Inhabitants of Jerusalem or Judea 4. Though a middle number might be agreed on for calculating the Pascal Assemblies yet would it be of no use in the present Question for we do not read in Scripture of any Converts made on the Passover but the three Thousand which are now under debate were converted on the Feast of Pentecost and from the resort of the one no guess can be made of the Numbers that repair'd to the other for the Passover was much more frequented than the Pentecost It is true that the Law seems to make no difference between the three Festivals but obligeth all the Males to repair to the place which God should choose upon each of those Feasts But the Practice of the Jews seems to have been otherwise long before our Saviours Time (b) Lyra in Exod. 23.17 Deut. 16.16 Tamen cum illis qui erant remoti a Jerusalem aliquando dispensabatur de duabus vicibus sc Pentecoste Festo Tabernaculorum Veruntamen illis qui erant longe a Jerusalem parcebatur de duobus Festis Lyra observes That those who were far from Jerusalem were excused from attending on the two Feasts of Weeks and Tabernacles And (a) Y st in Deut. 16. Vid. Lorin in Deut. 16. Abulens Ystella cites some Jewish Authors to this purpose That the Law obliged those only who liv'd near the Sanctuary the rest were dispens'd with so they appeared once a year i. e. at the Passover He mentions others that were of opinion that the Law was satisfi'd if every third year all the Males came up to the three Feasts but he himself thought that either they were obliged yearly to come twice i. e. on the Passover and Feast of Tabernacles for the Pentecost being so near to the Passover they must be excus'd for that or else some years they were to come up only once i. e. at Easter on others twice i. e. at Easter and the Feast of Tabernacles for every seventh year the Law was to be read on that Feast so that those who were any thing remote were never bound to go up at Pentecost But besides the Males oblig'd to attend on the three Festivals the devout Women and Children not yet under the Obligation went up to the Passover out of voluntary Devotion (b) 1 Sam. 1.3 So Elkanah's Wives went to the yearly Sacrifice at Shilo So the Parents of our Saviour (c) Luke 2.41 went up to Jerusalem every year at the Feast of the Passover Now those Interpreters who are concerned to make Joseph as touching the Law blameless send him up three times a year according to the Law and are content to have these words understood of the Blessed Virgin that she went up but once a year and that at the Passover Though others understand them of both our Saviours Parents as if they had gone up but once and Lyra according to his Notion mention'd above observes that Galilee was remote and therefore within the Dispensation for two of the three Feasts and indeed the Expression of St. Luke does not easily admit of any other construction And the words of the Book of Samuel do as plainly intimate that Elkanah himself though a Levite went up to Shilo but once a year (a) 1 Sam. 1.3 20 21. This man says the Text went up out of his City yearly to worship in Shilo And after his Wife had vow'd and he and his Family had return'd home it follows wherefore it came to pass when the time was come about after Hannah had conceiv'd that she bare a Son and call'd his Name Samuel and the Man Elkanah and all his House went up to offer unto the Lord the yearly Sacrifice and his Vow So that by this relation Elkanah seems not to have gone up to Shilo from the time Hannah vow'd in the Temple until after the birth of Samuel i. e. the space of a whole year But however these places may be understood it is allow'd by all that the Passeover was the chiefest for Solemnity and resort of Worshipers of all the Feasts of the Jews and therefore a computation of the Strangers at Jerusalem on a Pentecost from the extraordinary Numbers said once to have been at a Passeover must be very fallacious for the same Calculation cannot serve both Now lest this Argument should lose any thing of Advantage by being too diffuse the force of it shall be contracted into less compass that it may be the easier observ'd 1. Because three Millions are reported to have been at one Passeover therefore every Passeover had as many Many will be apt here to deny the Consequence But let it pass And then the Argument proceeds farther If so many resorted to the Passeover then the same Number came up at Pentecost this is hard to grant But who can deny any thing to such a Disputant To go on therefore If three Millions were present at the Passeover on which three Thousand Souls were Converted therefore not above a hundred and fifty could belong to Jerusalem because in Hecataeus his time that City had but a hundred and fifty thousand Inhabitants Wonderful Who can find in his heart to deny any thing so Consequential But had that City receiv'd no increase from the time of Hecataeus to that of Nero (a) B. J. l. 5. c. 13. Josephus mentions several Improvements it had under the Asmonean Kings whose Family united the Priesthood and the Crown and under whom this Sacred Metropolis could not but receive great Advantage Afterwards we have an account that the old Walls could not hold it and that the Inhabitants multiplied so much that they were forc'd to build without the Gates and these new-buildings in the Time of Claudius were so considerable as to make as it were another City Yet our Author keeps to his old Computation which is just as if the Inhabitants of London were to be computed by what they were about three hundred years ago It may seem perhaps no less ridiculous to refute such an Argument than it was to make it Yet because our Author suspects even this Number in Hecataeus as too great I must take the Liberty at least-wise to explain this matter a little more Mr. Clerkson suspects his Author to have over-reach'd in his Number of the Citizens at Jerusalem (a) Prim. Ep. p. 9. because he had done so in the measure of the City of which he makes the Circuit to be fifty Furlongs whereas (b) Jos B. J. l. 6. c. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Josephus says it was but Thirty-three and the Circumvallation of Titus to be Thirty-nine And to shew the Number of Inhabitants in Jerusalem could not be great even in the beginning of the last War he observes that when Twelve Thousand were slain in Jerusalem in one Night the loss is represented (c) Jos de bell Jud. l. 4. c. 20. as though the greatest part of the Citizens had been destroy'd As to the Circuit of Jerusalem I cannot
Author observes that this was the chief City in Mauritania and might have taken notice that it was (z) Oppidumque ibi celeberrimum Caesarea Plin. l. 5. c. 2. a renowned place from its first foundation by Claudius and grew up to be one of the chiefest Cities in Afric and had (a) In Ecclesia majori congregat Aug. Gest cum Emer init at this time many Churches of the Catholick Communion he should have a little mistrusted such a phrase as this that implies no more than that the Conference should be publick and that all who would might be present at it Tiberias and Diocaesarea and Sepphoris which our Author mentions because they had each but one Church have been already considered They consisted only of Jews who would suffer no other Nation or Religion to mix with them (b) Prim. ep p. 86. At Diocaesarea in Cappadocia which in Nazianzen is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there was but one Church Ep. 49. But Nazianzen (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Greg. Ep. 49. says no such thing He uses all the credit he had with Olympius the Governor of that Province to spare this City which had extreamly offended him and to that degree that he was resolved to disfranchise and destroy it And among other arguments he makes use of his own liberality towards that City having lately built a Church there and therefore prayed that the Temple he had so lately erected there might not become a receptacle of wild Beasts But gives not the least intimation that this was the only Church in that great City (c) Prim. ep p. 90. At Constantia the Metropolis of Cyprus and other Cities of that Island there was no plurality of Churches For this he cites Petavius whose inference has been already examined and there is nothing new added here to require further reply At Neocaesaria and other Cities in those parts but one Church This he proves from the thirteenth Canon of Neocaesarea that forbids a Chorepiscopus to officiate in a City Church from which Petavius would infer the Cities had but one Church But there might be a hundred Churches there for ought that expression may imply We are at last come to the end of this Chapter in which our Author has taken all ways to diminish the Christians He has been very bountiful to Schismaticks and Hereticks that the Bishop's Flock might not increase beyond his new model But we must not wonder at his liberality towards these to the detriment of the Bishop But rather than any City should have more Congregations than one of the same Communion he gives the rest to the Devil And to that purpose he is beyond measure bountiful towards Heathen and Jews Heightens their number as if he were of the faction especially in Julian's time having perhaps some secret respect for them because they generally took the part of Schismaticks and Hereticks against the Catholick establish'd Church CHAP. V. THe unjust Steward in the Gospel being called to give up his accounts and then to be discharged provided for himself at the expence of his Lord and cutting off considerably from the summ owing to his Master procured himself a retreat among the debtors Yet in this unrighteous contrivance he observed some measure and reduced a hundred but to fourscore and fourscore to fifty But Mr. Clerkson in the account he makes of his Master's substance in ancient Cities is much more profuse towards the debters and in some places of a hundred does not leave ten But in this he has chosen to follow the injustice rather than the wisdom of the Steward for when his defalcations come to be so unlikely and extravagant it is impossible the reckoning should pass Had he insisted only on lesser Cities that for three or four ages the Christians in them might not exceed one Assembly the account might have passed without any suspicion tho' the evidence even for this be defective But when in the greatest Cities of the World he sets down but one Congregation to the account of Christ and will not allow scarce five of a hundred to belong to our Lord the misreckoning is too manifest and does not carry so much as the appearance of truth The increase of Christianity is represented by the Scripture of the New Testament and by the Writers of the ages immediately succeeding as wonderful and unexampled and considering the supernatural abilities it pleased God to confer upon the first Preachers it might be expected that their Doctrin should make a greater progress than those that come recommended only by ordinary and human means of perswasion Yet if we take Mr. Clerkson's reckoning of Christians for the three first ages and compare it with the growth of Sects among our selves within this last age we must conclude that there is scarce a Sect within our remembrance which has not proportionably to time and place made much better progress than the Christian Religion ever did Since in the greatest Cities there are few Sects but make several Assemblies for Worship tho' the greatest Cities with us are much inferior to the greatest in ancient times And if the Quakers a Sect scarce forty years standing in the World are yet grown so numerous that in London they have several places for meeting it would seem to be a strange and incredible disparagement to the Christian Religion not to have prevailed so much in Rome for the space of three hundred years tho' St. Paul preached there for a considerable time and there was a flourishing Church before he was brought thither However our Author to leave no exception against the Congregational Rule (a) Prim. ep p. 91. 92. finds enough to make it seem probable that the greatest of those Cities had no more Christians under one Bishop than are in some one of our Parishes And to begin with Rome about the year 236 (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all the faithful in Rome did meet together in one place to chuse a Bishop in the place of Anterus Euseb l. 6. c. 29. I have already upon other occasions shewed the import of these expressions all the people all the brethren all the City c. and how unreasonable it is to require exactness of testimony from phrases of amplification If we must conclude that all the faithful in Rome without any allowance or exception did meet in one place in the third Century to chuse a Bishop and therefore there were no more than could Assemble in one place It will follow from the very same phrase that in the fourth fifth and sixth Centuries and so forward there was but one Congregation in Rome after it was become Christian For in the fourth age Felix and all the Roman Clergy (c) Praesente populo Romano Marcel Faustin L. 16. Prec in the presence of the people of Rome swore they would not chuse any other Bishop while Liberius lived In the next (d) Dataque oratione respondit omnis populus Amen Lib. Pont. in
