Magnentius himself invaded the rest of the Western Provinces and made all places desolate CHAP. XXVI How after the death of Constans the Western Emperour Paulus and Athanasius were Ejected out of their own Sees again And that Paulus after his being carried into banishment was slain But Athanasius made his escape by flight AConfluxe of all these mischiefs hapned almost at one and the same time For these things were done on the fourth year after the Synod at Serdica in the Consulate of Sergius and Nigrinianus Upon the relation hereof the whole Roman Empire seemed to be devolved upon Constantius only who being proclaimed Emperour in the Eastern parts was wholly intent in making preparations against the Tyrants In the interim Athanasius's adversaries supposing they had gotten a very seasonable opportunity did again frame most horrid false accusations against him he having not yet entred Alexandria they inform the Emperour Constantius that he would subvert all Egypt and Libya That which made the greatest addition to their calumny was that Athanasius had Ordained in other Bishops Diocesses Athanasius arriving at Alexandria during this troublesome posture of affaires assembled a Synod of Bishops in Egypt Who by an unanimous consent made the same determinations with those convened at Serdica and with that Synod assembled at Jerusalem by Maximus But the Emperour who had long before embraced the Arian opinion wholly altered all things which he had a little before decreed And in the first place he gave order that Paulus the Bishop of Constantinople should be banished who was strangled by those that carried him into banishment at Cucusus in Cappadocia Marcellus also being ejected Basilius was again put into possession of the Church of Ancyra Lucius of Adrianople was bound in iron chaines and died in Prison Moreover what was reported concerning Athanasius made so prevalent an impression upon the Emperour that he fell into an unmeasurable rage and gave order that he should be slain whenever he could be found and together with him Theodulus and Olympius Prelates of Churches in Thracin But Athanasius was not ignorant of what Orders the Emperour had given But having been made sensible thereof before hand he betook himself to flight again and so avoided the Emperours menaces The Arians calumniated him for this his escape especially Narcissus Bishop of Neroniades a City of Cilicia Georgius of Laodicaea and Leontius who then presided over the Church at Antioch This Leontius when he was a Presbyter was divested of that dignity because he lived continually with a woman whose name was Eustolium and endeavouring to conceal the suspicion of his unclean converse with her he cut off his own genitalls after which he was conversant with her with a greater confidence and liberty in regard he wanted those things upon account whereof he had fallen into that suspition But by the Decree and diligence of the Emperour Constantius he was promoted to the Bishoprick of the Antiochian Church after Stephanus who had before succeeded Flaccillus Thus far concerning this person CHAP. XXVII That Macedonius having got possession of the See of Constantinople did much mischief to those that in opinion dissented from him MOreover at that
And having translated that form of the Creed read at Ariminum into the Greek tongue as it has been before related they published and confirmed it giving out that that Creed which was made publick by them at Nice had been dictated by an Oëcumenicall Synod their design being to impose upon the simpler sort of people by the likeness of the Cities name For such persons were ready to think that it was the Creed published at Nicaea a City of Bithynia But this cheat was not at all advantagious to them for it was soon detected and they themselves continued to be exposed to the reproach and laughter of all men Let thus much be said concerning what was transacted in the Western parts We must now pass to the relation of what was done at the same time in the East And our Narrative must begin from hence CHAP. XXXVIII Concerning the Cruelty of Macedonius and the Tumults by him raised THe Bishops of the Arian party assumed a greater degree of boldness from the Imperial Edicts And upon what account they attempted to convene a Synod we will relate a little afterwards But we will first briefly recite those things done by them before the Synod Acacius and Patrophilus having ejected Maximus Bishop of Jerusalem placed Cyrillus in his See Macedonius subverted the Provinces and Cities lying near to Constantinople preferring those that were embarqued in the same wicked design with him against the Churches He ordained Eleusius Bishop of Cyzicum and Marathonius Bishop of Nicomedia who had before been a Deacon placed under Macedonius he was also very diligent in founding Monasteries of men and women But after what manner Macedonius subverted the Provinces and Cities which lay round Constantinople we are now to declare This person therefore having possest himself of the Bishoprick in such a manner as is before related did innumerable mischiefs to those who would not entertain the same sentiments with him Nor did he persecute those only who were discerned to be members of the Church but the Novations also knowing that they also embraced the Homoöusian Faith These therefore were together with the others disquieted undergoing most deplorable sufferings Their Bishop by name Agelius made his escape by â—light But many of them eminent for their piety were taken and tortured because they would not communicate with him And after their tortures they forcibly constrained the men to partake of the holy mysteries For they wrested their mouthes open with a piece of wood and thrust the Sacrament into them Such persons as underwent this usage looked upon it to be a punishment far exceeding all other tortures Moreover they snatcht up the women and children and forced them to be initiated by Baptism And if any one refused or otherwise spoke against this stripes immediately followed and after stripes bonds imprisonments and other accute tortures One or two instances whereof I will mention that I may render the hearers sensible of the apparent barbarity and cruelty of Macedonius and those persons who were then in power They squeezed the breasts of those women who refused to be communicants with them in the Sacrament between the doors of Presses and cut them off with a Saw They burnt the same members of other women partly with iron and partly with eggs exceedingly heated in the fire This new sort of torture which even the Heathens never used towards us was invented by those who professed themselves Christians These things I heard from the long-liv'd Auxano of whom I have made mention in the first Book He was a Presbyter in the Church of the Novatians And he reported that he himself indured not a few miseries inflicted upon him by the Arians before he received the dignity of a Presbyter For he said that he was cast into Prison together with Alexander Paphlagon who with him led a monastick life and sustained innumerable stripes Which tortures as he related he was enabled to indure but Alexander died in Prison by reason of his stripes His Sepulchre is now to be seen on the right hand as you sail into the Byzantine Bay which is named Ceras near the Rivers where there is a Church of the Novatians which bears Alexanders name Moreover the Arians by Macedonius's order demolished many other Churches in divers Cities as also a Church of the Novatians scituate in Constantinople near Pelargus Why I have made particular mention of this Church I will here declare as I heard it from the very aged Auxano The Emperours Edict and Macedonius's violence gave order for the demolishing of their Churches who embraced the Homoöusian opinion This Edict and Violence threatned this Church also with ruine and they were at hand to whom the execution hereof was committed I cannot choose but admire when I reflect upon the great zeal and earnestness of the Novatians towards their Church and the kindness which they had for those persons who at that time were ejected out of the Church by the Arians but do now peaceably and quietly enjoy their Churches When therefore they to whom the execution hereof was enjoyned were urgent to demolish this Church also a great multitude of people that were Novatians and others who embraced the same sentiments with them flock't together thither And when they had pulled down their Church they conveyed it to another place This place is scituate over against the City Constantinople the name of it is Sycae and 't is the thirteenth Ward of the City Moreover the removal of the Church was performed in a very short time it being carried away by a numerous multitude of people with an incredible alacrity of mind For one carried Tiles another Stones a third Timber Some took up one thing some another and carried it to Sycae Yea the very women and little children assisted in this business looking upon it as an accomplishment of their desires and esteeming it as a great gain that they were vouchsafed to be pure and faithful preservers of the things consecrated to God In this manner therefore was the Church of the Novatians at that time removed to Sycae But afterwards when Constantius was dead the Emperour Julian ordered the place to be restored to them and permitted them to rebuild their Church At which time the people in the same manner as before carried the materialls back again and built the Church in its former place and having made it more beautifull and stately they would have it called Anastasia a name apposite and significative This Church therefore was afterwards erected again as I said in the Reign of Julian But then both parties as well the Catholicks as the Novatians were after the same manner persecuted Wherefore the Catholicks abhorred to pray in those Oratories wherein the Arians assembled themselves But in the other three Churches for so many Oratories the Novatians had within the Ciâ—y Constantinople the Catholicks assembled with them and prayed together And there wanted but little of their
an History of the Christian Religion being our business we will continue our making use of a low plain and mean stile for perspicuities sake And this we promised to do at the beginning Being therefore to speak concerning him his Extract Education and how he came to the Empire in order to our performing hereof we must begin a little higher Constantinus he who gave Byzantium his own name had two brothers begotten by the same father but not born of the same mother The name of the one was Dalmatius the other was called Constantius Dalmatius had a son who bore his own name Constantius begat two sons Gallus and Julianus After the death of Constantine the Builder of Constantinople when the Souldiers had murthered Dalmatius the younger at that time these two also being Orphans wanted but little of falling into the same danger with Dalmatius had not a distemper which seemed to be mortal delivered Gallus from their violence and the tenderness of Julianus's age for he was not then eight years old compleat protected him But after the Emperours rage against them was mollified Gallus frequented the Schools at Ephesus in Ionia in which Country they had large possessions left them by their Ancestours And Julianus being grown up was an auditour in the Schools at Constantinople going into the Pallace where there were then Schools in a private habit and was tutored by Macedonius the Eunuch Nicocles the Laconian taught him the Grammar he had for his Rhetorick master Ecebolius the Sophista who was at that time a Christian. For the Emperour Constantius took great care least by his being an hearer of a Pagan-master he should revolt to the superstition of the Gentiles For Julianus was at first a Christian. Upon his making a great progress in Literature a rumour began to be spread amongst the peop'e that he was fit to Govern the Roman Empire Which report being more openly divulged much disturbed the Emperours mind Wherefore he removed him from the Great City to Nicomedia ordering him not to frequent the School of Libanius the Syrian-Sophista For at that time Libanius having been expelled Constantinople by the School-masters had opened a School at Nicomedia Wherefore he vented his gall against the School-masters in an Oration which he wrote against them But Julianus was forbidden to go to him because Libanius was as to his Religion a Pagan Nevertheless being a great admirer of Libanius's Orations He procured them privately and perused them frequently and studiously When he had made a great proficiency in Rhetorick there came to Nicomedia Maximus the Philosopher not Maximus of Byzantium Euclid's Father but Maximus the Ephesian whom the Emperour Valentinianus ordered to be slain afterwards as being a practicer of Magick But this hapned a long while after At that time his coming to Nicomedia was occasioned by nothing else but Julianus's fame which induced him to go thither Julianus having had a taste of Philosophick Literature from him began forthwith to imitate his Masters Religion who also instilled into his mind a desire of the Empire When the Emperour was made acquainted with these things Julianus being betwixt hope and fear became very desirous of avoiding suspicion and he who had before been a sincere Christian then began to act the hypocrite Being therefore shaved to the very skin he pretended to lead a monastick life Privately he imployed himself about the study of Philosophy but in publick he read the sacred Writings of the Christians Moreover he was made a Reader in the Church of Nicomedia and by this specious pretext he avoided the Emperours fury All this he did out of fear But in the interim he receded not from his hope but told many of his friends that those would be happy times when he should be possest of the Empire Whilst his affairs were in this posture his brother Gallus was created Caesar and in his journey into the East came to Nicomedia to give him a visit Not long after this Gallus was slain immediately upon which the Emperour grew suspicious of Julianus Wherefore he ordered a guard should be set upon him But as soon as he could get an opportunity of slipping away from his Keepers he removed from place to place and by that means made his escape At length the Emperours wife Eusebia having found him out during his absconding perswades the Emperour to do him no harm but to allow him a liberty of going to Athens to study Philosophy From whence that I may be brief the Emperour sent for him and created him Caesar. After which he married him to his sister Helena and sent him into the Gallia's against the Barbarians For the Barbarians whom the Emperour Constantius had a little before hired to be his Auxiliaries against Magnentius having been imployed in no service against the Tyrant fell to destroying the Roman Cities And in regard Julianus was as yet but young he ordered him not to enter upon any thing of action without the advice of the Commanders of the Army Who having received so large a commission grew negligent in their management of affairs upon which account the Barbarians increased in strength Julianus permitted the Commanders to spend their time in Luxury and drinking but he made the Souldiers more couragious by promising a set reward to him who should kill a Barbarian This was the original cause whereby both the Barbarians Forces were diminished and also he himself was rendred more acceptable to the Souldiers There is a report that as he was entring into a Town a Crown with which they usually adorn the Cities being hung up by Ropes between two Pillars fell down upon his head and fitted it exactly at which all that were present gave a shout For by this sign it seemed to be portended that he should be Emperour There are those who say that Constantius therefore sent him against the Barbarians that he might perish there in an engagement with them But I know not whether they who report this speak the truth For should he have framed such a design against him after he had joyned him in marriage to his own sister it would have been no other then a conspiracy against himself But let every one judge of this matter according to his own pleasure Moreover upon Julianus's making a complaint to the Emperour of the slothfullness of his Military Officers there was another Commander sent to him exactly agreeable to Julianus's courage Having got such an Assistant he made a bold attack upon the Barbarians They dispatcht away an Embassadour to him informing him that they were ordered by the Emperours Letters to March into the Roman Territories and the Letters were produced to him But he clapt their Embassadour into prison and having engaged their forces routed them totally He also took the King of the Barbarians prisoner and sent him to Constantius Upon this fortunate success he is proclaimed Emperour by the Souldiers But because they wanted an Imperial Crown one of
a return as at present comes into our mind The Grecian Learning was not admitted of either by Christ or his disciples as being divinely inspired nor was wholly rejected as hurtfull And this in my opinion was not inconsiderately done by them For many of the Philosophers amongst the Grecians were not far from the knowledge of God For being furnished with a discursive knowledge they strenuously opposed those that denied Gods Providence of which sort were the Epicureans and other contentious Cavillers and confuted their ignorance And by these Books they rendred themselves very usefull to the Lovers of piety but they apprehended not the principal head of Religion because they were ignorant of the Mystery of Christ Which hath been hid from generations and ages And that this is so the Apostle in his Epistle to the Romans does declare in these words For the wrath of God is revealed from heaven against all ungodliness and unrighteousness of men who hold the truth in unrighteousness Because that which may be known of God is manifest in them For God hath shewed it unto them For the invisible things of him from the Creation of the world are clearly seen being understood by the things that are made even his eternal power and Godhead that they may be without excuse because that when they knew God they glorified him not as God From these words 't is apparent that they had the knowledge of the truth which God manifested unto them But they were obnoxious in regard when they knew God they glorified him not as God Whereas therefore the Apostles prohibited not an education in the Grecian Learning they left it to the choice of such as were desirous of it Let this be one argument in answer to the objection made against us Another is this The divinely inspired Scriptures do indeed deliver doctrines that are admirable and truly divine they do likewise infuse into the minds of those that hear them both an eminent piety and exact course of life and also exhibit to persons that are studious a faith acceptable to God But they teach not an art of reasoning whereby we may be enabled to answer those that resolutely oppose the truth Besides the Adversaries are then most effectually baffled when we make use of their own weapons against them But the Christians could not be furnished herewith from the Books written by the Apollinaris's Which when the Emperour Julianus had accurately considered he by a law prohibited the Christians from being instructed in the Grecian Literature For he very well knew that the fables therein contained would render the opinion he had imbibed obnoxious to reproach Which fabulous stories when Socrates the eminentest of the Philosophers amongst them contemned as if he had been a person that attempted to violate their Deities he was condemned Further both Christ and also his Apostle do give order that we should be skilfull Exchangers of money that we should prove all things holding fast that which is good and to beware least any man spoil you through Philosophy and vain deceit But we shall never obey this precept unless we can possess our selves of the Adversaries weapons and whilst we are in possession of them we are not to entertain the same sentiments with our Adversaries but must abominate the evil and retaining what is Good and true examine all things we embrace For Good where-ever it is is the property of truth But if any one does suppose that by asserting these things we use violence towards the Scriptures by wresting of them let such a one consider that the Apostle does not only not forbid our being instructed in the Grecian Learning but he himself seems not to have neglected it in regard he knew many sayings which were spoken by the Grecians For whence took he an occasion of using this saying The Cretians are always lyers evil beasts slow-bellies except it were from his perusal of the Oracles of Epimenides the Cretian a person that was an Initiator Or whence knew he this For we are also his off-spring unless he had been acquainted with the Phoenomena of Aratus the Astronomer Moreover this Evill communications corrupt good manners is a sufficient evidence that he was not unacquainted with Euripides's Tragedies But what need is there of making a large discourse concerning these things For 't is evident that antiently by an uninterrupted usage as it were the Ecclesiastick Doctors studied the Grecian Arts and Sciences untill they arrived at a very great age and this they did partly upon account of gaining Eloquence and of polishing the mind and partly in order to a confutation of those things concerning which the Heathens were mistaken Let thus much be said by us according to our capacity upon account of the two Apollinaris's CHAP. XVII How the Emperour making preparations for an expedition against the Persians arrived at Antioch and being derided by the Antiochians he published an Oration against them entitled Misopâ—gâ—n BUt the Emperour having extorted a vast treasure from the Christians and hastning his expedition against the Persians goes to Antioch in Syria When he was come thither being desirous to demonstrate to the Antiochians how superabundantly he affected glory he depressed the prizes of vendible commodities lower than was fitting for he respected not the present time nor considered with himself that the presence of a numerous Army does necessarily endammage the inhabitants of a Province and cut off plenty of provisions from the Cities Wherefore the petty Merchants and Provision-sellers unable to endure the loss they sustained by the Imperial Edict at that time left off trading Whereupon the Markets were unfurnished with Provisions The Antiochians could not tolerate this violence used towards them for they are persons naturally prone to revile but presently brake forth into invectives against the Emperour and cried out upon him They also derided his beard for he wore a very large one saying it ought to be shaved and ropes made of it They said likewise that he had the stamp of a Bull on his Coyn which was an Emblem that he had turned the world upside down For the Emperour extreamly addicted to superstition and continually sacrificing Bulls upon the Altars of his Idols had commanded that an Altar and a Bull should be stamp't upon his Coyn. The Emperour enraged at these Scoffs threatned that he would most severely punish the City of Antioch and that he would return to Tarsus in Cilicia and reside there And having given order for a provision of necessaries to be made there he prepared for his departure thence Upon which account Libanius the Sophista took an occasion of writing two Orations the one he composed by way of address to the Emperour in behalf of the Antiochians the other he wrote to the Antiochians concerning the Emperours displeasure But 't is said this Sophista wrote these Orations only and did not recite them in publick Moreover
the Emperour relinquishing his resolution of revenging himself upon those revilers by deeds discharged his rage by reciprocal Taunts and Scoffs For he compiled a book against them which he entitled Antiochicus or Misopâ—gâ—n wherein he has left a perpetual brand upon the City of Antioch Thus much concerning these things We must now relate what mischiefs the Emperour then did to the Christians in Antioch CHAP. XVIII How when the Emperour was desirous to consult the Oracle the Daemon gave no answer being afraid of Babylas the Martyr FOr having given order that the Heathen Temples in Antioch should be opened he was very desirous of receiving an Oracle from Apollo Daphnaeus But in regard the Daemon inhabiting that Temple feared his neighbour I mean Babylas the Martyr he gave no answer For the Coffin lay hard by wherein was inclosed the body of that Martyr When the Emperour understood the reason thereof he forthwith issued out an order for the immediate translation of the Coffin The Christians of Antioch understanding this flockt together all of them as well women as young children and carried the Coffin from Daphne into the City with great rejoycings and singing of Psalms The contents of those Psalms were reproachfull reflections upon the Heathenish gods and upon those that confided in them and in their images CHAP. XIX Concerning the Emperours wrath and concerning Theodorus the Confessour MOreover the Emperours Genius and disposition which he had hitherto kept concealed was at that time clearly discovered and manifested For he who before profest himself to be a Philosopher could not moderate himself any longer But being very easily provokt to anger by those reproachfull Hymns was ready to inflict the same punishments upon the Christians which Diocletian heretofore laid on them But in regard his sollicitude about the Persian Expedition afforded him not a convenient opportunity of prosecuting this design he ordered Salustius Prefect of the Pretorium to apprehend those persons that had been most zealous and busie in singing Psalms in order to their being punished The Prefect although as to his Religion he was an Heathen yet did not willingly receive that Order But in regard he could not contradict it he commands many of the Christians to be apprehended and confines some of them to Prison Upon one young man whose name was Theodorus whom the Heathens brought before him he inflicted Tortures and various sorts of punishment ordering that his body should be lacerated all over and then when 't was supposed he could live no longer he released him from his tortures But God preserved this person For he survived that confession a long time Rufinus who wrote an Ecclesiastick History in Latine says that he converst with this Theodorus a long while after this and enquired of him whether during his being scourged and racked he felt an acuteness of pain And that his answer was that the pain proceeding from his tortures was very little and that there stood by him a certain young man who both wiped off the sweat caused by his agony and also corroborated his mind and that he caused that space of time wherein he was tortured to be a delight to him rather than a conflict Let thus much be said concerning the admirable Theodorus At the same time arrived Embassadours from the Persians requesting the Emperour to put an end to the War upon certain express articles and conditions But he dismist them with these words You shall ere long see Us in person and so there will be no need of an Embassy CHAP. XX. How the Emperour perswaded the Jews to sacrifice and concerning the utter destruction of Jerusalem VVHilst the Emperour was very desirous to endammage the Christians some other way besides this he betrayed his own superstition For being much addicted to sacrificing he not only delighted in the bloud of sacrifices himself but thought himself wronged unless others would do so too But in regard he found but few such men as those he sent for the Jews and enquired of them upon what account they abstained from sacrificing whenas the Law of Moses injoyned it Upon their answering him that they could not sacrifice in any other place but only at Jerusalem he gave order that Solomon's Temple should be forthwith re-edifyed In the interim he himself proceeds in his expedition against the Persians But the Jews who for a long time had been desirous of getting an opportune time wherein their Temple might be rebuilt in order to their offering sacrifice were then very industrious about that work They also shewed themselves very formidable to the Christians and their behaviour towards them was proud and insolent threatning they would do them as much mischief as they themselves had formerly suffered from the Romans In regard therefore the Emperour had given order that the charge of that Structure should be paid out of his Exchequer all things were soon provided to wit Timber Stone burnt Brick Clay Lime and all other materials necessary for Building At which time Cyrillus Bishop of Jerusalem call'd to mind the Prophesie of Daniel which Christâ— also has confirmed in the holy Gospels and predicted in the presence of many persons that that time would come very shortly wherein one stone should not be left upon another in that Temple but that our Saviours Prophecy should be fulfilled These were the Bishops words And in the night there hapned a great earthquake which tore up the stones of the old foundation of the Temple and dispersed them all together with the adjacent edifices By reason of this accident the Jews were extreamly terrified And the fame of it brought many persons who lived at a great distance to that place When therefore a numerous multitude were gathered together there hapned another prodigie For there came down a fire from Heaven which consumed all the Builders Tools You might have seen Mallets Irons to smooth and pollish Stones with Saws Hatchets Axes in short all things the workmen had which were to be used about that work destroyed by the flames The fire prey'd upon these things for a whole day together The Jews being in the greatest fear imaginable acknowledged though unwillingly that Christ was God But they obeyed not his will but were prepossessed with an opinion of their own Religion and continued firm thereto For neither did a third Miracle which hapned afterwards induce them to a belief of the truth For the night following the impressions of a Cross which cast forth beams of brightness appeared printed upon their garments Which impressions when they saw the next day they endeavoured to wash and rub them out but could not They were blinded therefore as the Apostle says and cast away that good they had in their hands Thus was the Temple instead of being rebuilt at that time totally demolished CHAP. XXI Concerning the Emperours inroad into Persia and concerning his Death MOreover the Emperour made an irruption into Persia a little before the Spring being
This was the twelfth year after the ruine of Nicomedia Soon after this Earthquake most part of Germa a City in the Hellespont was destroyed by another Earthquake Notwithstanding these accidents hapned yet neither was Eudoxius Bishop of the Arians nor the Emperour Valens put into any fear For they desisted not from persecuting those who dissented in opinâ—on from them Moreover these Earthquakes seemed to denote the disturbance of the Churches Wherefore many of the Sacerdotal Order as I have said were banished Only Basilius and Gregorius by a certain dispensation of divine providence suffered not banishment by reason of their eminent piety The first of these persons was Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia and the second presided over Nazianzum a small City near Caesarea But we shall mention Basilius and Gregorius in the procedure of our History CHAP. XII That those who embraced Macedonius's Opinion being reduced into streights by reason of the Emperours violence towards them sent an Embassage to Liberius Bishop of Rome and subscribed to the Homoöusian Creed WHen those who embraced the Homoöusian opinion had at that time been sorely disquieted and put to flight the Persecutors renewed their rage against the Macedonians Who being reduced to great streights by fear rather then force sent Embassies to one another throughout every City signifying that they must of necessity fly both to the Emperours Brother Valentinianus and also to Liberius Bishop of Rome and that 't was more eligible for them to embrace their Faith than to communicate with Eudoxius's party They sent therefore Eustathius Bishop of Sebastia who had been many times deposed Silvanus of Tarsus in Cilicia and Theophilus of Castabali which is also a City of Cilicia and gave them order that they should not dissent from Liberius concerning the Faith but should enter into communion with the Roman Church and confirm the Homoöusian Creed These persons carrying along with them their Letters who had dissented from Acacius at Seleucia arrived at Old Rome They could not go to the Emperour Valentinian himself for he was engaged in a War with the Sarmatae in the Gallia's But they delivered their Letters to Liberius He at first wholly refused to admit them for he said that they were of the Arian Faction and could in no wise be received into communion by the Church in regard they had rejected the Nicene Creed They made answer that by a retractation they had acknowledged the Truth that they had long since renounced the Anomoïan Creed and had professed that the Son was every way like to the Father and that the term Homoios differed not in its import from Homoöusios Having said thus much Liberius required of them a profession of their opinion in writing They presented him a Libel wherein were inserted the Contents of the Nicene Creed I have not here inserted the Letters written from Smyrna in Asia and from Pisidia Isauria Pamphilia and Lycia in which places they had held Synods because of their length But the Libel which the Embassadours sent with Eustathius delivered to Liberius runs thus TO OUR LORD BROTHER AND FELLOW MINISTER LIBERIUS EUSTATHIUS THEOPHILUS AND SILVANUS GREETING IN THE LORD By reason of the mad opinions of Hereticks who desist not from giving cause of offence to the Catholick Churches upon this account we say we desirous to deprive them of all opportunity of giving offence do approve of and assent to the Synod of Orthodox Bishops which has been convened at Lampsacus Smyrna and at several other places from which Synod We being employed as Legates do bring a Letter to your Benignity and to all the Italian and Western Bishops to hold and keep the Catholick Faith which having been established in the holy Nicene Synod in the Reign of Constantine of Blessed Memory by three hundred and eighteen Bishops hath hitherto always continued intire and unshaken in which Creed the term Homoousios is holily and piously made use of in opposition to Arius's perverse doctrine in like manner We also together with the foresaid persons do under our own hands profess that We have held the same Faith and do hold and will keep it to our last breath and We do condemn Arius and his impious doctrine together with his disciples and those that embrace his sentiments as also all the Heresie of Sabellius the Patripassians Marcionistae Photinians Marcelliani and that of Paul of Samosata and the doctrine of these Hereticks and all those who maintain the same Tenets with them in fine all the Heresies that are opposite to the foresaid holy Creed which was piously and Catholickly set forth by the holy Fathers at Nicaea But in a more especial manner we Anathematize that Draught of the Creed recited at the Ariminum Synod as being contrary to the foresaid Creed of the holy Synod convened at Nicaea To which it being brought from Nice a Town of Thracia the Bishops subscribed at Constantinople being over perswaded by fraud and perjury But our Creed and the foresaid persons confession of Faith also from whom we are employed as Legates is this We Believe in one God the Father Almighty the Framer of all things visible and invisible and in one only begotten God the Lord Jesus Christ the Son of God begotten of the Father that is of the substance of the Father God of God Light of Light very God of very God begotten not made of the same substance with the Father by whom all things were made which are in heaven and which are on the earth who for us men and for our salvation descended from heaven became incarnate and was made man and suffered and rose again the third day and ascended into the heavens and shall come to judge the quick and dead And we believe in the holy Spirit But those that affirm there was a time when he was not and that he was not before he was born and that he was made of things which are not or those that assert the Son of God existed of another Hypostasis or Substance or that he is Changeable or mutable these persons the Catholick and Apostolick Church of God does Anathematize I Eustathius Bishop of the City Sebastia I Theophilus and I Silvanus Legates of the Synod of Lampsacus of Smyrna and of other Synods have Voluntarily and willingly written this confession of Faith with our own hands And if any person after the publication of this Creed by Us shall be desirous of bringing any accusation either against Us or those that have sent Us let him come with Your Holiness's Letters before such Orthodox Bishops as Your Sanctity spall approve of and go to Tryal with Us in their presence And if any crimination shall be made out let the Authour thereof be punished Liberius having bound up and secured the Legates by this Libel admitted them to communion and afterwards dismist them with this Letter THE LETTER OF LIBERIUS BISHOP OF ROME TO THE BISHOPS OF THE MACEDONIANI To Our
a pious woman BUt we must relate what was done at Edessa a City of Mesopotamia In that City there is a stately and splendid Church which bears the name of Thomas the Apostle wherein assemblies in order to the performance of the publick duties of Religion are without intermission convened by reason of that places sanctity The Emperour Valens desirous to view this Church and being informed that the whole congregation met therein were followers of that Heresie which he detested struck the Praefect with his own hand as 't is said because he had not taken care to have them driven from that place When the Praefect after this manner abused made preparations though unwillingly to obey the Emperours rage for he was not willing to be the instrument of the murder of so many persons he gave them notice secretly to the intent that no person might be found within that Church But no body heeded either his advice or his menaces For on the day following all persons flock't to the Church And when the Praefect with a great company of Souldiers hastened to the Oratory in order to his fulfilling the Emperours rage a poor woman leading her own little son by the hand went with great speed towards the Church and broke through the ranks of Souldiers which Guarded the Praefect At which the Praefect being highly displeased orders the woman to be brought to him And speaks to her after this manner Miserable woman Whither runnest thou in this undecent manner She replied To the same place that others run too Have you not heard said he That the Praefect is going to put to death all persons that shall be found there I have heard so answered she and do therefore make hast that I may be found there And whither draggest thou that little child said the Praefect the woman replied that he also may be voutsafed the honour of Martyrdom Upon hearing hereof the Praefect made a conjecture of the constancy aâ—d resolution of the persons assembled in the Church And he went back immediately to the Emperour and informed him that all of them were ready to die for their own faith And declaring withall that it would be absurd to destroy so many persons in so short a time he thereby perswaded the Emperour to desist from being enraged After this manner the Edessens escaped their being destroyed by their own Emperour CHAP. XIX That the Emperour Valens slew many persons the first letter of whose name was Theta upon account of a certain Necromantick divination whereby that was foretold AT the same time a certain destructive Daemon abused the Emperours cruelty For he perswaded some persons to make a strict and over-busie enquiry by a Necromantick divination who should succeed Valens in the Empire To which persons having made use of a certain Magicall inchantment the Daemon gave responses not plain and manifest but as he usually does oblique and ambiguous by shewing only four Letters Theta and Epsilon and Omicron and Delta saying that his name who should Reign after Valens did begin with these Letters and that his name was compounded The report of what had been done came to the Emperours ears But he permitted noâ— God who manages all things in a due and orderly manner to have the knowledge of things future and to do what seemed good to him but slighting the sanctions of Christianity for which he supposed himself to have a zeal and ardency he put many to death of whom he had a suspicion that they would seize upon the Empire Therefore the Theodorus's the Theodotus's the Theodosius's and the Theodulus's and as many as had such like names as these were deprived of their lives Amongst whom one Theodosiolus a person of great Valour and Courage a descendant of a Noble Family in Spain was also put to death And out of a fear of the imminent danger many persons at that time changed their names denying those names their Parents had given them when they were young in regard they were liable to danger But let thus much be said concerning this CHAP. XX. Concerning Athanasius's death and the promotion of Peter to his See FUrther you are to know that as long as Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria lived the Emperour upon account of some over-ruling dispensation of Gods providence forbore disquieting Alexandria and Egypt knowing for certain that there was a numerous multitude of persons there who favoured Athanasius and for this reason he was afraid least a sedition being raised at Alexandria the populace who are naturally hot and violent should endammage the publick state of affairs Moreover Athanasius after those many Conflicts He had undergone upon the Church's account departed this life in the second Consulate of Gratianus which he bore with Probus he governed that Bishoprick amidst many dangers fourty and six years and left Peter a pious and eloquent person to succeed him in his See CHAP. XXI That after Athanasius's death the Arians by the Emperour Valens's Order delivered up the Churches in Alexandria to Lucius who had been Ordained by them before and committed Peter to Prison THe Arians therefore took courage immediately being rendred insolent by the Emperour's Religion and without delay they give an account hereof to the Emperour who then resided at Antioch At the same time also Euzoius who presided over the professours of Arianism at Antioch with greediness catches that opportunity so seasonably offered and makes it his design to procure himself to be sent to Alexandria to the intent that he might deliver possession of the Churches there to Lucius the Arian Which was also approved of by the Emperour And forthwith he went to Alexandria accompanied with the Imperial Forces For Magnus Lord Treasurer to the Emperour went along with him The Imperial Order was directed to Palladius Praefect of Egypt and a command was issued forth that the Military Forces there should give their assistance Wherefore they apprehended Peter and confined him to Prison After they had dispersed the other Ecclesiasticks some into one place some into another they seated Lucius in the Episcopal Chair CHAP. XXII That Sabinus the Macedonian Heretick has made no mention of those many mischiefs which happened at Lucius's installment But they are recorded in a Letter written by Peter who made his escape and fled to Damasus Bishop of Rome But the Arians and Lucius were the Authours of many mischievous practises and cruelties against those holy persons who led a Monastick life in the Solitudes MOreover what mischiefs hapned at Lucius's induction into the Sea of Alexandria or what was done against those persons that were ejected as well in as without the Courts of Judicature and how some were subjected to various Tortures and others were banished even after they had been tortured of any of these particulars there is not the least mention made by Sabinus For in regard he was a Semi-Arian he concealed the enormous villanies of his friends But
were stript naked were bound were stoned were slain with the Sword they were persons that wandred about in the Solitudes in Sheep-skins and Goat-skins being destitute afflicted tormented of whom the world was not worthy they wandred in Deserts and in Mountaines and in Dens and Caves of the earth notwithstanding they received a Testimony both from their Faith and from the Works and Cures which the Grace of God performed by their hands But as 't is probable divine Providence permitted these persons to suffer these things having provided some better thing that by those miseries which they underwent others might obtain salvation in God And this was demonstrated by the Event When therefore these admirable persons were superiour to all that force and violence used towards them Lucius quite out of heart advices the Commander of the Military Forces to banish the Fathers of the Monks These Fathers of the Monks were the Egyptian Macarius and he of Alexandria who bore the same name These persons therefore were exiled into an Island wherein there was no Christian Inhabitant In that Island there was an Heathen Temple and a Priest in it whom all the Inhabitants worshipped like a God But when these pious persons arrived in that Island all the Daemons there were seized with a fear and trembling At the same time also this accident hapned The Priests daughter possest on a sudden by a Devil fell into a rage and overturned all things She was extreamly unruly and could by no means be quieted but cried out with a loud voice and spake to those pious persons saying why are you come to cast us out from hence also These men therefore did in that place give another demonstration of that power of theirs which they had received from the Grace of God For they drove the Devil out of the Virgin and having restored her to her right mind delivered her to her Father whereby they induced both the Priest and also all the Inhabitants of that Island to embrace the Faith of the Christian Religion Wherefore they cast away their Images immediately changed the Fabrick of their Temple into the form of a Church received Baptism and with cheerfulness learned all the Doctrines of Christianity Thus these admirable persons persecuted upon account of the Homoöusian Faith rendred themselves more approved brought salvation to others and made the Faith more firm and strong CHAP. XXV Concerning Didymus a blind man ABout the same times God produced another person by whose Testimony he thought fit the Faith should be corroborated and confirmed For Didymus a man admirable and eloquent adorned with all sorts of Learning flourished at that time This person being very young when he had but just learned to read fell into a distemper of his eyes wherewith he was sorely troubled and lost his eye-sight But God instead of corporal eyes gave him those of the mind For what he could not be instructed in by seeing he learnt by hearing For being of an apt and ingenious disposition from his childhood and endued with an excellent wit he far surpassed even those ripe-witted children who had the acutest sight For he became Master of the Rules of Grammar with much ease and arrived to the knowledge of those of Rhetorick with more celerity Proceeding on from thence to Philosophy with an admirable facility he learnt Logick Arithmetick and Musick and treasured up within his own mind the other Precepts of the Philosophers in such a manner that he could readily dispute against those who had perfectly learnt those Arts by the benefit of their eyes Moreover he was so exactly well-skilled in the divine Oracles of the Old and New Testament that he published many discourses upon them he dictated Three Books concerning the Trinity and interpreted Origens Books Concerning Principles setting forth Comments thereupon wherein he asserts that those Books were incomparably well written and that their Cavils are frivolous who accuse Origen and make it their business to speak reproachfully of his Works for they are not able says he to arrive at the knowledge of that Authours perspicacity and prudence If any person therefore be desirous of knowing Didymus's great Learning and the fervency of his mind he may have an account thereof by a perusal of the Books elaborated by him It 's reported that Antonius the Monk discoursed with this Didymus long before the times of Valens at such time as he left the desart and came to Alexandria upon account of the Arians and that perceiving the Learning and knowledge of this person he spake these words to him O Didymus Let not the loss of your bodily eyes trouble you For you are deprived of such eyes as the Flies and Gnats can see with But rejoyce that you have those eyes wherewith the Angels see by which even God himself is discerned and his Light comprehended This was the saying of the pious Antonius to Didymus long before these times we are treating of But at that time Didymus was look't upon to be the greatest Patron and Defender of the genuine Faith who disputed against the Arians unravelled their Sophistick Cavills and confuted their adulterate and fraudulent discourses CHAP. XXVI Concerning Basilius of Caesarea and Gregorius of Nazianzum DIvine Providence set up Didymus indeed as an opponent to the Arians at Alexandria but in order to their Confutation in other Cities it made use of Basilius Caesariensis and Gregorius Nazianzenus Concerning whom I judge it now opportune to give a short account The memory and same of these two persons which is still preserved amongst all men and the Learning contained in the Books written by them might indeed be sufficient to set forth the praises and commendations of each of them But in regard they were persons in an eminent manner usefull to the Church at that time and were preserved by God as being the Incentives of the Orthodox Faith the Subject of our History does of necessity ingage us in an especiall manner to make mention of these two men Should any one therefore be desirous of comparing Basilius and Gregorius with one another and of giving an account of the Life Morals and Virtues that were in them he would be in a great doubt which of them he should prefer before the other For they were both equal to one another whether you respect their pious and exact course of Life or their Learning I mean as well their Grecian Literature as their knowledge in the sacred Scriptures For when very young they went to Athens and were the hearers of Himerius and Prohaeresius the two most eminent Sophistae of those times afterwards they frequented the School of Libanius at Antioch in Syria and by their industry arrived at the highest accomplishments of eloquence And when they were judged worthy to be professours of eloquence many persons perswaded them to enter upon the teaching and profession thereof Others advised them to practise the Law but they despised both
provided for the combat of dispute heard this they knew not what to do For every one of them fell into a disagreement of opinion some affirming that the Emperours Proposal was good others thinking it not conducive to their design For some were one way affected towards the Books of the Ancients others another Nor could they any longer agree amongst themselves and they dissented not only from other Sects but those of the same Sect differed one from the other Concordant malice therefore like the tongue of those ancient Gyants was divided and their tower of mischief demolished After the Emperour perceived their confused Dissention and was sensible that they confided in disputation only and not in the Exposition of the Ancients he betook himself to a second project And orders every Sect to set forth and deliver in to him in writing a Draught of that Creed which they owned Then those of every Sect amongst them that were skilfullest and most eloquent wrote their own opinion making use of a great deal of caution and circumspection in their expressions A day also was pitcht upon whereon the Bishops of each Sect upon summons met at the Pallace At which time were present Nectarius and Agelius Prelates of the Homoöusian Creed of the Arians Demophilus of the Eunomians Eunomius himself of those that embraced Macedonius's opinion Eleusius Bishop of Cyzicum The Emperour gave them a very kind reception at their meeting and having received a Draught of the Creed in writing from every one of them retired into a private apartment alone where he prayed with much fervency that God would give him his assistance in order to an Election of the Truth And having read over every one of the written Draughts of the Creed he tore all the rest disapproving of them in regard they introduced a separation of the Trinity except the Homoöusian Creed only which he commended and embraced This was the reason of the Novatians flourishing again and of their being permitted to celebrate their sacred assemblies within the Cities For the Emperour admiring their consent as to the Faith with those of his own opinion gave command by the promulgation of a Law that they should securely enjoy their own Oratories and that their Churches should have the same priviledges with those Churches of his own Faith But the Prelates of the other Sects by reason of their disagreement amongst themselves were condemned and despised even by their own disciples And being reduced to a desperation and overwhelmed with grief they made their departure and wrote Consolatory Letters to those of their own party perswading them not to be troubled because many relinquished them and became adherents to the Homoöusian Creed For many they said were called but few chosen Which expression they in no wise made use of at such time as the greatest part of the people through force and fear became their favourers But neither were the Professours of the Homoöusian Creed perfectly free from trouble and disquietude For the affairs of the Antiochian Church caused a division amongst those that were present at the Synod For the Egyptians Arabians and Cypriots gathering together again said that Flavianus ought to be expelled out of Antioch But the Bishops of Palaestine Phoenice and Syria stood up in defence of Flavianus What conclusion this affair had I will declare in its due place CHAP. XI Concerning Maximus the Tyrant how he slew Gratianus by treachery at which time also Justina the mother of Valentinianus Junior desisted though unwillingly from her design against Ambrosius Bishop of Millain for fear of Maximus ABout the same times wherein these Synods were held at Constantinople these transactions hapned in the Western parts Maximus coming out of the Island Britannia invaded the Roman Empire and makes a treacherous attempt upon Gratianus then ingaged in a War against the Alamanni In Italy during Valentinianus's minority Probus a person that had been Consul had the chief management of affairs who at that time bore the Praefecture of the Praetorium Justina mother to Valentinianus Augustus a woman that was an Arian during her Husbands life had no power to be mischievous towards the Embracers of the Homoöusian Creed But after her husbands death when her Son was very young she went to Millain and raised great disturbances against Ambrosius the Bishop issuing out an Order that he should be banished And whilest the people made a resistance against this Order out of their excessive love to Ambrosius and opposed those that endeavoured to hale him away into Exile in that interim news came that Gratianus was treacherously slain by the Tyrant Maximus For Andragathius Maximus's Lieutenant being hid in a Carriage put into the form of a womans Horse-litter and carried by Mules and having given the Guards a Command that they should before-hand spread abroad a report that the Emperour Gratianus's Wife was in that Litter meets the Emperour before Lyons a City in France passing the River The Emperour supposing it to be his Wife was not aware of the Treachery but as a blind man does into a ditch fell into the hands of his Enemie For Andragathius leapt out of the Litter on a Sudden and slew Gratianus Gratianus therefore ended his life in the Consulate of Merobaudes and Saturninus after he had Reigned fifteen years and lived twenty four This accident cool'd the Emperours Mothers heat against Ambrosius Moreover Valentinianus though against his will complyed with the necessity of that juncture and admitted Maximus to be his Colleague in the Empire At which time Probus afraid of Maximus's power resolves upon a retreat into those parts of the Empire nearer to the East Immediately therefore he departs out of Italy and arriving in Illyricum he fixt his Residence in Thessalonica a City of Macedonia CHAP. XII That the Emperour Theodosius having provided a numerous Army against Maximus at which time Flaccilla bore him his Son Honorius lest Arcadius at Constantinople but went himself to Millain where he came to an Engagement with the Tyrant BUt the Emperour Theodosius was extreamly full of care and sollicitude and formed a very powerfull Army against the Tyrant being afraid lest he should treacherously murder Valentinianus Junior also At the same time arrived Embassadours from the Persians requesting Peace of the Emperour Moreover then also a Son was born to the Emperour named Honorius of whom his Wife Flaccilla was delivered in the Consulate of Richomeres and Clearchus on the ninth of September In the same Consulate died Agelius Bishop of the Novatians a little before Honorius's birth On the year following whereon Arcadius Augustus bore his first Consulate with Bauton Timotheus Bishop of Alexandria ended his life who was succeeded in that See by Theophilus A year after this Demophilus Bishop of the Arian Heresie concluded his life The Arians sent for one Marinus a Bishop of their own Heresie out of Thracia whom they entrusted with the Bishoprick But
they forced to work in the Bake-houses In which places many continued till they were grown old being not permitted to go out and their relations taking it for granted that they were dead One of the Emperour Theodosius's Souldiers fell into this snare But after the Souldier was shut up in the Bake-house and not suffered to go out he drew a Dagger that he had and killed those that opposed his escape The rest of them affrighted at what had happened let the Souldier go out The Emperour having had notice hereof punished the Mancipes and gave order that those houses which were Receptacles for Thieves should be pulled down This was one of the ignominious practises from which the Emperour freed the Imperial City Another was of this sort If a woman were taken in adultery they punished the delinquent not with such a sort of punishment as might make her better but in such a manner rather as should aggravate her offence For they shut her up in a narrow Brothel-house and forced her to play the whore in a most impudent manner And during the time of performing that most unclean act they caused little Bells to be rung to the end that what was done within might not be concealed from those who passed by but that that ignominious punishment should be made known to all people by the sound of the Bells rung When the Emperour had information of this impudent usage he would by no means tollerate it but commanded those Sistra for by that name these Stews were called to be pulled down and gave order that women taken in adultery should be punished by other Laws From these two most wicked and reproachfull usages the Emperour Theodosius freed the City of Rome Who after he had well settled all other affairs left Valentinianus Junior Emperour at Rome But he himself together with his Son Honorius returned to Constantinople and entred that City in the Consulate of Tatianus and Symmachus on the tenth of November CHAP. XIX Concerning the Penitentiary Presbyters how these Officers in the Church were at that time put down ABout the same time it was judged requisite to extinguish the Office of those Presbyters in the Churches whose charge it was to oversee Penitents which was done upon this account From such time as the Novatians made a separation of themselves from the Church because they were unwilling to communicate with those that had Lapsed in the Persecution under Decius the Bishops added a Presbyter who was to have the charge of penitency to the Canon of the Churches to the intent that such persons as had sinned after Baptism might make a confession of their crimes before this Presbyter instituted for that purpose This Canon is in force to this day amongst other Heresies Only the Homoöusians and who embraced the same Sentiments with them as to the Faith the Novatians have refused making use of the Penitentiary Presbyter For the Novatians admitted not of this additional Function at its first institution But the Homoöusians who are at this present in possession of the Churches after they had retained the Office of the Penitentiaries for a long time abrogated it in the times of Nectarius the Bishop on account of this accident which hapned in the Constantinopolitan Church There came a Gentlewoman to the Penitentiarie of the Church of Constantinople to whom she made particular confession of those sins which she had committed after Baptism The Presbyter advised the woman to fast and pray continually that together with her confession she might have some work also worthy of Repentance to shew Some time after this the woman detected her self of another crime For she confessed that a Deacon of that Church had lain with her Upon her discovery hereof the Deacon was ejected out of the Church and the people were in a kind of tumult disturbed For they were not only offended at what was done but also because that fact had brought an infamy and disgrace upon the Church When therefore Ecclesiastick persons were reproacht upon this account one Eudaemon a Presbyter of that Church by birth an Alexandrian advised Nectarius the Bishop to abolish the Penitentiary Persbyters Office and to leave every person to his own conscience for the participation of the Holy Mysteries For this in his judgment was the only way of freeing the Church from obloquie and disgrace I my self having heard these words from Eudaemon have taken the boldness to insert them into this my History For as I have often said I have used my utmost care and industry to procure an account of affairs from those that knew them best and to make accurate researches into them lest I should record any passage which is untrue But my answer to Eudaemon when he told me hereof first was this Whether your advice O Presbyter hath been for the Churches good or otherwise God knoweth But I see that it has given an occasion of our not reprehending one anothers faults any more nor of our observing that Apostolick Precept which saith have no fellowship with the unfruitfull works of darkness but rather reprove them But let thus much be sufficient to have been said concerning these things CHAP. XX. That there were at that time many Schisms amongst the Arians and other Hereticks BUt I think it fit not to leave unmentioned those things also which hapned amongst others I mean the Arians Novatians and those who had their denominations from Macedonius and Eunomius For the Church being divided rested not in that division once made But turning again came to an engagement one with another and taking hold of a small and frivolous pretence raised mutual separations and divisions Now in what manner when and for what reasons each party were the Authours of dissentions amongst themselves we will manifest in the procedure of our History But this you must know that the Emperour Theodosius persecuted none of them except Eunomius who holding his meetings in private houses at Constantinople and reciting the books he had written was by the Emperours order sent into banishment in regard he corrupted many persons with his doctrine But the Emperour molested none of the other Hereticks nor did he force them to a communion with himself But permitted every one of them to meet at their private Conventicles and to entertain such Sentiments concerning the Christian Faith as every of them could attain to in their conceptions thereof He gave the other Hereticks a Licence of building themselves Oratories without the Cities But ordered that the Novatians in regard they embraced the same Sentiments with himself as to the Faith should without any fear continue in their Churches within the Cities as I have said before Concerning whom I judge it opportune to relate some passages and shall make a short repetition of what has been said before CHAP. XXI That the Novatians also disagreed amongst themselves A Gelius Presided over the
have made mention above CHAP. II. Concerning Nectarius's death and the Ordination of Johannes WIthin a small intervall of time Nectarius also Bishop of Constantinople departed this life in the Consulate of Caesarius and Atticus about the twenty seventh of the month September Forthwith therefore a Contention arosâ— about the Ordination of a Bishop and some desired one person others another When a Consult had been severall times held about this matter it was at last concluded on that Johannes a Presbyter of the Antiochian Church should be sent for from Antioch For a fame was spread concerning him for his Learning and Eloquence Within some small space of time therefore the Emperour Areadius with the common consent of all persons I mean the Clergy as well as Laity sends for him And to the end that his Ordination might be accomplished with more of firmness and authority by the Emperours order many other Prelates were present as was also Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria who made it his business to blacken Johannes's glory and to promote Isidorus a Presbyter under himself to the Bishoprick whom he had a great love for because Isidorus had undertaken a very dangerous affair upon his account What that business was we must now declare When the Emperour Theodosius was actually ingaged in a War against the Tyrant Maximus Theophilus sent presents by Isidorus to the Emperour and delivered two Letters to him ordering him to present the Gifts and Letters to him that should be Conquerour Isidorus in obedience to these commands arriving at Rome stayed there expecting the Event of the War But this business could not lie long concealed for a Reader who accompanied him stole the Letters privately On which account Isidorus being in a great fear fled forthwith to Alexandria This was the occasion of Theophilus's being so highly concerned for Isidorus But the Grandees of the Imperial Palace gave Johannes the preference And in regard many persons raised accusations against Theophilus and presented Libells some upon one account others on another against him to the Bishops that were present Eutropius the Chief person of the Bed-chamber to the Emperour took the written Accusations and shewed them to Theophilus bidding him take his choice whether he would Ordain Johannes or be brought to his Tryall and answer the Accusations on foot against him Theophilus terrified herewith Ordained Johannes Johannes therefore being Ordained was seated in the Episcopall Chair in order to his bearing the Office of a Bishop on the twenty sixth of February in the following Consulate which the Emperour Honorius celebrated at Rome and Eutychianus at that time Praefectus praetorio at Constantinople with Games and Sports But in regard this Johannes is famous both for the Books he left written and also for the many troubles he fell into I judge it fit not to pass his affaires over in silence but relate as compendiously as 't is possible what might be declared more at large and to set forth whence he was from whom extracted how he was called to the Episcopate after what manner he was deprived of it and lastly upon what account he was more honoured after his death than whilest he was living CHAP. III. Concerning the Descent and Education of Johannes Bishop of Constantinople JOhannes therefore was born at Antioch a City of Syria-Coele the Son of Secundus and his mothers name was Anthusa persons of a noble family in that Country He was Scholar to Libanius the Sophista and an hearer of Andragathius the Philosopher Being ready to betake himself to the practise of the Civil Law and perceiving how laborious and unjust a life they lead who are conversant in the Forum he chose rather to follow a quieter sort of life And this he did in imitation of Evagrius who having been educated under the same Masters had long before betaken himself to a more sedate and quieter course of life Changing therefore forthwith his garb and his gate he applied his mind to reading the Sacred Scriptures and frequently went in great hast to the Church on account of praying Moreover he perswades Theodorus and Maximus who had been his School-fellows under Libanius the Sophista to leave their profession which had a respect to nothing but gain and betake themselves to a more simple and meaner course of life Of these two persons Theodorus was afterwards Bishop of Mopsuestia a City in Cilicia and Maximus of Seleucia in Isauria But being at that time very studious and diligent about virtue they were instructed in a monastick course of life by Diodorus and Carterius who then presided over the Monasteries Of these two Diodorus afterwards made Bishop of Tarsus wrote many books being intent upon the bare Letter and obvious sense of the Sacred Scriptures but avoiding the Allegoricall interpretation thereof Thus far concerning these persons Moreover Johannes who converst frequently and familiarly with Basilius at that time ordained a Deacon by Meletius but afterwards constituted Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia was made Reader of the Antiochian Church by Zeno the Bishop in his return from Jerusalem Whilest he continued in the degree of a Reader he wrote a book against the Jews Having not long after obtained the dignity of a Deacon from Meletius he wrote his books concerning Priesthood and those against Stagirius Moreover those concerning the incomprehensible nature of God and those concerning subintroduced women After this when Meletius was dead at Constantinople for he had made a journey thither on account of Gregorius Nazianzenus's ordination Johannes made a separation from the Meletianists nor did he communicate with Paulinus but lived quietly for the space of three whole years Afterwards when Paulinus was dead he is ordained Presbyter by Evagrius Paulinus's successour This to speak compendiously was Johannes's course of life before his being made Bishop He was a person as 't is said sower and morose by reason of his overmuch zeal for temperance and as one of his intimadoes has reported from his younger years more addicted to anger than bashfullness Because of his Sanctity of Life he was not cautious and circumspect in relation to things future and by reason of his plainness he was open and easie He used too great a liberty in speaking to those who discoursed him In his teaching he made it his chief business to improve the Moralls of his hearers and in his conferences he was supposed by those who knew him not to be proud and arrogant CHAP. IV. Concerning Serapion the Deacon and how by his instigation Johannes became offended with and an enemy to his Clergy THis being the humour and disposition of Johannes after his promotion to the Episcopate he was more supercilious and severe towards his Clergy than was fitting his design in that being as he expected to rectifie the lives of those under him Immediately therefore at his very entry upon the Bishoprick he
against Dioscorus and his Brethren They having been in great danger of loosing their lives at length with great difficulty made their escape Johannes Bishop of Constantinople was in the interim wholly ignorant of what had been done in Egypt and he grew famous for his Learning and Eloquence on account whereof he became eminent in all places He was also the first person that inlarged the Prayers usually made in the Nocturnall Hymns which he did for this reason CHAP. VIII Concerning the Prayers of the Nocturnall Hymns sung by the Arians and Homoöusians and concerning the ingagement which hapned between them and that the singing of Hymns in parts wherein one sang one verse another another had its originall from Ignatius Theophorus THe Arians as we have said had their Meetings without the City Every week therefore as often as the Festivall days occurred I mean the Sabbath and Sunday whereon Assemblies were usually held in the Churches they flock't together within the City about the publick Piazza's and sang Hymns adapted to the Arian Heresie answering one another by turns And this they did for the most part all night long Early in the morning they sang the same alternative Hymns passed through the midst of the City out of its Gates and so went to the places where they met But in regard they would not desist from making use of such terms as gave a provocation to the Assertours of the Homoöusian opinion For they frequently Sang such words as these Where are they who affirm Three to be one power Johannes being afraid lest any of the more ignorant sort might be drawn away from the Church by such Hymns in opposition to them appoints some of his own people that they also might imploy themselves in singing of Nocturnall Hymns and by that means both obscure the Sedulity of the Arians about these things and also confirm his own party the Orthodox in the profession of their Faith This design of Johannes's was seemingly good and usefull but the conclusion of it was disturbance and dangers For in regard the Hymns of the Homoöusians in their singing of them in the night were performed with more of pomp and Show for Johannes invented Silver Crosses whereon were carried wax-tapers lighted the Empress Eudoxia being at the charge hereof the Arians who were very numerous and possest with an envious emulation resolved to be revenged and to make an Attack against them For by reason of that power and sway which they had formerly had they were as yet hot and ready for such conflicts and likewise they despised their adversaries Without delay therefore on one of those nights they ingaged Briso the Empresse's Eunuch who at that time was the Singers Instructour received a wound in his forehead by a stone and moreover some persons on both sides were slain The Emperour incensed hereat prohibited the Arians from singing their Hymns any more in publick Such as we have declared were the transactions then We are further to relate whence this usage of singing alternative Hymns in the Church had its original Ignatius the third Bishop of Antioch in Syria from the Apostle Peter who also converst with the Apostles themselves saw a Vision of Angells praising the Holy Trinity by singing of Alternative Hymns and he delivered that way of singing which he had seen in his Vision to the Antiochian Church Whence the same Tradition was spread over all other Churches This is the account we have received concerning Alternative Hymns CHAP. IX Concerning those termed The long Monks and how Theophilus having conceived an implacable hatred against Johannes upon their account made it his business to get him deposed from his Bishoprick NOt long after this the Monks together with Dioscorus and his Brethren went from the Solitudes to Constantinople They were accompanied by Isidorus a person for whom Theophilus had heretofore had a great Love but was then become his most deadly Enemy upon this account One Peter was Chief-Presbyter of the Alexandrian Church Theophilus had conceived an hatred against him and took a resolution of ejecting him out of the Church He charged him with this accusation that he had admitted a woman by Sect a Manichaean to a participation of the Sacred Mysteries before he had brought her off from the Manichaean Heresie But in regard Peter said that the woman had renounced her Heresie and that she had not been admitted to the Eucharist contrary to Theophilus's mind Theophilus was for that reason highly incensed in regard he was calumniated For he affirmed himself to be wholly ignorant of what had been done Peter therefore summoned Isidorus to attest that the Bishop was not ignorant of what had been done concerning the woman It hapned that Isidorus was at that very time at the Imperiall City Rome For he had been sent by Theophilus to Damasus Bishop of Rome that he might make a reconciliation between him and Flavianus Bishop of Antioch For Meletius's adherents made a separation from Flavianus on account of his Oath as has been declared before Isidorus therefore being returned from Rome and summoned by Peter to give in his Evidence affirmed that the Manichaean woman was admitted to the Sacrament agreeable to the Bishop's consent and that the Bishop himself administred the Sacred Mysteries to her Hereupon Theophilus was highly enraged and out of anger ejected them both out of the Church This was the occasion of Isidorus's accompanying Dioscorus and his Brethren to Constantinople that the designs which had fraudulently been formed against them might be inspected and laiâ— open before the Emperour himself and Johanâ—â—â— the Bishop Johannes informed hereof gave the men an honourable reception and excluded them not from communion of the Prayers but said he would not allow them a communion of the Sacred Mysteries before cognizance had been taken of their Case Whilest the affair was in this posture a false report is brought to the hearing of Theophilus as if Johannes had both admitted them to the Sacred Mysteries and was also ready to give them assistance Wherefore Theophilus made it his whole business that he might not only be revenged upon Dioscorus and Isidorus but cast Johannes also out of his Episcopall Chair He sends Letters therefore to the Bishops of every City concealing indeed his own design and to appearance blaming therein Origen's Books only notwithstanding Athanasius who lived long before him in confirmation of his own Faith has frequently made use of the authority and Testimony of Origen's writings in his Orations against the Arians CHAP. X. That Epiphanius Bishop of Cyprus being also led away by Theophilus's frauds convened a Synod of Bishops in Cyprus to determine against Origen's Writings and reproved Johannes for reading Origen's Books HE became reconciled also to Epiphanius Bishop of Constantia in Cyprus with whom he had heretofore disagreed For Theophilus had been angry with Epiphanius in regard he entertained abject thoughts of God and subposed him to have
hands of the Roman Army HOnorius Augustus therefore being dead the Emperour Theodosius informed thereof conceals it and deceives the populace by feigning sometimes one thing at others another But he sends his Military Forces secretly to Salonae which is a City of Dalmatia to the end that if any Rebellion should happen in the Western parts a force to resist it might not be far off Having made provision after this manner before hand he then published the death of his Uncle But in the interim Johannes the chief of the Emperour's Notaries unable to bear the greatness of his own preferment seizes the Empire and sends an Embassage to the Emperour Theodosius requiring to be admitted Colleague in the Empire Theodosius imprisoned his Embassadours and dispatches away Ardaâ—urius Master of the Milice who had done excellent service in the Persian War He being arrived at Salonae sailed from thence to Aquileia and had ill success as he then thought but 't was afterwards demonstrated to be prosperous For an unlucky wind blew which drove him into the Tyrant's hands Who having taken Ardaburius hoped Theodosius would be necessitated to Elect and Proclaim him Emperour if he were desirous of preserving the life of his Master of the Milice And the Emperour when informed hereof was really in an Agony as was also the Army which had been sent against the Tyrant least Ardaburius should suffer any mischief from the Tyrant Moreover Aspar Ardaburius's Son when he understood that his Father was taken by the Tyrant and knew that many Myriads of Barbarians were come to the Tyrant's assistance knew not what course to take But the prayer of the Emperour beloved by God at that time prevailed again For an Angel of God in the habit of a Shepherd became a guide to Aspar and the forces with him and leads them through the Lake which lies near to Ravenna For in that City the Tyrant resided where he detained the Master of the Milice Prisoner No person was ever known to have passed through this Lake But God rendred that passable at that time which before had been impassable When therefore they had passed the waters of the Lake as if it had been over dry ground they found the gates of the City open and seized the Tyrant At which time the most pious Emperour gave a demonstration of his Religious affection towards God For whilest he was exhibiting the Cirque-Sports news was brought him that the Tyrant was destroyed Whereupon he speaks to the people Come said he if you please let us rather leave our Recreation and go into the Church and put up our thanksgivings to God in regard his hand hath destroyed the Tyrant These were his words and the Shows ceased immediately and were neglected and all persons went through the midst of the Cirque singing praises together with him with one consent of mind and voice and went into God's Church And the whole City became one congregation Being come into the place of prayer they continued there all day CHAP. XXIV That after the slaughter of Johannes the Tyrant Theodosius the Emperour proclaimed Valentinianus the Son of Constantius and of his Aunt Placidia Emperour of Rome MOreover after the Tyrant's death the Emperour Theodosius became very solicitous whom he should proclaim Emperour of the Western parts He had a Cosin-German very young by name Valentinianus the Son of his Aunt Placidia She was daughter to the Emperour Theodosius The Great and Sister to the two Augusti Arcadius and Honorius Valentinianus had a Father by name Constantius who having been proclaimed Emperour by Honorius and reigned with him a short time died soon after This Consin-German of his he created Caesar and sent him into the Western parts committing the chief management of affairs to his mother Placidia Moreover Theodosius himself hastned into Italy that he might both proclaim his Cosin-German Emperour and also by being present there himself instruct the Italians by his own prudent advice not easily to yield subjection to Tyrants Being gone as far as Thessalonica he was hindred from proceeding on his journey by a sickness Having therefore sent the Imperiall Diadem to his Cosin-German by Helion a person of the Senatorian Order he himself returned to the City Constantinople But I think this Narrative which I have given concerning these transactions to be sufficient CHAP. XXV Concerning Atticus's Government of the Churches and that he ordered Johannes's name to be written into the Dypticks of the Church and that he foreknew his own death IN the interim Atticus the Bishop in a wonderfull manner enlarged the affairs of the Church administring all things with a singular prudence and by his Sermons inciting the people to Virtue Perceiving that the Church was divided in regard the Johannitae held separate Assemblies he ordered that mention should be made of Johannes in the prayers according as it was usuall for other Bishops who were dead to be mentioned on which account he hoped many would return to the Church Moreover he was so liberall that he made provision not only for the poor of his own Churches but sent money also to the neighbouring Cities towards the relief and comfort of the necessitous For he sent three hundred Crowns to Calliopius a Presbyter of the Church of Nicaea to whom he wrote this Letter Atticus to Calliopius health in the Lord. I understand that in your City there are an infinite company of persons oppressed with hunger who stand in need of the compassion of pious men By terming them an infinite company I mean a multitude not an accurate and determinate number In regard therefore I have received a sum of money from him who with a liberall hand giveth to good Stewards and whereas it happens that some are oppressed with want to the end that those who have wherewithall might be tried but do not give to the indigent take dear friend these three hundred Crowns and bestow them as you shall think good But give them to those who are wholly ashamed to beg not to them that throughout their whole lives have declared their belly to be their trade Moreover when you give have no respect to any Sect or Religion whatever in this particular act mind this one thing only to feed the hungry but not to difference or distinguish those who embrace not our Religion After this manner Atticus took care even of the indigent that were at a distance from him Moreover he made it his business to extirpate the superstitions of some men For having one time received information that those who separated from the Novatianists on account of the Jewish passover had translated the body of Sabbatius from Rodes for he had been banished into that Island where he ended his life and buried it and did usually pray at his grave he sent some persons by night to whom he gave order to dig up Sabbatius's body and bury it in some other Sepulchre But the
those places and have written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Illustrious instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epiphaniensis Doubtless Nicephorus might have been evidently informed from Evagrius's own words which he there produces which we have also quoted above that Evagrius had been born at Epiphania Further Evagrius was born in the Reign of Justinianus Augustus on the year of Our Lord 536 or 537 as I have demonstrated from Evagrius's own Testimony in my Notes on Book 4. Chap. 29. of his History On the year of Christ 540 his Parents committed him to the care of a School-Master that he might learn the Letters At which time when Thomas Bishop of Apamia had given notice to the neighbouring Cities that on a set day he would show the enlivening wood of the Cross which was kept at Apamia Evagrius was lead to that City by his Parents and with his own eyes saw that Miracle which was then performed in the Church as himself attests in his Fourth Book Chap. 26. Now this hapned on the year of Christ 540 when the Persians having made an irruption into Syria had burnt Antioch which was done in Justinus Junior's Consulate as we are informed by Marcellinus Comes and Marius in his Chronicon Two years after this when The Lues Inguinaria began to rage in the East Evagrius was as yet under a School-Master learning the Letters and was seized by that Pestilence as he himself attests Book 4. chap. 29. Having afterwards left the Schools of the Grammarian◠he be took himself to the Study of Rhetorick And when he had made a great proficiency in that Art he was registred amongst the company of Advocates Whence he got the Appellation of Scholasticus which term signifies a Lawyer as Macarius informs us in his fifteenth Homily in these words He that desires to have a knowledge in Forensian Cases goes and learns the Notes Letters or Abbreviatures And when he has been the first there he goes to the School of the Romans where he is the last of all Again when he comes to be the first there he goes away to the School of the Pragmatici or Practicants where he is again the last of all and Arcarius or Novice Then when he is made a Scholasticus he is Novice and the last of all the Lawyers Again when he comes to be the first there then he is made a President or Governour of a Province And when he is made a Governour He takes to himselfe an Assistant Councellour or Assessour In Macarius's Greek Text I have mended it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he that desires to have a knowledge in Forensian Cases not as 't is in the common reading 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he that desires to have a knowledge in Letters Further in what City Evagrius practised the Law 't is uncertain Notwithstanding my conjecture is that he pleaded Causes at Antioch in which City there were three Fora that is Courts of Judicature or Tribunals and as many Schools of Advocates as I have observed from Libanius in my Notes on Evagrius Book 1. chap. 18. 'T is certain he could not be an Advocate at Epiphania which as we have declared already was the place of his Nativity in regard that City had no Judiciary Forum but brought its Causes to Apamia in which City the Consularis of Syria Secunda held a Court of judicature But for my believing Evagrius to have been an Advocate at Antioch rather than at Apamia this is my chief reason because he was mostly conversant in that City where he married a wife also and begat sons of her He married a daughter likewise in that City as himself attests in his Fourth Book chap. 29. And after she together with her son had ended her life by the Pestilentiall disease on the tenth year of Mauricius Evagrius deprived of his wife and children remarried and took to wife a young Virgin in that City as he relates Book 6. chap. 8. Where he attests also that the whole City kept holiday on that account and celebrated a publick Festivity both in Pompous Shows and also about his marriage-bed Whence 't is by the way apparent how great his authority was at Antioch Moreover he wrote his History at Antioch as may be Collected from the twentieth chapter of his First Book Where speaking concerning the Empress Eudocia's Jerusalem-journey he says she came to Antioch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is a long time afterwards in her journey which she made to the Holy City of Christ our God she Eudocia comes hither to wit to Antioch Evagrius therefore lived at Antioch when he wrote this History Hence 't is that Evagri 〈…〉 〈…〉 diligent in recounting the Works and Publick Edifices of the City Antioch as may be seen in 〈…〉 Book chap. 18 and in his Third Book chap. 28. At which places he does not obscurely intimate that he lived at Antioch whilest he wrote these things Hence 't is also that he mentions with so much care and diligence the earth-quakes wherewith Antioch was now and then shaken and that in the Notation of the times he always makes use of the Antiochian years Lastly this may be Collected from the seventh chapter of his Sixth Book where he relates that Gregorius Patriarch of Antioch having been accused of Incest before Johannes Comes of the East by a Silver-smith appealed to the Emperour and to a Synod And when he went to Constantinople in order to the prosecution of his Cause before the Emperour and Synod he took Evagrius along with him as his Assessour and Counseller that he might make use of his advice By which words Evagrius does plainly enough declare himself to have been an Advocate and a Lawyer For Assessours were wont to be taken out of their body as well by the Civill as Military Magistrates Nor was Evagrius Councellour to Gregorius in this criminall affair only but in other causes also For in regard Gregorius was Patriarch of the Orientall Church and could not but have the examination of many Causes every day he must necessarily stand in need of some Assessour who might suggest to him the Forms of Right and of the Laws Indeed Evagrius's words do fully declare what I have said For he saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Having me therefore his Assessour and Companion he went to the Emperour 's City Constantinople in order to the making his defence against these accusations But let the Studious determine concerning this matter according to their own arbitrement 'T is sufficient for me to have proposed my conjecture to the Readers Further the same Gregorius made use of Evagrius's judgment not only in Judiciary proceedings but in writing Letters also and Relations which he now and then sent to the Emperour in his Sermons likewise and Orations as Evagrius attests at the close of his History Which Volume when Evagrius had published not without the consent of Gregorius the Patriarch in the Reign of Tiberius Constantinus
highest indignity took a resolution to cast every Dye as the saying is to the end she might be revenged both for what had been done in relation to the assassination of her husband and also for the reproach which had been brought upon her own Liberty For a woman is fierce and of an anger implacable if when she uses her utmost endeavour to preserve it inviolate her chastity be forcibly taken from her and especially by him who hath been her husband's Assassine She sends therefore into Africa to Gizerichus and having forthwith presented him with many Gifts and by her Declaration put him into a good hope of what was behind she prevails with him to make a sudden and unexpected Invasion upon the Roman Empire promising she would betray all to him Which having in this manner been performed Rome is taken But Gizerichus in regard he was a Barbarian and of a disposition inconstant and mutable kept not his promise even with her but having burnt the City and made plunder of all its riches he took Eudoxia together with her two daughters marched back went away and returned into Africa The elder of Eudoxia's daughters by name Eudocia he married to his own son Hunericus But the younger her name was Placidia together with her mother Eudoxia he sent some time after to Byzantium attended with an Imperial Train and a Guard to the end he might pacifie Marcianus For he had highly incensed him both because Rome had been burnt and also in regard the Imperial Princesses had been so contumeliously used Moreover Placidia is match't by Marcianus's order Olybrius having married her who was look't upon to be the eminentest personage amongst the Roman Senatours and after the taking of Rome had betaken himself to Constantinople Further after Maximus Avitus reigned over the Romans eight months He having ended his life by the Pestilence Majorianus held the Empire two years After Majorianus had been traecherously slain by Ricimeres Master of the Milice Severus possest the Empire three years CHAP. VIII Concerning the doath of Marcianus and the Empire of Leo. And how the Hereticks of Alexandria slew Proterius and gave that Arch-Bishoprick to Timotheus Aelurus MOreover during Severus's Governing the Romans Marcianus changed his Kingdom and departed to a better Inheritance when he had Governed the Empire seven years only having left amongst all men a truely royall Monument The Alexandrians informed of his death with much more animosity and a greater heat of mind renewed their rage against Proterius For the multitude is a thing with the greatest ease imaginable blown up into a rage and which snatches hold of the most triviall occasions as fuell for Tumults But above all others the populace of Alexandria are of this humour which City abounds with a numerous multitude made up mostly of an obscure and promiscuous company of Foreigners which by an unexpected and unaccountable boldness and precipitancy breaks out into violence and rage 'T is therefore for certain reported that any one there who makes complaint of the breaking any thing of small value which he carries may incite the City to a popular Tumult and may lead and carry the multitude whither and against whom he pleases For the most part also they are delighted with jests and sports as Herodotus relates concerning Amasis And this is the humour of the Alexandrians Nevertheless as to other things they are not such a fort of persons as that any one may despise them The Alexandrians therefore observing the time when Dionysius Commander of the Milice made his Residence in the Upper Egypt make choice of one Timotheus surnamed Aelurus to ascend the Archi-Episcopal-Chair a person who heretofore had followed a Monastick Life but afterwards was enrolled amongst the number of the Presbyters of the Alexandrian Church When they had led this person to the Great Church called Caesar's they ordain him their Bishop whilest Proterius was as yet living and personally officiating in his Episcopal Function Eusebius Bishop of Pelusium and Peter of Iberia Bishop of the little Town Majuma were present at the Ordination as he who wrote Peter's Life has told us in his account of these transactions Which writer affirms that Proterius was not murdered by the people but by one of the Souldiers Further after Dionysius had made his return to the City Alexandria with the greatest celerity imaginable to which he had been urged by the nefarious facts there perpetrated and was using his endeavours to extinguish the kindled fire of the Sedition some of the Alexandrians incited thereto by Timotheus as the Contents of the Letter written to Leo the Emperour do declare murder Proterius by running their swords through his bowells when he attempted to get away and had fled as far as the most Holy Baptistery And after they had tied a rope about him they hung him up at that place termed The Tetrapylum and shewed him to all persons jeering and crying out aloud that that was Proterius who had been killed After this they drag'd the body all over the City and then burnt it Nor did they abhor tasting of his very bowells according to the usage of Savage-beasts as the Supplicatory Libell wherein all these passages are contained sent by all the Bishops of Egypt and by the whole Clergy of Alexandria to Leo who after Marcianus's death as hath been said was invested with the Empire of the Romans doth evidence the Contents whereof are conceived in these express words To the Pious Christ-Lover and by-God-designed Leo Victor Triumphator and Augustus The humble Address presented by all the Bishops of Your Aegyptick Dioecesis and by the Ecclesiasticks in Your Greatest and Most Holy Church of the Alexandrians Whereas by Celestiall Grace You have been bestowed as a most Eximious Gift upon the World 't is no wonder if You cease not Most Sacred Emperour daily after God from making Provision for the Publick And after some other words And whilest there was an uninterrupted peace amongst the Orthodox Laïty both with us and also at the City Alexandria disturbances were raised again by Timotheus who made a separation of himself from the Catholick Church and Faith and cut himself off therefrom soon after the holy Synod at Chalcedon at which time he was but a Presbyter together with four or five persons only heretofore Bishops and some few Monks who together with him were distempered with the Hereticall errour of Apollinaris and that person On which account having then been canonically deposed by Proterius of divine memory and by a Synod of the Bishops of all Egypt they deservedly experienced the Imperial displeasure by Exile And after some words interposed And having taken his advantage of that opportunity when the Emperour Marcianus of Sacred Memory made his departure hence to God with impious Expressions as if he had been subject to no Laws he in a most shameless manner raged
living and remote from matter Of which number was Symeones the first Inventer of the Station in a pillar whom we have mentioned in the First Book of our History amongst whom also were Baradatus and Jacobus the Syrians CHAP. X. Concerning those things which the Bishops and Symeones the Stylite wrote in answer to the Emperour Leo's Circular Letters IN the first place therefore Leo Bishop of the Elder Rome wrote in defence of the Chalcedon Synod and disallowed of Timotheus's Ordination as having been illegally performed Which Letter of Leo's the Emperour Leo sent to Timotheus Prelate of the Alexandrian Church by Diomedes the Silentiarius who was imployed in carrying the Imperiall Mandates To whom Timotheus returned answer wherein he blamed the Chalcedon Synod and found fault with Leo's Letter The Copies of these Epistles are extant in that Collection of Letters termed the Encyclicae But I have designedly omitted the inserting them because I would not have this present Work swell to a Greatness of bulk The Bishops of other Cities likewise stedfastly adhered to the Sanctions of the Synod at Chalcedon and unanimously condemned Timotheus's Ordination Excepting only Amphilochius Bishop of Side who wrote a Letter to the Emperour wherein he cryed out indeed against Timotheus's Ordination but admitted not of the Synod at Chalcedon Zacharias the Rhetorician has written concerning these very affairs and has inserted this very Letter of Amphilochius's into his History Moreover Symeones of Holy Memory wrote two Letters concerning these matters one to the Emperour Leo another to Basilius Bishop of Antioch Of which two Letters I will insert into this my History that which he wrote to Basilius in regard 't is very short the Contents whereof are these To my most Pious and most Holy Lord the Religious Basilius Arch-Bishop the Sinner and mean Symeones wisheth health in the Lord. It is now My Lord opportune to say Blessed be God who hath not turned away our Prayer nor removed his mercy from us sinners For on receipt of the Letters of Your Dignity I admired the Zeal and Piety of our Emperour most dear to God which he hath shown and now does demonstrate towards the Holy Fathers and their most firm Faith Nor is this Gift from us according as the Holy Apostle saith but from God who through our Prayers hath given Him this propensity and singular earnestness of mind And after some few words Wherefore I my self a mean person and of slender account the untimely birth of the Monks have made known my Sentiment to his Imperial Majesty concerning the Faith of the six hundred and thirty Holy Fathers convened at Chalcedon who do persist in and am grounded upon that Faith which has been revealed by the Holy Spirit For if our Saviour is present amongst two or three who are gathered together in his Name how could it possibly be amongst so many so great and such Holy Fathers that the Holy Spirit should not have been with them from the beginning And after the interposition of some words Wherefore be strong and behave your self valiantly in the defence of true plety in such manner as Jesus the Son of Nave the Servant of the Lord behaved himself in defence of the Israelitish people Give I beseech you my Salutes to all the Pious Clergy under Your Sanctity and to the blessed and most faithfull Laïty CHAP. XI Concerning the Banishment of Timotheus Aelurus and the Ordination of Timotheus Salophaciolus and concerning Gennadius and Acacius Bishops of Constantinople AFter these things Timotheus is condemned to be banished he also as well as Dioscorus being ordered to dwell at Gangra The Alexandrians therefore elect another Timotheus to succeed Proterius in that Bishoprick this Timotheus some persons termed Basilicus others called him Salophaciolus Anatolius dying in this interim Gennadius succeeds in the Chair of the Imperial City Constantinople And after him Acacius who had presided over The Orphans Hospital at the Imperial City CHAP. XII Concerning the Earthquake which hapned at Antioch Three hundred fourty and seven years after that which had hapned in the times of Trajane FUrther on the second year of Leo's Empire there hapned a great and vehement motion and shaking of the earth at Antioch some Facts perpetrated with the utmost rage and fury imaginable and which far exceeded the most superlative Ferity of Beasts having before-hand been committed by the populacy of that City which facts were the prelude as 't were to such mischiefs as these Now this most calamitous accident hapned on the five hundredth and sixth year of Antioch's being entitled to all the priviledges and immunities of a free City about the fourth hour of the night that preceded the fourteenth day of the month Gorpiaeus which month the Romans term September the Lords day approaching on the eleventh partition of the Cycle this is related to have been the sixth Earthquake which shaked Anioch three hundred fourty and seven years having passed from the time that that Earthquake had hapned which came to pass in Trajan's Empire For that Earthquake in Trajan's time hapned on the hundredth fifty ninth year of Antioch's being entitled to the priviledges and Immunities of a free City But this Earthquake in the times of Leo hapned on the five hundredth and sixth year as 't is declared by the most accurate and diligent Writers Further this Earthquake ruined almost all the houses of the New City the Inhabitants whereof were very numerous nor was there any part of it empty or wholly neglected but 't was extraordinary beautified and adorned by the preceding Emperours magnificence who strove to out-doe one another in that thing Likewise the first and second fabrick of the Pallace fell down but the other buildings continued standing together with the adjoyning Bath which having been useless before at such time as this calamitous accident hapned was of necessity made use of for the bathing of the Citizens the other Baths having been ruined Moreover the Porticus's before the Pallace fell down and the Tetrapylum which stood behind them Besides the Towers of the Hippodrome which were near the Gates and some of the Porticus's which led to these Towers fell In the old City the Porticus's and houses were wholly untouch't by the Ruine but some small part of Trajan's Severus's and Adrianus's Baths was shaken and overturned This Earthquake also ruined some parts of the Geitonia of that Region termed the Ostracine together with the Porticus's as likewise that termed the Nymphaeum Every of which particulars Johannes the Rhetorician has related with a singular accuracy This Writer therefore affirms that a thousand Talents of Gold were by the Emperour remitted to the City out of the Tributary Function and that to the Citizens were abated the yearly Tolls paid to the publick Treasury for those houses which had been destroyed by that calamity and moreover
to Felix at Rome inciting him to revenge what had been committed against the Faith BUT before their arrivall at the Imperial City Cyrillus Governour of those Monks termed the Acoemeti sends some persons to Felix complaining of his slackness in regard so great offences were committed against the true Faith Felix therefore writes to Misenus and those who accompanied him ordering them to do nothing before they should have had a conference with Cyrillus and might be informed from him what was to be done CHAP. XX. Concerning what Felix wrote to Zeno and Zeno to Felix THere were dispatcht to them other Commonitories also from Felix who likewise wrote Letters to Zeno both concerning the Chalcedon Synod and also about the Persecution in Africa which had been raised by Onorichus Besides he wrote to Acacius The Emperour Zeno returned an answer to Felix wherein he told him that Johannes had given him trouble in vain because he had sworn that he would in no wise at any time sue for Admission to the See of Alexandria but that afterwards he had disregarded his oath and committed all manner of sacriledge and that Petrus had not been ordained rashly and without an exquisite tryall and examination but with his own hand had subscribed that he embraced the Faith of the Three hundred and eighteen Holy Fathers heretofore convened at Nicaea which Faith the Holy Synod at Chalcedon also had approved of and followed The express words of Zeno's Letter are these You ought to be most undoubtedly assured that both Our Piety and the forementioned most Holy Petrus and all the most Holy Churches do Embrace and Revere the most Holy Synod of the Chalcedonians which hath fully agreed with the Faith in the Synod of the Nicaeans There are also extant in the same Acts the Letters both from the forementioned Cyrillus and from other Archimandrites of the Impeperiall City and also those from the Bishops and Clergy of the Egyptick Dioecesis written to Felix against Petrus as being an Heretick and against those who communicated with him Further when the Monks belonging to the Monastery of the Acoemeti were come to Felix they accused Misenus and those that accompanied him because till their arrivall at Byzantium the name of Petrus had in secret been recited in the Sacred Diptycks but that from that time till now it was recited publickly and therefore that Misenus and those who accompanied him had held communion with Petrus The Letter likewise of the Egyptians affirmed the same things with what I have related concerning Petrus and further also that Johannes being a person Orthodox had been legally Ordained but that Petrus was Ordained only by two Bishops who maintained the same ill opinion with himself and that immediately after Johannes's flight all manner of punishments had been inflicted on the Orthodox And that Acacius had had information of all these things by some persons who had made a journey to him from Alexandria to the Imperiall City and lastly that Acacius was found to be Petrus's favourer and Assistant in all things CHAP. XXI That Symeones a Monk belonging to the Monastery of the Aoemeti went to Rome and accused those Bishops sent from the Romans to Constantinople as having held Communion with Hereticks and that these Legates and those persons who held Communion with Petrus were deposed by the Romans THese accusations were much increased by Symeones one of those Monks termed the Acoemeti who was sent to Rome from Cyrillus For this person accused Misenus and Vitalis for having communicated with Hereticks he averred that the name of Petrus was publickly recited in the Sacred Diptycks and that by this means many of the simpler sort were imposed upon by Hereticks who affirmed that Petrus was received to communion even by the See of Rome Symeones added likewise that when severall question 's were proposed Misenus and his companions would not allow of a conference with any person that was Orthodox or make a delivery of Letters to them or take an exact scrutiny of any thing that was audaciously attempted against the true Faith Silvanus a Presbyter one that had conversed with Misenus and Vitalis at Constantinople was likewise brought in who confirmed what had been said by the Monks Moreover Acacius's Letter to Simplicius was read wherein Acacius affirmed that Petrus had been long since Deposed and that he was a Son of Night And on these accounts Misenus and Vitalis were removed from the Sacerdotall Function and separated from the undefiled Communion the whole Synod having given their Vote in these express words The Church of the Romans doth not receive to Communion the Heretick Petrus who hath long since been both condemned by the Vote of the Sacred Chair and also Excommunicated and Anathematized Against whom though nothing else were objected yet even this would be sufficient that having been ordained by Hereticks he could not preside over the Orthodox This also was contained in the said Sentence But that Acacius Bishop of Constantinople deserves a severe reproof the thing it self has demonstrated because in his Letter to Simplicius he has termed Petrus an Heretick but at this present hath not detected it to the Emperour for he ought if he had loved Zeno to have done this but he loves the Emperour with a greater ardency of affection than he has for the Faith But let us reduce our Relation to the following Series of affairs There is extant an Epistle of Acacius's written to the Bishops in Egypt and to the Ecclesiasticks and Monks and to the whole body of the Laity wherein he has attempted to repair and make up the Schism which had hapned Concerning which affair he wrote also to Petrus Bishop of Alexandria CHAP. XXII Concerning the disturbances at Alexandria and in severall other places on account of the Synod at Chalcedon THE Schism therefore increasing at Alexandria Petrus after he had again Anathematized Leo's Epistle and the Acts of the Chalcedon Synod and those persons who would not embrace the writings of Dioscorus and Timotheus perswaded some of the Bishops and Archimandrites to communicate with himself And because he could not induce others to do the same he drove most of them from their own Monasteries For which reasons Nephalius made a journey to the Imperial City and gave Zeno an account of these matters Whereat Zeno was sorely troubled and sends Cosmas one of his own Protectors to Alexandria who gave forth many and great Menaces against Petrus on account of procuring an Unity in regard by his own roughness he had raised a great dissention But Cosmas when nothing succeeded according to his wish and design returned to the Imperial City having only restored the Ejected Monks to their own Monasteries Again therefore the Emperour sends Arsenius whom he had preferred to be Prefect of Egypt and Dux of the Companies of the Militia He being arrived at Alexandria in company with Nephalius made a
speech concerning Unity But when he could not perswade them to it he sent some of them to the Imperial City Moreover many disputes were held before Zeno concerning the Synod at Chalcedon but nothing was brought to effect because Zeno did not wholly assent to the Synod at Chalcedon CHAP. XXIII Concerning Fravita and Euphemius Bishops of Constantinople and concerning Athanasius and Johannes Bishops of Alexandria also concerning Palladius and Flavianus Prelates of Antioch and concerning some other persons BUT Acacius Bishop of Constantinople having in this interim gone the common way of mankind Fravita succeeded him in his Bishoprick And when this Pravita had sent Synodick Letters to Petrus Bishop of Alexandria Petrus on his part returned him answer in the like Letters wherein he affirmed the same things with what I have mentioned concering the Acts at Chalcedon Moreover after Fravita's departure out of this life for he sate Bishop four months only Euphemius was ordained Bishop in his room He receives the Synodick Letters which Petrus had written to Fravita and having found therein an Anathema against the Acts at Chalcedon was mightily disturbed and severed himself from Petrus's Communion Both these Prelates Letters are extant as well that from Fravita to Petrus as that from Petrus to Fravita which by reason of their prolixity I have omitted When therefore Euphemius and Petrus were about to contend one with another and to convene Synods one against the other Petrus is prevented by death and Athanasius succeeds him in his Chair He attempted to unite the dissenting persons but could not effect it the disagreeing parties being divided into various opinions This Athanasius having after this sent Synodick Letters to Palladius Successour to Petrus in the Bishoprick of Antioch did the same that Petrus had done in relation to the Synod at Chalcedon The very same was likewise performed by Johannes who after Athanasius succeeded in the Alexandrian Chair And after the death of Palladius Prelate of the Church at Antioch when Flavianus had succeeded him in his Chair Solomon a Presbyter of Antioch is sent by him to Alexandria who carried his Synodick Letters and requested Johannes's Letters in answer to Flavianus But after this Johannes another Johannes succeeds in the Chair of Alexandria And these things proceeded in the same manner I have mentioned till the beginning of the Emperour Anastasius's Reign For he ejected Euphemius out of his Bishoprick Which transactions I was necessitated to joyn together in one continued Series both for perspicuitie's sake and also that they might with more celerity be understood CHAP. XXIV Concerning the slaughter of Armatus who was kinsman to the Empress Verina BUT Zeno by the perswasion of Illus slew Armatus also who was the Empress Verina's kinsman whom when sent against him by Basiliscus Zeno had ensnared with gifts and instead of being an Enemy had made him a Friend and an Auxiliary He also creates his Son Basiliscus Caesar at the City Nicaea But when he was come to Byzantium he slays Armatus by Treachery But he makes his Son Basiliscus instead of being a Caesar a Presbyter Who was afterwards promoted to the Episcopall dignity CHAP. XXV Concerning the Rebellion of Theodoricus the Scythian and concerning the same person's death THendoricus by Nation a Scythian made an insurrection also against Zeno and having gathered together his own Forces in the Country of the Thracians undertakes an Expedition against him And when he had ruined all the Countries before him as far as the mouth of Pontus he wanted but little of taking the Imperial City it self and had seized it had not some of his Grea est Confidents induced thereto by gifts entred into a Consult about taking him off Being informed therefore of this ill design of his own friends against him he marched back and not long after this is numbred amongst those departed this life Moreover I will declare the manner of his death which hapned thus A Javelin fitted with a loop of leather to cast it with was hung up before his Tent agreeable to the mode of the Barbarians Having therefore a mind to exercise his body he ordered his horse to be brought to him And it being not customary with him to make use of a Strator he mounted his horse without any help But the horse being a beast unmanaged and fiery before Theodoricus had bestridden him and setled himself rises with his fore-feet and began to go forwards upright on his hinder feet only So that Theodoricus striving with his horse and not daring to curb him with the Bridle least he should fall backwards upon him nor yet being firmly seated in his Saddle was tossed this way and that way and thrown upon the point of his Javelin Which ran obliquely into him and wounded his side Being conveyed from thence therefore to his bed and having continued alive some few days he died of that wound CHAP. XXVI Concerning Marcianus's Insurrection and what hapned in Relation to him AFter these things Marcianus the Son of Anthemius who had been Emperour of Rome a kinsman by mariage to Leo Zeno's predecessour in the Empire for he had married Leontia Leo's younger daughter having disagreed with Zeno made an attempt to set up for a Tyrant And a sharp engagement hapning about the Pallace wherein many fell on either side Marcianus routs his opposers And by that attack had possest himself of the Pallace had he not let that opportunity slip by deferring that action till the morrow For Opportunity is a swift-wing'd Bird and whilst she flies at your feet may peradventure be taken But after she has avoided your hands on a sudden she mounts on high and derides those who pursue her not suffering her self to be catcht by them in future On which account therefore Statuaries and Painters make her hair long before but shave the hinder part of her head to the very skin with great prudence intimating thereby that as long as Opportunity is behind she may be perhaps laid hold on by her long hair but being got before she makes a perfect escape not having any thing whereby she may be taken hold of by the Pursuer Which very thing at that time befell Marcianus who lost that opportunity which was seasonably offered him and was not in future able to recover it For on the morrow he was betrayed by his own party and having been wholly deserted fled to the Church of the Divine Apostles Whence he was drawn out by force and banisht to Caesarea a City of the Cappadocians Where keeping company with some Monks he was afterwards found out to design a private escape On which account he was by the Emperour sent to Tarsus of Cilicia and having had his hair shorn is ordained a Presbyter These Transactions are with great elegancy written by Eustathius the Syrian CHAP. XXVII Concerning the Tyranny of Illus and Leontius THE same Eustathius relates