The Controversies about Church-Government turn upon questions of Right and not of Fact But matters of Fact are pertinently alledg'd to prove a Right where the Fact does involve a Judgment of Right but where it is purely accidental it has no consequence on either side Two great Casuists upon a certain time fell into Dispute about the Lawfulness of taking Tobacco the Dispute was carried on with great Learning and Niceness one made it out clearly that none of the Primitive Christians ever used it and that for many Centuries there was not one Christian Smoker in the World The other desired to know the Principle upon which they condemn'd it and was told very seriously that there were no Church censures against it nor could there well be any for the Plant had not yet been brought to these Parts of the World So the Controversy remain'd undecided by this negative instance of the Primitive Church because their forbearance was not the effect of Judgment or Choice but from an absolute ignorance of the matter Now for deciding of Controversies and bringing things to a happy composure I was resolv'd to signalize my Complyance and submit to a Paradox not for the sake of any Testimony brought by the Author but to avoid Importunity and upon the account of Peace But seeing all our Controversies about Church-Government remain in the same state after all my yeelding I conceive that I am at liberty to revoke my Concession and to Contest the matter of Fact and to shew that the Testimonies alleg'd by Mr. Clerkson do not make sufficient proof of the point under debate that a Bishop in the three first Centuries was no more than Pastour to a single Congregation For the Scripture-times there will be little difficulty since as much is acknowledged by the most Learned and Judicious Assertors of Prelacy as need be desired (a) Prim. Ep. p. 2. Arch-Bishop Whitgift is brought in to witness that the Gospel was not generally receiv'd any where when it was first Preach'd That when Matthias was chosen the whole Church was gathered in one place and so it was when the Deacons were chosen this may be true and yet not reach to the whole extent of Scripture-times but only to those instances of Popular Election which were alledg'd by Cartwright the latest of which seems to be within a Year of our Saviour's Ascension and if for the first Year of the Apostles Preaching the Church might not Increase beyond a single Congregation it will be of no great consequence either for or against Diocesan Episcopacy yet it is plain from Scripture that the matter of Fact was otherwise For in the Election of Matthias the Assembly consisted of about a hundred and twenty (b) Acts 1. whereas our Saviour before his Ascension appear'd in an Assembly of five hundred Brethren (c) 1 Cor. 15. so that not a fourth part of the Church was present at that Election When the Deacons were elected the whole Church of Jerusalem could not be present in that Assembly for the number of the Converts was then too great especially considering the Christians had not the convenience of very capacious places to meet in A great part of the Church was not concern'd to be present on that occasion for the Women had no part in Election nor perhaps Servants nor Children tho' of Age while they liv'd in their Fathers House But that the whole Church could not be present I shall then shew more fully when I consider the ways by which our Author endeavours to diminish the first-Fruits of the Gospel and to lessen the Church of Jerusalem Bishop Downham is alledg'd to as little purpose For all he affirms is that at the very first Conversion of Cities the whole number of People converted was able to make but a small Congregation For who can tell how far he intended the very first Conversions should extend The closing of the Scriptures of the New Testament was above sixty Years after the first Conversions of many great Cities and therefore tho' at the first Conversions the number of Christians might be but small yet a Church may improve something in threescore Years and grow up from one small to many great Congregations No instance says our Author can be brought against this but the three thousand Converted at Jerusalem (a) Acts 2.41 to which some would add five thousand more Some would add Let it not displease any zealous Brother of the Congregational way that St. Luke has recorded the number of those Converts his words are so plain and his sense so necessary that they cannot be avoided by any shift (b) Acts 4.4 many of those who heard the word i. e. then Preach'd not in a set Assembly but occasionally in the Temple believ'd and the number of the men was about five thousand But can there no instance be brought against the Independent fancy besides these two Our Author it seems was willing to overlook such passages as testify the great Increase of Christians in Jerusalem after this happy beginning (c) Acts 5.13 14 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 St. Luke relates that after the fearful end of Ananias and his Wife Believers were the more added to the Church multitudes both of Men and Women The Ethiopick Version deserves to be considered in this place for instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Author of that Version seems to have read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as if the Jewish Magistrates durst not then restrain the Preaching the Apostles because the People magnified them for their Miracles and then great additions were made to the Church But St. Luke proceeds to give yet greater Instances of the Increase of the Church of Jerusalem (a) Acts 6.1 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Before the choice of the Deacons the number of the Disciples was multiplied and immediately after the Institution of these Officers the word of God increas'd and the number of the Disciples multiplied in Jerusalem greatly and a great company of the Priests or as the Syriack reads of the Jews were obedient or submitted to the Faith It may be said that no certain Number is express'd in these places and therefore they conclude nothing It is true the Numbers of these later Converts are not set down but must they therefore be lost to the Church and Bishop of Jerusalem These Expressions of multitudes of Men and Women of Increasing greatly or mightily of great Company or Croud are of very great content and capable of receiving many Myriads and if we compare them with these general terms of which we know the definite sum it must be allow'd by all rules of speaking that those indefinite expressions must exceed the other For instance when an accession of five thousand was made to the Church it is said that many of those who heard the word believ'd If the Relator had not express'd the Number but left it to the discretion of independent Calculators I am afraid this Indefinite
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. the head or chief not the first in Situation and the Syriack and Arabick Versions follo wit Now the most ancient Copy as it is suppos'd of the New Testament now extant confirm'd by two old Versions may weigh as much as a late conjecture Besides Philippi was not the first in Situation as is pretended but Neapolis And it would be something strange if Dover be indeed the first Town of England that he who pass'd that way should call Canterbury the first It might not be very considerable when Macedon was reduc'd by Paulus Aemilius but it might be the chief Town of that part of the Country when St. Luke wrote (c) Brev. c. 5 Liberatus mentions the Arch-Bishop of Philippi and in the Council of Ephesus the Bishop subscribes among the Metropolitans tho' it be express'd that he had the Proxy of the Bishop of Thessalonica In an old Notitia he is Metropolitan of the Province of Macedon And so Sedulius styles him and Tertullian (a) de Praescrip names it before Thessalonica Nor will I contend with our Author about the other Argument of Dr. Hammond which he rejects that Philippi was a Metropolis because it was a Colonie It does not indeed necessarily follow but yet Roman Colonies were generally placed in the principal Cities of Provinces and endow'd with the chief Dignities and Jurisdictions in the Countries where they were So Carthage Corinth Caesarea and many others might be nam'd But if it was the Head of that part of the Country and a Colony as Beza's old Copy has it this Dispute is over and nothing I am sure Mr. Clerkson has produc'd does make out that it was not a Metropolis when St. Paul was there Now this Debate concerning the Bishops of Philippi had soon been at an end if our Author had thought fit to explain himself and told us what he meant by Bishops For were they Pastors of single elect Congregations respectively in covenant Then there must have been several Churches or Congregations in that one City But on other occasions he will not allow more than one Congregation for three hundred years after Christ even in Rome it self But if we allow such an obscure place as Philippi to have many Churches so early we cannot avoid yielding to Alexandria and Antioch and other great Cities many more and what will prove worse than all those Churches must be acknowledg'd to be all under one Bishop Or were these Bishops only Presbyters ruling the Church of Philippi with common and equal Authority Then our Author must give up the Question and instead of making many Bishops must own that there was none at all there but only Presbyters Will he contend that there were no other Bishops than Presbyters This will be to abuse his Reader with the ambiguity of a word which he takes in one sense and the Church in another That many Presbyters might belong to one Congregation none ever deny'd that many Bishops in the allow'd and ecclesiastical sense of the word had the oversight of one City sounds strange and incredible to the ancient Christians Chrysostom observing this expression of the Bishops of Philippi seems to be startled with it What many Bishops in one City By no means it cannot be What then They were not Bishops properly so call'd but Presbyters The same poor Sophistry is carry'd on (a) Prim. Ep. p. 10. under the colour of another Text. (b) Acts 20.17 St. Paul from Miletus sent to Ephesus and call'd the Elders of the Church who are say'd v. 28. to be made Bishops by the Holy Ghost Now these Elders or Bishops belong'd to the City-Church of Ephesus as our Author contends and not to the Province and therefore there were several Bishops in the same City But if we demand here again what Bishops are here meant whether these were Bishops in the sense of the present question or Presbyters only The objection vanishes and leaves the Reader to wonder that any man should so solemnly undertake to prove what no man ever doubted that in Scripture-times there were many Presbyters over one Church But Dr. Hammond will have these Bishops to be Suffragans of Ephesus And Mr. Clerkson with all his force does endeavour to disprove them to have been City Bishops Now in the midst of this contention we may be very safe from the danger of Congregational Episcopacy For if Dr. Hammond's way prevail these Bishops must have each a City and Territory and be Diocesans either actually or in right If Mr. Clerkson carries it then properly speaking there might not be a Bishop among them all for they are but Presbyters belonging not to several Independent Congregations but to one Church and might have a Bishop to whom they were subject as the Ancients believ'd they had and thought Timothy to be the Person And here he musters up great forces against Dr. Hammond's opinion and affirms (a) Pr. Ep. p. 10 11. that the Text it self the Syriack Version Chrysostom Theophilact Oecumenius and Theodoret and the whole stream of Ancients are against this new sense not any favoring it but one among them all But what sense are these Ancients for that there were many Bishops of one City-Church Nothing less for they all declare the contrary and that these were no other than Presbyters But there hapned to be one for the Doctors new sense our Author does not name him it was Irenaeus and it seems something incongruous to call that sense new which is vouch'd by so ancient Authority For this Father is judg'd by (a) Diss 3. in Iraen Mr. Dodwel to be born in the later end of the first Century or the very beginning of the second He convers'd with Polycarp as himself declares whose Martyrdom according to the computation of Bishop (b) Diss Post 2. c. 14. et seq Pearson could not be later than the year 147. And therefore must have liv'd forty years of the first Century He was Bishop of Smyrna which was under the Jurisdiction of Ephesus and might understand from the Tradition of the place more of St. Paul's visitation than is recorded by St. Luke and so be more particular in noting the quality of the Persons that the Apostle call'd to him to Miletus and express'd himself therefore in that manner c having call'd together the Bishops and Presbyters of Ephesus and the other Neighbouring Cities Now if Authority go by weight and not by number Dr. Hammond's case will not appear so desperate for though many names are produced against him yet several of them are very light For Oecumenius and Theophilact may be discounted as Transcribers of Chrysostom who with Theodoret will scarce weigh down the credit of Irenaeus in a case of this nature for they speak only by conjecture whereas he might have nearer notices from Tradition Howe'er it were yet our Author should have call'd this sense any thing rather than new since it is