account because Anastasius was by many persons thougt to be addicted to the Manichaean Heresie After Macedonius therefore had ascended the Episcopal Throne Anastasius was desirous of having his own Caution restored to him saying it would be a reproach to the Empire if the forementioned Obligatory-Instrument should be kept laid up in the Church Against which when Macedonius made a resolute opposition and affirmed that he would not betray the Faith the Emperour Anastasius framed all imaginable designes against him resolving to eject him out of his Episcopal Chair Certain Boyes therefore who were slanderers were produced who falsly accused both themselves and Macedonius of a filthy and unclean act But when it was found that Macedonius was deprived of his Genitalls they betook themselves to other Arts and Designes till at length by the advices and perswasions of Celer Master of the Offices at Court Macedonius withdrew privately from his Episcopal Chair But in the Expulsion of Flavianus they have added other things For we have received information from some very aged persons who perfectly remembred what ever had hapned during Flavianus's being Bishop which persons do affirm that those Monks who dwelt in that Country termed Cynegica and whatever other Monks inhabited the first Provinces of the Syrians perswaded thereto by Xenaias a man by Extract a Persian Which Xenaias was Bishop of Hicrapolis a City near to Antioch and by a Greek name he was termed Philoxenus flock't together and in a tumultuous and very disorderly manner made an irruption into the City Antioch where they would compell Flavianus to Anathematize the Chalcedon Synod and Leo's Epistle Whereat Flavianus being extreamly troubled and the Monks pressing on with great violence the populacy of the City made an Insurrection and slew a great many of the Monks in so much that a vast number of them had the River Orontes for their Tomb their bodies being buried in its waves There hapned another thing also not much inferiour to this For the Monks of Syria Coele which is now termed Syria Secunda having a mighty affection for Flavianus because he had lead a Monastick life in a certain Monastery which was situate in a Country named Tilmognus came to Antioch with a resolution to defend Flavianus so that at that time also some and those no small mischievous accidents hapned Whether therefore on account of the former Tumult or by reason of that disorder we have mentioned in the second place or for both Flavianus is ejected and banished to Petrae a Town situate in the utmost confines of The Palestines CHAP. XXXIII Concerning Severus Bishop of Antioch FLavianus therefore having been ejected Severus is preferred to the Episcopal Throne of Antioch on the five Hundredth fifty first year of Antioch's being styled a free City in the month Dius it being the Sixth Indiction of the Cycle then current but at this present time wherein we write it is the Six hundredth fourty first year This Severus had Sozopolis for the place of his Nativity which is one of the Cities of the Province Pisidia He had formerly imployed himself in the study of the Law at Berytus But having afterwards soon left those studies when he had received holy Baptism in the sacred Temple of the divine Martyr Leontius who is honoured at Tripolis a City of the Maritime Phoenice he betook himself to a Monastick life in a certain Monasterie situate in the mid way between the small City Gaza and that little Town termed Majuma In which place Petrus the Iberian also who had been Bishop of the same Gaza and was banished together with Timotheus Aelurus had exercised a Monastick life and had left himself a famous name Further Severus on a time ingages in a dispute with Nephalius who formerly had been of the same Sentiment with him concerning the one Nature of Christ but had afterwards united himself to to the Defenders of the Chalcedon Synod and to those who asserted two Natures in our Lord Jesus Christ. By this Nephalius therefore and those who were of his party Severus is driven out of his own Monastery together with severall others who held the same opinion with himself From whence he went to the Imperial City under the notion of an Embassadour in defence both of himself and those who had been ejected with him And there he becomes known to the Emperour Anastasius as He hath related at large who wrote Severus's Life Moreover the same Severus in the Synodick Letters which he wrote has in express words Anathematized the Chalcedon Synod Concerning which matter the Monks of Palestine in their Letter to Alcison say these words The Synodick Letters of Timotheus now Bishop of Constantinople have indeed been approved and admitted of here in Palestine but the deposition of Macedonius and Flavianus hath not been allowed of nor yet Severus's Synodick Letters But those persons who brought them hither were disgracefully and contumeliously used agreeable to their deserts and betook themselves to their heels the populacy of the City and the Monks having made an Insurrection against them In this posture was Palestine But of those who were subject to the See of Antioch some induced thereto by fraud were prevailed upon of which number is Marinus Bishop of Berytus But others by force and compulsion gave their assent to Severus's Synodick Letters wherein was contained an Anathematism both of the Synod and of the rest who had asserted two Natures or â—roprieties in our Lord one of the Flesh another of the Deity Some when through necessity they had given their assent afterwards altered their minds and revoak's it of which number are the Bishops subject to Apamia Others wholly refused to assent of which number are Julianus Bishop of Bostri and Epiphanius of Tyre and some others as they say Bishops But the Isaurians now come to themselves condemn themselves for their former mistake Moreover they Anathematize Severus together with his followers Yea some of the Bishops and Ecclesiasticks under Severus having relinquish't their own Churches are fled away of which number is Julianus Bishop of Bostri and Petrus of Damaâ—cus who reside here with us Mamas also which person seemed to have been one of the two Ring-leaders of the Dioscorians by whom Severus himself had been instructed who has condemned their arogancy And after the interposition of other words But the Monasteries here and Jerusalem it self also most other Cities together with their Bishops by Gods assistance are of one and the same mind in relation to the true Faith For all which persons and for us pray most Holy Lord and our most Honoured Father that we enter not into temptation CHAP. XXXIV Concerning the Libell of Deposition sent to the same Severus by Cosmas and Severianus BUt in regard the forecited Letters do attest that those Prelates under the Jurisdiction of the Church of Apamia receded from the
Communion of Severus come on let us add a certain passage which we have been told by our Fathers although it be not as yet recorded in any History Cosmas Bishop of our Epiphania in the Vicinage whereof runs the River Orontes and Severianus Bishop of Arethusa a neighbouring City being disturbed at Severus's Synodick Letters severed themselves from his Communion and sent a Libell of Deposition to him whilst he sate Bishop of the City Antioch They deliver the Libell to one Aurelianus Arch-Deacon of the Church of Epiphania who in regard he feared Severus and dreaded the Grandeur of so great a Bishoprick after his arrivall at Antioch cloathed himself in the habit of a woman and comes to Severus jesting and playing the wanton and by all ways imaginable seigning himself to be a woman In fine having let down the Vail wherewith his head was covered as far as his breasts he lamented and by fetching deep sighs besought assistance and under the pretence of a Supplicatory Libell delivers a Deposition to Severus then going forth And without being taken notice of by any person withdraws out of the croud which followed Severus and by flying purchases his own safety before Severus knew what the Contents of the Libell were But Severus notwithstanding he had received the Libeâ— and understood what was contained therein nevertheless continued possest of his own See untill the death of Anastasius Further when Anastasius was informed of what had hapned to Severus for we must not omit the mentioning of an Act of Anastasius's which was wholly made up of Clemency and Humanity he orders Asiaticus who bore the command of the Militia in Phoenice Libanensis to eject Cosmas and Severianus out of their own Sees because they had sent a Libell of Deposition to Severus After Asiaticus was arrived in the Eastern parts and found many persons defending the opinions of Cosmas and Severianus and that their Cities made a stout resistance in favour of their own Bishops He gave Anastasius an account that those Bishops were not to be driven out of their own Sees without bloudshed So much of Clemency and Humanity therefore was there in Anastasius that he wrote expresly to Asiaticus that he would in no wise effect any thing though never so great and splendid if but a drop of bloud were to be spilt In this posture therefore were the affairs of the Churches over the whole world during the Empire of Anastasius Whom some persons judged to be an Enemy to the Chalcedon Synod and have expunged his name out of the Sacred Tables But at Jerusalem even whilst living he was Anathematized CHAP. XXXV Concerning the destruction of the Jsaurian Tyrants BUt it will not be disagreeable to the promise we have made before if to this History we annex some other Transactions worthy to be recorded which have hapned during the times of Anastasius Longinus Zeno's kinsman being arrived in that Country wherein he had been born as hath been shown before ingages in an open War against the Emperour And great Forces having been raised on the one side and on the other amongst which was Conon heretofore Bishop at Apamia a City of the Province of the Syrians who in regard he was an Isaurian bore Arms under the Isaurians at length the War was terminated in this manner The Isaurians who fought under Longinus were all cut off to one man But the heads of Longinus and Theodorus were sent to the Imperiall City by Johannes Scytha Which heads the Emperour ordered to be fixt upon Poles carried about and hung up in that Suburb termed Sycae situate over against Constantinople a gratefull spectacle to the Byzantines because of those mischiefes they had suffered from Zeno and the Isaurians Moreover the other Longinus surnamed Selinuntius the chief supporter of that Tyrannick Faction and together with him Indes are taken and sent alive to Anastasius by Johannes surnamed Gibbus Wherewith the Emperour and the Byzantines were highly pleased in regard Longinus and Indes were in the manner of a Triumph lead through the streets of the City and thorow the Cirque carrying Chains made of Iron which were put round their necks and about their hands From that time those Donatives heretofore termed The Isaurica began to be paid into the Imperial Treasury Now that was a sum of Gold paid every year to the Barbarians amounting to the weight of Fifty thousand pounds CHAP. XXXVI Concerning the Saracens that they made a Peace with the Romans THose Barbarians also termed Scenitae not without damage to themselves became petulant and insulted over the Roman Empire and ruined the Province Mesopotamia both the Phoenice's and Palestine But having received a severe overthrow from the Military Commanders in each Province at last they were quiet and by a generall consent that whole Nation made a Peace with the Romans CHAP. XXXVII Concerning the Siege of Amida and the building of the City Daras MOreover the Persians then subject to their King Cavades broke the League with the Romans and having left their native soyle in the first place invaded Armenia and took the small Town named Theodosiopolis after which they marched to Amida a well-fortified City of Mesopotamia which they laid Siege to and took But the Roman Emperour by vast Labour rebuilt it But if any one be desirous of having a particular knowledge of these matters and would read an Accurate Narrative of all these Transactions let him consult Eustathius who with much acuteness great Labour and a singular Elegancy hath written an History of these affairs Which Historian having brought down his History to these very times departed this life and left off writing at the twelfth year of Anastasius's Empire After this war was ended Anastasius makes Daras a place of Mesopotamia situate in the utmost confines of the Roman pale and being The Boundarie as it were of the Roman and Persian Empire a City from its being a Field which he fortified with a strong wall and adorned with various and those splended Buildings to wit Churches and other sacred Houses and with Royall Porticus's publick Baths and other Works of which the most eminent Cities do usually boast 'T is said by some persons that this place got the name of Daras because Alexander the Macedonian son to Phillip had totally vanquished Darius there CHAP. XXXVIII Concerning the Long Wall THe same Emperour perfected a vast Work worthy to be recorded which is usually termed The Long Wall situate in a very convenient place of Thracia This Wall is distant from Constantinople about Two hundred and eighty furlongs it embraces both the Seas and runs out like a Streight to the length of Four hundred and twenty furlongs it makes the Imperiall City from being a Peninsula almost an Island and affords a most convenient and safe passage to those who have a mind to sail from that place termed Pontus to
Propontis and the Thracian Sea It repells also those Barbarians who make Excursions out of that termed the Euxine Sea out of Colchis from the Lake Maeötis and from the places about Caucasus and likewise them who are usually poured in out of Europe CHAP. XXXIX Concerning that Tax termed the Chrysargyrum and how Anastasius abolished it MOreover the same Emperour performed an eximious and plainly divine Action to wit the Perfect and intire Abolition of that Tax termed The Chrysargyrum Concerning which thing we are now to speak although it wants the Tongue of a Thucydides or rather one of more Eminency and Eloquence to give a Narrative of it However I will declare the matter not induced thereto by my eloquence but confiding in the greatness of that Action Upon the Dominions of the Romans which were so great and so far diffused was imposed a miserable Tax detestable to God and misbecoming even the Barbarians themselves much less agreeable to the most Christian Empire of the Romans This Tax on what account neglected and tolerated I know not continued till the times of Anastasius who by his Imperial magnificence abolish't it It was imposed both upon many others who got their maintenance from a Charitable Contribution and also upon those women who sold the beauty of their Bodies upon common Whores likewise who prostituted themselves in Baudy-houses which stood in the hidden and obscure places of the City moreover upon Catamites who affected not only Nature it self but the Republick also with Ignominy In so much that this Tax instead of a Law made loud proclamation that those who had a mind might securely and with impunity commit such abominable Leachery Further that impious and detestable profit arising from this Tax was every fourth year paid in to the First and Chiefest of the Praefectures by the Collectours who gathered it in all places so that it was not the smallest part of this Praefecture to have both its Proper Scrinia as they term them and also such Officers as managed the Accounts of this Nature and these were not persons mean and obscure who lookt upon this employ to be a Militia as well as the rest Which when Anastasius understood and had referred it to the Senate and had likewise deservedly pronounced this thing to be a detestable impiety and a wickedness new and unheard-of he made a Law wherein 't was declared that it should be wholly abolished and he burnt those papers which contained a Summary of this Exaction And being resolved to make a perfect Holocaust as it were of This Tax to God to the end that no one of his Successours in the Empire might in future again renew the old Infamy of this Exaction he feignes himself grieved and vexed and accused himself of imprudence and of the highest degree of madness saying that by attributing too much to Vain-glory he had neglected the utility of the Republick and had rashly and inconsiderately abolished so great a Tax which had been found out by his Ancestours and confirmed by so long a duration of Time before he had duely weighed in his mind the imminent dangers or the expence of the Milice which is the living Wall of the Government or Lastly those charges which are necessary to the Service of God Without declaring therefore any of the thoughts of his mind he signifies that it was his intent to restore the forementioned Tax And having sent for those Officers who had been employed in Collecting that Tax he confest that he repented indeed of what he had done but knew not what course he could now take or how he might correct his own mistake in regard all the papers were burnt which could have set forth a Notitia of this Tax These persons having not feignedly but in reality lamented the Abolition of this Tax on account of that unjust gain which accrued to themselves therefrom and pretending the like difficulty that the Emperour did in getting it restored Anastasius perswaded and entreated them that they would proceed in all imaginable methods of making a search whether or no the way of Assessing and Collecting this whole Tax might be found out from those Tables which lay in every place And having assigned a Salary to each of them he dispatcht them away to make a Collection of those Papers giving order that whatever Paper might be of use in setting forth the Notitia of this Tax whereever it were found should be brought to himself to the end that after much circumspection and the most exquisite accuracy imaginable a Notitia of this whole Tax might be again composed When therefore those persons who were employed in this affair had some time after made their return Anastasius seemed very chearfull and full of joy And he did really rejoyce because he had obtained what he desired He inquired therefore the manner how and with whom these papers had been found and whether or no any one of this sort of Monuments were left behind But when they had affirmed positively that great pains had been taken by them in the Collecting of these papers and had sworn by the Emperour himself that no other paper could be found in the whole Roman Empire which might set forth The Notitia of this Tax the Emperour ordered a great fire to be again made of those papers which had been brought the ashes whereof he caused to be put into water it being his intent wholly to abolish this Exaction that so neither the dust nor the ashes nor any the least remain of this thing or of the burnt papers might be left appearing But least whilst we so much extoll the abolition of this Tax we should seem not to know what and how great matters have with partiality enough been related by the more ancient Writers concerning this Exaction come on I will now produce even those passages also and will demonstrate them to be false and most especially from those very things which they themselves have related CHAP. XL. Concerning what Zosimus hath written in relation to The Chrysargyrum and about the Emperour Constantine ZOsimus one of their number who have followed the execrable and abominable Superstition of the Heathens being highly incensed against Constantine on this account because he was the first Emperour that embraced the Christian Religion and relinquished the abominable Superstition of the Graecians relates that he was the first Emperour who invented that termed The Chrysargyrum and made a Law that such a Tax as that should be brought in to the Treasury every fourth year The same Zosimus has loaded that Pious and Magnificent Emperour with infinite other Calumnies For he says that he contrived severall other altogether intollerable mischiefs against persons of all qualities and conditions and that he cruelly murdered his Son Crispus and likewise killed his own Wife Fausta whom he shut up and stifled in a Bath which had been over-much heated
about five hundred furlongs Messengers therefore ran in great hast to Arcesilaus to acquaint him with what had hapned Arcesilaus was sitting near to Zosimas holding a Conference with him As soon as he understood the misfortune that had befaln his wife he wept bitterly pluckt off and tore his hair and threw it into the air When Zosimas enquired the reason hereof Arcesilaus gave him an account of what had hapned but made frequent interruptions in his Relation by sighs and tears Zosimas therefore having left him retired alone by himself into a certain little Room where he was wont to converse with God as 't is the usage of such persons After some little time he came out lookt chearfully and with a modest and grave smile stroakt Arcesilaus's hand softly Go says he go away with joy Grace is given to the Chuzibite Your wife is cured she has both her eyes that accident could deprive her of nothing in regard it so pleased the Chuzibite And so it hapned these two righteous persons having at one and the same time wrought a Miracle This same Zosimas going one time to Caesarea and leading an Ass after him whereon he had laid some things that were needfull to him meets a Lyon who having seized upon the Ass went his way Zosimas followed the Lyon over the wood till such time as he had filled his belly with the Asse's flesh After which Zosimas laugh't and speaks these words to the Lyon But Friend says he my journey is stopt for I am a man gross and fat and of a very great age nor am I able to carry that burthen on my back which was laid upon the Ass. If therefore you have a mind that Zosimas should remove from hence you must necessarily carry my Burthen though this be a thing contrary to the Law of your Nature and after that you shall be a wild Beast again The Lyon wholly forgetting his Rage began to fawn in a most gentle manner ran immediately to Zosimas and by his gesture shewed his obedience Zosimas therefore having laid the Asses burden on him lead him as far as the Gates of Caesarea demonstrating hereby the power of God and how all things serve and obey us men when we live to God and do not adulterate that Grace which is given to us But least I should lengthen my History by relating more such passages as these I will return to that place from whence I have made a digression CHAP. VIII Concerning the Universall Calamities DUring the same Justinus's Governing the Roman Empire that City now named Dyrrachium which was anciently called Epidamnus was ruined by an Earthquake As was likewise Corinthus scituate in Achaia Anazarbus also the Metropolis of the Second Cilicia suffered a fourth Calamity of this sort Which Cities Justinus rebuilt by the expence of a vast sum of money In these very same times also Edessa a City of the Osröeni which was vastly great and rich was drowned by the waters of the torrent of The Scirtus which runs hard by it in so much that most of the houses were beaten down and an innumerable multitude of men destroyed whom the water carried away Edessa and Anazarbus had their ancient names changed by Justinus for both those Cities were adorned with his own name CHAP. IX How Justinus whilst he was yet living took Justinianus to be his Colleague in the Empire THe same Justinus having passed the eighth year of his Empire and also nine months and three days of his ninth year Justinianus his Sisters Son is made his Colleague in the Empire being proclaimed on the first day of the month Xanthicus or Aprill in the Five hundredth seventy fifth year of Antioch's being stiled a free City And when these affairs had proceeded in this manner Justinus removes from his Empire here on earth having ended his life on the first day of Löus or the month August when he had reigned four months with Justinianus and had held the Empire as well alone as with a Colleague nine compleat years one month and three days Further when Justinianus was invested with the sole Government of the whole Roman Empire and the Synod at Chalcedon had been asserted over all the most Holy Churches by the order of Justinus as I have related the affairs of the Ecclesiastick constitution were as yet disturbed in some Provinces and especially at the Imperial City and at Alexandria Anthimus then Governing the Bishoprick of Constantinople and Theodosius presiding over the Church at Alexandria For both these Prelates asserted one Nature in Christ. CHAP. X. That Justinianus favoured those who embraced the Chalcedon Synod But his Wife Theodora was a Lover of the Contrary party JUstinianus indeed couragiously defended the Fathers which had been convened at Chalcedon and the Expositions they had made But his Wife Theodora favoured them who asserted one Nature whether it were because they themselves really thought so For when the Subject of the debate is concerning the Faith Fathers differ from their Children and Children from their Parents the Wife disagrees with her own Husband and again the Husband with his own Wife or whether it had been so agreed upon between themselves out of a politick design that the Emperour should defend those who asserted two Natures in Christ our God after the Union but the Empress them who maintained there was but one Nature Nevertheless neither of them yielded to the other But Justinian pertinaciously adhered to what had been agreed on at Chalcedon and Theodora addicted to the Contrary party made all imaginable provision for those who asserted one Nature And she every way cherished our Country-men but she favoured Forreigners with vast presents of money In fine she perswades Justinian to cause Severus to be sent for to Constantinople CHAP. XI How Severus perverted Anthimus Bishop of Constantinople and Theodosius Bishop of Alexandria which Prelates the Emperour ejected and put others into their Sees SEverus's Letters both to Justinianus and also to Theodora are still extant from which it may be Collected that Severus after his relinquishing the Chair of Antioch at first deferred his journey to the Imperial City but that afterwards he went thither He writes also in the same Letters that when he was come to Constantinople he discoursed with Anthimus and finding that he embraced the same Sentiments with himself and maintained the same opinion in relation to God he perswaded him to relinquish his Episcopal Chair He wrote also concerning the same matters to Theodosius who was Bishop of the City Alexandria in which Letters he boasts that he had perswaded Anthimus himself as hath been said to give such Opinions as these the preference before earthly Glory and his own Episcopal Chair Anthimus's Letters to Theodosius concerning these matters are also extant as likewise Theodosius's to Severus and Anthimus which Letters I omit leaving them to those who are desirous of
but in other places where the Distemper arrived its chastisement was more light Nor did this Pestilence rage at any certain and set season of the year nor after it had raged did it in a like manner recede But it seized some places at the beginning of Winter others in the Spring time others in Summer again othersome during the procedure of the Autumn And in some Cities when it had touched some parts it abstained from infecting the other parts thereof And you might frequently see in a City not infected some Families utterly destroyed But in other places one or two Families having been consumed the rest of the City in future continued untouch't by the Distemper But after a more accurate inspection into the matter we found that those Families which had continued untouch't were on the year following the only ones which suffered by this Distemper But that which was the most wonderfull thing of all was this that if it hapned that the Inhabitants of those Cities infected removed to any other place where this Distemper raged not they were the only persons seized with these Diseases who coming out of infected Cities made their Residence in Cities uninfected And these things hapned frequently both in Cities and in other places at the periods of those Cycles termed the Indictions But most especially on the 2 d year of each Indiction almost a totall destruction befell men In so much that I my self who write these things For I thought good to interweave into this History what has a relation to my self by a fit insertion of what is Congruous at places opportune and convenient I my self I say who as yet frequented the School of a Grammer-Master was seised with those termed the Bubo's about the beginning of this Pestilentiall Distemper And in those Sicknesses which raged at severall times I lost many of my Children my Wife and severall others of my Relations my Servants also and very many of those who lookt after and tilled my Grounds the Circles of the Indictions dividing as 't were the Calamities that befell me amongst themselves At what time therefore I did write these things being in the fifty eighth year of mine age within these two last years when this Distemper had raged at Antioch now the fourth time For the fourth Cycle of the Indictions hath passed from the beginning of this calamitous Disease besides the persons forementioned I lost my Daughter and my Grandchild born of her Further this Distemper consisted of a complication of Diseases For in some it began from the head and having made the eyes bloudy and tumified the face it descended into the throat and sent the person seized with it from among men In others there hapned a looseness of the Belly In othersome arose Bubo's and thence hapned very high Feavers and within two or three days they died being as firm and â—ound in body and mind as those who had been afflicted with no Distemper Others became distracted and mad and so ended their lives Carbuncles also breaking out of the body destroyed many men Some persons having once twice and thrice been seized with this Distemper and escaped with their lives afterwards were infected with it again and died The ways likwise of contracting this Distemper were different and manifold and such as were unaccountable For some died meerly by conversing and living together in the same house others by a touch only othersome by entring into an house again others contracted the Infection in the Forum Some having fied out of infected Cities continued uninfected themselves but imparted the Disease to those who were not infected Others contracted no Distemper at all although they had lived with many infected persons and had touched not only persons Distempered but those likewise who were dead Othersome although they made it their business to destroy themselves because of the loss of their Children or Families and on this account especially were continually conversant with the infected nevertheless as if the Disease made a resistance against their will were in no wise seized with it This Pestilentiall Distemper therefore has raged Two and fifty years as I have said till this present time having out-done all Plagues which ever hapned before But Philostratus admires because in his time a Plague raged Fifteen years Now the Events after this yet to come are uncertain in regard they proceed thither whither it shall seem well pleasing to God who certainly knows both the Causes of things and also whither they tend But I will return to that place from whence I have digressed and will give a Narrative of the rest of Justinian's Transactions CHAP. XXX Concerning Justinian's insatiable Avarice JUstinian was indeed a person of an insatiable Avarice and â—o extravagant a Lover of what was another's that for Gold he sold his whole Empire to those who governed the Provinces to the Collectors of the Tributes and to any persons else who for no cause at all are wont to frame Plots against men Besides by patching Calumnies together he punished many and almost innumerable persons whose possessions were great with the loss of their whole Estates Further if a woman who got her livelyhood by the prostitution of her body had falsely objected a familiarity or mixture against any one out of her desire to procure what he had immediately all the Laws were abolished and made null and provided she had made Justinian partaker of her filthy gain she might remove all the riches of the person calumniated to her own house Nevertheless the same Emperour was profuse in his expending money in so much that he erected many holy and magnificent Churches every where and other pious Houses for the taking care of men and women as well young as old and of those disquieted with Various diseases and he allotted vast Revenues out of the Income whereof these things might be done He likewise did infinite other pious Acts and such as are well pleasing to God provided the doers thereof perform those works with such Goods as are their own and offer their pure Actions as a sacrifice unto God CHAP. XXXI Concerning the Great Church of Saint Sophia and that of The holy Apostles FUrther the same Emperour erected not only many other Churches at Constantinople of a gracefull composure in honour to God and his Saints but he also built that great and incomparable Work the like whereto is not to be found any where on record to wit that most spacious Church of Saint Sophia a Structure beautifull and eminent and which exceeds the possibilty of a description Nevertheless as far as I am able I will attempt to describe this Church The fabrick of the Sanctuary is a Tholus erected upon four Arches raised to so vast an heighth that 't is very difficult for those who look steadfastly from below to see the Top of the
that what you do is not Rebellion but a just indignation entertained for some short time against those your Commanders by whom you had been injured For if you will not flie to the Emperour with all imaginable speed I indeed shall have done what is requisite both in discharge of that Benevolence I owe the State and of my friendship also towards you but I would have you consider what the Exits of Tyrants are For in what manner will you terminate the present State of affairs 'T is altogether impossible that you should continue together in a Body For whence shall the fruits of the Earth be brought into you or those conveniences which the Sea affords the Continent for a supply unless you wage War with Christians and on the other hand be involved in Wars brought upon you by them whereby you will commit and suffer the horridest Mischiefs Villanies and Reproaches imaginable And what will be the end hereof Being dispersed into all places you will spend the residue of your lives Revenge will forthwith overtake you and not suffer any Pardon to be granted you in future Give therefore your right hands and let us consider what is advantagious both to Our selves and to the Government in regard we have the Festivall Days of the Salutary Passion and of the most Holy Resurrection of Christ our God to give us assistance in that affair CHAP. XIII That after Gregorius's Speech the Souldiers changed their minds and received their Generall Philippicus again HAving uttered these words and shed many Tears by a certain Divine impulse as 't were he altered all their minds in a moment And they forthwith requested that they might go out of the Convention and consult apart by themselves concerning what was to be done Not long after which they returned and surrendred themselves to the arbitrement and will of the Bishop Who having nominated Philippicus to them that they should request him for their Leader their answer was that as to that matter they and the whole Army were oblieged by great Oaths Whereto Gregorius made this return without any the least hesitancy or delay that by divine permission he was a Priest and had power to loose and bind upon earth and in heaven and he put them in mind of the Divine Oracle When therefore they had acquiesced in this matter also he appeased God with Prayers and Supplications And having distributed to them the immaculate Body of Christ For it was a most solemn day the Second Feria which is near the Holy passion He entertained them all at a supper in number about two thousand persons ordering Beds whereon they might eat forthwith to be laid for them on the Grass and on the morrow returned home But 't was thought good that the Souldiers should meet together at what place they pleased Gregorius therefore sends for Philippicus who made his residence at Tarsus in Cilicia and was preparing for his journey to Constantinople Further he dispatcht away a Relation to the Emperour concerning these affairs wherewith he likewise sent the Petition of the Army in which they requested Philippicus might be their Commander Wherefore when Philippicus was arrived at Antioch the Army met him there and having taken out those persons who had been vouchsased Divine Regeneration to make an Address in their behalf they fall prostrate before him And when they had received his right hand in confirmation of an Amnesty of what was past they made an Expedition under his Command In this manner proceeded these affairs CHAP. XIV Concerning the taking of Martyropolis IN the interim one Sittas a Decanus in Martyropolis vext at an injury he had received from one of the Military Commanders there betrays the City to the Enemy observing the time when the Garrison lodged in that City was marched out of it and having brought in a Persian Cohort as if it had been a Roman one he possest himself of that City which was a place of great consequence to the Romans He kept most of the younger women within the City but turned out all other persons except some few servants Immediately therefore Philippicus made his march thither and having invested the City besieged it although he had none of those provisions necessary for a Siege Nevertheless he made use of what came next to hand in his Attacks and having wrought some Mines ruined one of the Towers but was not able to make himself Master of the City in regard the Persians sate up all night and repaired what had been beaten down When therefore the Romans had made frequent Attacks against the wall they were as often beat off For the Darts thrown upon them from an higher place very seldome mist the Mark they were designed against in so much that they were more damnified than they could do hurt to the Enemy within and therefore brake up the Siege And having marched off at some small distance Encamped but took particular care of this that no other supplies of Forces should be let in to those Persians Besieged But by the order of Mauricius Gregorius makes a journey to the Camp and perswades them to return to the Siege Nevertheless they were unable to effect any thing more than what they had done before in regard they were wholly destitute of warlike Engines commonly made use of in the Siege of Cities On which account the Army was sent into their Winter-Quarters But in the adjacent Castles severall Garrisons were left that the Persians might not by stealth get into the City And on the Summer following when the Roman Army was got into a body and the Persians had made an Expedition against the Romans there hapned a great Fight about Martyropolis In which Engagement Philippicus got the better and many of the Persians fell amongst whom was slain one vallant Prince but no small number of Persians got into Martyropolis which was the chief thing they designed to effect From thence forward the Romans resolved not to lay Siege to that City for it was impossible for them to take it by Force But they built another City at seven surlongs distance from Martyropolis upon mountainous and more inaccessible places that from thence they might infest it with Stratagems and Excursions And these things the Romans performed during the Summer but in the Winter the Army was dismist CHAP. XV. Concerning Comentiolus's Mastership of the Milice and the taking the Castle Ocbas AFter this Comentiolus by descent a Thracian is sent successour to Philippicus in the Mastership of the Milice He Engaged the Persians in a most couragious manner and wanted but little of loosing his life having been beaten down together with his horse had not one of his Guards mounted him on one of his Led-Horses and conveyed him out of the Fight Nevertheless the Persians were vanquished and fled having lost all their Commanders and made
the day was declining he said he saw with his own eyes the Trophy of the Cross in the heavens placed over the Sun made up of Light and an Inscription annexed to it containing these words BY THIS CONQUER And that at the sight thereof an amazement seized both him and all his Military Forces which followed him as he was making a Journey some whither and were spectatours of the Miracle CHAP. XXIX That God's Christ appeared to him in his sleep and ordered him to make use of a Standard made in the form of a Cross in his Wars MOreover he began to doubt with himself as he said what the meaning of this Apparition should be But whilst he was revolving it in his mind and very intent in his thoughts upon it on a sudden night came on At which time as he said the Christ of God appeared to him when asleep with that sign which had been shown him in the Heavens and ordered him to get a Standard made in imitation of that he had seen in the heaven which he should use as a salutary defence in his Engagements with his Enemies CHAP. XXX The making of that Standard framed in the fashion of a Cross. AS soon as it was day he arose and declared the whole secret to his friends Then he called together the Workers in Gold and pretious Stones in the midst of whom he himself sate and by discourse gave them a description of that Standard and ordered them to express its likeness in Gold and pretious Stones Which Standard we our selves also hapned sometime to have a sight of CHAP. XXXI A description of the Standard made in fushion of a Cross which the Romans do now term The Labarum IT was made in this form A very long Spear overlaid with Gold had a piece like a Sail-yard laid overthwart it framed in fashion of a Cross. Above on the very top of the Spear was sixt a Crown made up of pretious Stones and Gold In this Crown was the Symboll of the Salutary Appellation to wit two Letters representing the name of Christ which they denoted by the first Characters the letter Rho being cut thorow in its middle part Which two letters the Emperour was wont to wear in his Helmet though he embraced that usage in the times which succeeded these matters Further from the Cross-piece fixed athwart the Spear was hung a kind of a Flag to wit a purple cloth covered with a variety of pretious Stones joyned one with another which dazled mens eyes with the Rays of their Light and being interwoven with much Gold presented those that viewed it with an inexpressible kind of Beauty This Flag hung at the Cross-piece had a length exactly equall to its breadth But the upright Staff of the Spear from its Lowest part was extended to a very great length and in its upper part under the Trophy of the Cross at the very top of the Flag embroidered with a variety of colours it bore a Golden Picture of the Pious Emperour as far as his breast and a representation likewise of his children This salutary Standard the Emperour always made use of as a defence against the opposed Forces of all Enemies whatever and he gave order that other Standards made like to this should be carried at the head of all his Armies CHAP. XXXII That Constantine becoming a Catechumen read the Sacred Scriptures BUt these things were done a little afterwards But being then amazed at that wonderfull Vision after he had taken a resolution of worshipping no other God but him whom he had seen he sent for those persons that were skilled in the Mysteries of His Doctrine and enquired of them what that God was and what the Vision of that Sign meant They affirmed that he was God the only begotten Son of the one and only God but that that sign which had been shown him was the Symboll of immortality and the Trophy of that Victory which he when heretofore conversant on the earth had obtained over death They likewise taught him the causes of his Advent and expounded to him the accurate account of his Incarnation He gave them attention being desirous of information in those matters But he was taken up with an admiration of that appearance of God which had been exhibited to his sight And when he had compared that Celestial Vision with the interpretation given of it by the discourses of the Bishops he was strengthened in mind and became fully perswaded that the knowledge of these matters was delivered to him by the ministration of God himself From thence forward he resolved to apply himself to the reading of the Divine Books and having made those Prelates of God his Assessours was of opinion that that God whom he had seen was to be worshipped with all imaginable observancy After this being fortified with good hopes placed in Him he undertook to extinguish the fire of Tyrannick fury CHAP. XXXIII Concerning the adulteries committed by Maxentius at Rome FOr he who by Tyranny had possest himself of the Imperial City was arrived at that height of impiety and wickedness that no audacious fact no filthy and impure practises were omitted by him For he parted the Wives from their Husbands to whom they had been legally married and having debauch't them in a most dishonourable manner sent them back to their Husbands Nor did he in this wise insult over and abuse obscure persons and those of mean quality but even such as filled the eminentest places in the Roman Senate But although he vitiated almost infinite numbers of free women in a most shamefull manner yet could he in no wise satiate the immoderate and intemperate Lust of his own mind But after he began to sollicite Christian women He could by no arts of his own bring it about that he might enjoy their Embraces For they chose sooner to expose their lives to death than suffer their Bodies to be vitiated by him CHAP. XXXIV How the Praefect's Wife that she might preserve her chastity laid violent hands on her selfe ONe of these women wise to a personage of the Senatorian Order in that City who bore the Praefecture when she understood that those Guards which the Tyrant made use of as his Ministers in such wickednesses were standing before her house this woman was a Christian and knew that her Husband out of fear had given them order to take her and carry her away to the Tyrant having requested that a short space of time might be allowed her wherein she might adorn her body in her usuall dress she went in to her Chamber And being left alone she sheathed a Sword in her own Breast And expiring immediately hereupon she left her dead Body indeed to those that came to conduct her to the Tyrant But by this act of her's which resounds far more than any voice she has manifested to all men that now are and shall
all willingness receive this Gift of God and this truly divine Commandment For whatever is transacted and determined in the holy Assemblies of Bishops That has a reference to the divine will Wherefore when you shall have intimated to all our beloved Brethren those matters which have been transacted you ought to embrace and establish the forementioned rule and observation of the most holy day that when I shall come into the presence of Your Love which I have long since been desirous of I may celebrate the holy Festival with you on one and the same day and may rejoyce with you for all things beholding the Cruelty of the Devil totally removed by the Divine power and by our endeavours whilst your Faith Peace and Concord does every where flourish God preserve You Dearest Brethren A Copy of this very Letter was by the Emperour transmitted into every Province whereby as in a glass he gives those that reade it the clearest view of his own mind and of his piety towards God CHAP. XXI His advice to the Bishops now ready to go away that they would preserve Unity FUrther when the Synod was about to be dissolved He made a Valedictory Speech to the Bishops For on a set day he called them all together And when they were met he advised them that they should use their utmost diligence to preserve Peace one with another and to avoid pertinacious Contentions that they should not be envious if any Bishop amongst them appeared eminent and approved for wisdom and eloquence but should account the virtue of every one to be a common good that those who were the more eminent ought not to exalt themselves above them who were meaner For that it was God's property to give a judgement concerning every one's true virtue and worth That it was rather behoveable that the more eminent should yield and condescend to the Weaker with an indulgence and Lenity especially in regard 't was very difficult to find any thing every way perfect Wherefore that it behoved them to grant one another pardon for small offences and to forgive and remit whatever has been committed through humane frailty having always an high regard to and honour for mutual Concord least whilst they raise Seditions and Factions one amongst another an occasion of derision might be given to those who are ready to blaspheme the Divine Law Of which persons we must take the greatest care and ought to do all things in regard they might easily be saved if those things performed amongst us could seem to them desirable and worthy of imitation And that they ought not to doubt that the advantage arising from discourses does not profit all men For some rejoyce that conveniences are allowed them as 't were in order to their maintenance others are wont to flie to Patronage Some love those from whom they have had a kind reception and others being honoured with Gifts are thereby induced to enter into a friendship But their number is small who are true Lovers of discourses and 't is a rare thing to find a friend of Truth For which reason they ought all to fit and conform themselves to all men and like a Physitian administer to each person those things which are profitable for salvation to the end that the saving Doctrine may be honoured by all men These were the admonitions given them by the Emperour in the first place But in the close he added that with all diligence and earnestness they would put up their prayers to God in behalf of him Having in this manner taken leave of them he permitted them all to return into their own Countries They therefore went home with all the chearfullness imaginable and in future one Opinion which had been agreed on in the Emperours presence prevailed amongst all men in regard those who for a long time had been disunited closed again in one Body as ' t were CHAP. XXII In what manner he sent to some and wrote to others and concerning the distributions of money THe Emperour therefore rejoycing at this great success by his Letters imparted most plentifull and pleasing fruit to those who had not been present at the Synod Moreover he ordered liberal distributions of money to be made amongst all the people as well those in the Countries as them in the Cities in this manner honouring the publick Festivals celebrated on account of the twentieth year of his Empire CHAP. XXIII How he wrote to the Egyptians and exhorted them to Peace BUt when all other persons were at Peace one with another amongst the Egyptians only the mutual contention was fierce and implacable in so much that they did again disturb the Emperour nevertheless they excited him not to anger For he treated them with all the honour imaginable as if they had been Fathers or rather Prophets of God and called them to him a second time and did again with great patience mediate between them and honoured them with Gifts again and declared to them his determination by a Letter wherein he confirmed and established the Decrees of the Synod and besought them that they would be studious to preserve Concord that they should not distract nor tear in sunder the Church but that they should take into their consideration the memory of the judgment of God And these things the Emperour suggested to them by a peculiar Letter CHAP. XXIV That he frequently wrote Pious Letters to the Bishops and People MOreover he wrote infinite other things of the same sort with these and penn'd a vast number of Letters sometimes to the Bishops wherein he commanded those things which were of advantage to the Churches of God at others he addrest himself by Letters even to the populacy themselves in which Letters this thrice blessed person stiled the people of the Church Brethren and his own Fellow-servants But we will at another time get leisure to make a Collection of these Letters and Sanctions in a peculiar Volume to the end the Series of this our History may not be interrupted at present CHAP. XXV That he ordered a Church to be built at Jerusalem in the holy place of our Saviour's Resurrection THese matters having been in this manner performed this pious Emperour effected another vast work highly memorable in the Province of the Palestinians But what was that He lookt upon it as his duty to render that most blessed place of the Salutary Resurrection which is at Jerusalem illustrious and venerable in the sight of all men He gave order therefore that an Oratory should forthwith be erected there which he was induced to do not without God's appointment but had his mind incited thereto by our Saviour himself CHAP. XXVI That the Impious had covered our Lord's Sepulchre with Rubbish and Idols FOr impious men or rather the whole Tribe of Daemons by the assistance of
which the Emperour himself had dedicated to his God as the fairest sacred present CHAP. XXXIX A description of the Area Exhedrae and Porches HEnce at those passages which to them that goe out lie before the Church he interposed an Area or Court In which place there were first the Atrium then the Porticus's on both sides and last of all the Gates of the Atrium After which the Porches of the whole Structure placed in the very middle of the Street where there was a Market being most beautifully adorned gave such as were making a journey abroad a most amazing prospect of the things seen within CHAP. XL. Concerning the Number of the Donaria THis Church therefore which was a manifest evidence of the salutary Resurrection the Emperour erected and beautified it throughout with a furniture that was magnificent and truly Imperial He adorned it likewise in a various manner with inexpressible ornaments of innumerable consecrated Gifts consisting of Gold Silver and pretious Stones The Composure of which ornaments being wrought with the most curious workmanship and eminent for greatness number and variety we are not now at leisure to describe particularly CHAP. XLI Concerning the Building of the Churches at Bethlehem and on the Mount of Olives HAving likewise in the same Country found other places ennobled with two Sacred Caves he beautified them also with magnificent ornaments To that Cave wherein our Saviour first made his Divine appearance where also he endured to be born in the flesh he attributed a becoming Honour But in the other Cave he honoured the Memory of our Lord's Ascent into the heavens which had heretofore hapned on the top of a Mountain And these places he adorned most magnificently and at the same time eternized the Memory of His own Mother who had procured so great a Good for Mankind CHAP. XLII That Helena Augusta the Mother of Constantine going to Bethlehem on account of Prayer built these Churches FOr in regard she had resolved to pay the due debt of her pious affection to God the supream King and had determined that she ought to give thanks with Supplications for her own Son so glorious an Emperour and for his Sons the Caesars most dear to God her Grand-children though now very aged yet she hastned and came with a youthfull mind being a woman of a singular prudence that she might view that admirable Ground and with a care and sollicitude truly Royal might make a Visit to the Eastern Provinces Cities and people But after she had given a due Veneration to the Footsteps of our Saviour agreeable to that prophetick Expression which runs thus Let us worship at the place where his Feet have stood immediately she left the fruit of her own piety even to posterity CHAP. XLIII Again Concerning the Church at Bethlehem FOr she forthwith dedicated two Churches to that God whom she had adored the one at the Cave wherein Christ was born the other on the Mountain whence he had ascended into Heaven For Emanuel endured to be born for us under the earth and the place of His Nativity is by the Hebrews termed Bethlehem And therefore the Empress most dear to God adorned the place where the Theotocos was delivered with admirable Monuments and illustrated that Sacred Cave with all manner of Ornaments Not long after which the Emperour honoured it also with Imperial sacred Gifts increasing his Mother's Magnificence with Monuments of Silver and Gold and with various Curtains Further the Emperour's Mother in memory of his Ascent into the Heavens who is the Saviour of all raised stately Edifices in the Mount of Olives erecting a sacred House together with an holy Church upon the very top of the Mount Moreover here as the true History attests the supream Saviour in the very Cave informed his disciples in secret Mysteries But the Emperour himself in this place also reverenced the supream King with all manner of sacred Gifts and Ornaments And these two stately and most beautifull Monuments worthy of an eternal Memory erected at the two sacred Caves Helena Augusta the Religious Mother of a Religious Emperour dedicated to God Her Saviour being the indications of a pious affection Her Son reaching out to Her the right hand of His Imperial power Not long after which this aged woman received a reward worthy of her Labours For having passed the whole time of her Life unto the very Threshold of old age in all manner of felicity and having as well in words as deeds brought forth plentifull fruits of the saving precepts and having for that reason lead a Life void of trouble and grief in the greatest healthiness both of body and mind at length she obtained from God both an end befitting her piety and a reward also of her good works even in this life present CHAP. XLIV Concerning Helena's greatness of Mind and Beneficence FOr whilst she was taking her progress round the whole East with a Royal Magnificence she heapt innumerable benefits and favours both on Cities and on every private person also who approacht her and with a liberal hand she distributed numerous largesses amongst the Military Forces But on the poor naked and on such as were destitute of all help and comfort She bestowed very many Gifts making distributions of money to some plentifully supplying others with clothes to cover their bodies Othersome She set at Liberty from bonds as also them afflicted with the slavery of the Mines She likewise freed some that were opprest by the violence of persons more powerfull than themselves and again re-called others from banishment CHAP. XLV In what manner Helena was religiously conversant in the Churches HAving rendred her self eminent by such actions as these in the interim she in no wise neglected Her piety towards God For She was seen to come constantly into the Church of God and beautified the sacred houses with splendid ornaments not contemning the Churches even in the smallest Cities You might therefore have beheld this admirable woman in a modest and decent garb associating her self with the rest of the multitude and demonstrating her Reverence towards God by all manner of pious actions CHAP. XLVI How being eighty years old and having made her Will she ended her Life BUt at length when after she had lived a sufficient space of time she was called to a better allotment having prolonged her life till about the eightieth year of her age and being arrived at the very confines of death she composed ordained and declared her last Will and Testament constituting her only Son sole Emperour and Lord of the world Her heir together with his Sons the Caesars Her Grand-children and distributing to each of Her Grand-children those her own Goods whatever she was possest of throughout the whole world Having in this manner made Her
Will afterwards she closed her life Her Great Son being present with and standing by her paying her all imaginable respect and embracing her hands Insomuch that to those whose Sentiments are good and true this thrice-blessed woman in no wise seemed to die but in reality to make a change of this earthly life for one that was celestiall Her soul therefore was new-framed into an incorruptible and Angelick substance and received up to her Saviour CHAP. XLVII In what manner Constantine deposited his Mother and how he honoured her whilst she was living BUt the Body of this Blessed woman was vouchsafed no trivial Honour For it was conveyed into the Imperial City accompanied with a numerous train of the Imperial Guards where it was deposited in a Royal Monument In this manner the Emperour's Mother closed her Life a woman worthy of an indelible Memory both in respect of her pious Actions and also on account of that most eminent and admirable Son born of her Whom 't is fit we should stile Blessed besides all other things even for this also his piety towards her who brought him forth whom he rendred so Religious she having before not been a worshipper of God that she seemed from her tender years to have been discipled by Him Himself who is the common Saviour of all whom he honoured with Imperial Dignities in such a manner that in all the Provinces and by the very Companies of the Milice she was stiled Augusta and Empress and Golden Coynes were stamp't bearing her Image Moreover Constantine granted her a power over the Imperial Treasures to make use of them according to her own arbitrement and to dispose of them according to her own mind in such manner as she thought good and as every thing might seem well-pleasing to her For even in this respect also her Son rendred her conspicuous and admirable Wherefore amongst those things belonging to the illustrating of his Memory We have not without reason included these also which out of his transcendency of piety the Emperour performed in honour of his Mother whereby he fulfilled the Divine Laws which do injoyn due Offices of honour towards Parents These forementioned beautifull structures therefore the Emperour in this manner erected in the Province of Palestine Moreover in all the other Provinces also he built new Churches and made them far more stately than those that had been before CHAP. XLVIII In what manner He built Martyria at Constantinople and abolished all manner of Idolatry BUt when he had resolved upon raising that City to the highest honour which bore His own name he beautified it with many Oratories with vast Martyria and with most stately Houses part whereof were erected in the Suburbs and part within the City it self And by this means he both honoured the Memories of the Martyrs and likewise consecrated his own City to the God of the Martyrs In fine being wholly inspired with the wisdome of God he thought it requisite in such a manner to purifie that City which he determined to dignifie with the appellation of his own name from all sorts of Idolatry that the images of those reputed to be Gods should no where be worshipped in Temples therein neither should Altars defiled with the Bloud of Victims be visible in it nor Sacrifices wholly consumed by fire nor should the Festivals of Daemons be celebrated there nor any other of those usages commonly practised amongst superstitious persons CHAP. XLIX The Sign of the Cross in the Pallace and the Effigies of Daniel in the Conduits YOu might therefore have seen in the Conduits situate in the middle of the Forum the Representations of the Good Shepherd well known to those skill'd in the Divine Oracles the Effigies of Daniel likewise together with the Lyons cast in Brass and shining with plates of Gold Further so ardent a divine Love had possest the mind of the Emperour that in the stateliest Room of all those within the Imperial Pallace at the very middle of the Embowed Roof which was gilded with Gold a large Table was displaied in the midst whereof was fixt the Sign of our Lord's passion consisting of a variety of pretious Stones and wrought with a great quantity of Gold And this in my judgment seemed to have been set up by that pious Emperour as the preservative of the Empire it self CHAP. L. That He built Churches at Nicomedia also and in other Cities WIth these ornaments therefore He beautified his own City He likewise honoured the chief City of Bithynia with the Monument of a most stately and most magnificent Church in which place also at his own charge he erected the Trophies of Victory which he had gained over the Enemies and Opposers of God in honour of his own Saviour Moreover he also grac't the chiefest Cities of the rest of the Provinces with most beautifull Oratories for instance that City which was the Metropolis of the whole East that took its name from Antiochus In which City as 't were in the head of all the Provinces of that Region he dedicated to God a Peerless Church in resect both of its Largeness and Beauty For he encompassed the whole Temple with a large circuit on the outside but within he raised the Basilica to an immense height it was built in an eight-square figure and surrounded on all sides with many Lodging Rooms and Exhedrae and with apartments as well above as under or even with the ground Which Church he beautified with a vast quantity of Gold and adorned it with Brass and other Materials of great value CHAP. LI. That He likewise gave order for the building of a Church in the place called Mamre THese were the most eminent Structures which the Emperour dedicated to God But having been informed that that one and the same Saviour who had lately made his appearance in the world had heretofore exhibited the presence of His Divinity to certain men of Palestine that were lovers of God near that called the Oak of Mamre He ordered an Oratory to be erected there also to the God who had appeared Therefore the Emperour's order was issued out to the Governours of Provinces by the Letters transmitted to each of them commanding them to bring to effect what they had been enjoyned to perform But to us who write this History he sent an Exhortation full of wisedome A Copy whereof I judge fit to be inserted into this present work to the end that the care and diligence of this most pious Emperour might be accurately known Having blamed us therefore for those things which as he had been informed were done in the forementioned place he wrote word for word thus CHAP. LII Constantine's Letter to Eusebius concerning Mamre VICTOR CONSTANTINUS MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS To Macarius and the rest of the Bishops of Palestine EVen this very
at the close of this present Work whereto we will annex that Oration concerning his Tricennalia which having not long after made a journey to Constantinople we recited in the Emperours own hearing This was the second time that we celebrated the praises of God the supream King within the Imperial Palace Which Oration the Emperour who was beloved by God being an auditor of seemed like one transported with joy And this he himself manifested after the Speech was done in regard he entertained those Bishops that were present at a Banquet and bestowed on them all imaginable honour CHAP. XLVII That the Synod at Nicaea hapned on Constantine's Vicennalia but the Dedication of the Church at Jerusalem was performed on His Tricennalia THis Second Synod the greatest that we have known the Emperour convened at Jerusalem after that first Synod which he had assembled at the most eminent City of Bithynia That was a triumphal Synod which in the Vicennalia of Constantine's Empire paid its Vows for the Victory obtained over his Enemies and Adversaries in that very City which had its name from Victory But this Synod grac't the period of his third Decade when the Emperour Dedicated to God the Giver of all Good the Martyrium as 't were some Sacred Present of Peace erected round the very Monument of our Saviour CHAP. XLVIII That Constantine was displeased with One who praised Him too highly AFter the performance of all these things when the Emperour 's God-like Virtue was cry'd up in the Discourses of all men one of the Ministers of God was so bold as to pronounce Him blessed to His very face in regard he had both been vouchsafed the supream Empire over the whole Roman world in this Life present and also in that to come should reign together with the Son of God But he much displeased at the hearing of this Expression advised the man that he should not presume to utter such words but rather that by prayer he would make his humble request to God that as well in the Life present as in that to come He might appear worthy of being reckoned amongst the servants of God CHAP. XLIX The Marriage of Constantius Caesar His Son WHen the Thirtieth year of His Empire was ended He celebrated the Marriage of his second Son having long before performed the same thing for his elder Son Banquets therefore and Feasts were made the Emperour Himself led His Son the Bridegroom and in a most splendid manner entertained and feasted the whole company the men apart by themselves and the women in separate places by themselves Rich Gifts were likewise bestowed both on the people and on the Cities CHAP. L. The Embassie and Presents sent from the Indians AT the same time arrived Embassadours from those Indians who dwell at the rising Sun and brought with them Presents Which were various sorts of pretious Stones of an exquisite Lustre and wild Beasts of a Nature different from those known amongst us All which they presented to the Emperour thereby declaring that his Empire reach't to the Indian Ocean it self and that the Roytelets of the Indians Country honoured him with Pictures and Statues erected to Him and profest their acknowledgment of Him to be the Emperour and King Indeed at the beginning of his Empire the Britains who dwell at the setting Sun were the first that submitted themselves to his Government but now the Indians whose habitation is at the rising Sun did the same CHAP. LI. That Constantine having parted His Empire betwixt His three Sons instructed them in the Art of Governing and Offices of Piety WHen therefore he had reduced both the Limits of the whole world under His own power He divided his whole Empire distributing some paternal inheritance as 't were to his dearest Relatives amongst His three Sons To the Elder He gave his Grand-fathers allotment to the Second the Empire of the East to the Third that Portion which lay in the midst between these two But being desirous to procure a good inheritance for his Children and such as might be salutary to their Souls he scattered the seeds of Piety in their minds partly by cultivating them himself with divine Precepts and partly by appointing them Tutors who were persons of approved Piety He likewise set over them Teachers of Secular Learning such persons namely as were arrived at the heighth of Literature Others instructed them in the knowledge of the Military Art Others were their Instructours in politicks and matters Civil And lastly others rendred them knowing and expert in the Laws Moreover to each of His Sons was allotted an Imperial Attendance namely Scutarii Hastati Protectors Legions also and Military Companies and Officers that commanded them to wit Centurions Tribunes and Duces of whose skill in warlike affairs as likewise of their good affection towards them his Sons the Father had had experience CHAP. LII How when they were arrived at man's estate He taught them Piety FUrther during their being Caesars as yet very young they had as 't was requisite Ministers and Councellours present with them who administred the publick affairs But when afterwards they grew up to be men their Fathers instruction onely was sufficient for them Who sometimes incited them when present with him by private instructions to an imitation of himself and taught them to become exact followers of his own piety at other times when they were absent by his Letters he suggested to them Imperial Precepts The first and chiefest whereof was this that they should value the knowledge and worship of God the supream King above all riches whatever and before the Empire it self But at length he gave them power of themselves to do what might be of advantage to the publick and before all things gave them this in charge that they should take a particular care of God's Church and commanded them openly to own themselves to be Christians And in this manner he instructed his Sons But they incited not so much by Precept as their own alacrity of mind exceeded the admonitions of their Father in regard they had their minds always intent upon piety towards God and in the very Palace it self exactly performed and observed the Rites of the Church together with all their Domesticks For this was the work of the Fathers Care to assign no Domesticks to his Sons but such as were worshippers of God The Commanders also of the First Companies and they to whom the Care of the State was entrusted were of this sort For he confided in persons who profest a faith in God as in some strong and firm walls When this thrice-blessed Prince had thus constituted these matters also God the disposer of every good thing in regard all affairs of the State had been put into good order by the Emperour thought it now at length an opportune time for translating him to a
began to flourish and a new Progeny and Succession of people was established Concerning which 't is my Sentiment that the Prince of the Latine Poets speaks in these words Now from high Heaven springs a new progeny And again in another place of His Bucolicks Sicilian Muses Sing we one Note higher What is plainer than this For He adds Last times are come Cumaea's Prophecy Meaning namely Sibylla Cumaea Nor is he content herewith but has proceeded farther as if necessity it self required His Testimony What says He therefore And Time 's great Order now again is born The maid Returns Saturnian Realmes return Who therefore is that Virgin which returns Is it not She who was full of and great with child by the Divine Spirit And what hinders but She who is great with child by the Divine Spirit should always be a maid and continue a Virgin The wisht-for King shall also return again and by His coming shall comfort the world For the Poet adds To th' infant chast Lucina favouring be Who ending iron ages through all lands Shall golden plant If any prints of our old Vice remain'd By Thee they 'r Void and Fear shall leave the land Which words we perceive to be spoken plainly and also obscurely by way of Allegory For to those who make deeper Researches into the force and meaning of the Verses to them I say they give a clear prospect of Christ's Divinity But least any one of the Grandees in the Imperial City might take occasion to accuse the Poet because he had written what was repugnant to the Laws of his own Country and had overthrown the Opinions concerning the Gods which had in former times been delivered by their Ancestours on this account he designedly obscures the truth For he knew I suppose the Blessed and Salutary Mystery of our Saviour Therefore to the end he might avoid the outragious Cruelty of men He led the minds of His hearers to an usage whereto they were accustomed and says that Altars must be erected and Temples built and Sacrifices performed to the New-born Child The other words which He has subjoyned are likewise agreeable in favour to those who might entertain such Sentiments For he says CHAP. XX. Other Verses of Virgilius Maro's concerning Christ and the interpretation of them in which 't is shown but obscurely as the usage of Poets is that The Mystery is disclosed HE a God's life shall take with Gods shall see Mixt Heroes and Himself their Object be Namely the just Rule with paternal power th' appeased earth Which shall to Thee sweet child undrest bring forth Berries wild Ivy and shall pay First-Fruits Of mixt Acanthus with Egyptian Roots Farther this admirable person a man that was accomplisht with all manner of Literature in regard he had an accurate knowledge of the Cruelty of those times has added these words The Goates themselves shall home full udders bear Nor shall the Herds the mighty Lyons fear Wherein he speaks very true For Faith will not be afraid of the Grandees of the Imperial Palace Flowers shall thy cradle sprout the Serpent shall And the deceitfull herb of Venome fall In each place Roses of Assyria grow Than which nothing truer nothing can be said more agreeable to our Saviour's Excellency and Virtue For the power of the Holy Ghost hath presented the very Cradle of God as 't were some most fragrant flowers to a new Generation But the Serpent is destroyed and the poyson of that Sorpent is taken away who first deceived our First Parents seducing their Minds from their innate Temperance to the enjoyment of pleasures that they might not understand the destruction which hung over them For before the Coming of our Saviour that Serpent had Subverted the minds of men which were blinded with an ignorance of the immortality of the Just and Buoy'd up with no hope that was profitable and advantagious But after His Passion when the Body wherewith he was clothed had for some time been separated from His most Holy Soul by the Communication of the Holy Ghost the possibility of a Resurrection was discovered to men and if any spot of humane impieties were left remaining it was wholly washt off in the Holy Laver. Then 't was that Christ ordered His Subjects to take courage and from His adorable and most illustrious Resurrection commanded them to hope for the like things On a good account therefore it is spoken that the Nature of things venomous is destroyed Death it self is likewise destroyed and the Resurrection is confirmed Moreover the Stock of the Assyrians is destroyed also who were the first beginners and chief promoters of a faith in God And whereas he says that Amomum shall grow every where â—he gives the multitude of the Christians that appellation Which multitude like a vast number of branches flourishing with most fragrant flowers springs from one and the same root Most Learnedly spoken O Maro Thou wisest of Poets And all the following words are likewise agreeable hereto As soon as Thou the Hero's praise shalt know And read Thy Father's Acts And unto Virtue 's knowledge can'st attain By the praises of the Heroes he means the Works of just men and he terms the Constitution of the world and its accurate composure which is to last for ever the Virtues or Acts of the Father Perhaps also he means thereby the Laws which the Church beloved by God does make use of directing to such a Course of life as is correspondent to the Precepts of Justice and Temperance But the raising of the Life of men who stand in some middle rank between the Good and Bad to things more sublime is worthy of admiration also when as notwithstanding such a life admits not of any sudden alteration The Fields shall mellow wax with golden grain That is the Fruit of the Divine Law shall be produced for the use of men The blushing grape shall hang on Thorns unset Which things were not at all visible in the wicked and depraved life of men And th' hardned Oakes with dewy hony sweat In which words he describes the folly and hardned temper of mind of the men who then lived And perhaps he likewise shews that those who on God's account have been exercised with Labour shall receive some sweet fruit of their own patient sufferance Some steps of ancient fraud shall yet be found Thetis to tempt with Ships and to surround Cities with walls bids Earth in furrows tear A second Typhis a new Argo bear Choice Heroes and another War imploy Again a Great Achilles sent to Troy Incomparably well Thou wisest of Poets For Thou hast advanced Poetick Licence as far as it was becoming For it was not Thy designe to utter Oracles in regard Thou wert not a Prophet I suppose likewise that the present danger was an
work of The One World-creating Word PRoceed we therefore in the next place to un-fold the reason which moved this Almighty Word to make His descent into this world A sort of ignorant and unthinking men not apprehending that this Word of God has the Presidency over Heaven and Earth that He was begotten of His Father's Divinity the stream as 't were from that supream Fountain it self and is always present and conversant with this world and that He exhibits most apparent and manifest Indications of His own Providence and Care in reference to men have given the adorable name of God to the Sun and Moon and to the Heaven it self and the Stars Nor have they stop't here but have likewise deified a terrene Nature and the Fruits produc'd from the Earth and all manner of nourishment of Bodies framing for themselves Images of Ceres of Proserpina and Bacchus and of infinite other such like Deities Neither has it sufficed them to proceed thus far but they have not been afraid of declaring the thoughts of their own minds and Speech it self the Interpreter of those thoughts to be Gods terming the mind Minerva and Speech Mercurius they have likewise named those faculties of the mind whereby Arts and Sciences are acquired Moneta and The Muses Nor have they stop't here but making every day new accessions to their absurdities by reason of their transcendent impiety they have deified their own Commotions and perturbations of mind which they ought to have had an aversion for and to have cur'd by the Prescripts of Temperance And even to their very Lust it self and to the Mischievous and unruly disease of their Souls and to those parts of the Body that are the Incentives to obscenity and moreover to that intemperance excessively prone to filthy pleasures they have given the names of Cupido Priapus and Venus and other such like appellations as these Nor have they stopt here but debasing themselves to the Generations of Bodies and to this mortal life here below they have deified mortal men and after death which is common to all have termed them Hero's and Gods imagining that the immortal and divine Nature does wander about Tombes and Sepulchres Nor has this put a stop to their madness but they have honoured all sorts of irrational Creatures and the most noxious kinds of Creeping things with the venerable Title of Divinity Neither were they satisfied herewith but they have cut down Trees and hew'd out Stones and have dug forth the Mettals of the earth Brass Iron and other matter whereof they have form'd Resemblances of women and shapes of men and figures of wild beasts and creeping things and afterwards paid them a divine worship and honour Nor have they put an end to their madness here but have given the Name of Gods to those malignant Daemons which had hol'd in Images and lay lurking within obscure and dark Recesses and who with greediness gap'd after and swallowed Libations and the stinking savours of sacrifices Nor did they stop here but by certain Ligatures of forbidden Craft and by wicked and compulsory enchanting Verses and charms they allured and enticed those Daemons and invisible powers which fly about the Air to be their Assistants and Familiars Moreover some mortal men were deified by one sort of people others by another For the Greeks honoured Bacchus and Hercules and Aesculapius and Apollo and some other men with the name of Hero's and Gods But the Egyptians esteemed Horus and Isis and Osiris and other such like men as these to be Gods And these persons who on account of their transcendent sagacity boasted of the Invention of Geometry Astronomy and Arithmetick understood not nor were so well skilled though in their own judgments they lookt upon themselves to be such wife and knowing men as to weigh and consider the measures of the power of God and to examine how great a difference there is between His and a mortal and brutish Nature Hence it was that they were not ashamed of deifying every sort of filthy and ill-favoured Beasts and all manner of living Creatures and venomous Serpents and savage Beasts Also the Phoenicians gave the Title of Gods to Melcatharus and Usorus and to some other obscure persons who had heretofore been men And so did the Arabians to one Dusares and Obadas and the Getae to Zamolxis and the Cilicians to Mopsus and the Thebaeans to Amphiareus and again some made Gods of these others of those persons in nothing different from a mortal nature but such as in reality were meer men All the Egyptians by a general consent the Phoenicians the Greeks and in short the whole Body of mankind which the Rayes of the Sun do enlighten have attributed divine honours to the parts of the world and to the Elements and to the fruits which spring out of the Earth And which is yet more strange although they acknowledge their adulteries their Sodomies and their Ravishments of women nevertheless they have filled all Cities and Towns and Countries with their Temples and Statues and Shrines and in a conformity to the Morals of their Gods they have totally ruined their own Souls Indeed in words and expressions you might frequently hear Gods named amongst them and Sons of Gods also Heroes and Good Genii But the thing it self was quite different and contrary For they grac't contrary things with contrary names in the same manner as if a man desirous to shew another the Sun and the Luminaries in the Heaven should not lift up His eyes thither but should cast his hands downwards toward the earth and throwing them on the ground grope for the Celestial Powers in the dirt and mire Thus mankind induced thereto by a stupidity of mind and the fraud of mischeivous Daemons was fully perswaded that the intelligible Nature of God which does far transcend Heaven and the world it self resided below in the Generation of Bodies in the Affections of mortals and in death Further men were arrived at such an height of madness that they sacrificed their dearest Pledges to them nor would they spare even Nature it self but out of fury and a distraction of mind murdered their only-begotten and the dearest of their children For what can be supposed a madder action than this to sacrifice men and to pollute all Cities and their own houses with intestine murders Doe not the Greeks themselves give testimony to these matters Is not every History fill'd with the rehearsall of these things The Phoenicians did every year sacrifice their most beloved and only begotten children to Saturn To the very same God in the Island Rhodes on the sixth day of the month Metageitnion they offered men in sacrifice Also at Salamis in a Temple of Minerva Agraulis and Diomedes 't was the custom that a man pursu'd by others should run round about the Altar thrice after which the Priest stab'd him into
the Church of Rome falls into Heresie 80. 1. 84. 2. Florus Procurator of Judaea 30. 2. Florus Dux and Prefect of Alexandria 426. 2. Fravita is ordained Acacius's successour in the See of Constantinople 461. 2. Fravitus a Goth a person of great valour 357. 1. Fritigernes Leader of the Goths 326. 1. Frumentius is created the first Bishop of the Indians 232. 1. 2. G. GAïnas General of the Souldiers 356. 1. endeavours to turn Tyrant ibid. He is declared a publick enemy 356. 2. Galates Son to Valens Augustus 322. 1. Galilaeans their Sect. 8. 1. Galla the wife of Theodosius 325. 2. the mother of Placidia ibid. Gallus is created Caesar. 265. 2. He is slain 270. 1. Geiorae or Geörae whom the Jews called by that name 10. 1. Gelimeres King of the Vandals is taken by Belisarius 485. 2. lying prostrate before Justinian sitting in his Throne in the Cirque what he said ibid. Gennadius succeeds Anatolius in the Constantinopolitan See 433. 1. Georgius made Presbyter of Alexandria by Alexander 603. 1. Georgius is made Bishop of Alexandria 251. 1. His cruelty 264. 2 c. He is killed 288. 1. Georgius Bishop of Laodicea wrote a Commendation of Eusebius Emisenus 235. 1. 248. 2. Germanicus a Martyr at Smyrna 56. 2. Germanio Bishop of Jerusalem 96. 1. Germinius Bishop of Sirmium 272. 1 2. 273. 2. Gladiators their Shows forbid by Constantine 614. 1. Glycerius after Olybrius is made Emperour of Rome 436. 1. He is ordained Bishop of Salonae ibid. Golanduch an holy woman 523. 1. Gordius Bishop of Jerusalem 96. 1. Gorgonius of the Bed-chamber to the Emperour 139. 2. He is crowned with Martyrdom 142. 2. Gortheus Founder of the Sect of the Gortheans 63. 2. Gospel according to the Hebrews 43. 1. 44. 1. 50. 2. 63. 2. Gospel Syriack 63. 2. Gospel termed Diatessarâ—n made up of the four Evangelists 67. 2. Goths divided into two parties 326. 1. Why they became Arians ibid. Gratian is proclaimed Emperour 310. 1. His Law against the Photinians Eunomians and Manichaeans 330. 1. Grecian Learning was not forbidden to the Christians either by Christ or his Apostles 296. 2. the Advantage and usefulness thereof ibid. and 297. 1. Gregorius Thaumaturgus disciple to Origen 106. 1. His Oration in praise of Origen 322. 2. Gregorius Bishop of Alexandria 248. 2. 250. 1. Gregorius Bishop of Nazianzum 3â—0 1. 321. 2. He is made Bishop of Constantinople 322. â— 330. 2. His Oration against the Gentiles 301. 1. Gregorius Nyssenus Brother to Baâ—il the Great 322. 2. Gregorius from being a Monk is ordained Bishop of Antioch 503. 1. His Character 503. 2. He is accused for having been present at the sacrifices to Daemons 510. 1. He is accused a second time of Incest and because he had burnt the Annona 518. 1. He is acquitted in a Synod at Constantinople ibid. His Speech to the Roman Souldiers who had made a Mutiny 520. 1 c. He reconciles the Roman Souldiers to the Emperour and to their Commander 521. 1. and frees them from the rash Oath they had taken ibid. Gregorius is ordained Bishop of Rome after Pelagius 525. 2. H. HAdrian the Emperour his Rescript to Minucius Fundanus in favour of the Christians 53. 2. Hegesippus when he flourished 53. 1. His Books 63. 1 2. Helcesaïts Hereticks 108. 1. Helena Queen of the Adiabeni furnishes the Jews with Corn. 21. 1. Her Sepulchre near Jerusalem ibid. Helena a whore Simon Magus's Companion 21. 2. Helena Augusta Mother to Constantine goes to Bethlehem to pray 591. 1. comes to Jerusalem 229. 1. builds two Churches there 591. 2. Her piety and bountifulness 592. 1. She finds the Sepulchre and Cross of our Lord. 229. 2. 230. 1. She builds three Churches in honour of Our Lord. 230. 1. Her death and burial 592. 2 c. 230. 2. Drepanum is from her termed Helenopolis 229. 1. Helenus Bishop of Tarsus 118. 1. Helius succeeds Salustius in the Bishoprick of Jerusalem 495. 1. Helion is sent Embassadour to the Persians 379. 1. He is sent into Italy 382. 1. Heliodorus Bishop of Laodicea in Syria 118. 1. Heliodorus Bishop of Trica in Thessalia 347. 2. Heliopolites their Law 231. 1. Helladius and Ammonius Alexandrians Grammarians 339. 1 2. Helladius Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia 333. 2. Hemerobaptists an Heresie amongst the Jews 63. 2. Heraclas Origen's disciple 92. 2. Origen chuses him his Assistant and Companion in teaching 96. 1. He studied Philosophy and Grecian Learning ibid. and 101. 2. Heraclas a Presbyter wore a Philosophick Pallium 101. 2. He is made Bishop of Alexandria 105. 2. His Fame 106. 2. His Rule about receiving Hereticks 119. 2. Heraclea a City of Syria formerly called Gagalice 505. 2. Heraclides Origen's disciple a Martyr 93. 2. Heraclides Deacon to John Chrysostome is preferred to the Bishoprick of Ephesus 361. 1. Heraclitus wrote Comments on the Apostle 89. 2. Heraclius Bishop of Jerusalem 284. 1. Heraïs a Catechumen she was a Martyr 93. 2. Herennius Bishop of Jerusalem 284. 1. Hereticks were not so bold as to broach their Errours till after the death of the Apostles 46. 2. they are divided into manifold kinds of Errours 53. 1. The Sects of Hereticks destroy one another ibid. Their Converse is to be avoided 56. 1. Hereticks have corrupted the Books of Sacred Scripture 90. 2. Their Books must be read with Caution 119. 1. Hermas's Book called Pastor 31. 2. 43. 1. 77. 2. Hermogenes Master of the Milice is slain at Constantinople 250. 2. Hermon Bishop of Jerusalem 138. 2. Hermogenes an Heretick 65. 1. Hermophilus an Heretick mended the Books of Sacred Scripture 90. 2. Herod the Great no Jew but a Forreigner 8. 1. by Father's side an Idumaean by his Mother's an Arabian 8. 2. made King of the Jews by the Roman Senate and Augustus ibid. and 10. 1. burnt the Jews Genealogies and why ibid. slays the infants of Bethlehem 10. 2. His disease described 11. 1. His Largess to his Souldiers 11. 2. orders his Sister Salome to kill the chief of the Jews whom he had imprisoned at his death ibid. puts three of his own Sons to death ibid. Resolves to kill himself ibid. His death ibid. Herod Junior Son to Herod the Great kills John the Baptist. 13. 1. He and his Wife Herodias are banisht by Caius 17. 2. He was present at Our Saviour's Passion ibid. Herod Eirenarch of Smyrna Son to Nicetes 57. 2. Herodian a Writer of Roman History 513. 2. Heron Origen's disciple a Martyr 93. 2. Heron and Isidorus Egyptian Martyrs 111. 1. Heros Bishop of Antioch 48. 1. Hesychius Pachumius and Theodorus Bishops and Martyrs 148. 1. Hierapolis the Metropolis of the Province Euphratensis 523. 1. Hieroglyphick Letters found in Serapis's Temple 339. 2. Hierophilus Bishop of Plotinopolis 389. 1. Hilarius Bishop of Jerusalem 284. 1. Hilarius Bishop of Poictiers 293. 2. Hippolitus 2 Bishop 102. 2. His Books 103. 1. Holy Ghost See Spirit Homonoea or Concordia the name of a Church at Constantinople
435. 1. Honoratus Praefect of Constantinople 281. 1. Honorius is proclaimed Augustus 350. 2. Hormisda Son to Chosroes succeeds his Father in the Kingdom 509. 1. The Persians headed by Varamus conspire against him 522. 2. Hosius Bishop of Corduba 195. 1. 214. 1. 266. 1. 269. â— 2. was present at the Nicene Council 578. 1. Hunericus or Onorichus King of the Vandals persecutes the Catholicks in Africk 460. 1. 483. 2. Hunni destroy Armenia 352. 1. Hunni heretofore called Massagetae 449. 1. Hyginus Bishop of Rome 54. 1. the ninth successour of the Apostles ibid. Hymenaeus Bishop of Jerusalem 125. 1. 133. 1. Hypatia a Philosopheress 376. 1. She is barbarously murdered 376. 2. Hypatianus Bishop of Heraclea 266. 1. Hyperechius a Bishop 311. 2. Hypostasis and Ousia how they may be spoken concerning God 390. 2 c. Hyrcanus Prince of the Jews taken by the Parthians 8. 2. I. JAmes the Brother of Our Lord one of the 70 disciples 13. 2. 16. 1. is created Bishop of Jerusalem 16. 1. surnamed James the Just. ibid. also surnamed Oblias 27. 2. His Martyrdom ibid. His Catholick Epistle 29. 1. His Chair kept with great care 126. 2. Iberians converted to the Christian faith when and how 232. 2. Jerusalem-Church was termed a Virgin 63. 2. Jerusalem its last Siege and Famine described 32 c. Jews first under Judges after that under Kings after the Captivity they were an Aristocracy with an Oligarchy at length became Tributaries to Rome 8. 2. They had the names of their Ancestours written out in ancient Rolls 10. 1. They had a sacred Treasury called Corban 19. 1. Their Seaven Sects 63. 2. the destruction of the Jews under Vespasian 35. 1. They endeavour to rebuild their Temple 298. 2. Hadrian forbids them to enter Jerusalem 52. 1. Ignatius the second Bishop of Antioch after Saint Peter 40 1. 47. 1. His Epistles are reckoned up 47. 2. He suffered Martyrdom at Rome ibid. By Theodosius Junior's order his Reliques are removed into the City Antioch 413. 2. Illus and Leontius rebell against Zeno. 464. 1. Index of the Books of the Old Testament 66. 2. 164. 1 2. Indians converted to the faith of Christ when and how 231. 2. Immestar a place in Syria 377. 1. Innocentius Bishop of Rome 373. 2. Johannes or John two of them lived at the same time in Asia 49. 1 2. John the Apostle Preach'd in Asia 30. 1. dyed at Ephesus ibid. was banished into the Island Patmos 39. 1. returned from thence after Domitian's death and governed the Churches of Asia 40. 1 2. for what reason he wrote his Gospel 42. 1 2. 105. 1. He wore a plate of Gold 87. 1. Johannes a Reader is beheaded for the faith of Christ. 170. 1. His wonderful memory ibid. Johannes a Presbyter of the Church of Antioch 352. 1. is ordained Bishop of Constantinople 353. 1. His descent and education ibid. and 353. 2. His course of Life and disposition 354. 2. He was wont to Preach sitting in the Pulpit 355. 2. His death 367. 1. Johannes is ordained Bishop of Jerusalem 338. 2. Johannes Bishop of Proconnesus 389. 1. Johannes the Chief of the Notaries sets up for a Tyrant 381. â— John the Apostle's Church seaven miles from Constantinople 356. 2. John Chrysostoms Opinion concerning the Admission of Penitents 367. 2. Johannitae so they were called who took John Chrysostom's part 366. 2. at length they were re-united to the Church by Proclus 393. 1. Johannes Bishop of Antioch 387. 1. 403. 2. coming to the Council the fifth day after Nestorius's Condemnation assembles a Synod and deposes Cyrillus 404. 2. is reconciled to Cyrillus 405. 1. Johannes the Rhetorician an Historian 413. 2. 434. 1. 464. 2. closed his History under Justinus Senior 479. 2. Johannes from being Steward is ordained Bishop of Alexandria 455. 1. is ejected by Zeno Augustus's order ibid. flyes to Rome to Pope Simplicius 456. 2. Johannes after Athanasius is ordained Bishop of Alexandria 462. 2. Johannes Bishop of Paltum a Defender of the Chalcedon Synod is banished 467. 1. Johannes Scytha aud Johannes Gibbus Masters of the Milice vanquish the Isauri 469. 2. Johannes the Chuzibite a Monk in Palestine 480. 2. Johannes Scholasticus Eutychius being ejected is ordained Bishop of Constantinople 497. 2. Johannes Bishop of Jerusalem 526. 1. Johannes called Catelinus successour to Vigilius in the Bishoprick of Rome 497. 2. Johannes ordained Apollinaris's successour in the See of Alexandria 509. 2. Johannes succeeds Macarius in the See of Jerusalem ibid. Josephus the Historiographer 36. 2. His Books 37. 1 2. Joseph Bishop of Jerusalem 51. 2. Jovianus is chosen Emperour 299. 2. makes a peace with the Persians 300. 1. dyes 304. 2. Irenaeus a Presbyter of Lyons 75. 1. is made a Bishop 76. 1. His Books 84. 2. 89. 1. when a youth he was an Hearer of Polycarp at Smyrna 85. 1. He writes to Pope Victor 87. 2. 345. 1. Irenaeus a Grammarian Wrote a Lexicon 291. 2. Irenaeus of Tyre and Aquilinus of Biblus Bishops are deposed in the second Ephesine Synod 409. 1. Irenaeus Comes of the East under Justinus Senior 479. 1. Irenius Bishop of Gaza 304. 2. Isacoces Bishop of Armenia the Great 304. 1. Isaurica Donatives which the Emperour gave yearly to the Isaurians 470. 1. Ischyras assumes to himself the Office of a Presbyter 238. 2. is made a Bishop by the Arians 257. 1. Ischyrion is killed for the faith of Christ. 111. 2. Isdigerdes King of the Persians 373. 1. Father to Vararanes 415. 2. Isidorus a Presbyter of Alexandria 353. 1. hated by Theophilus and why 359. 2. Isidorus Pelusiota 413. 1. Ision a Meletian â—38 1. Judas of Galile or Gaulanites 8. 1. Jude one of the Brethren of Christ. 39. 2. Judas Bishop of Jerusalem 51. 2. Judas an Ecclesiastick Writer 94. 2. Julianus Bishop of Alexandria 78. 2. Julianus Bishop of Apamia 82. 1. Julianus a Martyr at Alexandria under Decius 110. 2. Julianus a Martyr with Pamphilus 168. 2. Julianus created Caesar. 270. 1. He is Saluted Augustus 286. 2. 284. 2. His Education 286. 1. He recites his Orations in the Court 287. 2. wrote against the Christians ibid. His Book entitled The Caesars ibid. persecutes the Christians 295. 1. His Misopogon or Antiochicus 298. 1. His Book concerning the Cynick Philosophy 301. 2. He is slain 299. 2. Julianus Bishop of Lebedus 438. 1. Julianus Bishop of Bostri refuses subscribing to Severus's Synodick Letters 469. 1. Julius Caesar takes five hundred Cities 473. 1. Julius Bishop of Rome wrote a Letter to the Easterns 253. 2. His Letter to the Alexandrians 260. 2. c. Sate Bishop fifteen years 270. 2. Justina Augusta Mother to Valentinian Junior favours the Arians 337. 1. Justinianus Sister's son to Justinus is by him proclaimed Augustus 481. 2. a defender of the Chalcedon Synod ibid. His wife Theodora is an Enemy to that Synod ibid. His Constitution wherein he Anathematizes Anthimus and Severus and their Associates 483. 1. destroys the
reckoned in the number of Bishops 38. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies 402. 1 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it imports 72. 2. Aquaeduct of Valens Augustus at Constantinople 308. 1. 2. Archelaus Bishop of Cascharum his disputation against Manichaeus 234. 2. Areopagus what it was 32. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 91. 1. Arius two of that name 240. 2. Arius who with Euzoius presented a Libel of faith to the Emperour Constantine was not Arius the Arch-Heretick ibid. Arius when and how recalled from banishment ibid. Artemius Commander in chief of Egypt 288. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to take away or remove 87. 1. Arsenius Bishop of the Hypselitae 238. 2. 240. 2. Ascetae who were heretofore called so 22. 2. Not onely Monks but Clergy-men also had that name given them 139. 1. 168. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Crime of Treason 695. 1. Asia how many ways 't is taken 8â— 1. Asiarchs what they were 58. 2. how chosen ibid. a very chargeable Office ibid. Asterius Urbanus Authour of the books against the Cataphrygae 82. 1. Athanasius in what year recalled from banishment 246. 2. in what year he went to Rome 256. 2. He went to Rome once onely 253. 2. when a boy he baptized his play-fellows 229. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Attis Bacchus 302. 2. Atticus Bishop of Constantinople his Epitaph 383. 1. Augustonica a Province of Egypt 262. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a door of an house 608. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Atrium or a Court. 590. 2. Avitus how many moneths he Reigned 428. 2 c. Ause or Osee the first name of Jesus the son of Nave 5. ◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 190. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christian Virgins 161. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so Eusebius calls Christ. 186. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Honorati are joyned with the Decuriones 431. 2. B. BAcaudae a sort of Boors were up in Arms over the whole Roman world 690. 2. Bacurius Prince of the Iberi 233. 2. Baptism is by the Greeks termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or a seal 40. 2. 't is the Symbol of our Lord's Passion 184. 2. 't is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 628. 2. Basileus Bishop of Amasia 551. 2. a Martyr under Licinius ibid. Basilius the Great what year made Bishop of Caesarea 321. 1 2. He was twice questioned by Valens 322. 1. Basilides's Prophets 52. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 681. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Imperial City so Eusebius always calls Rome not Constantinople 593. 1. Basiliscus declared his son Marcus Caesar afterwards Augustus 451. 1. Bataneotes a Surname of Porphyrius the Philosopher 100. 2. Battle at Cibalae 554. 1. Battle at Hadrianople what year it hapned 556. 2. Beneficiarii 179. 1. Beryllus's opinion concerning the Nature and divinity of Christ. 107. 1. His Heresie 290. 2. Berytus what year the Synod was convened there 409. 1. Bishops in Egypt were an hundred 212. 2. Bishops heretofore preached standing on the steps of the Altar 355. 2. Bishops their first Sermon always much taken notice of 384. 2. Bishops their sentences in judicature made valid 615. 2. Bishops of other Cities were usually buried at Constantinople in the Church of The Apostles 492. 2. Bishops anciently wore a plate of gold on their forehead in imitation of the Jewish High-priests â—7 1. Birth-day of the Martyrs was that whereon they suffer'd Martyrdom 59. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to lead a secular Life 92. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Laicks ibid. Bosci Monks so called 418. 1. Botry a City of Phoenice 494. 1. Theophanes and Antoninus Martyr are mended ibid. British-Church very ancient 333. 1 2. it was and is independent of the Roman Patriarchate ibid. Bruchium what it was 136. 2. the siege of it when ibid. Brysia 518. 2. C. CAEsarea or Caesarium the Great Church of Alexandria 376. 2. whence it had that name 430. 1. Caius was Authour of the book called The Little Labyrinth 89. 2. He wrote a book against Proclus 102. 2. Calendio is ordained Bishop of Antioch at Constantinople by Acacius contrary to the Canons 457. 1. how many years he sate Bishop 462. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so Constantinople was termed 597. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is sometimes made use of in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 446. 2. In old Coyns that City is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 460. 1. Camp-bread given to the City Antioch by Diocletian 427. 1. a place in Procopius about this Annona is mended ibid. Campus a place without the City Antioch where the Souldiers exercised 518. 2. Campus a place seven miles distant from Constantinople 507. 2. it was the place where Criminals were punished 658. 2. Canon of the Council of Antioch 366. 1. what must be thought concerning that Council ibid. Canon or set-allowance of Bread or Bread-corn at Constantinople 251. 1. Canon the second of the Constantinopolitan Council is explained 333. 2. Canon the sixth of the Nicene Council whither it â—eats concerning Patriarchs and their Jurisdiction 332. 2. Castalian Fountain neer Antioch 414. 2. Castrensis Panis See Camp-bread 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ligatures Inchantments 688. 2. Catechist taught in a private Auditory not publickly in the Church 102. 1. Catechumens were made by Imposition of the Bishop's haâ—d 627. 1 2. they covered their heads 629. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 74. 1. Catholick Epistles 98. 1. Catholicus a Rationalist 121. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Rationalist ibid. and 181. 2. Celsus the Philosopher against whom Origen wrote was Lucian's friend 108. 1. Cephro and Coluthio 122. 2. 123. 1. Ceratâ—s a wind about Byzantium 276. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 capitulum a period 131. 2. Chaeremon a Philosopher 101. 2. Chair or Throne of Saint Mark at Alexandria 138. 2. Chalcedon Synod the copies of it that Evagrius made use of are different from ours 439. 1. which are more genuine and authentick Evagrius's copies or ours 444. 1. Chalcedon had onely the bare name of a Metropolis given it by Marcianus 446. 2. Chartae or Libels of Caecilianus's crimes transmitted to the Emperour 194. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 125. 2. Chorepiscopi who they were 134. 1. Chosroes King of the Persians when he dyed 509. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christ was written with a dipthong 653. 1. Christ before all things and after all things 666. 1. Christ in what year born 7. 2. whether he was born on the twenty fifth of December ibid. Christian Religion termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 53. 1. Christians wont to stop their Ears when they heard any impious expression 85. 1. they gave their children the names of the Apostles 131. 1. They prayed with expanded hands 611. 1. Christians were very desirous of being baptized in Jordan 628. 1. who were termed perfect Christians 628. 2. Their Feasts at the Sepulchres of the Martyrs 647. 2. Their way of Burial 124. 1.
Lately 53. 2. 553. 2. Nymphaeum the Temple of the Nymphs 434. 1. O. OBodas a God amongst the Arabians 689. 1. Ocbas and Acbas an Impregnable Fort near the River Nymphius 522. 1. Octachora Templa eight-fided-Churches 594. 1. Octaves of Infants and Neophytes how religiously observed 929. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Domestick protectors 299. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not used in reference to the Incarnation onely but concerning all things which Christ did on earth in order to mans salvation 1. 2. 189. 2. 54â— 1. 694. 1. the disputation concerning Christ is divided into the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the administration is properly attributed to the Son 683. â— 685. 1. Olympiad whence so called 19. 2. how many years it consisted of ibid. Old Testament three ranks or degrees of the books thereof amongst the Jews 37. 1. How many in number the books thereof were ibid. and 104. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Alexandria 127. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a place where the publick treasure was laid 83. 1 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a dart 43. 2 Oâ—tâ—r King of the â—â—nni â—85 2. His brother Roas 392. 2. Oraria or handkerchiefs were wont to be shaken by Auditors 134. 1. Order of the Session of Bishops in Councils 86. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 51. 1. Origen is ordained by two Bishopâ— 95. 1. went onely once to Rome 98. 2. distinguished the books of the Old Testament into Cola verses or such parts of the Text as contained an entire sense 99. 2. After his Edition of the Hexapla he made the Tetrapla ibid. is a different person from the other Origen Plotinus's School-fellow 100. 2 c. is condemned by Demetrius and deposed 103. 2. Demetrius's sentence was ineffectual ibid. Origen before his condemnation removed from the City Alexandria 105. 1 2. His threefold work upon the sacred Scripture 108. 1 2. what year he dyed 117. 1. He was not condemned in the fifth Synod at Constantinople but long before 497. 1. Origen that name is written with an Asperate by the Greeks 92. 1. Osanna what it signifies â—8 1. Ostracine a place or village near Antioch whence so called 434. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sometimes signifies the person of the Father 3. 1. P. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies 481. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Church at Antioch in the old City 290. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one that buyes provisions and sells them again 418. 2. Pallium the Habit of the Philosophers 101. 2. Pall for a Bishop woven with threads of Gold 622. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 410. 2. Paphnutius as Rufinus says was present at the Nicene Council 225. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who they were 380. 2. not the same persons with the confectores ibid. and 59. 1. 159. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 171. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies 420. 2. it imports also to list for a Souldier ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Muster-Roll ibid. Paradice upon Earth were it was 639. 1. Paradoxi Champions that had gained many Victories 143. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 adulterate or counterfeit 283. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 assemblies of Schismaticks 324. 1. Paredri Daemons so called what they were 688. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies 178. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what they signifie 81. 2. Parembole a Village in Egypt 318. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies 180. 1 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 540. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 568. 1. 659. 1 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 616. 1. 625. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies a Church 1. 1. the reason of that name ibid. sometimes 't is taken for a whole Diocesse sometimes for a particular Church ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 516. 2. 522. 1. Parricides how punished 161. 2. Particular assemblies which were held in diverse Churches at Alexandria 123. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a wedding-chamber 316. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies 37. 1. Patriarchs when first constituted in the Church 332. 2. c. 33â— 1. A Patriarch being accused by a Laick appeals to the Emperour and a Synod 518. 1. He is judged in an auditory made up of Laicks and Ecclesiasticks ibid. Patripassians or Patropassians Hereticks 255. 2 c. Paul the Apostle went not to Jerusalem in Tiberius's reign 17. 2. Paulinus Bishop of Tyre is translated to the Bishoprick of Antioch 183. 1. 2. Paulus Bishop of Alexandria was a Heretick 487. 2. Liberatus makes him a Catholick ibid. Peace was not given to the lapsed without the people's consent 115. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies 694. 2 Penitentiary-Presbyter why and when instituted 341. 2. Pentâ—cost and the space of fifty days from Easter to Pentecost 629. 2. Perigenes the Bishop of Corinth his Election is confirmed by the Bishop of Rome 388. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies 313. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 124. 1. 128. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hills or heaps of stone 590. 1. Penâ—â—entiary-Presbyter his office 341. â— when abrogated 342. 2. Peter the Apostle his second Epistle most undoubtedly his 31. 1. He and Saint Paul did not suffer Martyrdom on the same year 30 â— He was not superior to the other Apostles 441. 2. Petrus Fullâ— died before Petrus Mongus 442. 1 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so the opinion of Eutyches was termed 451. 2. Phileâ—â— whether he suffered at Alexandria or in Thebais 144. 2. Philip the Deacon was by the Ancients confounded with Philip the Apostle 45. 2. the names of Philip's daughters ibid. Philippus the Praefectus Praetorio when he dyed 252. 1. Philo's book against Flaccus and that entitled concerning the Embassy to â—ainâ— 18. 1. His book against Flaccus Eusebius terms His second book concerning Virtues 18. 2. Philoromus Rationalist of Egypt 144. 2. Philosophers borrowed their best Precepts from Moses's Law 4. 2. Phoenice two of them the one termed Maritima the other Libanensis 468. 1. They were subject to the Patriarch of Antioch 468. 2. The Dux of Phoenice 469. 2. 470. 1. Phosphorion and Bosporium the Port at Constantinople 435. 1. Pilate killed himself 19. 1. His character ibid. Pisander the Poet two of that name the former a Rhodian the latter a Native of Larinda who wrote six books concerning the Marriages of the Goddesses and Heroes 416. 2. Placidia Augusta gave the Western Illyricum to Theodosius Junior 393. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 crusts of marble 589. 1. Plague in the Groyn which raged fifty years when it began 490. 1. Platonick Philosophy a School thereof at Alexandria 376. 1 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies 152. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 abstinence 79. 2.