he was only a Monk but our Author in his haste was pleas'd to create him a Bishop But if he does too much honour to his person by one mistake he does as much disgrace his seat by another For though Stephanus make Hypselis a Village yet was it not so when Arsenius was Bishop there for this Arsenius the Meletian Bishop so famous in the story of Athanasius (s) Athan. Ap. 2. p. 786. T. 1. styles himself Bishop of the City of Hypselis Socrates speaking of the same person says (t) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Socr. l. 1. c. 32. that he subscrib'd the condemnation of Athanasius as Bishop of the City of Hypselis with the same right hand which was pretended to have been cut off by Athanasius and Epiphanius (u) Epiph. Haer. 66. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 speaking of this place gives it the same title For giving an account of Scythianus the Father of the Manichean doctrin he says that he came to Thebais to a City call'd Hypselis And to conclude Ptolomy (x) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 makes it the Metropolis of the Country call'd from it Hypseliotes (y) Prim. Ep. p. 21. Dracontius being made a Bishop in the territory of Alexandria could have no City for his seat (z) Athan. Ep. ad Drac Our Author pronounces too rashly from this passage for the Territory of Alexandria is the same with its Nomus or Prefecture and in the same Nomus there may be more Cities than one otherwise all Egypt must have but six and thirty Cities for into so many Nomi it was divided But that this Dracontius had a City for his seat our Author might have learnt from Athanasius (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Athan. Ep. ad Antioch in a place which is often cited in this chapter It was Hermopolis the lesser which Ptolomy (b) Ptol. l 4. Steph. places in the Alexandrian Region and the only place he mentions there besides Alexandria (c) Prim. Ep. p. 21. Secontaurus was a very small and contemptible Village that Ischyras was made Bishop of containing so few Inhabitants that there was never Church there before And is this then to be a model of Primitive Episcopacy But this place deserves a more particular consideration This Ischyras who pretended to be a Presbyter of Meletius or Colluthus his Ordination accus'd Athanasius of forcing his Church overthrowing his Communion-Table and breaking the Chalice although it was prov'd he never was a Presbyter nor had any Church for there never had been any in his Village For a reward of calumny this Hamlet was erected into a Bishop's seat by Constantius in opposition to the Catholick faith to the rules of the Church and to (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Athan. Ap. p. 802. p. 793. ancient tradition and usage of that Country Athanasius (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Athan. Ap. 2. p. 802. Socr. l. 1. c. 27. is very particular in his Description of this place which was made the scene of his Accusation and tells us that Mareotis the Region in which this Village was had always belong'd to the Bishop of Alexandria as part of his Diocese that here never had been a Bishop nor so much as a Chorepiscopus before Ischyras but the Villages were distributed to Presbyters some having ten some more of them to make up one Parish In this Region there were fourteen Parish Presbyters and thirteen Deacons as appears by their subscriptions to the Letter they sent to the Synod of Tyre on the behalf of their Bishop This was the state of that place and since our Author was not asham'd of urging this instance to countenance his notion I am content the whole cause should be try'd upon this issue and that it may be judg'd by this instance which Episcopacy was the primitive Diocesan or Congregational Here was a large Region that had many Churches and many more Villages so near Alexandria that they could not want Christians in the earliest times yet we are assur'd by a (f) Athan. Ap. 2. p. 792. competent Judge of this matter that this Region never had a Bishop of its own but was always under the Bishop of Alexandria who at certain times visited it in person But about three hundred years after St. Mark had planted the Church of Alexandria Constantius upon the Instigation of the Arians made one of the least of these Villages a Bishop's seat against all Rule and Prescription as Athanasius contends Judge then which is most ancient or most primitive in this place the Diocesan or the Parish Bishop And since the council of Sardica is obliquely tax'd by Mr. Clerkson as guilty of Innovation upon the account of forbidding Bishops to be made in Villages excepting such where Bishops had been formerly made This passage is sufficient to clear and justifie that Canon against frivolous reflections since it appears from hence that there was too much reason to put a check to the innovations of the Arians who for the encouragement and strengthning of the party took upon them to multiply Bishopricks contrary to the ancient tradition and practice of the Church (g) Prim. Ep. p. 21. That was little better where the (h) Gro. Alex. p. 110. Anon. 345. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 writers of the life of Chrysostom tell us Theophilus of Alexandria setled a Bishop How long shall we have Innovations urg'd upon us for proof of Primitive Episcopacy Theophilus is justly blam'd by all the writers of Chrysostom's life for erecting new Bishopricks against the Canons of the Church in places unseemly and where there had been no Bishop before And such wâ—â— this place which our Author has produc'd for an Episcopal seat it never had any Bishop before Theophilus ordain'd one there A happy place where primitive Episcopacy began about four hundred years after Christ when from the days of St. Mark to that time it had lain under the yoke of Diocesan Usurpation Having travell'd through Egypt not with the usual curiosity to see great Cities and Pyramids but with an humble inquisitiveness to look for Villages and the obscurest places that had been the seats of Bishops let us now sit down and recollect what we have observ'd We have found after great search that two Villages in Lybia where Cities are not very frequent once in distracted times had a Bishop though they had been Parishes belonging to Erythros for near four hundred years after Christ One Village we find had a succession of two Bishops but the circumstances of the place or people are altogether unknown Another Village we observ'd in Lybia that gave name to a people and had a considerable territory Four Cities we mistook for Villages not because they were small but for want of skill One Village wanted nothing of a City but the name and to make amends for this defect a large Country was joyn'd to it One was made a Bishops seat for private ends about the beginning of the
the title of Ordo Provincialis of which I must give a more particular account hereafter And for the Testimony of Sozomen it is to be observ'd that he mentions the ordaining of Bishops in Arabia and in Cyprus as a thing unusual and of rare example because he compares it with the practice of the Scythians who had but one Bishop for a Nation though they had many Cities But let us leave this wild Country and follow our Author whither he is pleas'd to lead (e) Prim. Ep. p. 21 22. In Syria Theodoret tells us of Paul a Confessor in the Persecution by Licinius one of the Fathers of the first Council of Nice and Bishop of Neocaesarea which he says is a Castle or a Fort near Euphrates Why this place should be reckon'd among Villages I can see no reason since the word (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Theod. Hist Eccl. l. 1. c. 7. which he renders Castle or Fort signifies any fortify'd place for even Cities pass under this name as Gotofred (g) Etsi non sim nescius de omnibus munitis locis in quibus civitates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quoque dici Gotofr in l. 15. de Erog Mil. Annon has observed and those places which Eunapius (h) Eunap excerp leg calls Fortresses Ammianus Marcellinus (i) Ammian Marc. l. 18. p. 187. styles Cities and Pinaca a City of the Parthians upon the Tygris is styl'd by Strabo (l) Strab. l. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Fortress consisting of three Castles which made it in a manner a Tripolis i. e. three Cities It is not therefore fair to reduce this Town into the condition of a Village because it was a Garrison and a fortify'd place whereas notwithstanding this it might have been a City but I will not contend about words For though this place should have been no better than a Village yet are we never the nearer to know the extent of this Confessor's Bishoprick unless our Author would think fit to confine him within the walls for perhaps the bounds of this Diocese were laid out when the Castle was besieg'd (m) P. 22. Maronia is describ'd by Jerom to be a Village 30 miles from Antioch and we meet (n) Georg. Alex. vit Chrys p. 236. with a Bishop there and the name of him Timothy That there was such a Village Jerom (o) Hieron in vit Malchi Mon. tells us but that it had a Bishop neither he nor any body else ever said before our Author This little place indeed had a Church and was the possession of Evagrius a Kinsman of St. Jerom who was sometime Bishop of Antioch and probably this Village though distant 30 miles did belong to that City But George in the life of Chrysostom saith it had a Bishop named Timothy He says indeed that there was a Bishop of Maronia but that this was the place neither he nor any body else affirm'd before There were two Cities of this name one in the Syrian Chalcis and the other in Thrace both which Ptolomy (p) Ge. Ptol. l. 5. l. 3. mentions The Bishop of the latter in all probability was the person who suffer'd in the cause of Chrysostom for he was of his Province Thrace having long before been subject to Constantinople and in less then 30 years after we find one (q) Docimasius Diaecesis Thraciae Provinciae Rhodopes Civitatis Maroniae Conc. Eph. p. 535. Ed. Labb Docimasius Bishop of that City among the subscribers of the first Council of Ephesus and many ages before this Polybius (r) Polyb. Hist l. 5. makes mention of this City To proceed Athanasius (s) Athan. Ep. ad Solitar vit deg p. 812. T. 1. gives us the name of a Bishop in Calanae and of another in Siemium which were Villages or such obscure inconsiderable places as no Geographer takes notice of King James his Regulators were not more dangerous men to the Franchises of our Corporations than this Author is to ancient Cities for if there be but a letter amiss the Charter is forfeited and it sinks into an obscure Village This is the case of Calanae because there is a C. where there should be a B. our Author has dis-franchis'd it The place where Euphration was Bishop was Balanea so it is writ in Antonin's Itinerary 27 miles from Gabala and 24 from Antaradus Stephanus (t) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Steph. styles it a City of Phoenicia in his time call'd Leueas and adds that Epicrates had writ an Encomium upon it Ptolomy (u) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ptol. l. 5. names it next to Paltis and so does (x) Plin. l. 5. Pliny in the same order it lies in Athanasius But why must this be Euphration's Town Because the same Euphration among the subscribers of the first council of Nice writes himself Bishop of Balaneae but I have better proof than this it is because Athanasius himself makes him Bishop of that City For speaking of the Bishops who were depriv'd for adhering to him he says (y) Athan. Ap. 1. Initio that Balaneae mourns for Euphration For Siemium whether it be a Village or a City or any thing I cannot tell 't is possibly a mistake of the Copist for the name of some City For it is not likely that Athanasius who had Bishops of the principal Cities of all parts sufferers for his sake would think fit to omit so many of considerable and known titles and to name the Bishop of a place unknown to all Geographers Here may be room for conjecture but I dare not venture knowing the temper of my Adversaries to be too captious to make necessary allowance for critical divination But it is in vain it seems to contend (z) Prim. Ep. p. 22. for the Council of Antioch in their Synodal Epistle (a) Euseb H. E. l. 7. concerning Paulus Samosatenus mention (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bishops both in Country and Cities These Country Bishops who were the flatterers of Paulus Samosatenus Valesius (c) Chorepiscopos intelligere videtur eos enim distinguit Epistola ab Episcopis Urbium Vale. takes to be Chorepiscopi and the meaness of their behaviour makes it probable that they were of his own Diocese and had dependence upon him But whatever they were it does not appear from this or any thing else that they were Parish Bishops for even the Chorepiscopi had many Villages and Congregations under their superintendence Let it not seem tedious to the Reader that he is led on through Villages only and obscure places for it is in his way to the holy Land yet to mortify his curiosity he must not see either Jerusalem or Caesarea or any other City only he may if he please take notice that in Palestine Jamnia (d) Prim. ep p. 22. was a Village in Strabo's account so is Lydda in Josephus yet both Bishops seats in Tyrius his Catalogue so is Nais there and
this division there are 17 Bishops in all 52. At the bottom of this last division we have this Remark that this Armenia is Independent and belongs to no Patriarch upon the account of St. Gregory of Armenia and it has 200 Cities and fortify'd Towns So far were all the Armenia's from having 1000 Bishops in the ninth Century And before this about the middle of the fifth Century we find in the first Armenia but six Bishops subscribing to the Synodical Epistle (h) Conc. Chalced. Pars. 3. of that Province in confirmation of the Council of Chalcedon and in the second Armenia but three And yet the Metropolitans of each speak (i) Cum Sancto Concilio quod mecum est Ep. Arm. 1. Una cum Episcopis nostrae Provinciae Ep. Episc Arm. 2. of their Synod as entire So far is the most ancient state of Armenia from the fabulous pretences of those Legats Nor do the Armenian Legats say there were 1000 Bishops in Armenia but under the Armenian Catholick whose Jurisdiction might reach much farther than Armenia Some affirm that all the Christians in Cathaia and India were under this Armenian Patriarch So Josephus Indus (l) Jos Indi Nav. c. 133. p. 204. Muller Disque de Cathaia p. 89. and how many Bishops might be in those Countries in the twelfth Century will be something hard to be inform'd And even now that Catholick is not confin'd to Armenia though the condition of his Churches be very low For in a Catalogue (m) Hist Critique de la creance de rel du Levant p. 217. of the present Bishopricks under the Armenian Patriarch we find several in Persia and others in Cappadocia and others belonging to other Provinces and all together scarce make up an hundred Arch-Bishops and Bishops But to speak freely and to conclude this point the relation of the Armenian Legats seems to need confirmation For besides that there is no account of the tenth part of this number of Bishops belonging to the Catholick either before or since There is otherwise very little credit to be given to the report of these Legats For one of them (n) Baron A. 1145. 523. when the Pope said Mass affirm'd he saw a Sun beam of unusual brightness rest upon the Pope's head and two Doves ascending and descending in it How easie was it for these to make 1000 Bishops in a remote Country when they had the confidence to put such gross fictions upon the Court of Rome But both had one end to flatter the Pope who was now in some distress driven out of Rome and residing at Viterbo And therefore (o) Deficientibus Romanis Arnaldistis universus terrarum Orbis confluit Baron the new accession of so ample Communion as that of a 1000 remote Bishops was to comfort him for the undutifulness of those nearer home and it is the usual artifice of that See when its authority declines at home to dress up some Impostor who shall come from the ends of the earth to worship the Pope in the name of some great Patriarch or some numerous Eastern Sect. In Lazica Justinian (p) Nov. 28. finds seven Castles and but one City and that made so by himself (q) Prim. ep p. 25. Petravon Yet in the Diatyposis of Leo in Lazica there are fifteen Bishops belonging to one Metropolis It is a miserable thing to travel so far for an Argument and to bring back such a trifle Lazica in Justinian's time had but one City And in Leo the Wise his Reign i. e. 350 years after had 15 Bishops So long tract of time may have made great alteration in that Country and produce as many Cities as there were Bishops and therefore this Argument for so many Village-Bishops in that Country is but an humble begging of the Question and depends entirely upon the good nature of the Reader But the fact it self is as uncertain as the conclusion drawn from it For it does not appear that in Leo the Wise his time Lazica had so many Bishops For in the (r) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Notitia Printed by Car a S. Paulo and after him by Goar and last of all by Dr. Beveridge said to be made in that Emperors reign A. D. 890. Lazica had but 4 Bishops under the Metropolis of Phasis and in an old Notitia of the Patriarchat of C. P. we find the same number But that which our Author cites and commonly passes under the name of Leo's Diatyposis is of the later date as appears by several names of places later than Leo's time And even in that Lazica had not the same bounds as it had in Justinian's time partly mentioned in his Novel but more exactly by Procopius (s) Procop. B. Pers l. 2. For when Lazica had 15 Bishops they were under the Metropolis of Trapezus which belong'd to Pontus Polemoniacus and in the Ancient Notitiae placed under Neocaesarea but at a great distance from Justinian's Lazica and that exhibited in the old Notitiae For from Trapezus to Phasis Strabo (t) Str. l. 12. reckons 300 miles and we are told by Procopius (u) Probel Pers l. 2. that all that lyes off Lazica on the West of the River Phasis is but a days journey for a Footman These 15 Bishops therefore will do no service to the Congregational design since it is uncertain what sort of places they had for their Seats or what extent of Diocese each may have Only this will appear that supposing Trapezus the Metropolis in Leo's Diatyposis to be the remotest place of the Province Westward the length will be near 400 miles to be distributed between 15 Bishops I ought not to dismiss this instance without taking notice of the condescension of our Author in following the blundering Translatour of the Novels and putting Petravon or Petraeon (x) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for Petra by the same Grammar as one might take the Nominative of London to be Londinensium In Lycaonia and the parts adjacent we have more instances hereof Here (z) Act. 14.2 3. the Apostles ordained Elders in every Church Those Elders were Bishops as they assure us who have modell'd the Principles by which Prelacy may be maintain'd with most advantage and without which whatever their Predecessours thought they judg'd it not defensible If one should be so peevish as to deny that these Presbyters were Bishops and oppose to the opinion of Dr. Hammond the stream of ancient and modern Interpreters an elaborate and hopeful argument would come to nothing But because it is so meek and harmless a thing let these Presbyters be Bishops by courtesie and let us abide the consequence (a) Prim. Ep. p. 26. The places where these Bishops were constituted are mention'd v. 20 21. Antioch Iconium Derbe Lystra lesser Towns or Country Granges and Villages Be it so But did the Apostles confine the care and authority of these Bishops wholly to these Villages in which
place to be call'd a Fort or Tyrant's Seat For I have before observ'd that the (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 word which our Author commonly translates by Castle Fort and sometimes childishly by Country-Grange signifies any Fortified place whether great or small whether it be a City or a lesser Town For in Countries exposed to War such places are for common refuge and most of our old Cities bear still the names of Castles to which they ow'd their rise and preservation and for its being a Tyrant's Seat that does by no means imply it to be a narrow place for Syracuse Agrigentum and several Cities of the largest size might very properly pass under the very same title Hierocles his Notitia (d) Ap. Car. a S. Paulo Georg. Sac. placeth it among the Cities of Lycaonia and it is very probable that it was one of the fourteen Cities of that Tetrarchy of which Iconium was the principal mention'd by Pliny in the gross but not named That this place could not be populous because of no compass our Author takes an extraordinary way of proving Polybius talks of Teichos such a Fort which was but a furlong and an half in compass But how does our Author find it was such a Fort did he survey or compare them or doth any ancient Author mention the compass of Derbe No But both have one common Appellation This way of reasoning is very dangerous and will dis-people great Cities worse than the plague London must not be populous because Ely or Rochester which are Cities too have no great compass and but few Inhabitants Nor does our Author's Criticism about the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 do him any great service for the diminishing of any Town call'd by that general name For tho' it be sometimes distinguish'd from a City yet are there instances of some of the greatest Cities that are call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For Aquileia was a City of the largest size and yet Procopius (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Procop. Bell. Vandal l. 1. p. 97. Ed. Hoeschel who was a master of propriety of speech does not stick to call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For having represented it as a great and exceeding populous City he adds that Attilas was not able to take the place (f) Prim. Ep. p. 27. Lystra seems a place no more considerable it was a small place call'd by Ptolomy Ausira by Strabo Isaura yet St. Luke calls it a City more than once Nay Ptolomy (g) Ptol. l. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 places it among the Cities of Isauria and distinguishes it from Isaura Florus (h) Validissimas Urbes eorum Phaselin Olympon evertit Isaurumque ipsam arcem Ciliciae unde conscius sibi magni laboris Isaurici cognomen adamavit Flor. l. 3. c. 6. names Isaura among the Cities of Cilicia and makes it the most considerable place of all those the Pirats held in those parts and therefore Servilius who reduc'd those Robbers took the name of Isauricas from it Pliny (i) Oppida ejus intus Isaura Olibanus c. Plin. l. 5. c. 27. names Isaura among the Cities of Cilicia and Stephanus (l) Steph. in Isaura 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Diodorus Siculus (m) Diod. Sic. l. 18. style it a City of Isauria and Gregory (n) Greg. Regist l. 12. Ep. 2 3. the Great mentions the Bishop of Isaura But Strabo (o) Strab. l. 12. mentions two places of this name and calls them both Villages I will only add a few words that follow in that Author and then let the Brethren of the Congregational way make what use they please of this instance Isauria saith Strabo (p) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has two Villages of its name but a great many other Villages were subject to these And if the civil subjection of so many Villages should draw after it an Ecclesiastical and Religious dependance the Diocese of Lystra might be large enough So that after all our Author's diligence to find or to make Villages for St. Paul's Bishops he does not appear to have ordain'd any in such inconsiderable places nor (q) Prim. Ep. p. 28. left the practice warranted by Apostolical example and authority To proceed (r) Prim. Ep. p. 28. Artemidorus says our Author giving an account of the Cities of Pisidia reckons but eleven whereas there are twenty two Bishopricks in the Catalogue of Leo. It is pity so great diligence should have so little good fortune In summing up those Cities he has lost two for Artemidorus (s) Strab. l. 12. reckons thirteen But to pass by small mistakes let us consider the main consequence In Artemidorus his time (t) Marcian Heracl Peripl who liv'd in the 169th Olympiad i. e. about a hundred years before the Birth of our Lord the Pisidians had but thirteen Cities In Leo the Wise his time who began (u) Baron An. 886. to reign in the year of our Lord 886 Pisidia had 22 Bishops therefore half of them could not have Cities but Villages for their seats This way of reasoning must be of that sort which we call eternal for it has no regard at all to time and a thousand years with such Reasoners go for nothing Antioch it seems the Metropolis of the Country was not built when Artemidorus describ'd it much less could Adrianople and several others of later names mention'd in the Civil and Ecclesiastical Notitiae But that it may appear how much the number of Cities was increas'd in this Country before Leo the Wise let us appeal to the civil Notitia (x) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud Car. a S. Paulo that goes under the name of Hierocles where we have 26 Cities under a Consular Governour And if all of them remain'd to Leo's time some Bishops of that Province must have two Cities under his care So far is Pisidia from affording Village-Bishops After this Cappadocia comes (y) Prim. Ep. p. 28. under search for primitive Village-Bishops Strabo divides Cappadocia Taurica into five Praefectures three of which had no Cities and yet there were many Bishopricks in them It must be confess'd that in Strabo's time the Praefectures of Melitene Cataonia and Isauritis had no City but it is as certain that then they had no Bishops That Writer published (z) Vass de Hist Graec. his Geography in the fourth year of Tiberius eleven years before our Saviour's Baptism and was then a very old man as Vossius computes by his being acquainted with Aelius Gallus and seems to be farther confirm'd from what he relates (a) Strab. l. 12. of having seen Servilius Isauricus But these Countries saith our Author had many Bishops afterwards tho' they had no Cities That they had Bishops cannot be denied that they had no Cities then our Author does not so much as pretend to prove unless we admit his usual way of reasonirg that because these Praefectures had no Cities before the preaching