second with which he was then charged he adds these words The Lord shall deliver me from every evil work and will preserve me unto his heavenly Kingdom apparently manifesting his death by these words This is the meaning of this place which neither the translatours nor I my self at first understood Wherefore in the words of Eusebius it must be read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in two distinct words or else the accent must be changed thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Indeed in the Maz. M. S. it is thus written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in two distinct words Moreover Jerome in his Book De Scriptorib Ecclesiast has quoted this place of Eusebius where he speaks of Paul but he apprehended not Eusebius's meaning as it will be apparent to the Reader Wherefore Sophronius also when he translated this place of Jerome into Greek omitted some words which seemed to hinder the meaning Vales. a The first succession of the Apostles is extended to the times of M. Aurelius Antoninus For in his Reign Polycarp the disciple of John the Apostle was crowned with Martyrdom Hegesippus therefore is rightly said to have lived in the first succession of the Apostles in that he flourished in the Reign of the sons of Antoninus Pius And coming to Rome when Anicetas was Bishop he stayed there to Eleutherus's time In the Alexandrian Chronicle which I would more willingly call the Antiochian Hegesippus is said to have died in the Reign of Commodus He was therefore cotemporary with Ireneus who also was next to the first succession of the Apostles as Eusebius testifies Book 5. chap. 20. Vales. b Scaliger in his Animadvers Eusebian p. 178. has examined this whole passage of Hegesippus's and finds fault with many things in it which are well worth reading See also Dionysius Petavius in Not. ad Heâ—esim 78. Epiphanii P. Halloixius in his Notes on the Life of Hegesippus chap. 3. Vales. c The learned Nich. Fuller Book 3. chap. 1. of his Miscellan has thus corrected this place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. He was called Saddick and Ozleam which signifies in English a just man and the defence of the people For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Hebrew signifies a just man And Ozleam is made up of these two Hebrew words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifie the strength or defence of the people the Letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being the sign of the Genitive or Dative case with the Hebrews The original of this appellation is taken from Psalm 28. 9. where we meet with these words in the original 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Lord shall give strength to his people Fullers Miscell B. 3. chap. 1. d This place of Hegesippus wherein he says he wrote concerning the seven Heresies we shall meet with in the 4 B. of Eusch Eccles. Hist. where we will speak more concerning them Vales. e By Gate here is meant nothing else but the way of Entrance to Christ which is by Faith in God the Father the Son and the Holy Ghost Agreeable hereto its said Psal. 118. 20. This is the gate of the Lord the righteous shall enter into it Vales. f The Pharisees who were one branch of these Sects believed the Resurrection from the dead Vales. g Petavius does here deservedly reprove Scaliger who had denied that it was lawfull for any Gentile to be present at the Festivals of the Jews For besides that place which Petavius quotes John 12. 20. we are supplied with many testimonies out of Joscphus to evidence this matter Vitellius the President of Syria went up to Jerusalem at the feast of the Passover and was honourably entertained by the Jews as we may read chap. 6. B. 18. of Josephus's Antiq. He writes the same concerning Quadratus the President of Syria B. 20 of his Antiq. Vales. h This word Hosanna is a corruption of the Hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies preserve me or make me safe being the Imperative mood Hiph with the Assix◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 derived from the Theme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 See the original Text of Jer. 17. 14. And also see Bishop Pearson on the Creed in his marginal notes pag. 70. Edit Lond. 1669. i These words which Hegesippus says the Jews then uttered ought to be understood of Christ rather than of James For when James was set upon the battlement of the Temple and had declared Jesus to be the Christ and Redeemer of mankind those that embraced the Faith of Christ began to cry out Hosanna to the Son of David that is to Jesus Christ. Vales. k So the 72 Translate Esai 3. v. 10. Their words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But the Hebrew copy differs much from this Translation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which our Translation following renders thus in English Say ye to the righteous that it shall be well with him for they shall eat the fruit of their doings Compare the Sept. Translat of Isai. 3. 10. with the Hebrew Text of that place l As if he had said one of the Priests the son of Rechab of the family of the Rechabites which last words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are therefore added that Rechab the father of this Priest might be distinguished from other Rechabs For many were called by the same name of Rechab but this man of whom Hegesippus speaks was of the stock of the Rechabites spoken of by the Prophet Jeremy chap. 35. Vales. m Epiphanius in Haresâ— 78 writes that these words were not spoken by the Rechabite Priest but by Simeon the son of Cleopas Vales. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so the Kings M. S. reads it which Stephens followed in his Edit But our other three M. SS Maz. Med. and Fuk have it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is and they buried him in that place near the Temple which reading Nicephorus and Rufinus doe confirm Vales. o How can it be that the Grave-stone or Monument of this James should remain after the destruction of the City by the Romans Neither is that very likely which Hegefippus says to wit that James was buried neer the Temple For the Jews used to bury their dead without the City as appears from the Gospel and from the Sepulchre of Helena which before we spoke of at chap. 12 of this Book Rufinus therefore leaves out this whole clause in his Version In the most antient Maz. M. S. I found at the Grave-stone this note written in the margin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is you must know that this Monument was nothing else but a stone not formed into any shape upon which the name of James there buried was cut from whence even to this time the Christians set up stones on their Sepulchres and either write Letters thereon or engrave the sign of the Cross. Vales. p What can be more different yea contrary than this relation of Josephus and that of Hegesippus about James's Martyrdome For Josephus says he was
condemned in a publick council of the Jews and Hegesippus that he was murthered in a sedition and tumult of the people Hegesippus relates that he was killed with a Fullers club in the midst of the City but Josephus declares that he was stoned which was always done without the gates of the City Farther Josephus shews us the year wherein James died by these two remarques to wit that it was when Ananus was High-priest and when Albinus came first into Judea Eusebius in his Chronicon writes that Albinus succeeded Festus in the sixth year of Nero's Empire and yet the same Authour places the Martyrdome of James on the year following which manifestly contradicts what Josephus has related for he expresly says that James was murthered before Albinus came into that Province Eusebius therefore ought to have included the beginning of Albinus his Procuratourship and James his Martyrdom in the same year But Baronius denies all this and proves that the Martyrdom of James happened on the seventh year of Nero which assertion he confirms both from the consent of all the Antients and also from Josephus his History of the Jewish wars B. 2. chap. 12. But I judge that the consent of Jerome Nicephorus and others who wrote from and followed Eusebius's Chronicon Eusebius's opinion not being discus'd is not much to be esteemed of Now the place in Josephus proves nothing else than that Albinus was Procuratour of Judea in the fourth year before the Jewish war began and in the seventh before the City was taken But from that place in Josephus it cannot be concluded that Albinus began his Procuratourship in the seventh year before the taking of Jerusalem Yea it seems truer in my judgment that Albinus came into Judea in the fourth year of Nero. For Porcius Festus Governed Judea two years as appears by his Acts of which Josephus relates but few To him succeeded Albinus in the fourth year of Nero and continued there to the tenth of that Emperour as Eusebius has out of Josephus rightly observed Therefore James was Martyred in the fourth year of Nero. Epiphanius confirms this our conjecture in Heres 78. where he says James presided over the Church at Jerusalem about twenty four years from the Lords Ascension Vales. q Nicephorus in his second B. chap. 4. thinks this Ananus to be the same with that Ananias who commanded Paul to be smitten of whom Luke speaks Acts 23. 2. But herein he is much out For Ananias the son of Nebedâ—us of whom Luke there speaks was High-priest in Claudius's Empire from his seventh year to the beginning of Nero's reign a man that was the most potent of all the Jews in his age as Josephus testifies in his twentieth book of Antiq. But moreover that catalogue of High-priests which is there put down by Nicephorus is to be made up out of Josephus's Books And after Joseph the son of Cama Ananias the son of Nebedaeus is to be placed of whom Josephus speaks in the 3 chap. of his twentieth book After him was Ishmael the son Phabaeus made High-priest by Agrippa juniour After whom succeeded Joseph surnamed Cabus the son of Simon and then Ananus the son of Ananus who is here spoken of Vales. r In Josephus and Nicephorus it is Damnaeus Vales. Rufinus and Christophorson translated this place so as if this were the opinion of some which sense we have followed in our version But having now considered the matter better we think otherwise to wit that Eusebius did absolutely pronounce this Epistle to be Spurious Jerom de Jacobo says thus Unam scripsit Epistolam quae ipsa ab alio quodam sub nomine eius edita asscritur licet paulatim tempore procedente obtjâ—uerit autoritatem that is He wrote one Epistle which is affirmed to have been set forth by another under his name though by degrees in process of time it hath obtained autority Vales. In the Kings M. S. it is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Mark the Apostle and Evangelist but in the rest of the M. SS Maz. Med. Fuk and Savil these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Apostle and are wanting which neither are in Rufinus's translation I know indeed that Mark may deservedly be called an Apostle in that he was the first that Preacht the faith of Christ to the Alexandrians Athanasius in Synopsi indeed calls Mark and Luke Apostles Idatius also in Fastis stiles Luke and Timothy Apostles See what we noted above at the last chap. of the first Book But we doe not here enquire what title Mark deserved but onely what Euscbius wrote Vales. b This whole clause is wanting in our three M. SS copies Maz. Med. and Fuk. and in the translation of Rufinus But because it was in the Kings M. S. we have put it in We have also written the name of Annianus with a double â— from the authority of the Maz. and Med. M. SS To which agree Rufinus Jerom and others For Annianus is a Roman name and is derived from Annius Vales. a He that translated Tertullian's Apologie into Greek were it Eusebius which I think not to be true or whoever it was he understood not Tertullian's words Neither is this true of this place onely but of many others also of Tertullian which are produced in Greek by Eusebius in this work Vales. Tertullian's words are these Consulite commentarios vestros illic reperietis primum Neronem in hanc Sectam tum maximâ— Romae orientem Caesariano gladio â—erocisse Sed tali dedicatore damnationis nostrae etiam gloriamur Qui enim scit illum intelligere potest non nisi grande aliquod bonum à Nerone damnatum Tertul. Apolog. p. 6. Edit Rigal b The term Ecclesiastical is used in three senses Sometimes it s taken for a Christian and opposed to an Heathen or Gentile So Jerome in his preface to his Book De Scriptor Ecclefias Sometimes it denotes a Catholick and is opposed to an Heretick So Jerome also in his preface to S t Matthew and on Chap. 13. Ezechiel So Origen also Tome 16. Explanat on S t John's Gospel Lastly sometimes it signifies a Clergy-man and is opposed to a Laick or Secular person So Jerome again in his Epistle to Pâ—â—machius and in his 46 Epist. to Rusticus I would rather take this word in the second sense here both because that signification of this word is more frequent and also in regard Eusebius speaking here of Caius's Book against Proclus gives each of them his proper Epithet he stiles Cains an Ecclesiastical man and Proclus he calls the defender of the opinion of the Cataphrygians i. e. an Heretick The Sect of the Cataphrygians was divided into two parts the Ringleader of the one party was Proclus of the other Aeschynes So Tertullian in his Book De praescript Hâ—â—â—t Vales. c Peter was buried in the Vatican Paul in the Vid Ostia Vales. d Dionysius here answers the Epistle of Sotâ—r and of the Roman Clergie who
the word Fullers Miscellan B. 3. chap. 16. a Eusebius in his Chronicon calls him Joses So Joseph the brother of the Lord of whom Matthew and Mark speak in their Gospels is by Jerom and others called Joses Ephres also is by Nicephorus called Ephrem Vales. b Or one month for so Rufinus seems to have read in his copy Vales. * His name was Tinius Rufus Euscbius in his Chronicon says this rebellion happened on the 16 year of Adrian at which time the said Rufus was President of the Province of Judea Vales. a He calls the Jews slaves because of their poverty and baseness of birth for most of them were descended of those captives who were fold under Titus Vales. b Or Biththera there was a Town called Betthar which was two and fifty miles distant from Jerusalem another Village there was called Bethar which was twelve miles off Jerusalem both these Jerome calls Bethoron Vales. c The same is attested by Tertullian Apologet c. 16 by Celsus in the latter end of B. 8 of Origen against him and by Gregor Naz. in his 12 Orat. Onely on one day that whereon Jerusalem was taken and destroyed by the Romans the Jews out of all nations were wont to meet in Palestine and having paid a sum of money to the Souldiers they entred into that part of the City where Solomon's Temple heretofore stood and there they bewailed the destruction of the City and Temple See Scaliger in Animadvers Euseb. p. 198. Vales. d That was a City of Syria which after the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus was the seat of the Bishops of Jerusalem as Eusebius testifies This Ariston of Pella wrote a book entitled a Dispute of Jason and Papiscus this book Origen makes mention of in his 4 B. against Celsus but the Preface of it is onely now extant amongst the works of Cyprian Vales. e Euscbius is here doubly mistaken both in that he says Jerusalem was wholly destroyed in Adrian's time and also because he thought that Aelia Capitolina was built by the same Adrian after the Siege of Betthera As to the first its evident from Josephus that Jerusalem was totally destroyed by Titus in so much that it was ploughed As to the second Aelia was so far from being built by Adrian after this Victory obtained over the Jews that this war was begun by the Jews upon that very account For when the Jews saw the Soyle of their City occupied by strangers and perceived that in that very place where the Temple had been Jupiter Capitolinus was worshiped and sacrificed to being not able to endure that they took Arms and began this war which Eusebius here relates Which was begun in the 16 year of Adrian and ended the 18 of his Empire But Aelia Capitolina was built long before to wit in the second year of Adrian From whose times to those of Constantine the Great it was always called Aelia But from the time of Constantine the Great it recovered again the name of Jerusalem both upon the account of the honour of that name and also because of its prerogative being the first Episcopal Seat Vales. * Book 3. chap. 26. a Eusebius says not upon what Gospel Basilides wrote these books perhaps Basilides made these books upon his own Gospel for he wrote one and set his own name to it and called it the Gospel according to Basilides as Origen attests in his 1 Homil on Luke and Jerom in his Preface to S. Matthew These books were called Basilides's Exegeticks Clemens lib. 4. Stromat quotes some places out of the 23 d of these books Vales. b Or Barcabas upon these Prophets Barcabbas and Barcoph Isodore the son of Basilides wrote some books of Expositions as Clemens Alexandr shews B. 6. Stromat Vales. c Eusebius speaks here of those Prophets whom Basilides seigned for himself Our Authour is right in his saying that Basilides's Heresie sprang up in Adrian's Reign For then the Hereticks began to creep out of their holes they thought the Apostles being all dead that they had then an opportune time to divulge their errours Vales. d So they were called because they were supposed to be assistant to men and kept them from diseases and unfortunate accidents Magicians had such spirits as these at their command by whose help they did miraculous things Vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term in the original hence the Christian Religion was by the heathens called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. the prevailing opinion and the Christians were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Porphyrius in his book de Oraculor Philosoph which place Eusebius quotes in his 9 th B. Preparat Evangel cap. 10. Vales. a In my opinion Hegesippus is not rightly placed in the times of Adrian neither doe his words here quoted by Eusebius evince so much It 's certain Hegesippus wrote his books when Eleutherus was Bishop of Rome as he himself attests in the 22 chap. of this book He was contemporary therefore with Irenaeus who then composed his Elaborate books against the Heresies Indeed our Eusebius retracting as it were his former opinion does in the 21 and 22 chapt of this book place Hegesippus in the times of Marcus Antoninus Vales. b Which was celebrated every fifth year at Mantinea in Arcadia says Pausanias in Arcad. Vales. c Amongst the Egyptians the chief Priest who was over the other Priests and distributed to them the Revenue of the Temple was called a Prophet For the first Officer of the temple was the Cantâ—r then the Horoscopus after him the Scriba then the Vestitor last of all the Propheta took his place who carried a water-pot in his bosom See Epiphan in 3 B. advers Haeres c. Concerning these Prophets of Antinous instituted by Adrian there is mention made in an old Greek inscription quoted by Casaubon in his notes on Spartianus Wherefore it s no wonder that Antinous deified by Adrian had his Prophets seeing he was worshipped chiefly by the Egyptians Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. i. e. in the Jewish war which was not long since For the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is sometimes used in such a sense as to signifie nuper i. e. lately In which sense Justin uses it when he speaks of Antinous in this chapt Vales. e Or Serennius he was Proconsul of Asia and predecessour to Minutius Fundanus in that Government Vales. f It may be deservedly questioned why Adrian answered not Granianus from whom he received these letters but wrote to Minutius Fundanus his successour the reason as I suppose might be this either Granianus died soon after he wrote to Adrian or else he left that Government For the Proconsuls were annual Vales. g Justin in his second Apologie as 't is now commonly written p. 99. Vales. a He means the outcries which the people were wont to make in the Theatres The Christians to the Lyons as Tertullian attests Sometimes it so happened that
amongst the Jews nor yet of the sacerdotal race Polycrates mentions 3 things of John 1. That he was a Priest 2 a Martyr 3 a D r or Evangelist Now as he was a Doctor of Christ and a Martyr for him so also must he be understood to be a Priest of Christ. 'T is probable those first Christian Priests in imitation of the Jewish High-priests did wear a plate of Gold as a badge of honour Epiphanius in Heres Nazaraeor says James the brother of our Lord who was ordained the first Bishop of Jerusalem wore such a plate of Gold on his forehead The same is said of Mark the Evangelist in a M. S. concerning his suffering Vales. b This is Thraseas the Martyr whom Apollonius mentions in his Book against the Cataphrygians whose words our Eusebius quotes chap. 18. of this book Rufinus says he suffered Martyrdom at Smyrna Vales. c Melito Bishop of Sardis makes mention of this Martyr in his Book concerning Easter in those words which our Eusebius quotes B. 4. chap. 26. This Sagaris was Bishop of Laodicea in Asia in whose times the Question concerning Easter was raised at Laodicea Vales. d In the Maz. Med. and Fuk. M. SS this mans name is thus written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Papirus T is a Roman name Polycrates does not say where this Papirius was Bishop But I find in Simeon Metaphrastes in the Life of Polycarp that this Papirius was successour to Polycarp Bishop of Smyrna Vales. e Polycrates does here stile Melito an Eunuch that is in our Saviours explication one of those who make themselves Eunuchs for the Kingdom of heavens sake who are content to deny themselves and to renounce the lawfull pleasures and comforts of the world for the service of Religion Jerom de Scriptor Ecclesiast attests that this Melito was by many accounted a Prophet Vales. f Rufinus thought that seven of Polycrates's Ancestours or Relations were Bishops of Ephesus But Polycrates does not say they were all Bishops of Ephesus we may suppose they were Bishops in several Cities of Asia Vales. g In the Kings and Maz. M. SS this place is plainly written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. when the people removed the Leaven So Rufinus read this place as appears by his Version viz. Qui omnes ita observarunt hunc diem ut conveniret cum illo quo fermentum Judeorum populus ausert i. e. All which so observed this day that it might agree with that wherein the people of the Jews removed their Leaven I wonder why Robert Stephens read it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when the people prepared c For on the 14 th day of the first month the people did not prepare but cast away their Leaven See Exod. 12. 18. Vales. * Acts 5. 29. h Hence 't is apparent that Victor Bishop of Rome had written to Polycrates to convene the Bishops of Asia and threatned to excommunicate him unless he obeyed his determination about Easter As to his menaces Polycrates answers I am not at all terrified at what I am threatned with Vales. i Valesius in his note at this place is of opinion that Victor did not excommunicate the Churches of Asia but onely endeavoured and threatned to doe it The reasons he brings for this are these 1 Euseblus says expresly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. he endeavoured to cut off from the communion c. 2 The Epistles written to Victor by Irenaeus and other Bishops doe shew that the sentence of excommunication was not then pronounc't by Victor for thus Eusebius writes concerning Irenaeus's Letters But does in many other words seasonably advise Victor not to cut off whole Churches c. 3 Photius in Biblioth chap. 120. writes that Irenaeus wrote many letters to Victor perswading him not to excommunicate any one for their dissent about the observation of Easter therefore before Irenaeus wrote Victor had excommunicated no body now it cannot be supposed that Victor did it after receipt of Irenaeus's Letters for then Eusebius would have made mention of it but he intimates the contrary to all this calling Irenaeus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Peace-maker because his Letters restored Peace to the Church These are Valesius's reasons On the contrary Socrates B. 5. chap. 22. Halloixius in his life of Irenaeus pag. 668 and D r Cave in the Life of Irenaeus pag. 168 are of opinion that this sentence of excommunication was actually pronounc't by Victor Their main argument for this is grounded on these words of Eusebius which here follow 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we have thus rendred And by his Letters be i. e. Victor publickly declares and pronounces all the brethren there to be wholly excommunicate Which whether it does not outweigh all that Valesius has said to the contrary is left to the determination of the Learned Reader k This Epistle therefore of Irenaeus's was a Synodical Epistle because 't was written in the name of the Churches of France the chief City whereof then was Lyons This Epistle is mentioned by Eusebius in the foregoing chapter for I judge it to be one and the same Epistle because 't is unlikely there should be two Synods convened in so short a time to determine of one and the same matter Vales. l Irenaeus says that at that time there was a two fold dissention in the Church the first concerning Easter day the second about the form of the Fast i. e. how many days were to be kept as a Fast for so he explains himself in the followâ—ng words For all as well those who celebrated Easter on the Sunday as those who with the Jews kept that festival on the fourteenth day of the Moons appearance did agree in this to wit that they Fasted before Easter Which Fast as well as the Feast of Easter they had received from Apostolick Tradition See Eusebius book 2. chap. 17. And the notes there Vales. m Amongst the antient Christians there were three kinds of Fasts the first was the Fast on Wednesdays and Frydays which ended at the 9 th hour of the day i. e. at three a clock in the afternoon after the end of the Station or Holy communion The second sort was the Lent-fast which ended about the evening The third sort was the strictest of all and lasted to the cock-crowing which was therefore by the Greeks called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Latine Superpositio Epiphanius in his Expositio fidei Catholic at the end of his books against Heresies does plainly distinguish these 3 sorts of Fasts So does Dionysius Alexandrinus in his Epistle to Basilides But now it may be demanded which of these 3 sorts of Fasts Irenaeus does here speak of 'T is manifest he means not the first sort for he evidently speaks of a whole days Fast some suppose says he they ought to fast one day c. Dionysius Alexandrinus and Epiphanius in the places before mentioned seem to be of opinion that Irenaeus means the 3 d
from one Bishoprick to another secondly that he was joyn'd as an assistant to another Bishop while he was yet alive which was afterwards forbid in the Council of Sardis Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rufinus and Christophorson doe not translate this place well but Hieronymus renders it truly according to the sense though not word for word he translates it thus Narcissus salutes you who before me govern'd this Bishoprick and now governs the same in prayers with me Alexander's meaning was undoubtedly this that Narcissus onely assisted him in prayers but in no other part of the Office of Bishop Which makes him adde that he was an hundred and sixteen years old signifying thereby that he perform'd the Office and Narcissus being very old had onely the Title and name of Bishop Vales. d Alexander wrote this Epistle in the heat of Persecution while he was 〈◊〉 prison before he was elected to the Bishoprick of Jerusalem as appears by these words calling himself the prisoner of Christ. Hence Eusebius does not well by reckoning in his Chronicon Asclepiades's Consecration in the first year of Antoninus Caracalla for Asclepiades was Consecrated when Alexander was in Prison which Eusebius in his Chronicle saies happen'd in Severus's Reign Vales. e Hieronymus in Catalogo conjectures this to be Clemens Alexandrinus Clemens Alexandrinus certainly liv'd till the times of Severus and travelled into these Countreys as he witnesses in the first book of his Stromatewn he was also a familiar friend of Alexander the Bishop for to him he dedicates his work concerning the Canon of the Church as Eusebius writes in the 13 Chapter of this book Vales. a The Greeks write this name Serapion with an ◠thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but the Latines with an e. So the Greeks write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but the Latines Serapin This name is always writ thus in the Med. Maz. and Fuk. M. SS Vales. b This Rhosse is a City of Cilicia it lyes upon the right hand to them who sail into the Gulf of Issus Some write this Cities name with a single s So Stephanus in his tract De Urbibus and Theodoret in his Religious History Chap. 10 and 11. The name of this place in Plutark is corrupted for he calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Orossus Vales. c The Maz. Med Fuk. and Savill's M. SS read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. in his name So Rufinus seems to have read it Serapion also a little lower saies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Origen in his Commentaries upon the 13 th Chapter of Matthew makes mention of this Gospel of Peter Vales. d Here Serapion saies he borrow'd this Gospel from the successours of some of those Hereticks who were call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Doceti of which Hereticks Marcianus was one the Translatours take no notice in this place of that Hereticall Sect called the Doceti They held that Christ was not really incarnate nor did truely suffer but in opinion onely Clemens Alexandrinus in his 7 th book Stromat and also Theodores in his book Divinorum Decretorum mentions them The Ring-leader of this Sect was one Julius Cassianus as Clemens tells as in his third book Vales. a Rufinus very well translates this Title 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus Opus varie contextum Plutark calls some books of his which are part History and part Poetry 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eusebius takes the books to be so call'd from the divers sorts of matter which they treat of and so says Baronius in his Annals and Suidas in his History 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek signifies Carpets or Hangings which were woven of divers colours hence these books are metaphorically entitl'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the mixture of things they treat of for he intermixes Grecian Barbarian and Latine Opinions confutes Hereticks and composes a kind of a various History Photius Biblioth b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the term here are such writings as contain onely the heads and some particulars of some special things or as Cicero in Verrem says sunt scripta quae domi continentur nec in vulgus efferuntur but now the word has got a larger signification c Langus renders this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dictates Musculus verbally Excerptions Rufinus expositions and Christophorson Commentaries upon the Scriptures but none of them sufficiently explain the propriety of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the sence and meanings of Scripture So Origen uses is in his 4 th book de principiis Chap. 2. speaking of the double sence of Scripture that is the literal and the spiritual sence and so also does Methodius Epiphanius and Dionysius Alexandrinus use the term Vales. d These words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made Rufinus believe that the preceding person Tatianus wrote a Chronographie as well as Cassianus but we must in no-wise think that true Vales. e Some Copies read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but in all our M. SS and in Nicephorus 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This Aristobulus here is that same Aristobulus the Peripatetick who wrote books of the Explications of the Mosaical Law to Ptolomy Philometor as Eusebius records in his Chronicle and he produces a fragment of these books in his 8 th book Praeparationis Origen also mentions something of these books in his 4 th book against Celsus pag. 204. Vales. a For the explication of the title of this book See the note a upon the 11 th chap. of the 5 th book where 't is prov'd by several quotations that the true rendring of this title is Institutions or Informations b This phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Langus translates compendiosam enumerationem Musculus contractas explicationes And so Christophorson also but Rufinus calls them compendiosas dissertiones 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore is the same as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which words Photius uses in that sence that is explications interpretations though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies narrations onely Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to Hesychius's interpretation is rendered the written word aliquid Scripto constans Hesych d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are Scriptures whose authority is question'd disputed of and by some contradicted we must not therefore call them Apocrypha as Rufinus does for Apocrypha are those which are certainly false and compos'd by Hereticks but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are those which some approve of others not of which here Eusebius gives us a Catalogue some of which in S t Hieromes Catalogue are accounted Apocryphal as the Revelation of Peter which is concluded to be undoubtedly false Vales. e Catholick Epistles are those which were not written to certain persons particular Cities or Provinces but to whole Nations and the Universal Church Thus Themison one of Montanus's disciples impudently wrote a Catholick Epistle like an Apostle to the Universal Church as Apollonius testifies book 5. chap. 16. Eusebius also mentions
words of the Authour are prefixt before the exposition this term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies not onely the exposition but the text at which the exposition is set Vales. h From this place 't is evident that this work of Origen's was called Hexapla because there were six Greek translations contained in it besides the Hebrew Text which was written in two columns two manner of ways in the one in Hebrew in the other in Greek Letters See Epiphan Haeres Originist cap. 3. And the reason why this work was thus termed is plain for as the Tetrapla were so called because they contained four Greek translations collected into one body so the Hexapla were thus termed because they comprehended six Greek Versions to wit that of Aquila Symmachus the seventy two Theodotion and lastly the fifth and sixth translation But the Hebrew Text must not be reckoned amongst the Versions that being the original Zonaras in his History of the Emperour Severus is of the same opinion with us and explains this place of Eusebius though he mentions not his name as we doe Vales. i The Maz. Med. and Fuk. M. SS have it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is all one as if Eusebius should have said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. after the Edition of his Hexapla having prepared c. For when Origen perceived that his Hexapla required too much cost and labour he composed his Tetrapla which were more ready and useful having taken away the two Editions of the Hebrew Text and the fifth sixth and seventh translation Hitherto it has been the opinion of the Learned that Origen made his Tetrapla before his Hexapla Usher in Syntag. de Sept. Interpret cap. 5. and Salmasins in his book De Lingud Hellenist are of this opinion But this passage in Eusebius as it is corrected by the Authority of our M. SS Copies does wholly confute it Vales. a The Ebionites admitted onely S t Matthew's Gospel to be genuine but that Gospel of the Ebionites was not the same Gospel of S t Matthew which we now have but a forged one and which wanted the Genealogie of Christ as Epiphanius declares in Heres Ebion For the Gospel according to the Hebrews which they made use of as Eusebius saies B. 3. chap. 25. where see note c. they called the Authentick Gospel of S t Matthew These words therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we have rendred thus disputing strongly against Matthews Gospel to wit ours and the true Gospel of S t Matthew From this Symmachus the Ebionites were afterwards termed Symmachians because he strongly asserted their opinions Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is elegantly us'd for alicujus partibus favere to be a favourer of such a mans party So Euripides in Hecuba when Polyxena speaks to her mother saying ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Agamemnon is on our side◠thus much for the Phrase Now that Ambrosius was of Valentinus's Sect or at least favour'd that opinion Origen testifies in the Proaemium of his fifth Tome of Explications on S t John's Gospel where he commends Ambrosius for relinquishing those dangerous principles But some will have Ambrosius not to have been a Valentinian but a Marcionist and Epiphanius is of that opinion Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here signifies to give attention to any one so as to learn something from him or to come often to any one to learn as Scholars and therefore he adds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 almost like Scholars Vales. * That is Grecian Philosophy c That is who were his Scholars Vales. a Eunapius in his vitâ Philosophorum saies this Porphyrius was a Tyrian by birth and was first call'd Malchus which in Syriack signifies a King but afterwards by his Master Longinus a Platonick whom he was an Auditour of at Athens he was call'd Porphyrius which signifies one cloath'd in purple a king because Kings onely wore the true 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 S t Hierom saies he was a Jew born in the City of Batanaea thence he calls him Bataneotes or Batanaetes Socrates attests that this man was once a Christian but could not endure the reproofs of those Christians who reprov'd him and therefore turn'd an Apostate Lactantius who liv'd in his time saies he wrote his books against the Christians in the same year the Emperour pull'd down the Churches but S t Hierom affirms he left his Master Plotinus and Rome and went to Sicily for his healths sake and dwelt at Lilybaeum where he wrote those books but we ought rather to believe Lactantius who liv'd in his time S t Augustine says there were two Porphyrius's one who liv'd in Sicily a famous man and another who wrote against the Christians but all agree that 't was one and the same Porphyrius the Platonick who liv'd in Sicily and wrote against the Christians Baronius's Annals b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their own judgment and understanding being bewitched or misleaden by their pride So Langus Rufinus and Christophorson understand these words but Valesius otherwise He saies Porphyrius's meaning was this that the Authours of these expositions through the loftiness of their words bewitch'd or inchanted the minds and judgements of their hearers and then impos'd upon them with their expositions Vales. c 'T is probable Origen was seen by Porphyrius in his younger daies in the City of Tyre where Origen having left Alexandria staid some time For Porphyrius was a Tyrian and he was a young man at the same time when Origen made his abode at Tyre But Porphyrius could by no means see Origen at Alexandria when he was an old man because when Origen left Alexandria he was not compleat fifty years old Vales. d We must believe Porphyrius whenas he so expresly affirms here that Origen Adamantius so he was called was an Auditour of Ammonius Alexandrinus But amongst the Auditours of Ammonius there was at that time another Origen School-fellow to Herennius and Plotinus mentioned by Porphyrius in vitâ Plotini by Longinus in his book de fine by Eunapius and Hierocles in his book De Providentia Baronius in his Annals and Lucas Holstenius in 2 and 6 cap. De vitâ Scriptisque Porphyrii supposed this Origen to have been the same person with Origen Adamantius But I dissent from them for these two reasons especially 1. Longinus the Philosopher in his book De fine reckons Ammonius and Origen Platonick Philosophers among those who would not commit to writing their Opinions for the benefit of posterity but thought it sufficient to deliver them by word of mouth to their Auditours If any thing be written by any of them these are the words of Longinus as indeed Origen did wrote one book De Daemonibus it is very little for they seemed not to have made it their business to write books These words cannot be supposed to have been spoken of Origen Adamantius who 't is manifest was a Voluminous Writer as the Catalogue of his works recorded by Eusebius does manifest
Moreover Porphyrius in these words of his here quoted by Eusebius saies Origen was eminently renowned upon account of his writings which he left behind him 2. Porphyrius in his life of Plotinus not far from the beginning has these words But when Herennius Origen and Plotinus had agreed amongst themselves that they would not publish the Opinions of Ammonius which having heard from him they approved of as most especially pure and refined Plotinus was as good as his word but Herennius first broke the compact and afterwards Origen followed him But Origen wrote nothing besides a book concerning Daemons and a piece in Gallienus's time wherein he proved that the King was the onely Poet. This last book Origen wrote in praise of Gallienus the Emperour to commend his Poâ—tical faculty For Gallienus was given to Poetry and there are some nuptial verses of his extant amongst the fragments of Petronius Arbiter Now if it be true that this Origen School-fellow to Plotinus wrote this book under Gallienus the Emperour doubtless he must necessarily be distinguished from Origen Adamantius For Origen Adamantius survived not the times of Gallienus but died when Gallus and Volusianus were Emperours in the year of Christ 252 having compleated the sixty ninth year of his age Vales. e The Heathens call'd the Christians and Jews Religion barbarous as Justin Tatianus and others affirm So they termed every thing which was not Grecian Porphyrius calls this barbarous Impudence to despise the Roman Gods and the Emperour's Edicts to be forc'd by no Torments or Persecutions to sacrifice to those Heathen Gods Vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cauponari to sell Wine or to keep a Victualling-house Now because these Cauponae us'd to cheat the buyers by mixing and dashing their Wines and so enrich themselves this word is us'd to adulterate or corrupt as here and likewise in holy Writ in the 2 d Epistle to the Corinthians Chap. 2. 17. we find 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not corrupting the Word of God Vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Porphyrius takes this Metaphor from Hucksters who by counterfeiting false wares for true circumvent the buyers for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies to suborn to lay one thing for another hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Changling a false child left in the place of one taken away Thus Porphyrius saies Origen plaies the Huckster Vales. h Origen quotes this Numenius in his books against Celsus he was a famous Pythagorean born at Apamea in Syria Longinus in his book De Fine mentions these Philosophers Numenius Cronius and Moderatus who he saies connected Pythagoras's and Plato's Opinions together Cronius's book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is quoted by Nemesius in his book De Naturâ Hominis Cap. 2. Vales. i Apollophanes is call'd by Stobaens in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the son of Aegimius Vales. k This was Cassius Longinus who has onely one book exstant at this day entitl'd De sublimi Genere dicendi most men think he was a Grammarian but he profess'd Philosophy as Suidas and others testifie he was Porphyrius's Master in Platonick Philosophy at Athens He liv'd in Origen's time and was younger then him and died a long time after him 't is a wonder therefore that Porphyrius should reckon him amongst the antient Philosophers Vales. l This Moderatus was born at Gades now call'd Cales an Island on the South side of Spain without the Straits of Gibraltar he wrote eleven books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Concerning Nicomachus See Photius and Suidas Vales. m Chaeremon was a Stoick Philosopher Origen in his books against Celsus quotes Charemon's book De Cometis he taught Philosophy at Alexandria and Dionysius Alexandrinus succeeded him in his School See Suidas in Dionysio Vales. Of this Chaeremon see Martials Epig. book 11. Epig. 57. n This Cornutus Aser Leptitanus taught Philosophy at Rome in the Reign of Claudius Nero he wrote many things concerning Philosophy and Eloquence Persius dedicates his fifth Satyr to him as to his Master he wrote a book De Graecorum Theologia which is cited by the Etymologist in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But the name is corrupted by Aldus Manutius and call'd Phornutus Vales. o We may from these words gather that Heraclas and Origen had the same Philosophy Master which Porphyrius affirms was Ammonius the most famous Philosopher of that Age. Vales. p The Philosophick habit was the Pallium or Cloak which was the usual Badge of the Greek Philosophers different from that which was worn by the ordinary Greeks which those Christians still kept to who before their conversion had been professed Philosophers this our Eusebius affirms of Justin the Martyr B. 4. Chap. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one that in a Philosophick habit was an assertour of the divine Word q Hence we may conjecture that the Clergie had at that time no peculiar habit seeing that Heraclas a Presbyter of Alexandria and afterwards Bishop always retain'd his Philosophick habit Vales. r Hence 't is conjectur'd that Origen Catechiz'd at Alexandria in a private Auditory and not publickly in the Church for had he before taught in the Church Demetrius could not have brought this as an objection against Alexander and Theoctistus Wherefore Rufinus mistakes who saâ—es Demetrius permitted him to Catechize publickly in the Church Vales. s He writes to Demetrius the Bishop in the third person understanding 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Your Holiness And without doubt had we the whole Epistle we should find these words to precede Vales. t Alexander Bishop of Jerusalem was a very eloquent man and without doubt wrote this Epistle himself which makes him use the first person here but the letter was writ both in his name and in the Bishop of Caesarea's Vales. u This Synnada is a very noted City of Phrygia and as Stephanus in his book De Urbibus writes it ought to be written with a double n though some write it with a single one it is deriv'd from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 câ—habito to dwell together because many flock'd from Macedonia to dwell together there from whence it was first call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but was corrupted by the interposition of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 There is also some old pieces of Caracalla's Coin with this inscription 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hence it appeares these Synnadenses were Doricks mix'd with Ionians for they were originally Macedonians and therefore Doricks though they liv'd in the midst of Ionia Vales. x Origen was about 30 years old when he came into Palestine for according to our Eusebius's account in this place he went thither about the end of Antoninus Caracalla's Reign Vales. a Christophorson translates this phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 libellos ex variis Scriptoribus excerptos tanquam flosculos i. e. books like flowers selected out of divers Authours 'T is true the Antients call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 things selected or excerptions out of any Authour such are Origen's Philocaliae Such
This was Constantin's second Edict directed to the Praefect of the Praetorium the same person to whom was sent Constantin's first Edict for the Christians The first Edict was signed or dated at Rome Constantine 〈◊〉 and Licinius II. Coss. and it was immediately sent into the East to Maximin see book 9. chap. 9. But this second Edict was dated at Mediolanum on the year following Vales. c Concerning the Restitution of the publick places and Coemiteria of the Christians there is extant an Edict of Gallienus's in book 7. chap. 13. of this History in which these places are commanded to be restored to the Christians In the first Decree therefore which Constantine and Licinius after Maxentius was conquered published in favour of the Christians a Copy of which they sent to Maximinus the Emperour into the East they only Decreed that all places where the Christians used to assemble themselves which had been heretofore taken from them should be restored to them again but they said nothing expresly concerning the restitution of the price Neither in the Edict of Maximin which was published soon after the Decree of Constantine and Licinius was there any caution concerning repaying of the price as we may see in book 9. chap. 9. of this History It was necessary therefore that Constantine should Decree something more distinctly concerning that point That the Christians might recover those places which had been taken from them or sold or given by the Treasury without repaying the price Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So he terms adjectiones i. e. the additions to the prices in sales of Goods or Estates These adjectiones which Civilians in other words call additamenta pretii accessions to the price we in France call encheres Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according 〈◊〉 the Decree aforesaid i. e. according to that Edict signed at Rome Constantine II. and Licinius II. Coss. which Edict Constantine mention'd before That was Constantine's first Decree for the Christians But Constantine having in that Law shew'd himself too favourable towards the Christians in that in it he had extolled their Religion and condemn'd all other Sects and Ceremonies was forced in this second Edict to explain his mind for fear least the Heathens should murmur at the prohibiting and abolishing the worship of their Gods Wherefore Constantine saies that he granted free liberty to every one to worship what Gods and follow what Sect and Religion he pleased This second Decree therefore is nothing else but an explication of the first For in the first Edict there were some words with which the Gentiles and also the Schismatical Christians were not a little offended in that they saw themselves named Hereticks The Catholick Christians also resented it because they were joyned in the same Decree with the Gentiles and Hereticks Wherefore Constantine that he might shew himself kind to all desired that those words might be razed out And this is the sense of those former words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. That the names of these Sâ—its in our former Rescript might be wholly taken out c. Vales. e Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Citizens in this place we read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are call'd by the Latines Decuriones concerning whom see my notes on Amm. Marcellin B. 22. p. 225. These Decurions in the time of persecution seized upon the places and Farmes which belonged to the Catholick Church as being vacant Vales. f It is much controverted amongst the Learned who this Mark is whom Constantine here joyneth with Miltiades Bishop of Rome Baronius at the year of Christ 313. Chap. 23. thinks the Text of Fasebius is faulty and instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he would read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But this emendation cannot be admitted of for whereas Miltiades is before call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bishop t is superfluous to adde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sacred Magistrate Moreover Titles of honour are common words but this here is an affected and unusual term Wherefore rejecting this conjecture of Baronius's I think this Mark was a Presbyter of the Church of Rome whom Constantine had a desire should be present at this Synod with Miltiades This also I think was that Mark who was Bishop of Rome after Silvester This Epistle of Constantine to Miltiades was extant in the third Conference at Carthage Chap. 319. But the latter part of this third Conference which in my opinion is the most useful is lost Vales. g By 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are meant two Libels which contained the faults of Cecilianus Bishop of Carthage which being subscribed by the faction of Majorinus they gave them to Anulinus the Proconsul at Carthage on the 17 th of the Calends of May. Constantine the Emperour being the third time and Licinius the third time Consuls These Libels Constantine calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because they contained in them many papers and many publick Acts to prove the faults of Cecilianus Christoph. calls these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epistles but that is an ill term for there was but one Epistle sent by Anulinus to Constantine the Emperour but there were several 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or papers Constantine also a little further calls them Libelli so does Augustine also in his 48 Epistle to Vincentius call it Libellus and saies it was thus superscribed The Libell of the Catholick Church containing the faults of Cecilianus put in by the faction of Majorinus Vales. h In our Text it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Niceph. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Maz. and Med. M. SS 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by a transposition of the aspirate which the Greeks usually do in turning Latine pâ—oper names into Greek Vales. i Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we should undoubtedly read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. those Countries which Divine Providence gave into our hands by a voluntary surrender For when the head of Maxentius was sent into Africa all Africa at the sight of the Tyrant's head yielded to Constantine And also before the overthrow of Maxentius some African Cities yielded themselves voluntarily to Constantine when he sent some Sea-forces thither Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 k Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the reading in Nicephorus is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dearest in the plural number For since the Rescript was written to Miltiades Bishop of Rome and to Mark and since he always speaks to them in the plural number 't is reasonable that in the close of the Rescript it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Further the Acts of this Synod at Rome are extant in Optatus B. 1. The Authour of the Synodicon whom we have often quoted says this Synod was convened by Miltiades and Mark at Rome he joyns Mark to Miltiades as soon as he perceived from this Rescript that Constantine mentioned them
raised by Arius and to those affairs which preceded the Nicene-Council If therefore we have a respect onely to Eusebius's Ten Books of his Ecclesiastick History we may say that Socrates began where Eusebius ended But if we also add his Books concerning the life of Constantine as Socrates here does then that will not be true Vales. a Vales. in his Latine translation begins this period not as Musculus and Christoph do and we have followed his judgment as more agreeable with the continuation and connexion of the sense b Socrates seems to have been of opinion that Constantine and Maxentius began their Reign in the same year that Diocletian and Maximianus Herculius did Resign the Empire This also was the opinion of the Authour of the Chronicle of Alexandria and of others who attribute the years of Constantius's Reign to Constantine his Son And hence it is that Constantine the Great is reported to have Reigned 32 years when as really he Reigned but 30 years and 10 months Vales. c Socrates does in the end of his Seventh Book where he concludes his History repeat this in which place he says that he began his History in the first year of the 271 Olympiad in which year Constantine the Great was proclaimed Emperour This Olympiad does begin at the Solstice of the CCCV year being the year after the resignation of Diocletian But Constantius died not this year but in that following when he was the sixth time Consul with Galerius Augustus as we may read in Fastis Idatii And therefore Constantius's death is to be reckoned on the second year of the aforesaid CCLXXI. Olympiad Vales. d Socrates is here in an error for Maximianus Herculius who was otherwise called Maximian the Elder was by Constantin's command slain in Gallia in the year of Christ 310. But Maximinus Caesar being two years after conquered by Licinius died at Tarsus as Aurelius Victor relates and Eusebius in his Chronicle and other Authours This is the common mistake of the Greek Historians they make a confusion betwixt Maximianus and Maximinus using them promiscuously Vales. e Although in the Greek it be Galerius Maximinus yet we must read Maximianus the Greeks usually confound these two names In the beginning of this chapter where the words are Maximianus surnamed Galerius the Sfort. M. S. has it written Maximinus Vales. f This passage 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Maximianus Galerius who was now the supream person in the Empire must be understood favourably for Galerius was not really chief and sole Arbitratour of all things whenas there were at the same time two other Augusti to wit Constantine in the Gallia's and Maxentius at Rome But nevertheless he may be said summam imperii administrasse because he was the seniour Augustus and was respected by the junior Augusti as a father Vales. g Constantine got this Victory over Maxentius in the year of Christ 312. when he and Licinius were in their second Consulate this was the sixth year of Constantin's Reign for he begun his Reign on the 25 th day of July in the year of Christ 306. But if we say that Maxentius was conquered on the eighth of the Kalends of October in the year 312 as Onufrius reckons in his Fasti and Sigonius in his Second Book concerning the Western Empire then that which Socrates here affirms may be true that Constantine routed Maxentius in the seventh year of his Reign But it seems something odd to me that Maxentius should in the Panagyrick of Nazarius be said to be slain in the end of his sixth year just the day before he began his seventh Maxentius began his Reign some days after Constantine therefore if Maxentius died on the eighth of the Kalends of October he must necessarily begin his Reign on the 7 th And by this computation Constantine came to the Empire two months before Maxentius Which indeed does not seem probable to me But Socrates does here accord with his own opinion For whereas Constantine according to him began his Reign in the 305 year of Christ he very well reckons this Victory in the seventh year of his Reign Vales. h Diocletian died at Salona the 3 d of the nones of December in the year of Christ 316. as Idatius does very well write in his Annals The same also says the Authour of the Chronic. Alexand. but instead of Diocletian there is crept into the Text Galerius Maximianus 't is also confirm'd by the authority of Zosimus in the second book of his History where he says that Diocletian died 3 years after the 3 d Consulship of Constantine and Licinius For having said that from the Consulship of Chilon and Libo in which the secular Games were celebrated to the third Consulship of Constantine and Licinius it was above 110 years he adds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. three years after died Diocletian But Joseph Scaliger in his notes upon Eusebius understood this passage of Zosimus so as if Zosimus should say that Diocletian died three years after the resignation of his Empire or after his ninth Consulship Vales. †〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made common or exposed the Images placed therein that is as we suppose he caused them to be desecrated * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the import whereof rendred word for word is this it hapned there only where Licinius was Valesius renders the words thus in iis enim duntaxa◠partibus grassata est quae subditioni erant Licinii it raged in those parts only which were under Licinius's jurisdiction a In the Kings and Florentine M. SS the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and is wanting which Christoph inserted To me it seems not very necessary If we do retain it then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must signifie Augustus not King as Christoph. renders it Socrates alludes to the Souldiers acclamations who after a signal Victory were wont to stile their Prince Emperour and Augustus The Citizens did the same when the Victorious Prince made his entry into the City Vales. * See Eusebius's Ecclesiastical History book 7. chap. 6. note b. a Lucas Hotstenius a very learned person heretofore wrote a dissertation upon this Epistle of Alexander's which together with some other pieces of his he sent me a little before his death In that Treatise he remarkes in the first place that interpreters had not well rendred these words of Alexander 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which they had translated thus Cum unum sit Catholicae corpus Ecclesiae whereas there is one body of the Catholick Church But he asserts that the place should rather have been thus rendred whereas the Catholick Church is one body c. or consists of one body For that learned person is of opinion that Alexander alludes to Saint Paul's Epistles wherein the Church is frequently called Christ's body But by the favour of that great man and heretofore my dearest friend this Version cannot be born with For if Alexander had thought as Holstenius means he would doubtless
ordered that the Cubit should be removed into the Church of the Alexandrians But because the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cannot be taken in a passive sense the place must be otherwise mended which from the Sfortian M. S. we have thus restored 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Emperour ordered Alexander to remove the Cubit into the Church of the Alexandrians Which emendation needs no confirmation See Rufin Eccles. Hist. book 2 chap. 23. This order of Constantines lasted not long For Julian commanded that the same Cubit should be carried back again into Serapis's Temple where it seems to have continued till Theodosius's reign and the demolishment of Scrapis's Temple Vales. * He means that Standard or Banner which the Emperour ordered to be made in figure like to the Cross that appeared to him in the face of the heavens See chap. 2 of this book * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 See 1 Tim. 6. 20. a See book 3. chap. 1. of Eusebius's Ecclesiastick History to which add this place of an anonymous Author out of the second Homily upon Matthew Denique cum post resurrectionem Dominâ— Thomas Apostolus isset in Provinciam iâ—â—am adâ—â—ncti sunt â—i baptisati ab eo sacti sunt adjutores praedicationis illius meaning the Persian Magi. Vales. b This is Metrodorus the Philosopher whom Jerome has mentioned in his Chronicon who returning from his travails in India presented Constantine with many gemms and peaâ—ls and feigned that many more of greater value were taken from him by Sapor King of the Persians which lie of his was the occasion of the Persian war as Am. Marcellinus attests book 25. pag. 295. Edit Vales. See Valesius's notes on Amm. Marâ—â—ll pag. 304. * Rationes suas scriniaque commiâ—it so Rufinus from whom Socrates translated this story almost word for word describes this young mans Office book 1. chap. 9. Hist. Ecclesiast c Translatours understood not this place For Musculus renders it thus Ut separatis locis uterentur that they should make use of separate places Christophorson thus ut loca seperatim â—ibi sumerent that they should take to themselves places severally In this chapter Socrates has translated Rusinus book 1. chap. 9. Ecclesiast Hist. almost word for word and calls those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Rufinus had termed Conventicula Now Conventicula are properly private places wherein Collects or short prayers are made and from these places Churches are distinguished which belong to the right of the publick and are not in the power of any private person Vales. d Rufinus says the same Tum vero Athanasius nam is nuper sacerdotium susceperat i. e. But then Athanasius for he had a little before undertaken the Episcopate c. But if we consider the matter more attentively these things cannot be For Meropius the Philosopher is said to have travelled into India in imitation of the Philosopher Metrodorus who had taken a view of that Country before him But Metrodorus returned not from his Indian journey before the year of Christ 325. For at his return from India he presented the Emperour Constantine with gifts which he had received from the King of the Indians as we remarked before in note b. in this chapter Which must necessarily happen after the conquest of Licinius For then Constantine first received the Empire of the East Now Licinius was vanquished at the latter end of the year of Christ 324. Meropius therefore in regard following Metrodorus's example he attempted to travell over India must have undertaken this journey some years after him Let us then suppose that Meropius went into India in the year of our Lord 327. On the year following when he should have returned into his own Country he was slain by the Barbarians And Aedesius and Frumentius being as yet youths were presented to the Indian King and one of them was made his Cup-bearer the other was set over his Acts and evidences Royal. In which Offices both continued to the Kings death Now suppose they served the King three years After this the Indian King dies leaving his Son very young But the Queen his mother entreated Aedesius and Frumentius to undertake the Government of the Kingdome till her Son were of age Let us also allow that the Kings Son was about eight years old when his father died In as much as Frumentius returned not to Alexandria till the young King was grown a man it is wholly requisite that he should have managed the affairs of the Kingdom at least ten years So Frumentius returned to Alexandria about the year of our Lord 341 in which year Athanasius was not newly made Bishop but had held that Bishopricck above fifteen years From what we have said 't is apparent that this conversion of the Indians by Frumentius hapned in the Reign of Constantius not of Constantine as Rufinus and others that follow him have related Vales. e Athanasius speaks of this Frumentius in his Apologetick to the Emperour Constantius And a little after mentions Constantius's Epistle to Aizanas and Sazanas the Kings of Auxumis wherein he commands them to send Frumentius whom Athanasius had ordained Bishop of Auxumis to Alexandria to George Bishop of that City that he might receive from him the doctrine of the true Faith Whence it appears that Frumentius was at that time but newly ordained by Athanasius Now this Epistle was written in the year of Christ 356. Baronius in his Annotations on the Roman Martyrology says that this Frumentius Bishop of Auxumis must be differenced from the other Frumentius Bishop of the Indians But I do assert that he that was Bishop of Auxumis and he that is stiled the Bishop of the Indians is one and the same Frumentius For Auxumis is the Metropolis of Aethiopia Now the Aethiopians are by the ancients usually confounded with the Indians So Philostorgius calls the Homeritae who were the Auxumites neighbours Indians Also the Aethiopians who are now called Abyssines call themselves Indians and do acknowledge Frumentius to have been the Apostle of their Nation as Lucas Holsteinius attests in his notes on Baronius's Martyrology which were lately published at Rome Vales. * See Rufinus book 1. chap. 10. Eccles. Hist. Rufinus does not say that this child was the Kings Son but mulier quaedam parâ—ulum suum c. a certain woman sayâ— he carried about her son c. a Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 well skilled in Architecture I had rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being very anxious I doubt not but Socrates wrote it thus For in Ruflnus book 1. chap. 10. from whom Socrates borrowed this relation the words are these cum ecce matutinus anxius cum suis omnibus ingrediens Rex c. when behold the King perplexed in his mind coming in the morning with all his attendants c. Vales. b The Sfort. Florent and All at M. SS call this persons name Baccurius But in Rufinus and others his name is more truly