anciently to other Provinces In the Synodical (x) Omnes pariter congregati Ep. Episc Isaur ad Leon. Epistle of Isauria to Leo the Emperour tho' by the names of the Cities it appears that this Province was enlarged yet we find but seventeen Bishops (y) Prim. Ep. p. 29. Sasima is Angusta Villula in Nazianzen who was ordained Bishop there It is true that this was a Village and made (z) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Naz. Carm. de vita sua an Episcopal See upon the quarrel (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 between Basil and Anthimus But it was not so from the beginning for before Gregory it never had a Bishop but belong'd to Tyana from whence it was distant (b) From Sasima to Andabalis 16. m. from Andabalis to Tyana 16 m. Anton. lilner about two and thirty miles It was situate on the confines of both Dioceses and being erected late and upon a competition of Jurisdiction makes but a sorry instance of primitive Congregational Episcopacy For this Bishoprick is wholly owing to the contention of two Metropolitans and Gregory (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 complains that Basil had done it without necessity having no less then fifty Chorepiscopi (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 belonging to his great Diocese The Country place of Simplicia seems to be no other than Doara of which we have spoken before And for the other places which Basil made Bishops seats and those Bishopricks were not a few no body could ever find them out And notwithstanding the expression of Nazianzen of the Country having more Bishops by this contention they could not be many and perhaps no more than one For in the subscriptions to the Synodical Epistles (e) Ep. Synod c. of the two Cappadocia's to Leo the first in which Caesarea was Metropolis there were but two Suffragans and the second under Tyana has but seven and the Bishops of Sasima and Doara are among the subscribers So two large Provinces had not after all these new erections above eleven Bishops But Gregory (f) Prim. Ep. p. 30. applauds this multiplying of Bishopricks as an excellent art souls being hereby better look'd after He does indeed in the funeral oration of Basil set this in the best light as becomes a Panegyrick But in his verses he is more blunt and makes it unnecessary for one who had fifty Chorepiscopi to make a Bishop of so poor a place as Sasima And though (g) Naz. Carm. de vita sua vide supra care of souls was the pretence the true reason was love of preheminence The charitable reflection with which our Author concludes his range of Cappadocia that others would have souls less regarded and the Bishops honour more becomes the temper of a Fanatick A venomous beast may be in danger from his own poison if he have no vent rather than burst let him discharge For my part I believe a Dissenter may be of kin to the Cappadocian in the Greek Epigram whose blood poison'd a viper that happen'd to bite him (h) Prim. Ep. p. 30. In Pontus Polemoniacus Pityus and Sebastopolis were Bishops seats and yet they were not Cities in Justinian's (i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nov. 28. account That they were Bishops seats in Justinian's time or some time after does no where appear that I know In the old Notitia (l) Car. a S. Paulo of the Patriarchat of C. P. it neither was a Bishop's See nor yet in the Notitia said to be compil'd under Leo the wise For in both these there are but five Bishops seats in that Province according to the number of Cities mention'd in that Novel of Justinian And before that in the time of Leo the first there were but four Bishopricks as appears from the subscriptions to the Synodical letter to that Pope Indeed there is a Bishop of Pityusa among the subscriptions of the first Nicene Council but those subscriptions have little credit being judged by learned men to belong to the second and not the first Council of Nice (m) Prim. Ep. p. 30. Coracesium is but a Castle in Strabo yet it had a Bishop in Leo Sophus his catalogue And Thymbria is a Village in Strabo and had a Bishop in the Council of Chalcedon Amyzon and Heraclea in Caria were no more than Castles in Strabo and yet are Bishops seats in Miraeus Heraclea ad Lathmum Ceramus and Bargesa are called little Cities by Strabo (n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and were Bishops seats I have already shew'd the weakness of such Allegations from the great distance of time between Strabo and Leo Sophus which was near 900 years which may very fairly be allow'd to make great changes in the circumstances of these places How many Villages are become Cities How many Cities are sunk into Villages or into places utterly desolate Yet our Author will make no allowances but all things must be taken in after-times as they were in Strabo and the being recorded in that Book leaves an indelible character of a City or a Village Some considerable Cities are said to be owing to the dreams of great men but our humble Author can dream of nothing but Villages and those which he finds to have been such before the beginning of Christianity he is resolv'd as far as the power of dreams will go to keep under in the same low condition lest they should become the possession of Diocesan Bishops Yet after all several of these places as Amyzon and Heraclea are said to be Cities by Strabo (o) L. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 scil 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 though not equal to the three which he calls the considerable and Ptolomy names them both among the Cities of Asia and both the Heraclea's mention'd by our Author were in Caria the one ad Lathmum and the other in Hierocles his Notitia and the subscription of the Council of Chalcedon writ with the addition of Salbacis by Ptolomy Albanum but restored by Holstenius (p) Holsten in Steph. de Vrb in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Salmacis And there is indeed Thymbria a Village of Caria mention'd by Strabo (q) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 14. but whether this had a Bishop or was under Ephesus is a great question it was four Stadia's from Myus which in Strabo's time was dispeopled and added to Miletus in whose room this may possibly arise And Coracesium is nam'd by Ptolomy l. 5. among the Maritime Cities of Cilicia (a) Prim. Ep. p. 30. Docimia is a Village in Strabo and a Bishop's seat often mention'd in subscriptions of Councils Our Author proceeds upon his own principle not yet receiv'd in the world that what was once a Village must always remain so And therefore makes no difficulty to argue from Strabo to the subscriptions of Councils in the fourth and fifth Century Now unknown to our Author this Village of Strabo was grown
Episcopos That Bishopricks were multiplied in Ireland in Malachy's time Bernard does indeed complain of but that before this increase they were 365 neither he nor any body else of that time does affirm Nor is it likely for a man less eloquent then S. Bernard could not have omitted it For what could have exposed this humour of multiplying Bishops more effectually than to have shewn that there were already in that Kingdom so many more Dioceses in proportion to the extent of it than in any Christian Country in the World Bernard (u) Bernard vit Malach. makes heavy complaint that it was a thing unheard of from the beginning of Christianity Bishops were chang'd and multiply'd without order and without reason Yet for all this storming his friend Malachy had a large Diocese to look after for he was not content says Bernard to go about his Episcopal City of Conneth but he went out into the Country and visited the Towns of his Diocese and all this on foot But within twenty years of the time we are speaking of we have a certain account of the Irish Dioceses For when Henry the second went (x) Anno 1171. over to Ireland there were (y) Joh. Brompton X. Script Col. 1070. but twenty-nine Bishops in all that Kingdom and four Arch-Bishops or thirty according to the reckoning of Gervasius (z) Cron. Gervasij X. Scr. Col. 1420. The former number is confirmed by Benedictus Abbas in the Life of King Henry II. And even of this number some were but lately erected For (a) Eadmer Hist Nov. l. 2. p. 36. in the year 1095. Murchertagh King of that part of Ireland with his Clergy and People desired leave of Anselm Arch-Bishop of Canterbury who was then Primate of all Ireland as well as England to found a new Bishoprick at Waterford complaining that in those parts they had hitherto wanted the presence of a Bishop requesting him to ordain Malchus for their Bishop whom they had sent over for that purpose which he did accordingly So far was Ireland from being overstocked with Bishops at that time The Copies of the Provincial are of little use to shew any thing of the ancient state of this Country for all of them are later than the year 1150 because they all have the four Arch-Bishops the Irish Church having never had (ae) Matth. Par. in Steph. Anno 1151. Sim. Duwelm Anno 1152. Gervasi Chron. Anno 1171. any before that year though Arch-Bishop Vsher would have Armagh excepted When we had come so near home as Ireland I was in hopes our wandring after Village-Bishops had been at an end especially when he had come to the dregs of his evidence Nennius and the Irish Legends But I know not how a sudden fancy transports our Author to Afric and thither I must follow a proper place to look rarities and unusual sights It cannot indeed be denied that in this Country there were Bishops if not in Villages yet in Municipia or Burrough-Towns but that this was the primitive state of that Church we cannot allow And the multiplying of Bishops being occasioned there by the Schism of the Donatists cannot be alledged for a precedent since the Bishops of that time complained of it in the Conference of Carthage as a wrong and an innovation But of this there is a more particular account in another Book (c) Vind. of Prim. ch p. 516. which I am not willing to transcribe But yet what our Author would put upon us ought not to pass without Examination (d) Prim. Ep. p. 41. In five of the Provinces of the African Diocese he might have said six for so they are reckoned in the Conference of Carthage Tripolis being added to the other five there were in St. Austin 's time near 900 Bishops And this he proves by adding the Donatist Bishops to the Catholick there being 500 of the one and 400 of the other (b) Prim. Ep. p. 41. As for the Catholicks the utmost of St. Austin's account in the abstract of the Conference is but 465. And yet in another Book he reckons (e) Centum ferme Episcopi contr Don. post Coll. c. 24. not the Absents full a hundred which in his Abstract he sets at 120. And for the Donatists who are reckon'd 400 we are not so easily to admit their account S. Augustin never admitted it though our Author says he did not deny they were 400. It is true he does not positively deny it because he could not be certain of their number but he does every where suggest that they boasted without reason and made themselves more numerous than they were For when they pretended to have many absent and more than the Catholicks he turns the pretence into a jest What says he (f) Aug. post Coll. c. 24. had some Pestilence invaded them that a third part of their number should be sick together For they had acknowledged that they were all present excepting such whom age or sickness had detained And in all his accounts of the Conference he detects their frauds in subscribing for the absents as if they had made their appearance And among the subscriptions there was one found who had been some time dead and they could not deny it But be the number of those Schismaticks what they will it is not reasonable to admit them into the list of the Bishops of that Country since they set up Altar against Altar oftentimes in the same City and generally in the same Diocese where a Catholick Bishop was plac'd and sometimes set up three or four against one So there is no reason that these should swell the account of African Bishops We reckon a Parish with us to have but one Rector though an Independent or Anabaptist Teacher may set up in it a separate Assembly or though a speaking Presbyterian Elder the most forward and fiercest of all our Church-dividers should hold a Conventicle there for a Nursery to other Sects But we have reason our Author thinks to take the Donatists into the account since the Catholicks decreed that when the Donatists were reduc'd those places among them which had Bishops should continue to be Episcopal seats If he had thought fit to consider the order of time and how different the state of the African Church before the Conference at Carthage was from that which followed it this apparition of an Argument had vanished Before Marcellinus his Decree the Catholicks of Africk made several temporary Provisions for the reclaiming of the Donatists And that no encouragements might be wanting to invite either the People or their Bishops to be reconciled to the Church sometimes they order that if a Donatist Bishop should prevail with his people to leave their schism he should remain still their Bishop Sometime that the People who had a Bishop heretofore and were converted from the Donatists might without a new order from a Synod chuse a Bishop of their own or if they would chuse rather to be annexed
but 500 or as he reckons 900 Dioceses in Africk there were no more Towns or Villages in the whole Country He is pleased to add that he never yet could see any proof any instance of a small Village that had so extended a Territory under one Bishop But did he ever see an instance of a Bishop who had no Diocese but the single Village in which he resided Or has he ever seen the limits of such a Bishoprick described If he have why does he not produce it For one such instance had been worth his whole Chapter about Village Bishops If he have not why does he use so much confidence when he is wholly in the dark There are but very few ancient Dioceses that are delivered down to us with an account of their Circuit But we happen to know the number that was of old in several Countries and from thence can infer in general of the greatness and smallness of the Bishopricks And to give our Author one instance more in a Country he quotes for Village-Bishops In Cyprus in Sozomen's time it was usual to have Bishops in Villages and yet in all that Island at that very time there were but nine Bishops under one Metropolitan as appears from the subscriptions of the Council of Chalcedon (t) Conc. Chalc. Act. 6 15. For in the Copy of subscriptions publish'd by Labbe from the Papers of Sirmond there are six Subscribers from that Island And again the Metropolitan subscribing with several others for his Suffragans that were absent had but three remaining to subscribe for And therefore we must conclude that either the Village-Bishops had a considerable Territory or the City Bishopricks were enormously great At last this Chapter concerning Village-Bishops is brought to a Conclusion and upon the whole matter I conceive two points to be very clear 1. That although there were some Bishops seated in Villages yet it does by no means follow that they were but Pastors to a single Congregation 2. That a great number of places which our Author took to be Villages are prov'd to be Cities before he can find any Bishops to be seated there So that either the skill and the diligence of Mr. Clerkson were not so great as his friends give out who in these matters are very implicit believers or else we must complain of want of ingenuity and fair dealing a fault which the Saints are very easy to forgive when it is committed in pure zeal to their Cause but we Church of England men take for one of the blackest sins CHAP. III. AFter a tedious Journey through Villages and obscure places we are at last come to Cities and may hope now for a nobler Subjuct of our enquiry and observation But to our great disappointment and mortification we are inform'd by our Author (a) Prim. ep p. 45. That far the most part of them viz. those that were very little and those that were not great were for their largness but like our Villages or market Towns They are much to blame who have hitherto admir'd the magnificence of Greek and Roman Cities and pretend to judge of their former greatness by the ruins that remain as we discover the stature of Giants by some of their Bones Whereas these celebrated Cities were far the most of them as we are now told not superior to Putney or Batersey or to say the utmost to Kingston or Colebrook But to make out this Paradox our Author (b) Prim. ep p. 46. enters into a critical dispute concerning the Greek and Hebrew word for City and shews that some have bestow'd the title of City upon those places that others call Villages City says he is not only City but Town because according to one Evangelist (c) Luk. 10.8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 our Saviour saith whatsoever City ye enter According to another (cc) Math. 10.11 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whatsoever City or Village And again in one place (d) Luk. 4.43 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Math. 9.35 he tells the Capernaites he must preach in other Cities In another place (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and upon another occasion our Saviour is said to go about all Cities and Villages preaching And in another place (f) Mark 1.38 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 joyns both the words in one let us go into the chief Villages But these instances are so far from proving that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies a Village that some of them do plainly shew the quite contrary for they distinguish between Cities and Villages And the other where Cities are only mention'd and Villages imply'd they are there to be understood not from the notion of the word but from the nature of the thing For instance suppose one were order'd to preach to all the Citizens of Rome and by vertue of this order should preach to the Strangers and Servants there shall therefore a Citizen signifie a stranger or a slave yet from the nature of the thing these might be understood to be included tho' not from the signification of the word and tho' another relation of this order should add the particulars omitted yet the former word Citizens would not have a double sense If one should say he had view'd a certain house and at another time speaking of the same thing should say he had view'd the house and gardens does therefore a house signifie a garden The less principal parts are often omitted in ordinary discourse tho' when men speak with more exactness they are enumerated Our Saviour and his Disciples may have enter'd some times into solitary and alone Houses as well as into Villages and if one of the Evangelists had happen'd to have added this must therefore a Village or a City signifie a simple house (g) Prim. ep p. 46. Bethlem is Luke 2.38 the City of David but no other than a Village John 7.24 Which Epiphanius (h) Epiph. Haer. 51. takes notice of and gives this reason for it That it was reduc'd to small compass and had very few inhabitants And what can be more directly against our Author's purpose than this reason For it is call'd a City with respect to its ancient greatness and a Village in respect of its present mean condition as the same man by an usual civility is stil'd by an office he once bore tho' he be reduc'd to a meaner place yet the one title does by no means signifie or imply the other But this instance of Bethlem will prove yet more prejudicial to the cause of Congregational Episcopacy upon another account For the design of our Author in disparaging Cities by making the title common to Villages is to shew what mean places those were that made up the Dioceses of ancient Bishops whereas this instance overthrows that vain imagination and proves the quite contrary For this place which is call'd City had never any Bishop of its own for above a thousand years after Christ but was part of the Diocese of
Jerusalem (i) Parochia est Episcopi qui Herosolyman tenet Sulp. Sev. Dial. 1. from which it was six miles distant In St. Jerom's (l) Presbyteris tuis obtulimus Praecepisti Bethlem Presbyteris tuis Hieron adv Err. Joh. Hieros time it was taken to have been immemorially a Parish belonging to that Bishop and was serv'd by Presbyters as our country Parishes are And Jerom (m) Qui longe in minoribus urbibus per Presbyteros Diaconos baptizati sunt Hieron Lucif in another place shews in general that in lesser Cities there were no Bishops but Presbyters and Deacons and these too at a great distance from the Bishops seats and cannot deny but that this is the Custom of the Churches that the Bishops go to confirm such as have been Baptiz'd in lesser Cities at a distance And speaking of the same places he (n) In Viculls aut Castellis aut locis remotioribus Ibid. calls them Villages or Castles and remote places which were visited by the Bishop and this by ancient and immemorial custom So that all our Authors diligence to confound Cities with Villages and to represent Cities as very small does at last no service to his Hypothesis since we find that long before St. Jerom's time many of these went to make up one Diocese and were under the visitation of one Bishop The instances alledg'd out of Josuah do little concern the present question yet that nothing may pass without reply they should be consider'd (o) Prim. ep p. 46. There are thirty eight Towns enumerated and call'd Cities Jos 15.21 Yet all the Cities are said to be but twenty nine v. 32. Masius and other Expositors remove the difficulty thus that the rest of the Towns tho call'd Cities were but Villages Yet there may be another way of removing this difficulty and Grotius (p) In loc proposes one that seems more probable that the nine Cities which remain'd over and above the twenty nine did not belong to the Tribe of Judah but of Simeon for (q) Jos 19.9 out of the portion of the Children of Judah was the inheritance of the Children of Simeon and they had their inheritance within the inheritance of them And many of the same places and at least the same names are recorded as belonging to both and sometimes in the same order But this is clear'd beyond all cavil 1 Chron. 4.28 and confirm'd by the observation of Jerom (r) Hieron Trad. Hebr. in Paralip in his Hebrew Traditions on the Chronicles To the same effect he observes (s) Prim. ep p. 46. that there are twenty three places reckoned by name and call'd Cities Josh 19. Yet v. 28. there are said to be but nineteen Cities They resolve it as the former This is a plain mistake of our Authors for there are but sixteen Cities nam'd to the Tribe of Naphthali tho' the sum is made nineteen But that which gave occasion to this mistake is the mentioning of the borders of this Tribe (t) Vid. Bonfrer but the places are not call'd Cities and perhaps did not belong to that Tribe but to some other that bounded it and of these sixteen we must deduct some if we follow the Septuagint It is an usual thing in the book of Josuah to have the sum to differ from the particulars sometimes it is less and sometimes it exceeds and this is not a place to attempt to reconcile them (u) Prim. ep p 46.47 There are four call'd Cities Jos 19.6 yet those in 1 Chron. 4.32 are Villages This too is a plain mistake occasion'd by the ill pointing of that passage of the Chronicles For the beginning of the 32 verse belongs to the verse going before and should be read thus (x) 1 Chron. 4 31.32.33 These were their Cities unto the reign of David and their Villages Then follows five names and in the end of that verse it is added that they were Cities and the verse following and all their Villages that were about the same Cities Thus the Syriack and Arabick Versions read and use a Preposition with their Villages and thus the sense requires that both the Hebrew and Septuagint should be read And the occasion of this difficulty proceeds from St. Jerom's (y) Trad. Hebr. in Paralip mistake which appears in his observation upon this place and the mistake was propagated by dividing the Hebrew Text and the version of 70 into verses according to the vulgar Latin Our Translatours were too bold in adding a verb in this place which is neither in the Original nor in any ancient Translation tho' they distinguish'd it from the Text by another Character From Scripture Mr. Clerkson (z) Prim. ep p. 47. appeals to other Authors for the proof of his observation that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies a Village When Polybius writes that Tiberius Gracchus ruin'd three hundred Cities in a part of Spain Possidonius says that Cities were alled Castles by him But Possidonius is so far from allowing the expression that he exposes the Author for it and shews it was to flatter Gracchus and that this way of speaking suited better with the pomps of a Triumph than the exactness of an Historian nay he sticks not to call this a Lie For For says he (a) Strabo l. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Generals and Writers are easily carry'd to this Lie magnifying their actions beyond truth and reality (b) Prim. ep p. 47. Those who say that Spain hath more than a thousand Cities speak after the same figure giving great Villages the titles of Cities If vain men will call their geese swans it does not alter the species nor change the common language of the world Yet after all this loose way of speaking does by no means hurt the cause of Diocesan Episcopacy For every place which in complement might be called a City did not become a Bishops seat for in this very Country where more than a thousand Cities are said to have been after this favourable way of reconing there does not appear to have been a hundred Bishopricks in any age since the Apostles Aelian (c) Aelian var. Hist reckon'd in Italy eleven hundred and sixty six Cities Guido of Ravenna (d) Leandro Alberti Descritt d' Ital. Praefat. fol. 6. writes from Higinus who had made a Book of the Cities of Italy that in his time there were seven hundred Yet we cannot find that for 600 years after Christ there were so many as 150 Dioceses in all that Country But of this we have given some account already (e) Prim. Ep. p. 47. Ptolomy (f) Ptol. l. 5. c. 17. calls Avarum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Josephus (g) Jos Ant. l. 12. c. 13. Bethsura is called a City but in the page before it is only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Village And Justinian says of Petyus and Sebastopolis reckoned among the Cities of Pontus Polemoniacus that they were to be reckoned rather for