of Cesarea had refused that See Paulinus Bishop of Tyre was translated to that See in the year of Christ 329 as I before noted in the tenth book of Eusebius's Ecclesiastick History chap. 1. note a. Afterwards Euphronius succeeded Paulinus or as some will have it Eualius After whom Flaccillus was advanced to the See of Antioch who as Athanasius attests in his second Apology against the Arians was at the Synod of Tyre Vales. e Sozomen says the same and Theodorus Mopsuestenus apud Nicaetam in Thesauro Orthodox fidei Which is also confirmed by Georgius of Laodicea in his encomium of Eusebius Emisenus Socrates quotes his words in book 2. chap. 9. Eccles. Hist. But Theodoret book 1. chap. 22. Eccles. Hist. puts Eualius between Eustathius and Euphronius and says that he presided but a very short time Philostorgius agrees with Theodoret. Vales. a Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and that he was falsely accused not without reason S r Henry Savill and Christophorson read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Moreover that he was falsely accused without the least of reason This story concerning the Arian Presbyter whom Constantia Augusta recommended to her brother Constantine Socrates borrowed out of Rufinus book 1. chap. 11. Eccles. Hist. But I suspect the truth of it for these reasons First because Athanasius who does usually detect all the frauds of the Arians has no where made mention of it Secondly in regard the name of this Presbyter is suppressed for if this Presbyter were in so great favour and authority with Constantine that as Rufinus relates in the book and chapter now cited when the Emperour died he should leave his Will which he had written in the hands of this Presbyter doubtless he was worthy to have had his name mentioned But in my judgment Rufinus's authority is but small for he wrote his History very carelesly not from the Records of affaires transacted but from fabulous stories and relations grounded barely on report * Repentance Matth. 28. 19. a After these words there was wanting this whole clause 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If we do not thus believe these things and if we do not truly admit of the Father the Son and the holy Ghost which we have made up from the authority of the Allatian M. S. and from Sozomen book 2. chap. 27. Vales. b In the Kings M. S. and in Epiphanius Scholasticus this place is pointed otherwise thus to our mother the Church to wit all questions c. which distinction displeases me not Vales. a After these words the Florentine M. S. adds these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 part of the Emperours Letter Which are altogether necessary that the Reader may understand that not the Emperours whole Epistle but part of it only is here inserted Athanasius in his second Apology against the Arians out of whom Socrates took these passages producing this Epistle of Constantines sets these very words before it and adds that this Epistle was brought to Alexandria by Syncletius and Gaudentius Officers belonging to the Imperial Palace But that which Socrates affirms to wit that Arius came to Alexandria is not mentioned by Athanasius nor doe I think it is true Vales. b After these words from the Florentine Sfortian and Allatian M. SS we have added this whole period 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For he laboured to reduce them all to a perfect union which was wanting in the common Editions Sozomen has almost the same words in his second book at the close of chap. 22 but he has changed their order Vales. c We find these mens names in that catalogue of the Melitian Bishops which Alexander procured from Melitius This Ision was Bishop in Athribis Eudaemon in Tanis and Callinicus in Pelusium See Athanasius's second Apologetick Vales. d Athanasius in his Apologetick calls this man Apis not Alypius But names not the place wherein Constantine took cognizance of this matter Yet Socrates affirms it was at Nicomedia Further Baronius relates that these affaires were transacted in the year of Christ 329. But I would rather choose to place them on the year following For these things hapned after Eustathius's deposition when Eusebius and Theognius returned from their Exile had procured a great authority and interest with Constantine But what the same Baronius says to wit that Constantines Letter concerning Arius's readmission into the Church was written to Athanasius in the year of Christ 327 is a palpable mistake and he dissents from Athanasius whom notwithstanding he professes to follow in all things For Athanasius relates that soon after Constantines Letter and Arius's repulse the Melitians accused him of these crimes before the Emperour Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which words Valesius has thus rendred conspirans adversus Principem conspiring against the Emperour e This passage of Socrates is very much enlightned by Athanasius in his second Apologetick against the Arians Whose words because they are misunderstood by his translatour I will here set down 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is Mareotes is a region of Alexandria In that region there never was a Bishop or Deputy Bishop But the Churches of that whole region are subject to the Bishop of Alexandria Each of the Presbyters hath peculiar Villages which are very great sometimes ten in number or more From these words it appears that every Village of Mareotes had not its particular Presbyter but that one Presbyter governed ten Villages and sometimes more That Village wherein Ischyras was in regard it was the least of all undoubtedly had neither its peculiar Church nor Presbyter To that Epistle which all the Presbyters and Deacons of Mareotes wrote to the Synod of Tyre which Letter is recorded by Athanasius in the book now cited there subscribed fourteen Presbyters and fifteen Deacons Vales. f This Arsenius was a Bishop of the Melitians in the City Hypselis which is in Thebaïs In his Epistle which he wrote to Athanasius he assumes to himself this title of honour 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. To Athanasius the blessed Pope Arsenius Bishop of the City Hypselis one of those sometimes under Melitius But in the catalogue of Bishops of the Melitian faction which Melitius delivered to Alexander no Arsenius can be found Vales. g Socrates took this out of Athanasius in his second Apologetick against the Arians his words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Constantine wrote to Antioch to Dalmatius the Censor ordering him to hear the cause concerning the murder The Censor therefore sent to me to prepare for my defence Socrates thought that this Dalmatius was the son of Constantines brother he that some years after was made Caesar by Constantine But that is a great mistake For Dalmatius the Censor was Constantines brother and the Father of Dalmatius the Caesar. The Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle confirms this who writes thus concerning Constantine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. and he created Dalmatius the son of his brother Dalmatius the Censor
a In our Annotations on the twenty first book of Amm. Marcellinus we have long since remarked that this mountains name should be Soucis and that hereby is meant the streights of the Succi which Amm. Marcellinus describes in his twenty first book pag. 189. Edit Paris 1635. Philostorgius mentions the same streights in book 3. Eccles. Hist. and calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Succi being scituated between Dacia and Thracia He describes them thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. i. e. They are streight passages of vast mountains which are crouded together on each side into one place in such a manner that they seem to embrace one another He means the two mountains Haemus and Rhodope which arising from different places make an angle in that place and do as it were kiss one another Which gave the Ancients an occasion of seigning Haemus to be a young man and Rhodope a maid and that heretofore they fell in love with one another You may meet with the story in Ovid. Metamorph. book 6. at the beginning Busbequius in 1 Epist Legat. Turci says that the Turks do now call this narrow passage Capi deruent i. e. the Gate of narrownesses Vales. b These words must have a favourable sense put upon them and are not so to be understood as if Socrates should have said that after the Synod of Serdica the Western Bishops held no communion with the Eastern For in the Synod of Sirmium which was convened by the Western Bishops against Photinus two years after the Synod at Serdica the Western Bishops sent their determinations to the Eastern upon account of preserving a communion And the Eastern Bishops wrote back to them as Hilarius informs us in his Fragments Thus therefore Socrates's words here must be understood to wit after the Synod of Serdica the Western Bishops did not readily and rashly but with a great deal of cautiousness communicate with the Eastern Vales. c Constans Augustus's Letter to his brother Constantius which is here recorded by Socrates is in my judgment not to be lookt upon as genuine For Athanasius makes no mention of this Letter and Paulus's name which is extant in it doth upon good grounds render it suspicious For at that time Paulus enjoyed his Bishoprick neither was he present at the Synod of Serdica nor restored by the determination thereof as we shewed before Wherefore if this Letter of Constans's be genuine it must necessarily have been written before the Council of Serdica Lastly Constantius's first Letter to Athanasius which Socrates has inserted in the following chapter evidently shews this to be a forged Letter For Constantius in that Epistle saith that by a Letter written to his brother he hath requested him to give Athanasius leave to return to his See Vales. a This and the two following Letters are in Athanasius's second defence pag. 769. Edit Paris Vales. a In Athanasius instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 determined the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 desired Vales. b In Athanasius it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sent not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 manifested Vales. c After the Synod of Serdica Athanasius made his abode first at Naïsis in Dacia In which City he received the Letters written to him by Constans Augustus Afterwards he left Naïsis and went to Aquileia as he himself attests in his Apologetick to Constantius pag. 676. Vales. d Athanasius relates the reason of this journey of his to Rome in his Second defence against the Arians to wit that he might take his leave of Julius the Bishop and the Roman Church by whom he had been so kindly entertained For that is the meaning of these words of Athanasius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. But I upon receipt of these Letters went to Rome to bid the Roman Church and the Bishop farwell For the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies valedicere to take leave of or to bid farewell as we have observed and proved in our Annot. on Eusebius's Life of Constantine book 3. chap. 21. Vales. e In the Allat M. S. and in Athanasius in his second Apology against the Arians these words the Bishops and are wanting Instead hereof Epiphanius Scholasticus seems to have read Julius the Bishop to the Presbyters c. which reading Christophorson hath followed Vales. f In Athanasius the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which I like not For it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the course of life tâ—nding to them that is to the promises Or else the reading may be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of your mutual love which reading Epiphan Scholastic followed Vales. g Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 received in the Allaâ— M. S. and in Athanasius the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 declared which I account the better reading Vales. h In the Allat M. S. the reading of this place is thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and together with him as many as have been partakers of so great labours with him The reading in Athanasius is almost the same But our Copies and Epiphanius Scholasticus do confirm the common reading Vales. * 1 Cor. 2. 9. i This passage Socrates had from Râ—sinus There is no mention of it in Athanasius Vales. k The reading must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 incommode which emendation Rufinus confirmes book 1. chap. 19. Eccles. Hist. and so doth Epiphanius in his Version Vales. * Likeness l Epiphan Scholasticus reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Our good Government c. Vales. m I doubt not but instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prayers it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ears oâ— hearing and so we have rendred it Vales. * Or eminently addicted to n In the Allâ—â— M. S. and in â—thanaâ—ius the reading here is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with your whole souls minds Vales. o Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all manner of conâ—utation the reading in the Allat and Sfortian M. SS is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all manner of disturbance Vales. * Athanasius p In the Allat M. S. it is Augustonica in Athanasius it is called Augustamnica The name of this Province is usually written divers ways For some term it Augustamnica others Augustanica so I found it written in many both Greek and Latine M. SS Others called it Augustonica to wit from Augustus's Victory In the subscriptions of the Bishops who approved of Acacius's draught of the Creed which the Reader will meet with at the fortieth chapter of this second book whose names Epiphanius has recorded in Heres Semiarian we read amongst others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Ptolemaeus Bishop of Thmuis a City of Augustonica Vales. a This Epistle of the Jerusalem Synod is extant in Athanasius's second defence against the Arians together with the names of those Bishops who subscribed to that Synod But we may here by the by take notice of the Bishop of Jerusalems authority who although he was no Metropolitane yet summoned
of the piety of our Emperour does exactly agree with this Creed is a thing manifestly known to those who have read that Creed Then follows another Chapter after this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I doubt not but the reading should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to which subscribed i. e. To which they who were present subscribed Basilius Marcus Georgius Bishop of Alexandria Pancratius Hypatianus and most of the Western Bishops Vales. c In the Florent and Allat M. SS as saies Vales. the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we have exprest in our Version But Valesius follows the other reading which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it had the knowledge of before d Nay long before Cyrill the Donatists appealed from the determination of the Council of Orleans For thus the Emperour Constantine speaks concerning them in his Epistle ò rabida furoris audacia Sicut in causis Gentilium solet appellationem interposuerunt i. e. O the outragious audaciousness of fury As 't is usually done in the cases of the Heathens they have put in an appeal Vales. e These two lines 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by a general consent they might paâ—s a definitive sentence against the persons accused For they had cited some other persons besides that were accused were at this place wanting in the common Editions we have inserted them from the Florentine and Sfortian M. SS To which agrees Epiphanius Scholasticus's Version But Christophorson made up the chasme at this place very unhappily by conjecture whence it appears that he had no Manuscript Copies of Socrates but various readings only gathered from the Margins of Printed Copies Vales. f This persons name should be Uranius not Ursacius so he is called in Athanafius's book de Synod Arimin Seleuciae pag. 880. which name also Epiphanius Scholasticus gives him as does likewise Epiphanius in Haeres Semiarian who names him among the Bishops that subscribed the Acacian Creed Vales. g In the Florentine and Allatian M. SS this person is named not Theodorus but more truly Theodulus For that is his name in Athanastus Epiphanius and Philostorgius When this Theodulus had been divested of the Bishoprick of Chaeretapi in the Council held at Seleucia he was afterwards ordained Bishop of Palestina by the Eunomians as Philostorgius relatet Concerning Leontius of Tripolis you may meet with many passages in Philostorgius Vales. h Into his See they put one Philippus a Presbyter of Scythopolis as Epiphanius attests in Haeres Semiarian Vales. * Or by making their defence i It should be but one word thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So the Greeks term the Libels of protestation or protests which were usually deposited with the Acts. We meet a form of one of these Libels at the close of Athanasius's Epistle ad Solitarios I suppose that two Libels of protestation were delivered by the Council one to Leonas the Comes another to Lauricius President of Isauria Vales. a In the Old Fasti put forth by Jacobus Sirmondus under the name of Idatius there is this Record concerning this thing Eusebio Hypatio his consulibus primum processit Constantinopoli praefectus Vrbis nomine Honoratus die tertio Idû◠Decembris i. e. in the Consulate of Eusebius and Hypatius a Praefect of Constantinople was first made his name Honoratus on the third of the Ides of December Vales. b Before the Emperour Constantius had made a Praefect of the City at Constantinople the Province Europa the chief City whereof was Constantinople was governed by a Proconsul as Socrates here attests Athanasius mentions this Proconsul in his Apologetick de Fugâ suâ not far from the beginning where he says that the Emperour Constantius wrote Letters to Donatus the Proconsul against Olympius Bishop of Thracia In the Emperour Constantius's Epistle also which he wrote to the Senate and Constantinopolitan-people concerning the praises of Themistius there is mention of this Proconsul at the close of that Epistle Vales. c That is the Greed which had the Consuls names praefixt Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So this place is worded in the Original What the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were I have long since explained in my notes on Amm. Marcellinus to wit the Bodies or Sodalities of Officials or Apparitours who attended upon the Presidents and Governours of Provinces It was their duty to collect the tribute from the Inhabitants of the Provinces and to put in execution the Presidents Orders Further as they who had listed themselves in the Camp-milice stood obliged by a Military-oath and enjoyed not a compleat liberty but were bound in a servitude as it were till such time as they were disbanded as Suidas declares in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so those Officials who followed the City-milice were bound to this employment as it were and lyable to the Offices of their Milice and their Farms as well as those of the Decurions were incumbred with these burdens as 't is apparent from the Theodofian Code Vales. e In the Alexandrian Chronicle seventy two Bishops are said to have been present at the Constantinopolitan-Synod in the year of Christ 360. Vales. * Or who is the only begotten born the only of the only Father c. * Substance f In Athanafius's book de Synodis pag. 906 the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nor ought c. to which agrees the Version of the Latine Translatour Which is also confirmed by Athanasius himself in the same book pag. 905 the place we will quote by and by Vales. a Satala was a Town in Armenia of which there is frequent mention amongst the Antients But in Macedonia no mention is made of a City of this name by the Ancients Wherefore I judge that instead of Macedonia it should be Armenia here in the Greek Text. Vales. a Sozomen book 4. chap. 24. says 't was at Neocaesarea Vales. b These words of Socrates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 those who had an aversion for or detested the Churches are not to be understood of all those who declined the Churches but they must be joyned to the foregoing words and are to be meant of those persons who by Eustathius's perswasion had separated themselves from the converse of their wives Eustathius perswaded these men to avoid the Churches assemblies and not to communicate with other believers but that being as it were pure and perfect they should participate of the sacred Mysteries by themselves at home See what Epiphanius has related concerning this Eustathius in his Hareâ—â—e of the Aâ—riani and Basilius in his Epistles Vales. c I am not of Socrates's opinion who makes the Synod of Gangra wherein Eustathius was condemned to have been after that assembled at Seleucia and after the Constantinopolitan-Synod Sozomen book 4. chap. 24. makes the Synod of Gangra to be ancienter than the Council of Antioch which was held at the Dedication in the year of Christ 341. Indeed Baronius at the year of Christ 361. places the Synod
name of this City is more frequently inscribed on old Coyns Johannes Tristanus has produced a Coyn of the Emperour Caracalla's which has this inscription 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Synnade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 n. Yet 't is sometimes written with a single n. So it is in an old Coyn of the Emperour Nerva's in the reverse whereof Jupiter is engraven with this Inscription 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This Coyn was in the Archives of that illustrious personage the Lord Bryennius concerning the meaning whereof when I was asked by the Learned Franciscus Ogerius to whom Patiâ—us had communicated that Coyn my answer was it was to be read thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For the Synnadensians worshipped Jupiter under the name of Pandemos because having heretofore been gathered together out of many sorts of people in Greece by Acamas Theseus's son they inhabited the City Synnada Whence says Stephanus the City was so named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from their dwelling together Further those people out of whom the Colony of the Synnadensians was first collected were of two sorts to wit the Macedonians and the Athenians or Ionians who were in Asia as the same Stephanus relates Whence we understand why in the Emperour Caracalla's Coyn which Johannes Tristanus has set forth the Synnadensians are termed Dorienses and Ionians For this is the inscription 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For the Macedonians a Colony whereof Acamas brought thither were originally Dorienses But the Athenians who went thither with Acamas Theseus's son and the Colonies which Acamas is reported to have gathered out of Asia were Ionians so termed from Iön the Athenian Vales. b It is a famous question and usually disputed on both sides whether it be lawfull for Catholicks especially Bishops to persecute Hereticks In the determination whereof I am of opinion that a distinction is requisite For 't is certain that on account of amassing money together it is not lawfull for Catholicks to molest and vex Hereticks which thing Theodosius Bishop of Synnada at that time did Also to persecute them by criminall sentences and to thirst after their bloud is in like manner unlawfull as Idatius and some other Prelates of Spain did in their persecution of the Priscilianists To whose communion when S t Martin had for some time joyned himself he acknowledged that great detriment befell him from that thing as Sulpicius Severus does relate in his Life Notwithstanding it is and always was lawfull for Catholicks to implore the aid of Princes and Magistrates against Hereticks that they be restrained and kept within the bounds of duty least they should behave themselves insolently over the Catholicks or least they should insult over and scoff at the Catholick Religion S r Augustine confesses indeed that heretofore this was his Sentiment to wit that Hereticks were not to be molested and vexed by Catholicks but that they were to be invited by all instances of mansuetude and mildness But afterwards he altered his opinion being most certainly informed that the Laws of Princes made against Hereticks are usefull to Hereticks themselves in order to their conversion And he says this was acknowledged by the Donatists themselves who had afterwards returned to the Catholick Church For they affirmed that they had never returned to the Church but had always continued in their errour had they not been provoked and drawn as it were by those penalties and mulcts contained in the Imperial Laws There is a most elegant passage of Augustine's about this matter in his 48 th Epistle to Vincentius to which is to be added another passage of the same Authour in his first book against Gaudentius chap. 23. Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is he drew and bound them as it were to Judges Tribunals Translatours thought these words were spoken concerning bonds as if Theodosius the Bishop had brought the Hereticks bound before the Judges In which sense Nicephorus also took this passage But Socrates's words will not bear this meaning Vales. d Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 madness Nicephorus and Christophorson read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Course device or purpose with which reading I am best pleased Vales. * Or when he had celebrated a prayer e We read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unjustly agreeable to the reading in Epiphan Scholasticus and Nicephorus The other Reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contrary to reason or unexpectedly Vales. * Troubled with the palsy * Book 5. chap. 21. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 worthy of many dangers †See Luke 22. 1. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I like not the Version of Langus and Christophorson who have rendred this place thus maledictus qui absque azimis pascha celebrat cursed is he who celebrates the Passover without unleavened bread In my judgement it must be rendred thus beyond or not on the days of unleavened bread For in the Greek it is not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is without but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which imports beyond out of or saving on Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which Langus and Christophorson render thus cum ex anticipatâ opinione Festum Paschae celebraret when he celebrated the Paschall Festivall by an anticipated opinion I like Musculus's Version better who translates it thus per anticipationem celebraret he celebrated the Festivall by way of anticipation For Sabbatius celebrating the Paschall solemnity after the Jewish manner prevented the Christians and kept that Festivall before the Sunday If these words are thus to be understood it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Socrates uses the same term a little lower in this Chapter where speaking concerning the same thing his words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 possest with a rude anticipate opinion Where notwithstanding 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems to be taken for an anticipate opinion Vales. c I understand The Vigill of the Paschall Festivall Nor can 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be any other then the Vigill of the Paschall Festivall For Sabbatius although he anticipated Easter and celebrated it with the Jews yet kept the Vigills on the Paschall Sabbath with the rest of the Christians with whom also he celebrated Easter-day in a dissembling and negligent manner as Socrates has related before in book 5. chap. 21. And thus this passage in Socrates was understood by Nicephorus whose words his Translatour hath not rendred well Nicephorus's words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Which are to be translated thus But in regard they celebrated the solemn Vigill with a congruous worship meerly for fashions sake c. Moreover why Sabbatius although he followed the Jews in the observation of Easter notwithstanding would feign a celebration of Easter with the Christians this in my judgement is the reason because he feared the Laws of the Emperours who had made a Sanction that they should be accounted Hereticks who kept not Easter on one and the same day with all other Christians This
been put into his See 'T is certain Photius presided at the Berytian Synod which had been convened on the year before the second Ephesine Synod But because Irenaeus had been ejected by the Emperours Order not by the determination of a Synod therefore he was deposed in the second Ephesine Synod Vales. h 'T is strange how much Translatours have erred in the Version of this place For Langus Nicephorus's Translatour renders it thus Decrevit haec Synodus quoque de Sophronio quaedam c. This Synod also Decreed some things concerning Sophronius who had come at that time to Constantinople on account of seeing that City Christophorson translates it in this manner Nonnulla ibidem acta â—uere contra Sophronium Episcopum Constantinopolitanum some things were acted there against Sophronius Bishop of Constantinople But he ought to have said Bishop of Constantina For Sophronius was Bishop of Constantina as 't is apparent from the second Antiochian Synod under Domnus which is inserted in the 14 th Action of the Chalcedon Synod The same Sophronius was afterwards present at the Chalcedon Synod as 't is recorded in the Acts of that Synod Now Constantina is a City of Phaenice Vales. * This was he who wrote the five books of Ecclesiastick History i In the place of Domnus Bishop of Antioch Maximus was subrogated as Liberatus informs us in his Breviarium Who was afterwards confirmed in his Bishoprick by Pope Leo as we read in the Tenth Action of the Chalcedon Council Notwithstanding the same Maximus appointed Domnus as long as he lived a certain allowance out of the Reyenue of his Church that being content with his maintenance he might in future be quiet which thing was approved of by the other Patriarchs in the Chalcedon Council as may be seen in the forecited Action Vales. * Or none of those who are mad upon Idolls †〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 originally or primarily * Or him who went before him a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Nicephorus book 14. chap. 48. where he transcribes this passage of Evagrius the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and opportune which reading is not so good as I judge Yet I found it expressly â—o written in the Tellerian M. S. Vales. * Or To the creature †Or Câ—private ‖ Or May meet in one exact c. * 1 Cor. 11. 19. †2 Cor. 12. 9. ‖ Doctrines or points b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He means I suppose that Story which we are told concerning Ganymed Son of Tros King of Troas which was one part of Phrygia This Boy Jupiter having turned himself into an Eagle snatch't up and admitted him his Cup-bearer in the room of Hebe whom he had displaced and makes him his Catamite * A person that is both male and female c The story is this Semele 't is said being great with child by Jupiter to whom that god had sworn to give whatever she should ask of him was by Juno's craft put upon making this request to him viz. that he would lie one â—â—â—ht with her in the same manner be used to lie with Juno The God-Lover granted her desire and Semele is burnt up with Thunder but the Boy was taken out of her womb and put upon Jove's thigh of whom he was delivered in such manner as women are at the due time On which account Bacchus who was the child thus brought forth had the name of Bimater one that had two mothers d 'T is an Epithâ—te given to Jupiter either 1 because he wore the sacred â—â—gis that is Brest-plate or 2 because he was the raiser of Storms or rather 3 in regard he wore the skin of the Goat Amâ—â—thaea which had been his Nurse See Servius upon Virgil's 8 th Aeneid Col. 1320 Edit Basil. 1586. e In stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and some brave c. I doubt not but it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as some brave c. For in these books of Evagrius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is frequently used instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * Or has had divinity attributed to it or has been deified * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Mark or Goal * Nestorius †Or has surrounded him with an Anathenia ‖ Or imitate * Or who dwelt in or upon a pillar a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 S r Henry Savil in his Copy makes it one word thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But I had rather write it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For so Grecians do usually speak as when they say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most eminently laudable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most Holy and the like Our Evagrius speaking hereafter concerning Gregorius Bishop of Antioch gives him this Elogy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the most celebrated Gregorius Vales. * Or conspicuous b Heretofore the Presbyters celebrated the Church-Service together with the Bishop and received the Eucharist from his hand So in the tenth Action of the Chalcedon Councill Bassianus Bishop of Ephesus in his Supplicatory Libell to Marsianus the Emperour amongst other things says these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Having on the day after all of us performed the Publick-Service together c. And at a great distance from that place the same Bassianus says pag. 303 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Stephanus my Presbyter was with me four years he performed the Publick-Service with me communicated with me and received the Communion from me as from his Bishop The same usage also was heretofore practised in the Roman Church to wit that the Presbyters should every day celebrate the Publick-Service together with the Bishop of Rome and receive the Communion from his hand But on Sundays when the Presbyters were necessitated to perform the Publick-Service apart in their own Titles Parishes or Cures on account of the people committed to their charge they received the Lords Body sent by the Acolythi from the Bishop of Rome that they might not seem to be separated from the communion of their own Bishop especially on that day as Pope Innocent informs us in his Epistle to Decentius Vales. * Or Predictions †See Theodoret's works Tom. 3. pag. 876 c. Edit Paris 1642. c This place has been severall ways corrected by Learned men to wit by Christophorson and Curterius or rather by those from whose Copies they transcribed these emendations For some after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 add the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Others read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and understand that concerning Theodoret only But I suppose this place is to be restored thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And so I have rendred it nor do I doubt but Evagrius wrote it thus Vales. d In the incomparable Florentine M. S. I found these words written at the margin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is The judgment of the Fathers concerning the Great Symeon was truly spirituall in Christ. Vales. e These seem to be the words of the
Socrat Eccles Histor. book 3. chap. 18. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Valesius renders it The Hunni †Or wonder * Attila a This Earthquake hapned on the year of Christ 447 in the Consulate of Ardabures and Callepius as Marcellinus in his Chronicon and the Author of the Aloxandrian Chronicle doe relate Marcellinus's words are these Ingenti terrae motu per loca varia imminente plurimi urbis Augustae muri recenti adhuc reaedificatione constructi cum quinquaginta septem turribus corruerunt An exceeding great Earthquake being imminent through severall places a vast part of the walls or most of the walls of the Imperial City which had been but very lately rebuilt fell down together with fifty seven Towers Which words I have annexed for this reason that I might shew that Evagrius's words here have been misunderstood by Translatours who rendred these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus in Palatio in the Palace when as they ought to have rendred them in the Imperial City By which name Evagrius usually calls Constantinople Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Rules of Grammar do require that we should write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 together with their roots In the Tellerian M. S. the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A little before where the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the earth was dissipated the same Manuscript has it written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the earth was separated or rent in sunder Vales. a Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it must I think be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Personages eminent for c. For this reading is required by the Rules of Grammar Vales. b That is to be Consulares of Syria For the Consularis of Syria governed the City Antioch and the other Cities of Syria-Coele Further take heed of supposing that these three men to wit Memnonius Zoïlus and Callistus were sent at one and the same time by Theodosius to preside over the Antiochian Jurisdiction For this was not the usage of the Romans We ought therefore to understand that each of them had been sent at severall times one after the other by Theodosius You must know further that 't was usuall for the Consulares of Syria that they might ingratiate themselves with the Antiochians to erect some publick structure Libanius informs us hereof in his Antiochiâ— pag. 370 Tom. 2. Edit Paris 1627. in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 'T is no wonder therefore if that City which excells the rest in other things which after she has vanquished other Cities in the study and exercise of wisdome has out done even herself should render those who come to be her Governours her Lovers The beginning middle and close of each of which persons Government is this to make some addition to the City The same Libanius a little before in the same page says there were three Tribunals in the City Antioch and as many Scholes of Advocates to wit equall to the number of the Tribunals or Judicatories The first Tribunal seems to have belonged to the Praefectus Praetorio of the East whose residence was at Antioch The second was the Tribunal of the Comes of the East The third was the Jurisdiction of the Consularis of Syria-Coele Libanius's words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which passage is to be rendred thus For besides the Erudition which is in the Decurions three Scholes or Quires of Advocates are there assembled equall in number to the Judicatories Vales. c The reading in Robert Stephens's Edition and here is this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at the Southern part of Rophinus's side The Geneva-Printers from Christophorson's Copy have set it forth thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at the Southern side of Ruphinus's Pallace S r Henry Savil also in his Copy which I have by me has expunged the word Rufinus and in stead thereof has substituted these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Roof of the Pallace And thus Christophorson read as 't is apparent from his Version For he has rendred it thus Qui ad Australe latus tecti palatii quod Rufini nomen obtinet spectat which looks towards the southern side of the Roof of the Pallace which bears the name of Rufinus But in regard these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 occur not either in the Kings or in the Florentine or Tellerian M. SS in my judgment they ought deservedly to be expunged Vales. Valesius has rendred this passage thus quae ad meridianum latus porticus Rufini sita which we have exprest in our English Version The import of the Greek if rendred word for word is this at the Southern part of Rophinus's side * Or those buildings which are made c. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Musculus renders it Mansionem ducum the Mansion of the Duces or chief Military Commanders Christophorson's Version is not much different for he renders it thus è regione fori in quo pulcherrima domus est quam praefecti praesidiorum incolere solent Over against the Forum wherein there is a most beautifull house in which the Praefects of the Milice or of the Military Forces do usually dwell But by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place in my judgment must be understood not the Military Commanders in chief or Masters of the Milice but the Magistrates or Duâ—mviri who in Greek were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as I have already remarked in my notes on Am Marcellinus and Eusebius See Euseb. Eccles. Hist. book 7. chap. 11. note p. and book 8. chap. 11. note c. Now why I suppose this word is rather thus to be taken here this is the reason because that house is said to have been in the Forum over against the Pallace wherein was the Court of Judicature Moreover such a house as this seems to be more agreeable to a Municipall Magistrate than to a Rectour of the Milice Besides these houses were in Greek termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Such a one was the Sâ—rategium at Constantinople as I have noted at the first book of Socrates chap. 16. note d. Although the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle in The transactions of the Emperour Severus brings another reason of this word But now having examined the business more attentively by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I understand here the Masters of the Milice throughout the East who had a splendid Praetorium in the Forum of the City Antioch Theophanes mentions this Praetorium in his Chronicon pag. 147. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For the fire was kindled from the Church of Saint Stephen and burnt or went as far as the Praetorium of the Master of the Milice Vales. * Or during the same times of Theodosius a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If we would follow the Laws of Grammar it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not used in the plurall number I would rather make it 〈◊〉
of certainty can be gotten out of this Surname in regard 't is variously written in ancient writers Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 When Pâ—â—vince submitted themselves to the Râ—mâ—n Empire 't was usual for the Emperour to cause 〈◊〉 Edict to be drawn up and proclaimed â—penly upon the place The Tenour whereof was first to entitle the Emperour himself to all respects of dominion and supremacy over that people and then secondly to aboâ—â— from this by a popular insinuation of all possible sacredness and Liberty of the Provincialls A particular instance hereof as it relates to this very City Antioch is produced by M r Jo. Gregory of Oxford see his works pag. 156 Edit London 1665 from Johannes Antiochenus's M. S. Geograph book 9â— in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And when the City Antioch had yielded it self up to the subjection of the Roman Empire an Edict of the Liberties thereof was sent by Jullus Caesar and publickly proclaimed at Antioch upon the twentieth of Mâ—y 〈◊〉 the Contents where of were these AT ANTIOCH THE HOLY SACRED AND FREE CITY THE METROPOLITAN QUEEN AND PRESIDENT OF THE EAST CAIUS JULIUS CAESAR c. The Provinces usually returned the honour of these priviledges back upon the Emperour by this way of acknowledgement That they might keep the Emperour's Grace in perpetuall memory they reckoned all their publick affairs ever after from that time 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 continues the same Johannes Antiochenus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Therefore Antioch the Great in honour of the Emperour fixed its Aera in Caius Julius Caesar and made this year of Grace the first On which account this Aera of theirs which precedes that of our Lords Nativity fourty eight years was peculiarly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because at the fixing hereof the Emperour did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 publickly name himself to all the title of dominion and also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 publickly entitle them to all priviledges aâ—d immunities * Or lâ—d â—o b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Musculus has rendred this place very ill But Christophorson in regard he could not understand the meaning of these words omitted them in his version Indeed this place tortured me a long while and very much Notwithstanding at length I found the meaning of it to be this After Evagrius has set forth the time wherein the Earthquake hapned at Antioch in the Reign of Leo Augustus by certain Notes to wit of the year month week day and Indiction in the last place he adds these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is that that Earthquake had hapned without any turning of the Cycles three hundred fourty seven years compleat after that Earthquake which had hapned in Trajan's times For this note of time hath no Cycle But the former notes of time assigned by Evagrius are notes of the Cycles or Periods For an Indiction is a Cycle of fifteen years and a week a month and a year are Circles and Periods always recurring This therefore is my Sentiment concerning the explication of this place Nevertheless if any one shall produce a more certain account of this passage I will not refuse to alter my opinion See Evagriuâ— book 3. chap. 33 and note b there This place may also be taken otherwise by changing only the accent in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That so the sense may be this This is said to be the sixth Earthquake which shaked Antioch Noâ— do I now doubt but this is the true interpretation of this plate In the Tellerian Manuscript I found it plainly written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the sixth with an asperate and the accent in the first syllable Vales. The reading in Robert Stephens is the same with that set at the beginning of this note In the Greek Text of Valesius's Edition this place is pointed and accented thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. which reading and punctation we have followed in our version ‖ Or indictiâ—â— c I have restored this place from the incomparable Florentine M. S. wherein 't is plainly written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is fourty and seaven The reading in Nicephorus at book 15. chap. 20. is altogether the same Vales. And so 't is in Robert Stephen's Edition also notwithstanding Valesius's saying that he restored this place d Baronius in his Eccelesiastick Annals at the year of Christ 111 says that Evagrius is mistaken in affirming that that Earthquake which came to pass at Antioch in Trajan's Reign hapned on the year according to the Antiochians account 159. For that Earthquake hapned in the Consulate of Messala and Pedo as 't is manifest from Dion who asserts that the Consul Pedo perished in that Earthquake Further the Consulate of Messala and Pâ—do fell on the year of Christ 115 as 't is agreed amongst all Chronologers It was then according to the Antiochians account the hundredth sixty third year not the hundredth fifty ninth year as Evagrius says For the years of the Antiochians precede Christ's Nativity fourty eight years Moreover concerning these years of the Antiochians amongst the Ancients the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle has spoken best of all in the affairs of Julius Caesarâ—â— but amongst the Moderns Dionysius Petavius gives us the best account hereof in his books de Doctrina Temporum and in the second part of his Rationarium chap. 14. To which Authour nevertheless I can't give my assent in this which he affirms viz. that the beginning of these years is deduced from the month October which was the popular or ordinary beginning of the year amongst the Antiochians In my Annotations on Eusebius See Euseb. book concerning the Martyrs of Palestine chap. 1. note e. I have in my judgment sufficiently demonstrated that the Antiochians began their year from the month Dius or November Nor is that true which Petavius writes at the same place viz. that the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle seems to deduce the beginning of these years from the month May. For the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle does not say that he affiâ—ms only that the Decree of the Senate whereby Antioch was pronounced a free City was received by the Antiochians on the month May and then also publickly proposed Vales. * Or the City e In the incomparable Florentine Manuscript this whole place is written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Besides the Towers of the Hippodrome or Cirque which were near the gates and some of the Porticus's which lead to those Towers fell Which doubtless is the better reading The Gates of the Cirque were fortified with two Towers on each side There were also some Porticus's which led to those Towers from the gates of the Cirque as I suppose In the Tellerian M. S. I found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some of the Porticus's which led to those Gates Vales. In Robert Stephens this whole clause is worded thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Towers of the
Hippodrome from the Gate and some of the Porticus's leading from them f Instead of Ostracinia the reading in the Florentine and Tellerian M. SS and in Nicephorus is truer which is thus Ostracine Our Evagrius mentions this place again at chap. 8. book 6. But what the Ostracine was 't is hard to say Geitonia is a continuation of houses which received or stood behind the publick Porticus's Which Libanius also confirms in his Antiochicus pag. 372. Edit Park 1627. It was termed Ostracine because the Potters-workhouses were there The Old Glosses render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fictile a thing made of Potters-earth Vales. g So the Greeks termed the Temple of the Nymphs which Libanius describes in his Antiochicus pag. 372. Edit ut prius Vales. h In the version of this place both Translatours have erred For Musculus renders it thus Dicit etiam mille auri Talenta Civitatâ— illi ab Imperatore de tributis esse remissa ex Tributis quoque constitutum esse ut civibus illis qui eâ calamitate adâ—ecti erant aedes ipsorum simulque publica aedificia restaurarentur He says also that a thousand Talents of Gold were by the Emperour remitted to that City of the Tributes and that 't was constituted out of the Tributes also that to those Citizens who had been affected with that calamity their houses together with the publick Edifices should be repaired But Christophorson translates it in this manner Ait porro tum Civitati de Tributis mille auri Talenta ab Imperatore esse condonaâ—a tum Civibus etiam Vectigalia qui eâ clade afflicti erant he says further that both to the City a thousand Talents of Gold of the Tributes were remitted by the Emperour and also the Taxes or Customs to those Citizens who had been afflicted with that calamity Where you see that both Translatours referred these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Citizens which is in no wise to be born with For Evagrius would not have said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nicephorus therefore understood these words righter to wit concerning the houses of private men the Taxes whereof the Emperour remitted to the Citizens of Antioch Nevertheless Nicephorus has not fully apprehended Evagrius's meaning For thus he expresses this place of Evagrius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is as Langus renders it Terrae motus istius gratiâ— c. And because of this Earthquake and on account of the houses ruined the Emperour 't is reported forgave the City a thousand Talents of Gold the Tributes of the Annuall payments But Evagrius or rather Johannes the Rhetorician says more For he affirms that the Emperour remitted to the Antiochians a thousand Talents of Gold of the Tributary Function but forgave to each Citizen the Tributes of those houses which had been ruined by the Earthquake Now these Tributes may be understood in a twofold sence Either 1. concerning the annuall Pension which by Hirers was paid to the Owners or Lords of the houses Or 2. concerning the money which was paid to the Fiscus Exchequer because those houses had been built upon the publick Soyle In such manner as amongst us an annuall rent is wont to be paid by possessours of houses as well in the City as Country to the Lords of the Soyle And in this latter sense I had rather take 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Tributes here For this word is more frequently used to signifie Tributes Tolls or Customes which are paid to the publick But if this term should be so taken here as to signifie the price of houses which is usually paid by the Hirer there would have been no liberality of the Emperour 's in that For he would have given nothing of his own to the Citizens but that which was another's Vales. i Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the reading undoubtedly must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the same adde the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Emperour And thus Christophorson seems to have read Further concerning this Earthquake Isaac Syrus had written an Elegie as Marcellinus attests in his Chronicon in these words Patricio Ricimere Coss. c. In the Consulate of Patriclus and Ricimeres Isaac a Presbyter of the Antiochian Church wrote many things in the Syrian Language and especially against the Nestorians and Eutychians He likewise bewailed the ruine of Antioch in an Elegie in such manner as Ephren Diaconus did the fall of Nicomedia Vales. a 'T is not amongst Authours agreed concerning the year whereon this fire hapned at Constantinople For Theophanes and Cedrenus place it on the fifth year of Leo in the fifteenth Indiction Leo Augustus being the second time Consul with Severas which was the year of Christ 462. But Marcellinus Comes and the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle place this fire of Constantinople in the Consulate of Basiliscus and Hermenericus that is on the year of Christ 465. Our Evagrius seems to have followed the former opinion For the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hapned together which he uses at this place gives an indication of what I have said to wit that that Conflagration of Constantinople hapned no long time after the Antiochian Earthquake Further concerning that fire wherewith the City Constantinople was consumed in the times of Leo Augustus Candidus Isaurus does also write in the first book of his History and relates that many things were usefully ordered therein by Aspar the Patritius Vales. b He means the Portus Phosphorianus which was in the fifth Region of the City as the old description of Constantinoâ—le informs us The Greeks teâ—med it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Constantinus Porphyrogennetus tells us in his second book de Themaâ—ibus about the end and Georgius Codinus in his book de Originibus Constantinopolitan 57. Vales. * Or Salt-meat †Or the houses * Or wherein are the Havens of the City †Or Oxstreet c The Church of Homonoea or Concord was in the ninth Region of the City Constantinople as the Old description of that City informs us Why this Church had this name we are told by Theodorus Lector in book 4. of his Eccles. History whose words are cited by Johannes Damaâ—cenus in his â— d book de Imaginibus For it was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Concord because the hundred and fifty Fathers of the Constantinopolitane Synod in the Reign of Theodosius the Great See Socrates's Eccles. Hist. book 5. chap. 8. meeting therein agreed in one opinion concerning the Consubstantiall Trinity Vales. * Or called a Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it would be better written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 about the same times Vales. b Evagrius means the War which the Hunni waged against the Eastern Romans under the command of Dengizich Son of Attilaâ— in the Consulate of Zeno and Marcianus on the year of Christ 469 as Marcellinus Comes relates in his Chronicon Nevertheless the Authour of
Florentine Manuscript I found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 although in the Chalcedon-Councill it is always written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Regularly it should be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But the Ancients seem to have said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as 't is apparent from many places in the Chalcedon-Councill Vales. * Or what was fitting should be done y In Nicephorus instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 other things it is righter thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the accent in the last syllable save one understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Session or Convention I wonder that neither Musculus nor Christophorson perceived this Vales. z Yes in the Ninth Action the Cause of Theodoret the Bishop was judged as Our Copies show us But the Copies of the Chalcedon Synod which Evagrius made use of seem to have been different from ours For as we have seen a little before Evagrius reckons a Seventh Action wherein other Canons were promulged Which Action is at this day wanting in our Copies Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Tenth Action of the Chalcedon-Councill and in Nicephorus the Praeposition is wanting But in the Florentine Manuscript I found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the same as if he should have said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among or of the number of the Bishops Vales. The reading in Robert Stephens is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b The Bishops Decreed that as well Bassianus as Stephanus should be removed from the Bishoprick of Ephesus and that in their place another Bishop should be made as may be seen in the Eleventh and Twelfth Action This place of Evagrius therefore is to be made good thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that as well he as Stephanus should be ejected or deposed and another Substituted in their room Vales. c Instead of Basianus it must be made Sabinianus from the Acts of the Chalcedon-Councill Of this Sabinianus Bishop of the Perrenses which is a City in the Euphratensian Province Liberatus makes mention in the twelfth Chapter of his Breviarium Also there is an Epistle of Theodoret's extant written to this Sabinianus which is reckoned the 126 th amongst his Epistles Vales. * Or should be placed * Viz. Leo the Second See book 2. chap. 17. a In the most excellent Florentine M. S. at this place some Learned Scholiast had set these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Oh the likeness to what it is now Vales. * Or was conversant * Or like those of slaves b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Kings Tellerian and Florentine M. SS and in Stephens's Edit the adverb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wanting which Learned men had put in by conjecture unhappily enough But I doubt not but it should be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. and have rendred it accordingly Vales. c Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 entrance in my judgment it ought to be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to creep into and this reading is confirmed by Nicephorus book 16. chap. 1. Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I assent to the Learned who have long since ménded it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. But continues so impregnable c. although the Manuscript Copies vary not here But Nicephorus when he perceived this place to be corrupted interpolated it after this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whence he continues so impregnable c. Vales. * Or changing his frequent slaveries e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 any person thus made an Emperour doubtless it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 really and truly made and so the reading is in Nicephorus Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christophorson understood not this phrase as 't is apparent from his Version For he has rendred it thus Ad hunc modum Zeno in initio imperii sui vitam instituit After this manner Zeno at the beginning of his Empire ordered his life Graecians take 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for a dissolute and intemperate life Which word does frequently occur in this sense in Dion Cocceianus and others Hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken for Luxury and Delights as Suidas attests Further the Greeks do term Dissolute and Luxurious persons thus because they are wont to observe no rule of living So Dionysius Halicarnacensis in his fifth book speaking of a just King says these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not at all receding from the Institutions of his Ancestours Nicephorus therefore has rightly expounded this place of Evagrius thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an incomposed and disorderly person and most extravagantly dissolute in his life Vales. * Or as well at the rising as setting Sun †Or the Barbarians inhabiting Tents b 'T is strange that neither Translatour hath hit the sence of this place For Musculus renders it thus Zenone deinceps ad Barbaricum morem violenter abrepto Zeno being from thenceforth violently hurried away to a Barbarick disposition But Christophorson Translates it in this manner Zeno vero reliquis etiam Imperii partibus per vim barbaro quodam more ac modo spoliatus est But Zeno in the other parts of the Empire also by force committed spoils in a certain barbarous fashion and manner But had they consulted Nicephorus they might have had a right understanding of this place from him For Nicephorus has explained these words of Evagrius thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is But whatever had been left by them the Barbarians was forcibly taken away by Zeno who insested the Provinces at no less rate than the Barbarians Further in the Florentine and Tellerian M. SS instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Plurall number which seems to me more elegant Vales. a Zeno having heard of Basiliscus's defection struck with fear fled with his wiâ—e Ariadne into Isauria and betook himself to a most strong Castle the name whereof was Ubara but afterwards when Basiliscus had sent Hillus and Trocondus with vast forces against him he went to Tessaedes or rather as Nicephorus says to the City Seleucia which was the Head City of all Isauria There he was a long while Besieged by Hillus and Trocondus as Theophanes relates in his Chronicon pag. 104. Cedrenus also and Nicephorus do affirm the same But in Theophanes the name Trocondus is corrupted For the common Editions have it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hillus and Secundus whereas it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Trocondus as it is rightly written in Nicephorus Indeed the same Theophanes pag. 106 terms him Procundus which comes nearer to the true reading This person was Brother to Hillus and bore the Consulate in the year of Christ 482 as it occurs in Marcellinus's Chronicon but at length when Hillus had set up for a Tyrant Trocondus who had been sent by his Brother to get Forces was taken by Johannes a Master of the Milice and beheaded as Theophanes informs us pag. 112. Notwithstanding
to be punished by Anthemius the Augustalis as Liberatus affirms in his Breviary chap. 16. Vales. a I am of the same mind with Christophorson and S r Henry Savil who instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have mended it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but by the advice of some persons which amendment is confirmed by Nicephorus and the Tellerian Manuscript Moreover Liberatus in his Breviarium chap. 16 affirms that Johannes the Occonomus or Steward was sent to Constantinople on a far different account For he says that Timotheus Salophaciolus after he had recovered his Episcopall Chair by the Decree of Zeno Augustus sent some Ecclesiasticks to Constantinople amongst whom was Johannes the Occonomus who might give the Emperour thanks for his own restitution They also made a request to the Emperour at the same time that if any thing should happen to Timotheus otherwise than well no other person but a Catholick might be put into his See by the Clergy and people of Alexandria as we are informed in Gestis de nomine Acacii Which thing Zeno in his answer to Salophaciolus's advices ordered to be done by a Letter written to the Alexandrian Clergy as Felix attesteth in his first Epistle to Acacius and Gelasius in Gestis de nomine Acacii Further in the Florentine Manuscript at the Margin here these words occur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 concerning Johannes Tabennesiota 'T is certain this Johannes is termed Tabennesiota by Theophanes also in his Chronicon because he had been a Monk in the Monastery of the Tabennenses at Canopus where Timotheus Salophaciolus had likewise formerly followed a Monastick life and discipline as Theophanes relates Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Victor Thunonensis in his Chronicon and Liberatus in his Breviary term this Johannes barely and simply Oeconomus But in the Gesta de nomine Acacii he is styled the Oeconomus of Timotheus Catholicus Why therefore does Evagrius or rather Zacharias out of whom Evagrius took it say here that Johannes was Oeconomus of Saint John's Church For he was not Steward of this Church only but he lookt after the revenues and money of all the Churches which were under the Bishop of Alexandria as Liberatus informs us in his sixteenth chapter in these words Porro Johannes ex Oeconomo amicus factus est Hillo Magistro qui cum reliquis descendit Alexandriam Factusque est iterum Oeconomus habens causas omnium Ecclesiarum Further Johannes of an Oeconomus is made a friend to Hillus the Magister who together with the rest went down to Alexandria And he is made Steward again or the second time having all the Causes of the Churches Instead of habent causes omnium Ecclesiarum I think it should be habens gazas omnium Ecclesiarum having the treasure or riches of all the Churches This emendation Liberatus's following words do confirm which run thus Qui mulâ—a pretiosa xenia direxit Hillo Magistro c. Who directed or sent many and those pretious presents to Hillus the Magister c. Or must it be said that the Church of Saint John Baptist was then the Greatest Church of Alexandria Indeed heretofore the Greater Church of Alexandria was termed the Caesarea as I have observed at Socrates But 't is possible that the Church of Saint John which had been built there by Theodosius after the demolishment of the Serapium might become the Greater Church the Episcopall Chair being removed thither Concerning this Church of Saint John Baptist Rufinus speaks in chap. 27. of his second Book Eccles. Histor. And in the following chapter he adds concerning the Reliques of Saint John Baptist that in the time of Athanasius they were brought to Alexandria To which afterwards the Serapium or Serapis's Temple being demolished Golden houses that I may use Rufinus's words which are Aurea Tecta were erected in the reign of Theodosius 'T is certain in this Church of Saint John the Patriarch of Alexandria performed the Religious assembles as Theophanes informs us concerning Dioscorus pag. 139. Vales. c The power therefore of Electing their Bishops had been taken from the Clergy and people of the City Alexandria and the Emperour had removed the priviledge of nominating the Bishop of Alexandria to himself as 't is apparent from this place Which we deny not was done by force and against the Ecclesiastick Laws Nevertheless the Roman Emperours not without reason challenged that power to themselves after the murder of Proterius the Alexandrian Bishop in regard the City of Alexandria by its own inclination prone to Seditions had severall times raised vehement disturbances in the Election of Bishops Vales. * Or Commonalty d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the excellent Florentine M. S. I found it written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and we have rendred it accordingly Further concerning this oath wherein Johannes Tabennesiota had formerly bound himself in the Emperours presence that he would never climb up into the Alexandrian See Pope Simplicius speaks in his 17 th Epistle to Acacius Liberatus also attests the same in his Breviary chap. 17. Vales. * Or uniting Rescript * Or Those of Proterius's party a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To wit Zeno's uniting Edict which a little before Evagrius has termed a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And 't is therefore called a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here and hereafter by Evagrius because the Emperour in that Edict speaks to all the Clergy and Laity and by Preaching as it were exhorts them like a Priest to embrace unity But 't is termed an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for this reason because by a wholesome Dispensation as at the first blush it appears it invites all Catholicks to one and the same Communion the mention of the Chalcedon Synod being suppressed Further this Edict of Zeno bore date on the year of Christ 482 Trocondus and Severinus being Consuls as Baronius writes Which is evidently confirmed by Victor Tunonensis in his Chronicon Vales. b Liberatus in his Breviary chap. 17 relates that Pergamius was not Praefect of Egypt but Dux or Commander of the Milice his words are these Acacius persuasit Zenoni c. Acacius perswaded Zeno that he should write to Apollonius the Augustalis and to Pergamius the Dux that they should drive Johannes out of the Alexandrian See as having seized it contrary to his own oath which he had given in the Imperial City and that they should give their assistance to Petrus Mongus that he might continue in that See Vales. a Facundus Hermianensis citing this Edict of Zeno's in his twelfth book reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Orthodox Bishops For the words are these Flavius Zeno Pius Victor Triumphator Maximus always Augustus to the Orthodox Bishops c. Then Facundus finds fault with that term Orthodox and expresses his anger against it in many words that the Emperour should not be afraid of giving the title of Orthodox to a company of Hereticks who had no head Further this Edict of Zeno was
Letters hath detected his own Crime nor having already voluntarily confessed ought he to be heard and are you not troubled about so great Catholick Prelates without any examinatian secluded Pope Gelasius confesses ingenuously that Acacius had been convicted and heard in no speciall Synod 'T is certain neither of those two Roman Synods wherein Acacius was condemned were convened upon his account For the former was Assembled on the account of Vitalis and Misenus the Legates of the Apostolick See wherein Vitalis and Misenus were indeed condemned but Petrus Bishop of Alexandria and Acacius were only reprehended and by the by reproved as Evagrius tells us a little after this But the Latter Synod was assembled on the account of the Antiochian Church on the same year as Pope Felix informs us in his Synodick Letter to all the Presbyters and Archimandrites at Constantinople and throughout Bithynia In which Synod Petrus Bishop of Antioch was indeed chiefly and most especially condemned who having Ejected Calendion had invaded the Antiochian See But Petrus Bishop of Alexandria and Acacius Bishop of Constantinople were only condemned as the Associates and Communicators of the same Petrus as the subscription annext to the same Letter doth declare in these words Candidus Tiburtinae Civitatis Episcopus c. I Candidus Bishop of the Tiburtine City following the authority of the Apostolick Seâ— Set forth by the Catholick deliberation of us all according to the State of the Church pronouncing an Anathema to Petrus the Invader of the Alexandrian Church and to Acacius sometime of the Constantinopolitane Church also to Petrus Bishop of Antioch who have heretofore been rightly and deservedly separated from the Episcopall dignity and number of Christians and to all their followers have subscribed c. But whereas the Greeks complained that Pope Felix had prefixt his own name only before that sentence Felix in the forecited Letter answers this Objection thus in these words Unde nunc causâ Antiochenae Ecclesiae apud B. Petrum Apostolum collecti c. Whence being at this present convened before the Blessed Apostle Peter on account of the Antiochian Church we have again hastned to shew your love the usage which has always obtained amongst us As often as the Lords the Prelates are convened within Italy on account of Ecclesiastick Causes especially of Faith an usage is retained that the Successour of the Prelates of the Apostolick See in the name or person of all the Prelates of all Italy agreeable to the Care of all the Churches appertaining to them should constitute all things Pope Julius had said the same long before Felix in his Letter to the Orientalls which Athanasius records in his Apologetick But now as to the Second Objection of the Easterns concerning Acacius's being condemned without any examination that is sufficiently answered by Pope Gelasius in his Epistle to the Orientalls the words whereof we have produced above Vales. * That is the Monks who did not sleep b Some time before this Johannes Tabennesiota after he had been Ejected out of his See had come to Rome and had made his case known to Pope Simplicius But he had not presented a Libell to him but had only perswaded him that he would write to Acacius in defence of his Cause Which thing Pope Simplicius performed with a ready and willing mind But Acacius having received Simplicius's Letters returned answer that he in no wise acknow'edged Johannes Bishop of Alexandria but had received Petrus Mongus to communion by order of the Emperour Zeno. At which Letters Simplicius being highly incensed wrote back that Acacius had not done what was regular and orderly in that he had received Petrus to Communion who stood condemned by the common sentence of them both And when Johannes was preparing to offer a Libell to the Pope containing various Crimes against Acacius in the interim Simplicius was prevented by death before Acacius had given answer to his last Letters as Liberatus tells us in his Breviarium But after Felix had been put into Simplicius's place Johannes presented that Libell to Pope Felix which he had before made ready to offer to Simplicius Who forthwith sent a Libell of Citation to Acacius by the Bishops Vitalis and Misenus ordering him to come to Rome immediately and give in his answer before the Apostolick See to the Libell of Johannes the Bishop as 't is recorded in the Gesta de nomine Acacii and in the Libell of Citation transmitted to Acacius Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The words are transposed which I restore thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are sent from Felix to the Emperour Zeno. Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nicephorus has excellently well explained this place of Evagrius in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. But before Vitalis and Misenus coming from Rome had arrived at the Imperial City c. In Evagrius therefore it must be written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For so Evagrius does usually call Constantinople as hereafter at chap. 25. Vales. b There were two Monasteries at Constantinople which were termed the Monasteries of the Acoemeti to wit the Monastery of Bassianus and that of Dius They had taken the name of Bassianus and of Dius from their Founders But they had the appellation of Acoemeti or Acâ—mita given them because they celebrated the Divine praises night and day succeeding one another by turns in so much that they seemed not to sleep So heretofore in the Gallia's a continuall praising of God is said to have been kept up in some Monasteries Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nicephorus supposed that these Commonitoria for so the Latines term them which the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were written to the Emperour Zeno. But Evagrius says they were written to Vitalis and Misenus the Legates of the Apostolick See 'T is certain Commonitories were wont to be sent to Embassadours and such like persons but not to the Roman Emperour For they were as it were Orders and Instructions which publick Ministers ought studiously to observe Vales. * That is Johannes b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the excellent Florent M. S. I found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so also the same Manuscript Copy has it written in other places as I have remarked before Indeed the ancient Coyns do confirm this writing of this word as does likewise the Authour of the Etymologicon in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I agree with S r Henry Savil who in his Copy hath mended it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 There are also extant in the same Acts. But I can in no wise approve of Christophorson's Version who has rendred this place thus Extant Praeterea in Actis ejusdem Concilii c. There are moreover extant in the Acts of the same Councill c. For Evagrius makes no mention here of any Councill only takes a view of the Collection of Letters which belonged to Acacius's Cause
Henry Savil who instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have mended it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Vales. * Or Footstep * See D r Howell's History second part pag. 51. †Or Monarchy * ZeÌ„no's a How Anastasius was affected towards Ecclesiastick affairs and in what manner he behaved himself in the administration thereof Liberatus in his Breviary chap. 18. informs us in these words Ascenderunt quidam adversantium c. Some persons both of those who were against him and of them who communicated with him went up to Anastasius And whilst they had a debate before the Emperour some proposing that the Synod should he Anathematized and so they would communicate but others being more calm were for adding those things in the Uniting Edict which might satisfie these who had communicated with Petrus The Emperour considering that if he should make an addition to the Edict he might raise a disturbance in the Church and that to Anathematize the Synod was impossible perswaded them that the Uniting Edict was sufficient that they might communicate mutually with one another as the rest of the Bishops of the Churches did And when they would not obey to perform these things he dismissed them without their having obtained any thing From which words you see that the Emperour Anastasius wholly followed Zeno's Edict nor would besides innovate any thiâ—g Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 although some It must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And some Vales. * Or Leapt from * Or Surrounded it with an Anathema c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Johannes Langus seems to understand the Emperour Zeno's Letters concerning the uniting of the Churches For thus he renders it ii quidem Litteris insidiosè compositis per fraudem decepâ—i those being through fraud deceived by the Letters craftily composed Which sense Christophorson has likewise followed Indeed this place of Evagrius can't be otherwise explained For he brings two reasons why some persons would not acquiesce in Zeno's Edict He says therefore that some were deceived by that flattering Oration of the Emperour which was composed to perswade But that others allured with a desire of the peace and repose of the Churches had acquiesced in this Edict Vales. * Or Sections * Chap. 23. a This Alcison was Bishop of Nicopolis which is the Metropolis of Old Epirus one of the chief defenders of the Chalcedon Synod He died in the year of Christ 516 Petrus being Consul alone Marcellinus mentions him in his Chronicon who terms him Alcissus See Baronius at the year of Christ 516. Vales. b In regard there were two Petrus's at one and the same time the one Bishop of Alexandria the other of Antioch 't is uncertain which of these two is here meant But it seems more probable that Petrus of Alexandria should be meant here because the Monks of Palestine do immediately speak of Alexandria of Egypt and of Libya Yet this meaning is hindred by what is objected by the same Monks to wit that after Petrus's death Egypt held a separate communion and that the Orientals were disjoyned from their communion For Petrus Alexandrinus was succeeded by Athanasius who wrote Synodick Letters to Palladius Bishop of Antioch and was joyned in a communion with him as I have observed above from Evagrius and Liberatus But again if we should say that Petrus of Antioch were meant at this place there would be the same difficulty But answer may be made that the Monks do speak here not of the Patriarchs themselves but of a whole Dioecesis and of the greatest part of the Bishops 'T is certain after Petrus Alexandrinus's death the Eastern Bishops desired the communion of the Church of Rome as 't is apparent from Pope Gelasius's Letter to the Orientalls Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A negative particle is doubtless to be added in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in regard the Westerns refused which is the reading in Nicephorus and in the Tellerian M. S. Vales. d They derive Xenaias's name from the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies a stranger or an extraneous â—erson This Xenaias was Bishop of Hicrapolis ordained by Petrus Fullo he was by another name called Philoxenus Concerning this pestiferous person Theophanes Cedrenus Nicephorus and others have related much Vales. e I doubt not but the name of Dioscorus is by mistake put here instead of the name Diodorus For Xenaias an Enemy of the Chalcedon Synod would not have Anathematized Dioscorus but Diodorus Bishop of Tarsus and the rest So 't is certain Victor Tunonensis tells us in his Chronicon Johanne Gibbo says he Coss. Anastasius Imp. Flaviano c. When Johannes Gibbus was Consul the Emperour Anastasius Flavianus being Prelate of Antioch and Philoxenus Bishop of Hierapolis convenes a Synod at Constantinople and perswades them to pronounce an Anathema against Diodorus of Tarsus and Theodorus of Mopsuestia together with their writings also against Theodoret of Cyrus Ibas of Edessa Andreas Eucherius Quirus and Johannes Bishops and against all others who asserted two Natures in Christ and two Forms and who confessed not one of the Trinity to have been Crucified together with Leo Bishop of Rome and his Tome and together with the Chalcedon Synod Theophanes confirms the same in his Chronicon pag. 131. Vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Victor Tunonensis in his Chronicon terms them Quirus and Eucherius as we saw in the foregoing note where Quirus is put for Cyrus in such manner as in S t Ambrosius's Epistles Quinegius is put for Cinegius Further Nicephorus has at this place substituted the name Eleutherius instead of Eutherius Vales. g This Eleusinus or Eleusinius is mentioned by Liberatus in his Breviary chap. 19 in these words speaking of Severus Ita ut ob hoc scriberet c. So that on this account he would write even to Flavianus himself as 't is signified in his own Epistles and to Maronas Lector and to Eleusinus and Euthrecius Bishops and to Oecumenius Scholasticus of Isauria The same person is mentioned by Theophanes in his Chronicon pag. 128 of the King's Edition whose words Anastasius Bibliothecarius has rendred thus Anastasius quiete potitus à proeliis Macedonium Patriarcham avertcre ab orthodoxâ side satagebat Multi autem Episcoporum Anastasio gratiam praestantes Chalcedonensi resistebant Concilio quorum primus erat Eleusius Sasimensis Theophanes's words in Greek are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the reading in the Vatican Copy Indeed the Monks of Palestine do affirm that this Eleusinius was Bishop of the Second Cappadocia Now Sasima is a City of Cappadocia Secunda whereof Gregorius Nazianzenus was heretofore Bishop as the Old Natitiae do inform us and especially Hierocles Vales. * Or narrowress of mind h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It should as I think be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or rather a Negative particle is to be added in this
instead of Eustochius Bishop of Jerusalem the same Nicephorus has Sallustius Sallustius was indeed Bishop of Jerusalem in the Reign of Anastasius Augustus But Eustochius governed the same Bishoprick about the beginning of Justinus Junior's Empire as Theophanes attests in his Chronicon Vales. †Or Rendred the Deity Propitious a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Doubtless it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the reading is in Nicephorus book 17. chap. 22. Vales. b The Laicks were wont to bow their heads not only before the Bishops and Presbyters but before the Monks also to receive their Blessing An illustrious instance of which is extant in Sozomen book 8. chap. 13. Vales. * Or Was not in the least forwarded c Concerning this Earthquake the Authour of Antoninus Martyr's Itinerarium speaks in these words Inde Venimus in partes Syriae ubi requiescit sanctus Leontius Thence we came into the parts of Syria where Saint Leontius rests which City together with other Cities was ruined by an Earthquake in the time of the Emperour Justinian From thence we came to Byblus which City also with all things that were therein was destroyed From thence we came into the City Triari which was likewise ruined Thence we came into the most splendid City Beryto wherein there was lately a study of Learning which was also ruined as we were told by the Bishop of the City to whom the persons were known except the strangers who perished there Further that City wherein Saint Leontius rests is Tripoly as I have remarked before book 3. chap. 33. note c. This Earthquake hapned on the twenty fourth year of Justinian's Reign as Cedrenus writes in his Chronicon and Theophanes pag. 192. What those Authors relate concerning Botry a City of Phoenice is memorable viz that in that City there was an Haven made by that Earthquake there having been no Port there before the Promontory which was called Litho-prosopon being removed But in Theophanes 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 By which fault in the writing the Translatour was induced to render it Bostra which is a very gross mistake in regard Bostra is a mid-land-Mid-Land-City of Arabia The name of this City is in my judgment to be restored in Antoninus Martyr's Itinerary at that place which I have quoted above For instead of the City Triari it must be written Botry Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Who would not admire that three Learned men should have been mistaken in the Rendition of this place Johannes Langus translates it thus illins enim Eccleslae censebatur for he was reckoned of that Church And Musculus renders it almost in the same manner But Christophorson has translated it worst of all thus ab eâ siquidem Ecclesiâ Presbyter fuerat ordinatus for he had been ordained Presbyter by that Church These persons thought that these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this Thomas were here to be understood whereas we are to understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this annuall stipend or Alms which was wont yearly to be distributed out of the Revenues of the Church of Antioch to the Monastery of the Abbot Thomas Vales. * Steward †Or Give b Johannes Moschus in his Limonarium Chap. 88 says this Thomas dyed in the Church of Saint Euphemia which was in the Daphnensian Suburb Therefore the Church of the Blessed Euphemia was near the Hospitall wherein strangers were entertained in such manner as we now adays see Churches joyned to Hospitalls and Spiâ—â—les Further Johannes Moschus says that this Thomas was the Apocrysarius that is the Procurator of his own Monastery For those were termed Apocrysarii who managed the affairs of Monasteries and Churches as Justinian informs us in his sixth Novell Vales. c Moschus in the forecited chapter calls the Bishop of Antioch not Ephraemius but Domninus who succeeded Ephraemius Nicephorus Patriarch of Constantinople terms this person Domnus Vales. * Or Most holy †Or Turn our course * Present or opposite * Book 4. Chap. 11. a We have taken notice of this mistake of Evagrius's above at chap. 11 note c which Nicephorus has also corrected But Nicephorus himself whilst he amends Evagrius's errour has committed another For he relates that Menas was ordained by Pope Agatho whereas he was ordained by Agapetus in the place of Anthimus as 't is agreed amongst all persons Vales. b Nicephorus Callistus Book 17. Chap. 25. attests that this Custome viz. that the Particles of the Sacred Eucharist which remained were at Constantinople distributed amongst the Boyes to be eaten continued even in his age and he writes that he himself whilst he was a Boy and was frequently conversant in the Churches partook of those parts Vales. * Or Glassworker †Or Taken * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 †Or Tearing herself with weepings ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 enlightned c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Johannes Langus renders this place thus Puerum cum matre divino Regenerationis Lavacro adhibuit deoque dicavit He admitted the Boy with his mother to the divine Laver of Regeneration and Dedicated them to God But Musculus and Christophorson have translated it far worse For Musculus terms it servavit he kept or preserved But Christophorson has rendred it thus puerum cum matre Lavacro Regenerationis tingendos decernit He Decreed the boy with his mother to be Baptized in the Laver of Regeneration I doubt not but the place is thus to be rendred Puerum simul ac matrem Regenerationis Lavacro initiatos Clero adscripsit He enrolled the boy and his mother having been initiated in the Laver of Regeneration amongst the Clergy Which must be understood in this manner that the Emperour ordered that Boy to be reckoned amongst the Readers of the Church but commanded his mother to be ordained a Deaconness Vales. d In this Suburb of the City Constantinople punishments were heretofore usually inflicted on Criminalls as I have already intimated in my Notes on Book 28. Amm. Marcell pag. 362. Whereto add a passage of Saint Jerome out of his Commentaries on Matt. 26 th which runs thus Extra urbem enim foras portam loca sunt in quibus truncantur capita damnatorum Calvariae id est Decollatorum sumpsere nomen Vales. * Or Not as yet a Indeed many Monks severed themselves from his communion because he was thought to assert Origen's opinions One of their number was the Abbot Elias who was also called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Johannes Moschus relates in the ninteenth Chapter of his Limonarium And yet Theophanes in his Chronicon pag. 205 says Macarius was ejected out of his See 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is by subornation fraud and calumny But Theophanes relates that in a place wholly unfit and incongruous to wit in the Empire of Justinus Junior Now Macarius was ordained Bishop of Jerusalem on the year of Christ 546 and having after two years been expelled out of his See
Episcopum c. In the 39 th year of his Empire Justinian sends into Exile Eutychius Bishop of Constantinople a Condemner of the three Heads and of Evagrius the Hermite a Deacon and of Didymus the Monk an Alexandrian Confessour whose praises we have produced above from the authority of illustrious men and in his room makes Johannes Bishop a like assertour of the same Errour Vales. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the excellent Florentine Manuscript I found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 both here and in the following Chapter Theophanes makes mention of this Mannour or Village in his Chronicon pag. 151 where he writes concerning Alamundarus's irruption into Syria 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is And he burnt the outward parts of Chalcis and ruined the Mannour or Possession Sirmium and the Cynegick Region In the Greek instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chalcedon I have mended it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chalcis Vales. * Or Being perverted from the right opinion †Or Turned aside * Or The King's way a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with unspeakable Hedges In Nicephorus 't is truer written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with Hedges not to be broken Which writing the Tellerian Manuscript confirms Vales. b Evagrius mistakes For Johannes succeeded not Vigilius but Pelagius was his successour After whose death Johannes Junior undertook the Episcopate of the Church of Rome on the year of Christ 560. Vales. c This place is chiefly to be taken notice of against the Sentiment of Baronius who believed Macarius was restored to his own See before the Fifth Constantinopolitane Synod But this passage of Evagrius refutes Baronius's opinion Evagrius informing us here that Macarius's Restitution was made long before that Synod To Evagrius agrees Victor Thunonensis in his Chronicon in these words Anno. 37. Imperii Justiniani c. On the 37 th year of Justinian's Empire Eustochius Bishop of Jerusalem who had been ordained whilst Macarius was alive it ejected and Macarius is again put into his own See But Theophanes in his Chronicon places Macarius's Restitution on the times of Justinus Junior as I have observed above Vales. * Justinian †Or Affections * Or Observe †Or Make an excursion * Or Mixt. †Or Directed his discourse by reason a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Nicephorus and the Tellerian Manuscript it is truer written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if he could ruine this Tower For so the Rules of Grammer require it should be 'T is a Metaphor drawn from Machines used in Sieges wherewith Cities are wont to be assaulted Further concerning the constancy of this Anastasius Sinaïta in defending the true Faith against the Heresie of the Aphthartodocitae Eustathius writes also in the Life of the Blessed Eutychius Patriarch of Constantinople Vales. * Or Divine †〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 anointed himself * Galat. 1. 8 9. ‖ Or Lookt on b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 'T is strange that three Translatours Langus Musculus and Christophorson should all mistake in the Rendition of one word The Graecians termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Valedictory or Farwell Orations and have handed down to us the peculiar method of Those Orations as I have remarked in My Notes upon Eusebius's Life of Constantine book 3. chap. 21 note a. Vales. * Or Sentences c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 S r Henry Savil at the margin of his copy has mended it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For so the Rules of Grammar require it should be But I have observed that the Rules of Grammar are sometimes despised by our Evagrius Nicephorus when he wrote out this passage of Evagrius instead of the Conjunctive Particle substituted a Praeposition in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * Or Judicatories a Concerning the Office of the Curopalates much to hath been already said by many persons to repeat which here is superfluous we will remark this only that the Curopalates always went before with a Golden Rod as often as the Emperour would appear in publick Cassiodorus tells us this in his Formula Curae palatii in these words Considera quâ Gratificatione tracteris c. Consider with what Gratification you are treated how being adorned with a Golden Rod amongst numerous obeysances you seem to go first before the Royall feet So also Corippus in Book 2. Chap. 7. De Laudibus Justini Minoris where he describes Justinus's procession to the Cirque in these words Tunc ordine longo Incedunt summi proceres fulgensque Senatus Ipse inter primos vultu praeclarus honoro Fratris in obsequiâ—m gaudent Marcellus abibat Dispositorque novus sacrae Baduarius Aulae Successor Soceri factus mox Curopalates Concerning this Golden Rod which was wont to be carried before the Roman Emperours Paulus Silentiarius speaks in his description of the Church of Saint Sophia not far from the beginning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For I assent not to that Learned man who hath rendred it Aureas Secures Golden Axes And at first this dignity was small for it was under the dispose of the Castrensis See D r Howells History Second part pag 64 of the Sacred Pallace But afterwards it began to be accounted the chiefest dignity of the Pallace from such time as Justinus Nephew to Justinian bore it It was a Civil not a Military dignity as Alemannus thought who in his Notes on Procopius's Historia Arcand confounds the Curopalates with the Comes Excubitorum Vales. * Or Running of Horses in the Cirque †Or About to doe and submit himself to the usages of an Empire * Or Innovation b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nicephorus book 17. chap. 33. took these words of Evagrius as meant of the Bishops who had been banished by Justinian into various places for their defence of the true Faith But that word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 can not bear this interpretation Therefore Christophorson chose to interpret this place concerning the Bishops who from all places had been assembled together at Constantinople But neither can I approve of this Rendition in regard Evagrius says those Bishops were not convened at Constantinople but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is in all places Vales. * Or Openly involved in †Or Immense c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Some word seems to be wanting which may be supplied in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most contrary Vices And so Christophorson seems to have read Vales. See chap. 19. note d. d This Justinus was Son to Germanus Patritius and Cousin-germane to the Emperour Justinus as Johannes Biclariensis informs us in his Chronicon Indeed Germanus and Justinus Junior were akin For Germanus was Justinian's Nephew by his Brother But the Emperour Justinus was the Son of Vigilantia Justinian's Sister Further this Justinus Son to Germanus had born the Consulate in the year of Christ 540. The Emperour Justinian had created the same person Master of
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 easily taken Vales. †〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 see the story at large in Livy Book 8. pag. 377 Edit Paris ‖ Or Goods * Or Bereaved of †Or Obey me ‖ Or Tyranny * Expiâ—ted or made satisfaction †Ends or conclusions * Or Land * Or Assembly †See Matt. 16. 19. a These Prayers and Supplications may be referred either to the reconciliation of the penitents and to the absolution from that Oath wherein the Souldiers had bound themselves or else to the solemn Prayers which Gregorius then celebrated before the Tribunes and Centurions of the Roman Army to whom also he distributed the sacred Communion as Evavagrius attests So indeed Nicephorus expounds this place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He appeased the Deity with Supplications And having performed the divine Prayers He imparted the immaculate Body to them all Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the excellent Florentine and Tellerian Manuscripts the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is added that is the Second Feria or Monday of the Great Week or Passion Week I found the same Emendation also written in the margin of The Vulcobian Copy Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I assent to Christophorson and S r Henry Savill who have put a point after these words For 't is wholly necessary Moreover before them Nicephorus had distinguished this place thus But the reading in Nicephorus is better thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Emperour's City or Constantinople Vales. * Oblivion †Or Expeditions with him a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Florentine and Tellerian Manuscripts 't is truer written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as also Vulcobius and S r Henry Savil had mended it in their Copies Nicephorus book 18. chap. 17. has expounded this place of Evagrius thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having been made Commander of Ten Souldiers amongst the Military Forces These Officers were by the Latines termed Decani not Decuriones as Musculus and Christophorson do render it Vegetius attests this book 2. chap. 8. speaking concerning the Centuriones or Ordinarii Erant says he Decani denis militibus praepositi qui nunc Caput Contubernâ—i vocantur The Decani were Commanders of ten Souldiers which Officers are now called the head of a File Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Without doubt it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in that City For so the Rule of Grammar requires Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Four hundred armed men as Theophylactus relates book 3. chap. 5. Vales. * Or Most commodious * Fortified or secured †Or Added * Or Vanquished †Or Hero ‖ Or Better fortified * Or Contrary Attacks a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Evagrius has made use of this word above at chap. 4. of this book where as also here the Translatours render it Vchicularem and Vectarium equum But Nicephorus book 18 chap. 18 writing out this place of Evagrius explains the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is having mounted him on one of the Horses lead after him carried him out of the Fight For Generalls when they went to an Engagement were wont to lead with them severall horses that if that whereon they rode were by chance killed they might mount another Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In my judgment I have restored this place very happily thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c the Persians were vanquished and fled c. 'T is certain the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being preserved is in no wise agreeable here For they that are preserved or saved flie no more Nor could the Persians be termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 preserved or saved till they were come to Nisibis Therefore Evagrius adds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made their escape to Nisibis Instead of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nicephorus has put 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is a more common word Vales. * Or Hormisdes c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It seems to be the same which by Theophylactus is termed Acbas a Castle very strongly fortified Theophylactus describes the site hereof book 1. chap. 12 altogether in the same manner wherein Evagrius describes the site of the Castle Ocbas Therefore as well from the likeness of the name as from the site it appears that Ocbas and Acbas were one and the same Castle scituate near the River Nymphius and the City Martyropolis Our conjecture is fully confirmed by Theophylactus in book 4. chap. 2 where that Castle Ocbas which our Evagrius says was taken by Comentiolus is by Theophylactus himself termed Acbas Vales. * Engins for Battery * Or The Romans a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 From the Florentine and Tellerian M. SS we have made good this place thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Then in his room they Constitute c. Further Chosroes was made King of the Persians in the year of Christ 592 as Baronius writes in his Annals Which was the tenth year of Mauricius's Empire not the seventh as Baronius relates For the years of Mauricius's Empire proceed almost in an equall pace with the years of the Indiction as do likewise the years of Justinus Junior's Empire Wherefore whereas on the year of Christ 592 it was the tenth Indiction as Baronius himself attests it must then also necessarily have been the tenth year of the same Mauricius's Empire Yet the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle places the Inauguration of Chosroes and his flight to the Romans one year before this account For thus he writes In the ninth Indiction on the ninth year of Mauricius's Empire on the seventh year after the Consulate of the same Mauricius Tiberius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. On this year Chosroes Emperour of the Persians came to the Romans having had a Rebellion raised against him by Baram or Varamus his kinsman and by the assistance of the Romans he was restored to his own Kingdome But Johannes Biclariensis in his Chronicon relates this to have been done a year sooner For these are his words at the Eighth year of the Emperour Mauricius wherewith he closed his Chronicle A vigesimo ergo Constantini Imperatoris anno c. From the twentieth year therefore of the Emperour Constantine at which time the Arian Heresie took its beginning untill the eighth year of Mauricius Emperour of the Romans there are two hundred sixty six years In these times therefore wherein the omnipotent God the venome of poysonous Heresie being destroyed has restored Peace to his Church the Emperour of the Persians embraced the Faith of Christ and made or confirmed a Peace with the Emperour Mauricius Where that is to be taken notice of which Biclariensis says viz. that the King of Persia having thrown off the worship of Idolls came over to the Faith of Christ. Indeed Theophylactus attests the same book 4. chap. 10 and book 5 chap. 2. Vales. * That is God †To Circesium
Veteranis where Constantine says thus Veteranis qui ex die quintâ nonarum Juliarum c. To the Veteranes who from the fifth day of the Nones of July when the first Victory in Thracia shined upon the whole world and who afterwards deserved a Mission or Discharge at our Nicomedia we have indulged certain priviledges by an Edict c. For the Hadrianopolitane Battel was sought on the fifth day of the Nones of July as Idatius has recorded in his Fasti and the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle But the subscription of this Law is faulty For 't is said to be published Licinius the fifth time and Crispus being Consuls that is on the year of Christ 318. Which gave occasion of mistake to Baronius But who sees not that it should be written Paulinus and Julianus being Coss For when they were Consuls Constantine came to Nicomedia after Licinius was Routed and totally vanquished But when Licinius the fifth time and Crispus were Consuls Nicomedia obeyed Licinius and was the seat of his Empire When they were Consuls therefore Constantine could not indulge a Mission and Priviledges to his own Veteranes in the City Nicomedia in regard that City was in no wise subject to his Government Whereas therefore in that Law Constantine does term it Our Nicomedia we must of necessity say that that Law was dated in the Consulate of Paulinus and Julianus Vales. * Licinius a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a little before Unless we should say that the words are transposed which frequently occurs in these Books And so Christophorson seems to have mended this place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a little after did in reality discern the God of Constantine what a God he was which reading is very good Further in the Fuketian Manuscript and in the old Sheets from those words But when he saw to these only God 't is but one chapter not two as 't is in the Geneva Edition Vales. * Or Taken away * Or One Government of the whole †Or Arriving at a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Moraeus's Copy and the King's Sheets 't is mended 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But I had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this most agreeable and proper Surname Constantine used the Praenomen of Victor as 't is apparent from his Constitutions and Letters In the Gesta purgationis Caeciliani some of his Letters have this Inscription Victor Constantinus Maximus Augustus Eusebius says therefore that this was his proper name as ' t were For the Greeks term a proper name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Fuketian Manuscript the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for thus they were instructed from the close of the Tenth Book of his Ecclesiastical History where all these passages occur almost in the same words A little after write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and his most modest Sons as 't is in the Fuketian and Savil. Manuscripts and in the Kings Sheets Vales. In Robert Stephens the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Son * Or Voices not to be stopt †Or Goods * Or Opened a In the Alexandrian Chronicle these words occur concerning Constantine's Liberality and Indulgence towards the Provincials on the twentieth year of his Empire 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he took off the Burthens of Artificers and Collators that is those of the Provincials who paid Tribute Vales. * The Laws b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christophorson understood not this place but Portesius has rendred it not unhappily in this manner Qui eâdem de causâ translati erant ad Curias who for the same reason had been removed to the Curiae Vales. The Curia were the Offices of Corporations the bearing whereof was generally very chargable and burthensome the persons who bore these Offices were termed Curiales c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christophorson renders this place ill thus ad publica imperii opera obeunda vi compulsi by force compelled to undergo the publick Works of the Empire Eusebius terms the Mines publick Bake-houses Work-houses wherein they Wove and Gynaecia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to which works who ever had been condemned by a sentence of the Judge lost their Liberty For this was termed a servitude of punishment Now 't was usuall to condemn the Christians to such works as these because of their confession of Christ's name And as to the Mines the matter is notorious But of a condemnation to the publick Bake-house we have an instance in the Acts of the Passion of Pope Marcellus Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Two words seem to have grown into one which are thus to be disjoyned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A little after where the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of recovering their Houses I think it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of recovering their proper Offices For they had not been despoyled of their Houses but of their Employments in the Militia Vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Concerning the Gynaecia there is frequent mention as well in both the Codes as in the Notitia of the Roman Empire See Brissonius's Lexicon Further persons condemned to the Gynaecia were clothed in a short coat made of Linnen which was a servile habit We learn this from the Passion of Romanus the Martyr which is published by Mombritius and occurs in the Musciacensian Copy Eadem vero die Maximianus jussit c. But on the same day Maximianus commanded that the Christians who were in the Pallace should be ungirt Maximianus therefore took notice to himself of many passing by whilst they were loosing their Girdles and he saw Isitius of Blessed Memory and being in a rage called him to him and stript him of the garments wherewith he was clothed and clothed him in a Linnen-short-coat and put him into the Gynaeceum to the Wool-Workers in order to his reproach Further the Fuketian Manuscript has this place written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the truer reading no doubt and we have followed it in our Version Vales. The Gynaecium or Gynaiceium says Brissonius in his Work de Verbo Significat book 7. fol. 254 Edit Paris 1596 signifies the Weaving-House appointed for making the Garments of the Emperour The Emperours had Slaves of both Sexes employed in their Gynaecia They had likewise Weaving-Houses for Linnen Garments termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Linyphia which we find mentioned in Chap. 34 of this Second Book a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But c. and from these words the twenty second chapter is to be begun as 't is in the Fuketian Manuscript and the Old Sheets Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I mend it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who having before this which Christophorson saw not I write also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 received an account of what c. Vales. * Or Thought good to style †Or
than when the Christians were put to flight and murdered in all Cities not by an incursion of Enemies and Barbarians but of their own Fellow-Citizens Vales. †Or The Oracles of the Tripods were made false a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or if you will 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which reading we have followed in our Version Portesius also and Morinus understood these words concerning the Pythia or Priestess of Apollo But in the excellent Fuketian Manuscript this whole place is written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. For this reason he Apollo suffered his mournfull long hair to hang down neglected c whereto agrees S r Henry Savils Copy Presently in the same Copies the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in what manner of end these things terminated Vales. †Or Call upon a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Greek Title of this chapter 't is truer written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a youth For Constantine was not then a child when as an Hostage he resided at Diocletian's Court. For he was delivered by his Father Constantius to Diocletian on the year of Christ 291 after Constantius had been made Caesar by Diocletian At which time Constantine was about 15 years old For he dyed on the year of Christ 337 in the 62 year of his age Vales. * Or Deceived in mind by errour b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Fuk. and Savil. Manascripts the reading is truer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 't is the same in the King's Copy Vales. * Or Invented c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He alludes to the point of an instrument to write with Constantine expresses himself with much of Eloquence in saying that those Laws concerning the Persecution of the Christians were written with the bloudy points of Swords So some of the Ancients tell us that Drâ—co's Laws were written with bloud not with ink Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to produce I had rather say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to stretch which is an usual expression with Eusebius Vales. * Or That gravity of piety a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So above at book 1. chap. 27 Eusebius speaking of Severus Caesar says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 became a cheap and easie sacrifice of death where see what we have noted concerning that expression For the Translatours perceived nothing here Vales. In the Greek Text of Valesius's Edition the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is left out but it occurs in Robert Stephens b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Fuketian Copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A little after in the same Copy and in the Kings Sheets 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. The reading in Robert Stephens is the same also * Kept or Preserved †Or The rites of their Sanctimony * Or Mixt together * Or Greatest †Or Reach forth ‖ Or Power a He means The Catholick Church which in the next chapter he terms the House of Truth In the sacred Scriptures 't is called The Pillar and Ground of Truth A little after from the Fuketian and Savil. Manuscripts and from the King's Sheets write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. which those detestable c. Vales. * Or By a wickedness of demolishment a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Fuketian Copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But that is the true reading which I found in the Kings Sheets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which indeed is far more elegant and we have rendred it accordingly Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The meaning is Let every one follow what religion he has a mind to By which words Constantine leaves His Subjects an entire Liberty of worshipping the Deity according as every one shall have a mind For the Most Religious Prince earnestly desired indeed that all Mortalls should come to the Faith of Christ but he never compelled any one to that He wish't that the Heathens were freed from their Pristine Errour notwithstanding he prohibited not the Ceremonies and sacrifices of the Temples as he himself attests hereafter at chap. 60. Vales. ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Valesius renders it quam nascentibus nobis donasti which thou gavest us when born I understand neither the Emperour's nor Valesius's meaning a Concerning the Originall and Antiquity of the Christian Religion Eusebius writes the same in the beginning of his Ecclesiastick History and in his books de Evangelicâ Demonstratione Vales. * Or Concerning Thy Self * Charge or Administration †Or Way ‖ Or Circuit * Or Station a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to a set time as Christophorson seems to have read And so the reading is in the Fuketian and Savilian Manuscripts Vales. †Or Slides by ‖ Or Usefull advantages b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is so manifold a divinity to wit of the Sun Moon Stars and Elements concerning which he hath spoken above For all these unless they were governed by the Beck and Power of one God would likewise be Gods 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore imports a power subject to no dominion which we commonly term an Independency which is proper to God only Vales. c He means the Gods of the Heathens as I have said above to wit the Sun Moon and the rest of the Elements of the world which Antiquity worshipped for Gods Presently from the Fuketian Copy write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the reading also is in the Kings Sheets Vales. * Or Studies †Or The Discipline is confirmed c. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Fuketian and S r Henry Savils Copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. who are sincerely studious of Virtue Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is whosoever suffers not himself to be cured or freed from the disease of Idolatry let him impute it to himself in regard the Medicine is ready Christophorson has rendred this place ill thus alteri qui sanari vult non vitio vertat let him not blame another who has a mind to be cured I say nothing concerning Portesius who wanders from the true sense almost every where But Musculus has rendred these words not unhappily Vales. †Or Presides over the Cure ‖ Or The common Inheritance of that good given us Valesius renders it The fellowship a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Kings Copy 't is over written in the same hand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 received Both readings may be born with Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the faith of the Truth That is The true Faith For 't is the same as if he should have said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Truth of the Faith He expresses himself so again hereafter Vales. c These words are taken out of S t Paul's Epist. to the Colos. chap. 1. v. 13. Further as he here terms Gentilism the power of darkness
in the Seventh Book of his Ecclesiastick History Vales. * House Room or Building * Or Those only of his faithfull friends c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Concerning this signe whereby the Emperour 's coming was declared Corìppus speaks in these words Praenuntius ante Signa dedit cursor positâ de more Lucernâ Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christophorson renders it per medium consessum intrat enters through the midst of the assembly sitting together He might better have rendred it went thorow the middle space which was between the two ranks of the persons sitting That 's the import of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to go between two So below at chap. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. thorow the midst of whom the men of God without fear passed c. Vales. * Or Fiery †Or The motion of his walking †Or Meekness or modesty ‖ Or First beginning or head 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christophorson seems to have read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for he has rendred it thus Primùm in medio conventu erectus constitit in the first place he stood upright in the middle of the Convention Vales. ‖ Or Small a Sozomen attests book 1. chap. 19. that he who had the first place on the right side and who in the name of the whole Councill made a speech to the Emperour was Eusebius Pamphilus And so 't is written in the Title of this chapter But Theodoret book 1. chap. 7. of his History says this Oration was not made by Eusebius but by Eustathius Bishop of Antioch Baronius has followed Theodoret's opinion whom any one from his writings will easily find to have been of a mind full of anger and hatred against our Eusebius But The Authour of the Tripartite History book 2. chap. 5. where he writes out Theodoret's words says that after Eustathius Bishop of Antioch Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea made a speech likewise concerning the praises of the Emperour Which nevertheless occurs not now in the Greek Copies of Theodoret so that it necessarily follows either that Epiphanius Scholasticus had procured more perfect Copies of Theodoret or else that he added this of his own head as 't is sometimes his usage Of this nature is that which we have noted above concerning the Bishop of the Imperial City whom Socrates from Eusebius relates not to have been present at the Nicene Synod where Epiphanius Scholasticus by a notorius mistake has added the name of Alexander when as he ought rather to have said Metrophanes But to return to our business there are those who write that that honour was conferred neither on Eustathius nor Eusebius but on Alexander Bishop of Alexandria that in the name of the Councill he should make a speech to the Emperour Nicetas in his Thesaurus Orthodoxae fidei book 5. chap. 7. affirms this in these words Eusebius de Vitâ Constantini Libro 3. se primum verba in Synodo fecisse testatur c. Eusebius in his third book concerning the Life of Constantine attests that be made the first speech in the Synod But if we believe Theodoret Eustathius was the first c. But as Theodorus Mopsuestenus writes that honour was frcely conferred on Alexander the Pontif of Alexandria But in such a diversity of Writers I should more willingly close with that opinion which affirms that the first Course of speaking was by the Synod conferred on Eusebius First of all because without controversie Eusebius was the Learnedest and most eloquent person amongst them Secondly he himself does plainly attest this at the beginning of this work in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. We our selves also by a Panegyrick spoken in his Vicennalia have lately Venerated the same glorious Conquerour environed with a Synod of Gods Sacred Ministers See the Preface to the first Book note a. Vales. †The Emperour * Or End †Or See ‖ Or Ruine our goods a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Portesius Christophorson and the French Translatour have omitted this word notwithstanding that therein lyes the whole Emphasis and force of the sentence For to this word the following period is referred Take heed says he least after the destruction of their Tyranny who brought a War against God the Devill by some other way should again expose our Religion to reproaches and calumâ—ies By another way therefore is meant intestine dissensions See the following words Vales. * Or Invest with b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must be written as I suppose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I was of opinion that nothing remained to me And a little after with Turnebus and Gruterus I read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. But when I had received information of your c. Vales. †Or Report ‖ Or Mixâ— together c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christophorson has rendred it ill à Deo impetrare by request to obtain of God when as he ought to have rendred it Praedicare to Preach For in this sense Eusebius is wont to use this word as 't is apparent from innumerable passages in his Eccles. History for instance book 4. chap. 15. In the Fuketian and Savil. Copies the reading is bad thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Fuketian Copy this whole place is written far otherwise thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. refuse not in future to take away the occasions of dissent amongst you dissolve every knot c. And so S r Henry Savil and Christophorson found it in their Copies Vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I reade with Christophorson 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to dissolve But the common reading may stand provided after the words Saviour of us all a Colon be placed as S r Henry Savil hath noted at the margin of his Copy and so 't is poynted in the Kings Copy Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Socrates book 1. chap. 8. and in Nicephorus the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 intent But Gelazius Cyzizenus chap. 28. has 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most intent With Socrates agrees the Fuketian Copy and the Kings Sheets Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Socrates Gelasius and Nicephorus the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But in the Kings Copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * Or Exposition a That is the draught of the Creed the Canons and the Synodick Letter For all these were confirmed by the Subscriptions of every one of the Bishops They who besides these three think that the Acts of the Nicene Synod were put into writing are very much mistaken For Eusebius says in express words that nothing was committed to writing except those matters which had been Decreed by the common consent of the Councill and he affirms that those things were confirmed by the Subscriptions of all Indeed Baronius at the year of Christ 325. chap. 62. says that the Acts were written by the Nicene Synod
and has affirmed that that is expressly recorded by Athanasius in his book de Synodis But Baronius was imposed upon by the Latine Version which runs thus Tom. 1. pag. 873. quòd si ad hanc rem usus Synodi deâ—ideratur supersunt Acta patrum nam neque in hâc parte negligentes fuere qui Nicaeae convenerunt sed ita accuratè scripscrunt c. But if the use of the Synod be wanting to this matter the Acts of the Fathers are to be had For those convened at Nicaea were not negligent even in this matter but wrote so accurately c. But in the Greek Text there is no mention of Acts for thus it runs 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the Writings of the Fathers are to be bad to wit the Creed the Canons and the Synodick Letter There is another passage of Athanasius in his Epistle de Decretis Nicaenae Synodi pag. 250. whence it may be manifestly gathered that there were no Acts written For thus he speaks Quandoquidem tua dilectio ca nosse desiderat quae in Synodo c. In as much as your love desires to know those things which were done in the Synod I have made no delay but have forth with signified to you whatever was done there c. Now if the Acts had been taken in writing by the Notaries Athanasius had done enough had he transmitted those Acts to his friend Vales. a These words must be interpreted favourably For the twentieth year of Constantine's Empire was not yet compleated nay scarce begun For the twentieth year of his Reign began on the eight of the Calends of August when Paulinus and Julianus were Consuls which was the 325 th year of Our Lords Nativity But the Nicene Councill was celebrated on the twentieth of the month May in the same persons Consulate as Socrates writes in the thirteenth chapter of his first book or rather on the 13 th of the Calends of July on the 19 th day of the month Desius which by the Romans is termed June as it occurs in the Acts of the Chalcedon Councill in the Alexandrian Chronicle and in the Collectio Cresconiana Which I think to be truer For if we suppose the Nicene Councill to have been convened on the 20 th day of May too narrow a space of time will be left for the transacting of those affairs which Constantine performed after his Conquest of Licinius Licinius was vanquished in the last Battle at Chalcedon on the year of Christ 324 on the 15 th of the Calends of October as 't is recorded in Idatius's Fasti and in the Alexandrian Chronicle On the day following Licinius who had betaken himself to Nicomedia surrendred himself to Constantine the Victour After this Constantine made his Entry into Nicomedia whilst he made his residence in that City and hastned to take his progress into the Eastern parts he received the news concerning the dissention of the Alexandrian Church and all Egypt on account of the Opinion of Arius and the disturbances of the Mâ—letians as he himself writes in his Letter to Alexander and Arius And in the first place he sent Hosius with his Letters to Alexandria who by his authority might compose the Tumulâ—s theâ—e But after Hosius had staid some time at Alexandria he returned to Constantinoâ—â—e without having effected any thing All which businesses could not any wise have been done within less time than three months Further when Constantine saw the mischief increase daily he resolved upon convening a Generall Councill of Bishops that thereby he might restore Peace to the Church In order thereto he dispatch't away the Veredarii Couriers and Agentes in Rebus Messengers of the Emperour thorowout all the Provinces who might call together the Bishops to Nicaea of Bythinia Let us suppose therefore that the Veredarii had brought the Emperour's Letters to each of the Bishops in the month March 't is scarce credible that the Bishops could come into Bythinia from the most distant Countries as well of the East as West before the month July especially in regard they were conveyed thither by Land not by Sea as Eusebius tells us chap. 6. The Greeks do usually term the seventh Sunday after Easter that namely which immediately precedes Whitsontide 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Sunday of the holy Fathers or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the 318 holy Divines which were at Nicaea as we are informed fâ—om The Typick of the Monastery of Saint Saba Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the same manner he joyns them both together a little above where he speaks of Constantine's entrance into the Synod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the Hastati or the Protectors who carried Spears Themistius in his Oration to the Emperour Jovian writes that he went an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Spear-Carrier against the Persian that is a Protector Domesticus as we understand from Amm. Marcellinus The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were the Scutati Shield-Bearers to wit Souldiers who were under the Command of the Magister Militum praesentalis or Master of the Milice who lived at Court or in the presence of the Prince Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 together with the Emperour as Christophorson seems to have read and so 't is plainly written in the Fuketian Copy Theodoret confirms our Emendation book 1. chap. 11. in these words which do wonderfully explain this passage of Eusebius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and having ordered many Stibadia to be made ready He feasted them all in one and the same place the more honourable of them he took to his own Table but distributed the rest upon other Stibadia A better Scolion could not have been placed at Eusebius's words Those which Euscbius had termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for so 't is to be read from the King 's and the Fuketian Copy Theodoret calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Stibadia or Accubita Nicephorus's Translatour renders it toros which is ill done Nor has Theodoret's Translatour done better in translating it Sâ—des Seats Suidas interprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Bed lying on the ground an Accubitum The words of Juvenal's Scholiast at the fifth Satyr are these apud veteres Accubitorum usus non erat sed in Lectulis Discumbentes manducabant amongst the Ancients there was no use of the Accubita but they lay down upon little Beds and eat Vales. * That was heretofore the usual posture at Feasts d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I think it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on both sides Than which Emendation nothing is more certain Eusebius says that the Stibadia were placed on both sides of the Imperial Hall whereon the Bishops might lie down but that the Emperour's Stibadium was in the midst whereon he lay down together with the more honourable Bishops After the same manner in the Nicâ—ne Synod the Seats whereon the Bishops sate were placed on both sides but