near adjoyning made but one Church Now because Churches of so large extent required many Ministers of the word and sacraments and yet of one Church there must be but one Pastor the Apostles in setling the state of these Churches did so constitute in them many Presbyters Now according to Dr. Field every Episcopal Church as laid out by the Apostles having so large extent as to require many Ministers and yet but one Pastor or Bishop was plainly not a Congregational Church but Diocesan Bishop Bilson (t) Bils Perpet Gov. c. 14. p. 295 298 306 321. is yet plainer against the purpose for which he is alledg'd We have says that learned Prelate one Bishop in a Church ty'd to the Laws of God the Church and the Prince you would have 300 in a Diocese and some more all of equal power and set at liberty to consult and determine at their pleasure Neither had the Jews that kind of Government which you would establish in the Church neither did our Lord and Master ever prescribe to the Gentiles the judicial part of Moses Law And again As the people did increase so did the pains in each place and consequently the number of Presbyters one man being no more able to serve the necessities of a great City than to bear the burden of the Earth upon his back and yet in each Church and City one chief among them that as principal Pastor of the place c. And to conclude you dislike a Bishop should have any Diocese or Church besides that one wherein he teacheth which nice conceit of yours not only condemneth the Primitive Church of Christ that assigned Dioceses to Bishops but contradicteth the very ground of Government which the Apostles left behind them (u) Prim. Ep. p. 48. Now in what places the Jews had their Synagogues if it were not plain Matth. 9.35 that they were far from being alway great Cities will appear from the seats of their Consistories I never yet heard of any who denied that the Jews had Synagogues in Villages as well as Cities But that the Village-Synagogues were independent and free from any subjection to the Cities in Ecclesiastical causes is now the question and our Author is wise in saying nothing of it For those who have taken his side of the question though men of good reading have not been able to produce any thing about it but their own affirmations It is not to be doubted but every good Village of the Jews had a Synagogue as every Parish with us hath a Church and great Cities had many Synagogues as our great Towns have many Parishes and Jerusalem particularly is said to have had 480. But that every Village-Synagogue had supream authority in matters Ecclesiastical and no dependance upon any other Court or the chief officers of the City Synagogues is very unlikely For so many Independent and Co ordinate Officers could never without a miracle have preserved themselves one year under one National communion And in those great Cities where the Jews had many Congregations it cannot well be conceived that every one had supream authority but that there must be some Chief or Council to which all those Synagogues were subject This is most likely because common order and National agreement cannot well subsist without it I know there are some great men (x) Grot. de jure sum pot c. 11. Gotof. in l. 2. de Cod. Theod. have been very positive on the other side and have asserted the Independence of every Synagogue that every such Assembly had a chief Officer answering to our Bishops and all co-ordinate and of equal authority But for all this no evidence is produced and when learned men speak without book about distant matter of fact their authority is but small for then they do not speak from their knowledge and learning but their affection The Scriptures of the old Testament give no directions concerning Synagogues and do not so much as mention those Assemblies From whence some have concluded that in those times there were no such religious Assemblies among the Jews In the new Testament we have frequent mention of them and sometimes their Officers are named but how they were ordered in respect of one another and of general Communion the new Testament does not give the least hint Nay as to this matter the writings of the Jews are not plain and though they were yet they taste too much of the fable to be depended upon Great men may guess and affirm according as they stand affected but when all is done this matter is still in the same obscurity for want of sufficient evidence After the establishment of Christian Religion we find general Officers of the Jews endued with the power of Excommunication and Absolution but that every Village or City-consistory had that power then we do not find and for ought appears they might have no more power than our Church-wardens and Vestries Nay in the complaint the Jews make to Arcadius and Honorius (y) L. 8. de Jud. Coeli Sam. l. 15. de Jud. l. 29. Codesh that the civil Officers had restor'd to Communion several whom the Primates of their Law had cast out without the consent of those Primates the power seems to belong chiefly to these and they too derived their Jurisdiction not from the Synagogues but from the Patriarchs by whom they were appointed And this Invasion of the Imperial Officers is represented not as an injury to the Vestries of Village or City Synagogues but only to these Primates whose office was of greater compass than the inspection of a single Synagogue as appears from the last of those Laws cited in the margin where we are informed that upon extinction of the Patriarchs these Primates succeeded to all their power But while I was thinking of the learned men who treat of this matter I had almost forgot our Author who tells (z) Prim. ep p. 48. us That something will appear from the seats of their Consistories Let us therefore attend In Cities of less than sixscore Families they plac'd their Consistories of three In Cities of more than a hundred and twenty Families the Courts of twenty three Maimon in Sanedr c. 1. Sect. 5. Seld. de Synedr l. 2. c. 5. And it is well known that many of our Country Towns with their Precincts have more than 120 Families and our lesser Villages are as great as the Cities in the lower account They must be very sore distress'd who repair to Rabbins for propriety of expression or evidence of Antiquity In Maimonides his language it seems a place that had not 120 Families was a City And what if it had but three It was sufficient to furnish a Triumviral Consistory and therefore may pass for a Rabbinical City But Cunaeus (a) Cun. de R. P. Hebr. l. 1. c. 13. Ego vero Aristoteli assentior ne quidem eam esse civitatem Civitas nomen amittit modus si defit who lov'd to
speak properly takes offence at this expression and opposes the authority of Aristotle to that of Maimonides that such a place neither is nor ought it to bear the name of a City But Maimonides may be excus'd because he followed his Fathers of the Talmud from whence all the fabulous accounts of the ancient Jewish Polity have been deriv'd Our Legends and forg'd Decretals do as much represent the state of the Primitive Church as that Jewish Rhapsody does the state of the Jewish Synagogue or Temple But the Authors of these Forgeries being profoundly ignorant of what was Ancient and Primitive drew the face of antiquity with some features of their own times Hence it is that the Jewish writers speaking of those times when their Nation and their Temple stood drop unawares several passages that agree better with the state of their dispersion than establishment and of this the place alledg'd by our Author about Consistories and Cities gives a plain instance For if we consult Josephus we shall find that Judaea before the last war that ruin'd it was inferior to no Country in the World for number of People their Cities swarm'd with men and there was scarce a Village that had not many thousands Compare therefore this rule that appoints Consistories in Cities of sixscore houses and a triumvirate in Cities that have yet fewer Families with the true state of that Nation and you cannot but loath so gross and ill contriv'd a fiction But if you consider the Jews in their dispersion even Maimonides his way of speaking will be proper for there might be very great Cities where the Jews had not a hundred Families and they might retain so much of their old discipline as to order some sort of Consistory in every City and yet the estimate of their own Cities ought not to be taken from a miserable Synagogue they might make when they were sojourners in a strange Country (b) Prim. ep p. 48. Egyptian Cities come next after the Rabbinical and our Author would have us take notice that Diodorus Siculus speaks of three thousand Cities in Egypt not to take notice of more than six times as many which Pliny says were sometimes in the Delta The Egyptian Priests spar'd no figures to set out either the antiquity or the greatness of their Country and may be suspected to exceed as much in the number of their Cities as they did in that of their years I will not now insist upon the disabling of his evidence but proceed to consider the passage of Diodorus And here if at any time I have diminish'd the number of Cities produc'd by our Author I am content to make him ample amends and to admit the emendation of Sir Jo. Marsham (c) Chron. can p. 397. Scribe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who instead of three will read thirty thousand Cities But then it must be observ'd that all the Villages of the Country came into the reconing It was not because this Author could not distinguish between a City and a Village that he thus speaks but only to follow his Author who being a Poet (d) Theocr. dit 17. and setting out the greatness of Ptolomy's kingdom had more regard to the magnificence than the propriety of his Expression and by a licence which Poets take made all the Towns in Egypt Cities The same Historian in that place shews he could speak properly about this matter when he tells us that he had found in the sacred Record that Egypt in ancient times when it was more populous than under Ptolomy Philadelphus had 18000 Cities and considerable Villages Now to apply this to our Authors design which I ought ever to have in view though he himself seems often to forget it there were according to old accounts so many thousand Cities in Egypt and consequently there ought to have been as many Bishops but it seems the Apostle did not understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in every City according to the way of the Egyptian Priests or a flattering Poet but according to the proper and receiv'd signification of the word And therefore in Egypt instead of many thousands of Bishops we never find above a hundred when the Country was generally converted and before the alteration of the pretended Primitive Episcopacy can be pretended But to proceed (e) Prim. ep p. 48. In the tribe of Juda were a hundred and fourteen Cities in half the tribe of Manasseh 60 and in other tribes proportionably It must be confess'd that in the time of Josuah small places were called Cities but in our Saviours time it was otherwise for the Evangelists distinguish not only between Cities and Villages but (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 between Cities and large Towns And Josephus mentions Villages so great as to have some 7000 some above 10000 inhabitants and yet for all this styl'd Villages Now when Bishops were setled in that Country it was not according to the number of Josuah's Cities but of those properly so For generally speaking the Bishops were ordein'd in Cities and therefore their number as proportionable to these For about the middle of the sixth Century all the Bishops of the three Palestines were but five and forty as appears from their Subscriptions (g) Anno. 536. in the Council of Jerusalem those who were absent subscribing by their proxies and yet among these some seem to be without the Palestines for the Bishop of Aradus subscribes there and he of Petra and some others Now it does not appear that ever there were more Bishopricks in this Country from the beginning of Christianity and perhaps not so many for Parembolae had a Bishop in that Synod which was erected (h) Euthym. vita ap Coteler Mon. p. 238. to an Episcopal seat not long before (i) Prim. ep p. 49. In Crete there were 100 Cities and therefore call'd Hecatonpolis Homer (l) Hom. Iliad B. Odyss T. who is the only witness for these 100 Cities happens to differ from this reconing in another place and makes them but 90. Strabo (m) Strab. l. x. and Eustathius (n) Eustath in Iliad B. take great pains to reconcile this difference but for my part I am satisfied with what Didymus (o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Did. in Odys T. has observ'd that the Poet is not to be understood of any definite number but intends only to say that there were many And if twenty had been as necessary for a verse as the other numbers the rest of those Cities had been in danger of being demolish'd for Poets can raise or destroy Cities with more ease than the greatest Princes in the world But Titus who was directed by St. Paul to appoint Bishops in the Cities of Crete could not without revelation find out half this Century of Homer's Cities for they had been lost long before nay some of hose mention'd by the Poet as the chiefest of the Island were not to be found in Strabo's (p) Strabo l. 10.