Monumentum the Salutary Monument of Christ. Indeed above at chap. 28 Eusebius terms the Sepulchre of Our Lord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Martyrium or Monument of Our Saviour's Resurrection Moreover Cyril of Jerusalem in his fourteenth Catechesis writes that the place of Our Lord's Passion and Resurrection is termed The Martyrium Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 These words of Eusebius Socrates has written out at chap. 17. book 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But the Emperour's Mother erected in the place of the Sepulchre a most magnificent Church called it New-Jerusalem building it opposite to that Old deserted Jerusalem Which words of Socrates are to be observed with more of attention In the first place he attributes that to Helena which Eusebius says was done by Constantine Wherein he has followed the Authority of Rufinus who book 1. chap. 8. of his Eccles. History writes that this Church was built at Jerusalem by Helena Now although it be of small moment whether Helena at the charge of the Emperour Constantine or Constantine himself by the care and diligence of his Mother Helena be said to have built that Church yet 't is better to follow Eusebius's opinion in regard he was both present at the things themselves and also produces Constantine's Letter concerning the building of that Church 'T is to be remarked also that what Eusebius had worded thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in or at the Martyrium of Our Saviour that is thus expprest by Socrates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the place of the Sepulchre But what Eusebius had expressed in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the New-Jerusalem was built that Socrates words thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. erected a Church called it New-Jerusalem building it opposite c where any one may see that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 called it must be expunged For that Church was not termed New-Jerusalem as the Translatour thought and before him Nicephorus but it was called The Martyrium or The Basilica Constantiniana and Anastasis Eusebius therefore and Socrates do say only this that Constantine or Helena having erected that Church which was a great and stately Structure built the New-Jerusalem over against that old one which heretofore had been ruined by the Romans Which is most true For from that time the City Aelia its true and old name being by degrees abolished began to be called Jerusalem by the Christians whenas notwithstanding it really was not Jerusalem in regard it had been erected in another soil and was built by a Roman Emperour who then was the bitterest Enemy to the Jews with that design and intent that the Gentiles might inhabit it but that the Jews might be driven at the greatest distance from its entrance Further I doubt not but Eusebius alludes to that place which occurs in the Revelation chap. 21. vers 2 And I saw the Holy City New-Jerusalem coming down from God out of Heaven prepared as a Bride adorned for her husband Vales. * Or Last †Or The Salutary Victory over death ‖ Or With rich and abundant Honours or Glories * Evangelized * Or Distinguished * Floor or Bottom a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He seems to mean Marble or at least polisht stone like to Marble So in the following chapter Eusebius uses these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signifie the same But Christophorson has rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eximious Stone Portesius translates it excellent Stone not well as I think Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Atria Courts of Churches consisted usually of four Porticus's placed in form of a Quadrangle In the midst there was an open place such a one as we now a days see in the Cloysters of Monks Eusebius informs us hereof in the description of the Church at Tyre which occurs in the Tenth Book of his Eccles. History But in the Church at Jerusalem the Frame or Composure was different For there were only three Porticus's there placed at the three sides But in the fourth side which was directly opposite to the Sepulchre at the rising Sun instead of a Porticus there was the Church it self as Eusebius informs us in the following chapter Which seems to have been done for this reason that the Church it self might be enlightned with a larger light no Porticus on the outside giving any hindrance to the lights Vales. †Or Ran out * Or Of the Temple of the Church †Or Royal Church a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Ancients adorned walls with cut Crusts of Marble of a different colour as I have noted at book 28. of Amm. Marcellinus pag. 363. Such Crusts of Marble as these they termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 See Gregor Nazianz. in Orat. 32 and in His Carmen Anacreonticum ad animum suum Vales. * Or At the Roofs themselves above †Finished or fitted b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 What 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are Hesychius and the Authour of the Etymologicon do inform us who interpret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Tabellae tecta laqueata Tablets Embowed Roofs Eusebius uses the same word hereafter at chap. 49. Hence therefore it appears that the Roof of the Church was on the inside covered and adorned with a Lacunar or Embowed Roof according to Constantine's thoughts about it as he attests in his Letter to Macarius For on the outside it was covered with Lead to keep off showers Therefore the Roof must necessarily have been framed of Stone which might bear up the Lead laid upon it Vales. ‖ Or Continued junctures * Bright or clear a There were four Porticus's in the Jerusalem-Church to wit two at each side of the Church For that 's the meaning of these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Besides the following words do manifestly evince this For of these Porticus's Eusebius says some were in the front of the Church that is more outward but others more inward In the same manner there were four Porticus's in the Church of the Apostles which was in the City Rome as Prudentius attests in the Passion of the Apostles in these Verses Subdidit Parias fulvis laquearibus Columnas Distinguit illic quas quaternus orod The same Prudentius in the Passion of Hippolytus writes thus concerning the Church of Saint Hippolytus Ordo columnarum geminus laqucaria tecti Sustinâ—t auratis suppositus trabibus Adduntur graciles tecto breviore recessus Qui laterum scriem jugiter exsinuent The same Form may be seen in the greater Churches amongst us where four Orders of Pillars do make two Porticus's on both sides Further such Porticus's as these seem to be termed gemellares in the Itinerarium Hierosolymitanum Interius verò civitatis sunt piscinae gemellares quinque Porticus habentes In which place nevertheless 't is doubtfull whither the pools themselves or the Porticus's are to be termed gemellares And 't is better to understand the pools to be gemellares For there were two Pools as Jerome relates in
1. chap. 25 tells us that in Leo Allatius's Copy the reading of this place is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For even they are yours which he concludes to be the truest reading of all a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He means the Christian Religion as I suppose which almost all Nations did then embrace having rejected the errour of their own Superstition Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. unless you had rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as 't is in the Fuketian Savil. and Turneb Copies Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Anastasius Bibliothecarius in his Version of the seventh Synod where-ever the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 occurs in the Greek renders it deificum which term imports any thing extraordinarily sent or made by God himself So the Latines termed the Books of the sacred Scriptures Deificos Libros as it occurs in the Gesta Purgationis Coeciliani Vales. * Stretch't out b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 near certain gates In the Fuketian and Turnebian Copies and in the Kings Sheets the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in some Cities which is far the truer reading as I Judge For Eusebius says that not in all but in the Palaces of some Cities Constantine's Picture was thus drawn Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Whoever was the Translatour of this Book he has rendred this place with little of attention thus Et precantis formâ manus sursum tollens and lifting up his hands in the form of one praying whereas he ought to have rendred it manibus expansis ut precantes solent with expanded hands as persons praying are wont to do For the Christians were wont when at prayers to stretch forth their hands that by this means they might represent the likeness of a Cross. Indeed the Christians lifted up their hands whilst they were praying But this was not peculiar to the Christians in regard the Heathens did the same as Virgil attests in these words Et geminas tollens ad sidera palmas But that was peculiar to the Christians to expand their hands in the form of a Cross. Tertullian's words in his Book de Oratione Chap. 11 are these Nos verò non attollimus tantum Sed etiam expandimus dominicâ passione modulamur We do not only lift up our hands but do spread them also and we put our selves into a form agreeable to Our Lord's passion He says the same in his Apologetick chap. 30. Vales. * Or Images a But Socrates book 1. chap. 18 relates the contrary in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And first he abolished the Combats of the Gladiatours then he placed his own Statues in the Temples But any one might with good reason conjecture that this place of Socrates is corrupted For Socrates does there reckon up all things which were invented by Constantine in order to the abolition of the Superstition of the Heathens Amongst which he says that Constantine placed his own Pictures and Statues in the Temples of the Gods But by doing of that the superstition of the Heathens was not extinguished but rather increased or changed For the Heathens would adore the Emperour in place of a God Wherefore that passage of Socrates must be mended from Eusebius in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But he forbad that his own Statues should be dedicated in the Temples Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The two last words must in my judgment be expunged in regard they disturb the sense For if you blot out them the sense is plain Vales. †Or Adumbration a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sozomen book 1. chap. 8. has these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and he erected an Oratory within the Imperial Palace 'T is plain that Sozomen as he usually does borrowed this out of our Eusebius But Eusebius does not say that Constantine built a Church in the Palace He says only this that he constituted a kind of a Church in the Palace See Eusebius's Panegyrick on Constantine's Tricennalia chap. 9 where he does plainly confirm our Opinion Vales. * Prescribed or solemn b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with those that filled the Imperial Palace or the Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is an ambiguous expression which signifies a Church and a Palace And Eusebius seems designedly to have play'd with the ambiguity of this phrase because Constantine's Palace was like a Church And those whom at this place he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he has termed above in this chapter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Translatour followed the opinion of Sozomen and supposed a Church to have been meant here with whom I don't agree For Eusebius himself in his Panegyrick chap. 9 where this passage occurs word for word says nothing concerning a Church The meaning therefore of this place is that Constantine committed the Care and Custody of his whole Palace to the Ministers and Servants of God and to the Prelates so that the Prelates were certain Controllers as 't were of his house or such Officers as the Romans termed Cura Palatii Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must I think be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 acknowledged and so 't is in the Panegyrick at the place now cited The Printed-reading is not to be born with Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Doubtless it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the day before the Sabbath And thus as 't is evident he read who composed the Contents of these Chapters Moreover Sozomen book 1 chap. 8 confirms this very thing in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But he made a Law that on that day called Sunday which day the Jews term the first of the Sabbath but the Gentiles give it the name of Sunday and on that day before the Sahbath all persons should cease from doing business in the Courts of Judicature and abstain from all other employments and should worship God with Prayers and Supplications In these words of Sozomen something of difficulty occurs as to what respects Fryday For I can scarce perswade my self that Constantine should have commanded that on that day people should abstain from doing business in the Courts of Judicature 'T is certain Eusebius affirms no such thing concerning Fryday but concerning Sunday only There is a Law of Constantine's extant in the Theodosian Code Tit. de Ferils in which Law Sunday only is excepted Therefore Sozomen added this of his own Who seeing this observed in his own Times at Constantinople for he was an Advocate in that City together with one Aquilinus as he himself relates in his second book chap. 3. believed Constantine to have been the Authour of this thing Vales. * Or Heatbens a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or at least 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Vales. b He terms that a pure field wherein there were no Altars no Sepulchres Vales. *
moroser sort of Cattel which I wonder the Translatour saw not For man is the morosest of all Creatures and is governed with the greatest difficulty Vales. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as 't is in the Fuketian Copy The Translatour understood not this expression which we may render into Latine word for word in this manner molestiae potius deputat quà m voluptati he places them to the account of trouble rather than of pleasure Vales. * The Constancy of his Morals so Valesius k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Guard of His Subjects It must I think be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For at this place Eusebius means two sorts of Subjects namely those in Arms and the Provincials Whereof the latter pay money and tributes to the Emperour which Eusebius and Themistius do term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with a soft word covering the bitterest thing of all But the former received money as their Pay Vales. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must doubtless be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon himself which I admire the Translatour perceived not Vales. * Or Sees m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The words are misplac't here as it is plain to any one I reade therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But he himself c. In the Fuketian Copy the reading is ill 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by reason of His knowledge of God Vales. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 'T is the same with what he has said above 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Further this whole passage is thus to be distinguished and explained 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is Nevertheless although c. Which is the same as if he should say he desires not the wealth or riches of His Subjects nor does he envy them their comely garb and dress as envious and covetous princes are wont to do Such a one was Valentinianus the Elder who hated all those that were rich and well-clothed as Amm. Marcellinus relates Constantine was not of that mind for he both valued very little his own habit and dress and also was not troubled at his Subjects being gorgeously apparelled I have therefore spent some words in explaining this passage because it was both obscure and also not understood by the Translatour Vales. †Or Are astonished at c. * Or who are instructed by a good master as ' t were CHAP. VI. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He alludes to the Golden Crowns which the Provincials were wont to present the Roman Emperours with not only at their entrance upon the Empire but in their Quinquennalia also and Decennalia Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Any one may see that it should be written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For Eusebius says that these Feasts of The Tricennalia were celebrated not onely by a numerous confluence of the people but also by the common joy of the whole world For some Feasts are publick others private Some are peculiar to Cities others to a whole Province Some are Feasts of the whole Roman world as the Calends of January the Birth day of the Emperours their Quinquennalia and the like Indeed in the Fuketian Copy I found it written as I had conjectured Vales. * Or Blessings c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This place in my judgment is to be restored thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In so much that he is not satisfied c. The mistake arose from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which the Transcribers changed into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by an easie mistake But if any one has a mind to retain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then it is to be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * See note k. in this chapter d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Questionless it is to be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So the Translatour read also and so we have rendred it Eusebius himself confirms this emendation for soon after this he writes thus concerning the present time 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But that part of it termed its time present c. †Or Those that are desirous e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Translatour renders it nedùm futurum Tempus aut praeteritum much less Time future or Time past Whence ' tâ—s apparent that he read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 excellently well In the Fuketian Copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and have rendred it accordingly For he speaks concerning the time past A little after I read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nor is it at all possible c. Vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In my judgment it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in which manner also the Translatour read and we have rendred it accordingly Eusebius alludes to a passage of Saint Paul the Apostle who calls God 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the King of Ages Vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He means the days months and years and the vicissitudes of seasons wherewith God hath adorned Aevum Vales. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * Is extended or prolonged k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Proclus Book 4. on Plato's Timaeus pag. 241 produces the same Etymologie of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at which place he discontses at large concerning Aevum according to the Opinion of the Platonists See the same Authour in chap. 53 and 54 of his Platonick Institutions But Eusebius does partly follow Plato's Opinion and partly recedes from it For whereas he says that Aevum does neither grow old nor dye that 't is uniform and always like it self that it wants parts and distinction or difference in that he agrees with Plato But when he affims that it goes on and increases when he makes past present and future time to be Species or Kindes of it in this he disagrees both from Plato and from himself For what ever proceeds on and increases must of necessity have parts In Plato Aevum is nothing else but Eternity For Plato makes Aevum immoveable according to the likeness whereof he affirms that God created Time which he gives this definition of a moveable Image of an immoveable Aevum proceeding on in number and order as it occurs in his Timaeus Chalcidius on Plato's Timaeus is right temporis says he proprium progredi aevi propria mansio c ' T is the property of Time to go forward continuance is the property of Aevum and a perseverance in being always the same Also there are parts of time namely days nights and years Aevum has no parts Likewise the Species of Time are several past present future the substance of Aevum is uniform in the sole and proper Present But Eusebius took Aevum for Saculum or rather for the whole Mass and Collection of Times as I may so say For his words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 'T is certain in the Sacred Scriptures 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and
another while the Historical parts of Scripture and again at other times the Evangelick and Apostolick writings I was I confess amazed when I first saw this man standing in the midst of a numerous Ecclesiastick congregation and repeating some parts of the divine Scripture For as long as I could only hear his voice I supposed him to have read what is usually rehearsed in such assemblies But when I approached very neer and saw plainly what was done to wit all the rest in the assembly standing round and having their eye-sight clear and perfect and him making use of the eyes of his understanding only in reality delivering oracles like some Prophet and far surpassing those that were sound and healthy in body I could not forbear praising and glorifying of God And I thought that I really beheld a firm and most evident instance to perswade me to believe that he is to be accounted truly a man not who appears so to be by the external shape of his body but who is such in respect of his mind and understanding For although this person had a mangled and deformed body yet he demonstrated the strength of his internal faculties to be great and most powerful Moreover God himself vouchsafed to allot these forementioned persons who living in a place apart by themselves spent their time according to the usual manner in prayers fastings and in the performance of other severe exercises of Religion a blessed and salutary death reaching out to them his propitious right hand But that malicious enemy of all goodness unable to endure them any longer in regard they were carefully armed against him with their continual prayers to God resolved to have them killed and removed from off the earth as being troublesome to him Which God permitted him to attempt and perform both that he should not be hindred from â—oing mischief agreeable to his own mind and purpose and that they might at length receive the rewards of their various combats Thus therefore nine and thirty persons were beheaded on one and the same day by an order from the most impious Maximin These were the Martyrdomes perpetrated in Palestine during the space of ten years and such was the persecution in our days which having been began from those times wherein the Churches were demolished was much increased in the times succeeding by the Governours insolencies Amidst which their various and different combats who were Religious Champions made an innumerable company of Martyrs throughout every Province to wit in Libya and throughout all Egypt Syria and all those Provinces which reach from the East round to the Country of Illyricum For those regions scituate beyond these now mentioned that is all Italy Sicily France and those which lie towards the Sun-setting Spain Mauritania and Africa having not indured the rage of the persecution full out the space of the two first years were vouchsafed a sudden visitation from God and obtained peace divine Providence taking compassion on the simplicity and faith of those men Further an accident a parallel to which the Records from the very first beginning of the Roman Empire cannot shew happened now first in these our days contrary to all expectation For during the persecution in our times the Empire was divided into two parts Those brethren which were inhabitants of the one part that just now mentioned enjoyed peace but such as dwelt in the other part of the Empire endured innumerable conflicts renewed against them successively But when divine grace gave some indications of its candid and compassionate visitation of us then those very Governours of ours who before had been raisers of the wars waged against us in our days having most miraculously altered their minds sounded a retreat extinguishing the flame of persecution kindled against us by Rescripts published in favour to us and by mild Edicts 'T is requisite that we Record their retractation The End of Eusebius Pamphilus's Book concerning the Martyrs of Palestine THE NINTH BOOK OF THE Ecclesiastical History OF EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS CHAP. I. Concerning the counterfeited Cessation of the Persecution THIS Revocation contained in the Imperial Edict mentioned before was published in all parts of Asia and throughout the Adjacent Provinces After which publications thus made Maximin the Eastern Tyrant a person as impious as ever breathed and a most deadly enemy to the worship of the supream God being in no wise pleased with these Rescripts instead of the forementioned Edict issues out a verbal Order only to those Governours within his Jurisdiction that they should stop the persecution against us For in regard he durst not in any wise oppose the Decree of his superiours having concealed the forementioned Edict and taken such care as that it should not be publickly proposed in the Provinces under his Jurisdiction he gives order by word of mouth only to those Governours under him that they should put a stop to the persecution against us of which Order they inform one another by Letters For Sabinus who was then honoured with the Prefecture of the Praetorium the chiefest Office among them in a Latine Epistle to the Governours of the Provinces declared the Emperour's pleasure the contents of which Letter we have thus translated The Majesty of our most sacred Lords the Emperours by their earnest and most devout care have long since determined to render the minds of all men conformable to the true and holy Rule of living that by this means they who seem to have embraced usages different from those of the Romanes might be induced to exhibite due worship to the immortal Gods But the obstinate and most untractable perverseness of some mens minds was arrived at such an height that neither could the justice of the Imperial Decree prevaile with them to recede from their own resolutions nor the imminent punishment annexed strike any terrour into them Since therefore it might have happened that upon this account many would have precipitated themselves into danger the sacred Majesty of our Lords the most puissant Emperours according to their innate clemency judging it disagreeable to their own most sacred Intent that upon this occasion men should be surrounded with such great danger enjoyned our devotedness to write to your Prudence that if evidence be brought against any Christian for his following that way of worship observed amongst those of his own Religion you should secure him and set him free from all danger and molestation and that you should condemn none to be punished upon account of this pretence For since it has been manifestly evidenced that during so long a tract of time they could by no means be perswaded to desist from their perverse stubborness your Prudence therefore is enjoyned to write to the Curators to the Magistrates and to the Presidents of the Villages belonging to every City that they may understand that for the future they are not to take any further care concerning this affair Hereupon all the
published in every City and in all other places CHAP. VI. Concerning them that suffered Martyrdom in those Times BUt not long after this Captain was his own Executioner suffering a condign punishment for his malicious wickedness And now banishments and most horrid Persecutions were a fresh raised against us the Presidents in every Province renewing their cruel insurrections against us in so much that some of the most eminent asserters of the divine faith were apprehended and without any commiseration had the sentence of death pronounc't against them Three of them having professed themselves Christians were cast to the wild beasts and devoured by them at Emesa a City of Phoenicia amongst them there was a Bishop one Silvanus a very old man who had born that Office forty years compleat At the same time also Peter that most eminent Prelate of the Alexandrian Church the chiefest ornament and glory of the Bishops both for his virtuous life and his study and knowledge in the sacred Scriptures being apprehended for no crime at all was beheaded contrary to every bodies expectation by Maximins order on a sudden and without any specious pretence Likewise many other Aegyptian Bishops suffered the same death that he did Lucianus also Presbyter of the Church at Antioch a very pious man much famed for his continency and his knowledge in the sacred Scriptures was brought to the City of Nicomedia where the Emperour then kept his Court and after he had made his Apology in defence of that Doctrine which he asserted before the President he was committed to prison and murthered In fine Maximin that professed Enemy of all virtue did in a short time load us with such burthens of afflictions that this latter storm of Persecution raised by him seemed to us far more grievous then the former CHAP. VII Concerning the Edict against us which was ingraven on Brazen plates and hung up on the Pillars MOreover in the midst of every City which was never seen before the Decrees of Cities and also the Imperial Edicts against us were ingraven on Brazen plates and proposed to open view And the boyes in the Schooles had nothing in their mouths all day long but Jesus and Pilate and the Acts which were forged to disgrace us I judge it pertinent to insert here this very Rescript of Maximin's which was ingraven on plates of Brass both that the proud and arrogant insolency of this mans hatred towards God may be manifested and also that it may hence be made apparent that divine justice which hates the impious and keeps a continual watch against them did within a very short time pursue and overtake him by which Divine justice he was inforced to alter his sentiments soon after concerning us and to confirm them by his Edicts in writing But these are the Contents of his Rescript A COPY OF THE TRANSLATION OF MAXIMIN'S RESCRIPT IN ANSWER TO THE DECREES OF THE CITIES AGAINST US TRANSCRIBED FROM A BRAZEN PLATE AT TYRE Now at length the infirm Confidence of mans mind having shaken off and dispersed the cloud and mist of errour which heretofore invested the senses of men not so much wicked as wretched being involved in the fatal night of ignorance may discern that it is undoubtedly governed and strengthened by the indulgent providence of the immortal Gods It is incredible to express how gratefull how pleasing and acceptable a thing it was to us that you gave such a proof of your Pious resolution towards the Gods Indeed before this time no person was insensible of the observancy and religious worship you shewed towards the immortal Gods for your faith is made known to them not in bare and empty words but by uninterrupted and miraculous eminent Acts upon which account your City may deservedly be stiled the Seat and Mansion of the immortal Gods For it is manifestly evident by many instances that She flourisheth by the Arrival and presence of the celestial Deities in Her But lo Now your City careless of all its own particular concerns and having no regard to the Petitions which in times past it did usually make to us for the welfare of its affairs when it was sensible that the Promoters of that accursed vanity did begin to creep again and perceived that like fire which is carelessely left and raked up it brake forth into violent flames the brands thereof being rekindled immediately without the least delay made its address to our piety as to the Metropolis of all Religion petitioning for a redress and an assistance 'T is evident that the Gods have instilled into your minds this wholesome advice upon account of your constant and faithful perseverance in your Religion For the most High and Mighty Jupiter who presides over your most famous City and preserveth your Country Gods your wives and children your families and houses from all manner of destruction and ruine hath breathed into your minds this salutary resolution whence he hath evidenced and plainly demonstrated what an excellent noble and comfortable thing it is to adore him and to approach the sacred Ceremonies of the immortal Gods with a due observancy and veneration For what man can there be found so foolish and so void of all reason who perceives not that it comes to pass by the favourable care of the Gods towards us that neither the Earth does deny to restore the seeds committed to it frustrating the hopes of the husbandmen with vain expectations or that the aspect of impious War is not immoveably fixed on the earth or that mens bodies are not hurried away to the grave being tainted by an infection in the temperature of the Air or that the Sea tossed with the blasts of tempestuous winds does not swell and overflow or that storms breaking forth on a sudden and unexpectedly do not raise a destructive tempest or lastly that the Earth the nurse and mother of all things shaken by an horrid trembling arising from its own internal caverns does not raise vast hills out of its own bowels or that the mountains which lie upon it are not swallowed up by its unexpected scissures and rents There is no man but knowes that all these calamities yea far more horrid than these have happened heretofore And all these evills fell upon us because of that pernitious errour and most vain folly of those wicked men at such time as it abounded in their souls and burthened the whole earth almost with shame and confusion After the interposition of some words he continues Let men now look into the open fields and see the flourishing corn waving its weighty ears let them view the Medows gloriously bedecked with flowers and grass caused by the seasonable springing showers Let them consider the constitution of the aire how temperate and calm it is again become In future let all men rejoyce for that by your Piety by your sacrifices and Religious worship the fury of that most Potent and strong God Mars
consciousness For it is really most absurd for them to make their bragges that we are not capable of our selves without their instruction to observe these things But of what are they able to pass a right judgment who after that parricide of theirs the murther of our Lord were struck with madness and are led not by the conduct of reason but by an ungovernable impetus whithersoever their innate rage shall drive them Hence therefore it is that even in this particular they discern not the Truth but always wandring at the greatest distance from a decent and agreeable amendment they celebrate Easter twice within the space of one and the same year What reason have we therefore to follow these men who it is acknowledged are distempered with an abominable Errour We must never endure the keeping of two Easters in one year But although what we have said were not sufficient yet nevertheless it behooves your prudence to make it your greatest care and the matter of your constant prayers that the purity of your souls should not in the likeness of any thing seem to be joyned or mixed with the usages of most wicked men Besides this is to be considered that it is a most impious thing that there should be any disagreement in a matter of so great concern and in such a solemnity of Religion For our Saviour left us but one day to be celebrated in commemoration of our Redemption that is the day of his most sacred Passion and he also desired that his Catholick Church should be one The members of which Church although they are much dispersed in divers places yet nevertheless are cherished by one spirit that is by the will of God Let the prudence of your sanctity consider how grievous and undecent a thing it is that on the self same daies some should keep strict Fasts and others celebrate Feasts and that on the days after Easter some should be conversant in feastings and a vacantness from labours and others devote themselves to set Fasts Wherefore it pleased divine Providence that these things should be seasonably redressed and reduced to one and the same form as we suppose you are all sensible Since therefore it was expedient to make such an emendation in this point as that we might not seem to hold the least Communion with those Parricides and Murderers of of our Lord the Jews and since this is the most decent and becoming order which all the Churches of the Western Southern and Northern parts of the world and also some in the Eastern parts do observe for these reasons all persons have at present judged it good and expedient and we our selves also promised that it would not be ungratefull to your wisdom that that which with such an universal unanimity is observed in the City of Rome and all over Italy and Africa throughout all Aegypt Spain France Brittain Libya over all Greece and the Provinces of Asia and Pontus and throughout Cilicia would also be most willingly received and embraced by you Let this also be seriously considered that not only the number of the Churches in the forementioned places is far the greater but also that it is most just and equal that all mens wills should universally concur in that which strict reason seems to require and which has no Communion with the perjury of the Jews But that we may speak more summarily and briefly it was by a general consent agreed that the most sacred Festival of Easter should be solemniz'd upon one and the same day For it is undecent that there should be any diversity in so great and holy a solemnity and it is far better to adhere to that Opinion in which there is no mixture of strange and absurd errour and impiety Since therefore these things are thus ordered do you with joy receive this celestial and truly divine Commandment For whatsoever is transacted and determined in the sacred assemblies of the Bishops must be attributed to the Divine will Wherefore when you have imparted to all our beloved brethren what has been prescribed it is your duty to embrace and establish the forementioned rule and observation of the most holy day that when we shall come into the presence of your love which we were long since desirous of we may celebrate the sacred Festival with you on one and the same day and that we may rejoyce together with you for all things beholding the cruelty of the Devil totally removed by the divine power and our endeavours whilst your Faith Peace and Concord does every where flourish God preserve you Beloved Brethren Another Letter to Eusebius VICTOR CONSTANTINUS MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS to Eusebius We really believe and are absolutely perswaded Dearest Brother that in regard an impious desire and tyrannick violence hath persecuted the servants of God our Saviour even to this present time the edifices of all Churches have either by neglect gone to ruine or through fear of the imminent dangerousness of the times have been adorned with less of stateliness But now since Liberty is restored and that Serpent that Persecutor Licinius is by Almighty God's Providence and our instrumental endeavours forced out of the Administration of publick Affairs we suppose that the divine power hath been sufficiently manifested to all men and that all who either through fear or unbelief have fallen into any sins having now acknowledged the only true God will in future return to the true and right course of life Do you therefore remind as well all persons belonging to the Churches over which you preside as also all other Bishops presiding in other places together with the Presbyters and Deacons whom you know that they use their utmost diligence about the structures of the Churches either about repairing those that are still standing or about inlarging others or in building new ones wheresoever it shall be found requisite And you your self and the rest by your mediation may ask necessaries for that work both from our Presidents of the Provinces and also from the Office of the Praetorian Prefecture For they are already impowred by our Rescripts to be diligently observant about all your Holinesses Orders God preserve you Beloved Brother Thus wrote the Emperour to the Bishops throughout every particular Province concerning the building of the Churches But what he wrote to Eusebius of Palestine about providing some Copies of the sacred Scriptures we may easily collect from these his Letters VICTOR CONSTANTINUS MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS to Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea By the assistance of God our Saviours Providence so great a multitude of men have joyned themselves to the most Holy Church in that City which bears our Name that Christianity seems to have made its greatest progress and increase there It seems therefore very requisite that there should be more Churches erected in that City Wherefore do you with the greatest alacrity admit of what we have Decreed We thought fit to signifie this to your prudence
Lessons he instructed them And truly he himself trusting in the sincerity of his own Faith not only declared but had his thoughts taken up with such matters as these But they were unapt to learn and deaf to all good Documents applauding indeed his sayings with their tongues and Acclamations but in their practises they disregarded them by reason of their unsatiableness CHAP. XXX That He shewed a certain Covetous person the measure of a Grave to the end he might shame him WHerefore one time He took one of those persons about him by the hand and spake these words to him How far Hark ye Do we stretch our Covetous desires Then marking out on the ground the length of a man with a spear which he hapned to have in his hand Although said he you were possest of all the Riches of this world and of the whole Element of the Earth yet you shall carry away nothing more than this space of ground which I have mark't out if even that be allowed you Notwithstanding this Blessed Prince said and did these things yet he reclaimed no person But 't was manifestly evidenced by the very event of affairs that the Emperours Admonitions were rather like Divine Oracles than bare words CHAP. XXXI That he was laught at because of his too great Clemency FUrther whereas there was no fear of any Capital punishment which might restrain ill men from wickedness the Emperour himself being wholly inclined to Clemency and the Governours in each Province wholly neglecting the prosecution and punishment of Crimes this thing exposed the publick Administration of Affairs to no ordinary blame and reprehension whether justly or otherwise every one may judge according as he shall think good Let me be permitted to record the Truth CHAP. XXXII Concerning Constantine's Oration which He wrote to The Convention of the Saints MOreover the Emperour wrote his Orations in the Latine tongue But they were rendred into Greek by the Interpreters whose imployment it was to do this One of these orations done into Greek I will for an instance annex after the close of this present Work to which Speech he himself gave this Title To the Convention of the Saints dedicating that His Discourse to the Church of God which Oration I will subjoyn for this reason least any one should account our Testimony in reference to these matters to be nothing more than Ostentation and Noise CHAP. XXXIII How He heard Eusebius's Panegyrick concerning the Sepulchre of our Saviour in a standing posture BUt that in my judgment is in no wise to be silently overpast which this admirable Prince did even in Our own presence For when we had one time besought him being confident of his singular piety towards God that he would be an Auditor of a Speech of Ours concerning the Sepulchre of our Saviour He gave us Audience with all imaginable willingness And a great company of Hearers standing round within the Imperial Palace it self He himself stood also and together with the rest gave Audience But when We entreated him to rest himself upon his Imperial Throne which was placed hard by he would by no means be perswaded to Sit But with an intent mind weighed what was spoken and by his own Testimony approved the truth of the Theologick Dogmata But when much time had been spent and our Oration was continued to a great length We were desirous to break off But he would not suffer that but entreated us to go on till we had ended our Discourse And when we again Sollicited Him to sit down He on the contrary was urgent in His Refusal sometimes affirming That it was unfit to hearken to Discourses which treated concerning God with ease and remisness at other times saying that this was usefull and advantagious to Him For it was He told us a thing consonant to Piety and Religion to hear Discourses about Divine matters in a standing posture After these things were finished we returned home and betook our selves to our usual Studies and exercises CHAP. XXXIV That He wrote to Eusebius concerning Easter and about the Divine Books BUt He always Sollicitously consulting the good of God's Churches wrote a Letter to us about providing some Copies of the Divinely inspired Oracles as also another Letter concerning the most Holy Feast of Easter For whereas we had dedicated a Book to Him wherein the Mystick account of that Festival was explained in what manner He rewarded and honoured us by His answer any one may perceive by perusing this Letter of His. CHAP. XXXV Constantine's Letter to Eusebius wherein He commends His Oration concerning Easter VICTOR CONSTANTINUS MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS To Eusebius IT is indeed a mighty Attempt and a work superiour to all the power of Oratory to declare the mysteries of Christ agreeably to their dignity and in a due manner to unfold the Reason and Ground of Easter and its Institution and its advantagious and laborious consummation For 't is impossible even to men that are able to understand things Divine to declare those matters according to their dignity Nevertheless I do highly admire your excellent Learning and your Extraordinary diligence and have my self most willingly perused your Book and according to your desire have given order that it should be put into the hands of many persons who sincerely adhere to the observance of the Divine Religion Whereas therefore you understand with how great a delight of mind we receive such Presents as these from Your Prudence take care to please us in future with more frequent Discourses whereto you confess your self to have been by education accustomed But as the saying is we incite you who run to your usuall Studies In as much as this so great an opinion does sufficiently demonstrate that you have not found an unworthy Translatour of Your Writings who can render Your Labours into Latine although 't is impossible that such a Version should express the dignity of Works that are so egregiously eminent God keep You Beloved Brother Such was his Letter in reference to this matter But that which he wrote about providing some Copies of the Scriptures to be read in Churches runs thus CHAP. XXXVI Constantine's Letter to Eusebius concerning the providing some Copies of the Divine Scriptures VICTOR CONSTANTINUS MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS To Eusebius IN That City which bears Our Name by the assistance of God Our Saviour's Providence a vast multitude of men have joyned themselves to the most Holy Church Whereas therefore all things do there receive a very great increase it seems highly requisite that there should be more Churches erected in that City Wherefore do you most willingly receive that which I have determined to do For it seemed fit to signifie to Your Prudence that you should order fifty Copies of the Divine Scriptures the provision and use whereof you know to be chiefly necessary for the instruction of the Church to be
written on well-prepared parchment by artificial Transcribers of Books most skilfull in the art of accurate and fair writing which Copies must be very legible and easily portable in order to their being used Moreover Letters are dispatcht away from Our Clemency to the Rationalist of the Dioecesis that he should take care for the providing of all things necessary in order to the finishing of the said Copies This therefore shall be the Work of your diligence to see that the written Copies be forthwith provided You are also empowered by the Authority of this our Letter to have the use of two publick â—arriages in order to their Conveyance For by this means those which are transcribed fair may most commodiously be conveyed even to Our Sight to wit one of the Deacons of your Church being employed in the performance hereof Who when he comes to Us shall be made sensible of Our Bounty God preserve you Dear Brother CHAP. XXXVII In what manner the Copies were provided THese things the Emperour gave order for Which Order of his was immediately followed by the completion of the work it self we having sent him Ternions and Quaternions in Volumns magnificently adorned Which very thing another answer of the Emperour's will attest In which Letter information having been given him that the City Constantia in our Country heretofore consisting of men notoriously superstitious had by an impulse of piety receded from their Pristine errour of Idolatry he signified that he rejoyced and highly approved of that Action CHAP. XXXVIII How the Mart-Town of the Gazaei by reason of its embracing the Christian Religion was made a City and named Constantia FOr Constantia in the Province of Palestine having at this very time embraced the Salutary Religion was vouchsafed a signal honour both from God and from the Emperour For it was both termed a City which it had not been before and likewise changed its name for a better appellation to wit that of the Emperour 's most religious Sister CHAP. XXXIX That in Phoenice there was a City made termed Constantina and in other Cities the Idols were destroyed and Churches erected THe same thing was likewise done in many other places For instance in a City of the Province of Phoenice which is called by the Emperour's name The inhabitants whereof having committed their innumerable Images to the flames changed their worship of them for the observation of the salutary Law Moreover in other Provinces they came over in great companies as well in the Country as in the Cities to the saving knowledge of God and destroyed their Images consisting of all sorts of matter which before had been accounted sacred by them as if they were nothing they also demolished their own Temples and places of worship which were raised to a vast height when no person ordered them to do it But they erected Churches from the very foundations and made a change of their former opinion or errour rather But to give a particular Narrative of all this pious Emperour's Actions is not so much our business as theirs who were vouchsafed a continual converse with him After therefore we have in short recorded in this work those matters which came to our knowledge we will pass to the later part of his Life CHAP. XL. That having created his three Sons Caesars in the three ten years of his Reign He celebrated the dedication of the Martyrrum at Jerusalem THirty years of His Reign were now compleated Wherein his three Sons had at different times been created Colleagues of the Empire Constantine who bore the same name with his Father was the first that partook of that honour about the tenth year of his Father's Empire His second Son Constantius grac't with his Grandfather's name was declared Caesar about the time of the celebration of his Father 's Vicennalia His third Son Constans who by his own name denotes Presence and Stability was promoted to this honour about the thirtieth year of his Father's Reign Thus therefore when according to a likeness of the Trinity as 't were he had gotten three Sons beloved by God and had honoured them with the Colleagueship of his Empire at each period of ten years of his Reign he thought his Tricennalia to be a most opportune time wherein he might give thanks to God the supream King And he himself judged it best and most agreeable should He celebrate the dedication of that Martyrium which with all imaginable diligence and magnificence he had caused to be erected at Jerusalem CHAP. XLI That in this interim He ordered a Synod to be convened at Tyre because of some controversies started in Egypt BUt the envious Devill that Enemy to all good like some dark cloud opposed against the most splendid Rayes of the Sun attempted to disturb the brightness of this Celebrity and again disquieted the Churches in Egypt with his own contentions But the Emperour whom God himself took care of having again armed a Synod of many Bishops resembling the Host of God set them in array against the Malevolent Devil an Order having been issued forth from him that the Prelates of all Egypt and Libya Asia and Europe should hasten in the first place to a determination of the Controversie and from thence to make a dedication of the formentioned Martyrium Wherefore he commanded them that by the by they should compose the differences at the Metropolis of Phoenice For it was he said unfit to approach the worship of God with dissenting mindes in regard the Divine Law prohibits those that are at variance from bringing their Gifts to God before they have embraced friendship and are peaceably affected one towards another These wholesome precepts of our Saviour the Emperour gave new Life to by a continual meditation on them within his own mind and advised them to set about the business with all imaginable consent and agreement of mind by his Letter which runs thus CHAP. XLII Constantine's Letter to the Synod at Tyre VICTOR CONSTANTINUS MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS To the Holy Synod convened at Tyre IT was manifestly agreeable to and highly befitting the prosperity of our Times that the Catholick Church should be void of all disturbance and that the Servants of Christ should now be free from all manner of reproach But in regard some persons prick't forward by the Spur of unsound Contention For I will not say that they leade a life unworthy of themselves attempt to confound all things which mischief seems to Me more grievous than any Calamity whatever for this reason I incite you who as the saying is run of your own accord that without any delay you would meet together and make up a Synod that you may give your assistance to those who want it that you may administer a Remedie to the Brethren who are in danger that you may reduce the dissenting members to an agreement and lastly that you may correct Faults
Apollinaris as Rufinus and Christophorson supposed Vales. p This was a great man amongst the Montanists who boasted himself to be a Confessour and a Martyr and was so audacious as like an Apostle to write a general Epistle to the Churches in recommendation of this New Prophecy Apollonius speaks much concerning this man in the following chapter Vales. a In the foregoing chapter we observed that the name Miltiades was put for Alcibiades On the contrary here Alcibiades is crept into the Text of Eusebius instead of Miltiades In Nicephorus t is Miltiades but neither he nor Christophorson understood this place Vales. b Rufinus and Baronius were mistaken in that they supposed these following words were taken out of Miltiades's book For this nameless Authour quotes nothing out of Miltiades's book but onely out of the Cataphrygians answer to Miltiades's book which thing translatours understood not Now the meaning of this place is this there is a great difference between the true Prophets and the false For the true Prophets who were filled with the spirit of God did foretell things future in a quiet and serene temper of mind But the false Prophets as was Montanus uttered what they said in a raging and mad temper of mind Indeed this was the chief objection of the Ecclesiasticks against the Montanists who boasted they were inspired with a Prophetick spirit because they Prophecied in an extasie But we read that no Prophet either under the Old or New Testament did ever Prophecy in an extasie Therefore Miltiades wrote a book against them which was thus entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. a Prophet ought not to speak in an extasie of mind See Epiphanius advers Haeres Montanist chap. 2. 4 and Chrysostom Homil. 29. on the 1 Epist. Corinth Vales. c Jerom Refinus and other Translatours thought Miltiades dedicated his Apology to the Roman Emperours called here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But because at that time there was onely one Roman Emperour to wit Commodus I judge the Governours of Provinces are here rather meant For the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does commonly signifie the Presidents of Provinces To these therefore Miltiades dedicated his Apology as did Tertullian afterwards who calls this Miltiades the Rhetorician of the Churches Vales. a Montanus instituted three â—ents every year and besides them two weeks of abstinence wherein nothing but dry meats were to be eaten So Tertullian in his book de jejuniis and Jerom in his Epistle to Mercella Apollonius objects here against Montanus his instituting fasts by a Law not that 't is a fault to observe fasts or as if 't were not lawfull for some in the Church to proclaim fasts for the Apostle S t John appointed a three days fast â—t Ephesus before he betook himself to the writing his Gospel But Montanus had no power to proclaim a fast being an Heretick an excommunicated person and no Presbyter Apollonius therefore does deservedly blame him because of his own head not by Apostolick tradition he instituted fasts Vales. b In the Maz. Med. Fuk. M. SS and in Nicephorus this woman is called Prisca which is confirmed by Rufinus Tertullian and Firmilianus Robert Stephens calls her Priscilla Vales. c The Montanists covered their avarice under the pretext of Religion and specious term of Oblations as Apollonius says a little before in this chapter Vales. d Christophorson thought the Cross was meant here but doubtless Apollonius means bonds which Themison could not endure for Christs sake For that which he calls the sign of confession here in the next words he terms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bonds Vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term in the original At Athens there was an house so called behind the Temple of Minerva Polias wherein the publick treasury was laid So says Harpocration on that word In all the Temples there was such a place as Varro asserts B. 4. But here this term must mean the publick Registry where the publick Records are kept Vales. * Mat. 10. 9 10. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term which Rufinus translates an Apostate Vales. * He means Montanus g The Greeks call that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which the Latines term crines tingere seu rutilare to die or make the hair red To doe which they made use of ashes which had been put into lye as Varro says See Hesychius in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * That is a kind of colouring stuff which is used to make the eye-brows black h I perceive now why Eusebius places Apollonius after the Authour without a name of whom he spake in the foregoing Chapter For because that anonymous authour says he wrote his books fourteen years after the death of Montanus and Maximilla and in regard Apollonius does here say Montanus broacht his new Prophecy 40 years before he wrote therefore Eusebius supposed Apollonius to be a later writer than that anonymous Authour In which as I judge he is much out For Apollonius wrote his book whilest Montanus and his mad Prophetesses Priscilla and Maximilla were yet alive which appears from these passages Let the Prophetess answer us concerning Alexander who terms himself a Martyr with whom she feasts c and again And yet the Prophet does pretend himself ignorant of this man whom he has converst with for many years Eusebius quotes in this Chapter Apollonius therefore does not say 40 years were past from the death of Montanus when he wrote this book but onely that Montanus had set a broach his false Prophecy 40 years before he went about to write this book against him Let us suppose therefore Montanus to be thirty years old when he set up to be a Prophet he could not be above 70 years old when Apollonius wrote his book against him Neither had he Maximilla and Priscilla for his companions as soon as ever he began his heresie but as I judge they were ensnared by him a long while after Vales. a Eusebius in his 6 th B. cha 12. calls these men Pontius and Caricus Jerom in Catalogo calls them Carinus and Pontius Vales. b So the Ancients termed the prophesie of Montanus and his associates as may be seen from Tertullian de Jejuniis Jerom in Catalogo Firmilian in his Epistle to Cyprian and the old Authour quoted by our Eusebius chap. 16. of this B. Vales. c The reading of the Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savill M. SS agrees with our translation to wit by all the Brotherhood in the world The Kings M. S. and Robert Stephens read it thus by all the Brotherhood in Christ over the whole world Vales. d Debeltum or Develtum a Colony in Thracia is mentioned by Geographers and in the old Coyns which John Tristan put forth Anchialus also hereafter named is a City of Thracia sufficiently known But why should the subscriptions of the Bishops of Thracia be put to the Epistle of Serapion Bishop of Antioch If I may make a conjecture I
suppose the Bishops of Thracia had written an Epistle to the Churches of Asia and Phrygia against Montanus's Prophecy wherein they gave their opinion thereof after the same manner that those of Vienna and Lyons did as our Eusebius related before That these subscriptions were put to the bottom of some Epistle 't is apparent from Cyrenus's subscription here mentioned But 't is no way likely that those Bishops did subscribe Serapions Epistle 1 because Eusebius does not say so but onely that the subscriptions of many Bishops were contained in Serapions Letter as was also Apollinaris's Epistle to the said Serapion For Serapion did this with good advisement that he might confute the heresie of Montanus by the authority of many Bishops 2 How could the Bishops of Thracia subscribe the letter of a Bishop of Antioch 'T is most probable therefore as I said that the Bishops of Thracia had with a joynt consent written to the Churches of Asia and Phrygia Vales. e That is Bishop of Anchialus a City of Thracia as we said before This Sotas the Bishop hearing of this new Prophecy sailed out of Thracia into Phrygia where having seen Priscilla not filled with the holy Spirit but actuated by the devill he undertook to cast him out of her by Exorcism Not onely Sotas but also many other Bishops went at that time into Phrygia to examine that new Prophecy says the Anonymous authour chapt 16. of this B. Moreover we may observe that Sotas was dead when Aelius Julius wrote this which is shown by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a term which the Greeks use when they speak of a dead person had Sotas been alive he would doubtless have confirmed this thing by his subscription The same term Serapion uses when he speaks of Apollinaris who also was then dead Vales. a Here we began the 20 chapter following therein Rufinus Musculus and Christophorson The Kings the Maz. and Fuk. M. SS begin the chapter from these words And of this sort were the matters c. which are the close of the foregoing chapter Vales. b The antient Christians did frequently use this term as often as they disputed against the Gentiles under which title they put forth many books to shew that there was one God the maker and King of all things which term to wit Monarchy they ascribed to God the father but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. the dispensation and administration they assigned to the Son and holy Ghost so Tertullian in his book against Praxeas and Tatianus adversus Graecos There is a book of Justin the Martyrs now extant which has this title Moreover from this title of Irenaeus's book we may conclude that Florinus asserted two principles and embraced the opinions of Cerdo and Marcion affirming one to be the Authour of Good the other of evil Vales. c See Irenaeus and Epiphanius concerning a work of Valentinus's which bears this title Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term in the original Those notes which were set at the margin of M. SS that the reader might understand something remarkable occurred there were properly so called Therefore we translate it adnotationem i. e. a note This note is now to be found in many Greek M. SS exprest onely by the two first letters thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which doe signifie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. note This adjuration of Irenaeus's did so well please Eusebius that he put it at the beginning of his Chronicon Vales. e All our M. SS and Nicephorus doe read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. his goings out and so we translate it Vales. f It was the custom of the primitive Christians when they heard any impious expression in a familiar discourse which was disagreeable to the rule of the Catholick faith forthwith to stop their ears and run away See Irenaeus B. 3 Against Heresies chap. 4 and Jerom B. 1. against Rufinus Vales. * Or every soul of all sorts of men For that 's the import of the Greek if it be exactly rendred Valesius translates it ex omnigenere hominum quà m plurimos i. e. very many of all sorts of men a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. he unclothed himself 't is a metaphor taken from champions who being to engage strip't themselves and studied by various arts and subtilties tò vanquish their Adversaries Vales. b This Apollonius was not the same person with him mentioned chap. 16. of this book Jerom in Catalogo calls him a Roman Senatour Eusebius does not say he was one of the Senate in this place But more of this hereafter Vales. c Jerom in his book de Scriptor Ecclesiast Supposes the person here spoken of to be Apollonius's servant and calls his name Severus Vales. * That is the devil having stirred up one of his own instruments or ministers c. d He means the Rescript of Marcus mentioned chap. 13. B. 4. See that place and the notes upon it Rufinus thought the Edict of Trajan which Eusebius mentions B. 3. chap. 33 or the Rescript of Adrian see chap. 9. B. 4 to Minucius Fundanus was here meant Vales. e The judges who interrogated the Christians that were brought before them were wont to perswade and entreat them to have a regard for their own safety by embracing the worship of the heathen Gods There are infinite Examples hereof in Tertullian Eusebius c. Vales. f From this passage I am induced to think that Apollonius was of the Senatorian order as Jerom has said Who upon the information of some desperate fellow whose name is unknown was brought before Perennis the Prefect of the praetorium i. e. the officer to whom the oversight of the Souldiers was committed as being a Christian being ask't by the Judge what order he was of and making answer that he was of the Senatorian order Perennis commanded him to give an account of his faith before the Senate Which when Apollonius had with much eloquence done by the sentence of the Senate he was put to death Why may we not therefore believe Jerom who in his book de Ecclesiast Scriptor and in his Epistle to Magnus has said in express terms that Apollonius was a Senatour And although Eusebius does not expresly say so here yet from this relation of his thus much may be collected Besides Jerom might have read the Acts of Apollonius's suffering to which Eusebius does here refer us In which Acts t is probable Apollonius was called a Roman Senatour and was said to have been betrayed by his servant These Acts were written at Rome in Greek by men that were Grecians after the same manner as the Acts of the Lugdunensian Martyrs were written in Greek Vales. g Jerom in his book de Scriptor Eccles. misunderstanding this place of Eusebius has accounted Apollonius amongst the Ecclesiastick Writers But Eusebius onely says that Apollonius made a most elegant oration before the Judges in defence of the faith he profest not that he wrote an Apology