narrow Circuit belongs But notwithstanding this small compass I am afraid there is no Market-Town in the three Kingdoms can equal it for force and number of Inhabitants What they wanted in compass they made up in height and built (o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Strab. l. 16. Etiam supra aliena tecta sedem ponere licet Pomp. Mel. l. 2. c. 7. one House over another and in the language of the Scripture were raised up to Heaven In the time of the Greek-Syrian Kings they were so powerful that they had what terms they pleased from those Monarchs and among others gained this point so seldom granted even to the greatest Ally that they might receive all the fugitives of Syria And in Marc. Antony's time this little nest was so strong in People that they had resisted the force he had sent thither to gather Contributions and in that quarrel destroyed (p) Euseb Chron. Olym. 184. Dion Cass l. 48. four Cohorts of Romans and Curtius Salassus who commanded them they burned alive At the lowest reckoning four Cohorts must have considerably above two thousand Soldiers For if the first was there which was call'd the Milliaria that alone had above eleven hundred foot and 132 horse (q) Veget. de Re Milit. l. 2. c. 6. each of the other had above six hundred horse and foot Now four of such Cohorts is such a force that I believe a Market-Town or Village of ours would not think advisable to attempt Besides this little place in old times had a King after the manner of the Phoenician Cities (r) Strab. l. 16. But I will not depend upon this because I am not sure but according to our Author's notion and that of his party a King may be under the same limitation for Territory as a Bishop For in the Infancy of civil Government Kings had but small Dominions when Abraham and his three hundred Shepherds could defeat five together Nazianzum is the last instance of a small City but how small or what proportion it held to our Villages or Market-Towns we do not learn from our Author and therefore having no Evidence to give in to our Author's purpose it is dismissed for the sake of Gregory whose name and merit has preserved the memory of his City Now to prevent great and common mistakes about ancient Bishopricks our Author (s) Prim. ep p. 51 52. is pleased to make this acute observation that there were Cities of several sorts and dimensions It is strange no Critick could observe so much before to prevent those great mistakes Those Cities that were six furlongs in compass or under are called (t) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 little such was Paeanium in Aetolia This is little indeed as dwarfs among men very rare and of no great use but to admire for rarity of example and therefore what is so much below the common size is not likely to be of any great use to shew the compass of ancient Bishopricks But to proceed (a) Prim. ep p. 52. Those that had above six furlongs in Circuit to twelve or thereabouts pass for (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 middle-siz'd Cities So Antioch upon Maeander is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Strab. l. 13. So was Jessus in Polybius which was but ten furlongs This Remark stands in need of farther confirmation For of that Antioch which is said to be an ordinary City no Author gives the Circuit So that whether it were ten or fifteen or twenty furlongs is unknown Jassus was indeed but ten furlongs but whether to be reduc'd to the little or the middle sort no ancient Author has directed But this is to be made out by what follows Those which had sixteen furlongs in circumference or near it and so upwards were accounted great Cities For some of their prime Cities and Metropoles of Countries were no bigger Nice the Metropolis of Bythinia being (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Strab. l. 12. but sixteen furlongs in compass No larger was (d) Sands Trav. p. 219. Famagusta the chief City in Cyprus built in the place of Constantia the ancient Metropolis of that Island About that bigness was the great and famous Tyre of old before it was taken by Alexander for he having joyn'd it to the continent and upon its recovery not content with its ancient bounds had much enlarged it (e) Plin. l. 5. c. 19. yet it was but 22 furlongs in compass Sidon was (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Strab. l. 16. of the like size with Tyre New Carthage (g) Polyb. l. 3. the principal City in Spain while the Carthaginians bore sway there was but twenty furlongs when largest it might be less than sixteen when contracted It signifies little to the main question what sort of Towns might be accounted great in the East before Alexander or in Spain in the days of Hannibal because it was long before the Institution of Bishops and it was before the great improvement of the World as to Cities by the Macedonian and Roman Conquests Thucidides (h) Thucid. l. 1. comparing the state of old Greece with that of his time observed a very great improvement since the famous expedition to Troy and thought that Micaenae which was the chief City in Homer's Catalogue would be but a small Town compared with the Cities of Greece in his time The improvement of Cities in other Countries happned to be later for most of the great Cities of the East were rais'd by the successors of Alexander and bear the names of them or some of their families Hence we have so many Antiochs Selencias Apameas Laodiceas Ptolemais Demetrias and Alexandrias in all parts of the East from their gratitude to their common master and all these Cities of the first magnitude and much surpassing the old ones of those parts After these the Roman Conquerors came and by the greatness and number of their Colonies and the magnificence of their Cities made ample amends for the desolations of their Armies And when that vast Empire had setled and the Emperors betook them selves to build and people Cities instead of destroying them then were Cities at the height for magnificence and greatness and number of Inhabitants And to compare our Villages or Market-Towns or indeed our Cities with those of the Empire argues a strange ignorance of those times or a great presumption that all other people are ignorant enough to be so grosly imposed upon For it is as absurd to compare our Burroughs or the generality of our Cities to the Cities of the Roman Empire as it would be to compare London with old Rome or England with the Roman Empire or the reading of Mr. Clerkson with that of Plutarch or Pliny After the Roman Empire had been torn in pieces and divided between barbarous Nations there was a new face and order of things The Barbarian humor had something wild and fierce in it that would not agree with the way of living in Cities
Defensor Civitatis there was a Bishop and Justinian appoints such a Defensor not only of the great Cities but of the less And there is a Law in the Code that every City should have a Bishop without exception of little or great but only two Tomis and Leontopolis which afterwards had its Bishop and Tomis before He must be very unreasonable who finds fault with this Rule And now that our Author speaks reason and plain things God forbid he should be contradicted When men who delight in paradoxes and singular fancies happen to be in the right it is a great sin to oppose them Let every City have its Bishop and such exceptions as custom hath prescribed be allowed till there be reason for a change There is surely from this no hurt to the Diocesan way nor any service done to Independent Congregations Yet I cannot but take notice that our Author after his usual manner stumbles here too upon plain ground and the remark he thinks fit to make upon the exceptions in this Law shews he did not understand it Tomis he observes had a Bishop before this exception was made as if the Law had suggested that that City had been without a Bishop or annexed to another Whereas on the contrary it says (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 3. Tit. 3. that Tomis had the care of other Cities of Scythia for indeed all that Province of Scythia though it had many Cities had (c) Sozom. l. 7. c. 18. but one Bishop of whom Tomis was the place of Residence and the Title What our Author adds to the same effect for Bishops in every City from the ancient Comments on Titus 1. and from S. Cyprian and Origen is readily allowed without farther debate But when he comes to his application and says over the same things we have had so often before that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used by the best Authors sacred and prophane to denote both a City and a Village and that the Apostle would have such Bishops as were then instituted not only in Cities but in Villages and that it cannot with reason be questioned that the Apostolical intention was for places no larger than our Burroughs or Market-Towns yea in places no greater than our ordinary Villages and that they designed a Bishop to be no more than the Rector of a Country Parish He seems to me to affect to say these strange things over to himself that they might become familiar by repetition and the Importunity of affirming supply the defect of proof of which nothing has been past by or dissembled that has been hitherto produced But he seems to suspect the sufficience of what he had hitherto alledged and therefore opens a new Evidence which we are now to consider (d) Prim. Ep. p. 58 59. Campania in Italy was a Region ennobled with Cities being so thick set (e) Strab. l. 5. as they seem'd to be one continued Town and yet all were but little Towns besides Capua and Theanum This instance had not been worth producing if our Author had been so fair as to add one word more out of Strabo who does not say the Cities of Campania were small Towns absolutely but (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that they were such in comparison of Capua For Capua says he was indeed what the name imports the head and the chief of the Country for compared to this the other were but little Towns except Theanum for that it seems was not only considerable but great enough to bear the comparison As if one intending to set out the excessive greatness of London should say that the other Cities of England were but Villages compar'd to it Our Cities are not made Villages or little Towns by the expression but London is to be conceiv'd excessive great The Spies of Israel who gave an account of the Giants of Canaan saying (g) Numb 13.33 we were in our own sight but Grashoppers did not intend to disparage their own stature but to represent the prodigious height of the sons of Anak So in Laconia where were anciently a hundred Cities in Strabo 's time there were but thirty and those small Towns That Country was very low in Strabo's time and these Cities which are here reckoned were but Villages to Sparta excepting those of Laconia who were called free Ptolomy (h) Ptol. l. 3. reckons in this Region fewer Cities by much and when Bishops were setled in that Country it does not appear that these small Towns ever had any but only the great Cities upon which these depended As appears from the subscriptions of the Greek Bishops to their Synodical Letter (i) Ep. Synod Episc Metr Corinth Conc. Chalc. p. 3. to Leo the Emperour (l) Prim. Ep. p. 59. The Kingdom of Eumenes is the next instance and this left him by his father in a part of Asia as well stored with Cities as any in the world besides Pergamus the Metropolis consisted of such places as Polybius in Suidas calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Now if Mr. Clerkson's observation be true that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 never signifies a City but a Village this poor King had no Cities either small or great to begin the World with for by that name Strabo (m) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Strab. l. 13. calls the places about Pergamus that this King received from his Father and he adds that Pergamus it self was hardly a City before this Eumenes had made it so for all its greatness was owing to him How little these were is not very material since Polybius (n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Polyb. Excerp de virt vit p. 1467. tells us they were but few And however Asia might be furnish'd with Cities the paternal Kingdom of Eumenes was but very poorly provided And now comes in Crete once more and I think the third time with its hundred Homerical Cities and as many imaginary Bishops Yet since our Author insists (o) Prim. Ep. p. 59. upon it as the most pertinent Instance let it be mustered as often as he pleases We are often told that when Titus was there it had a hundred Cities and that by the Apostles appointment he was to ordain as many Bishops If our Author was often told this Tale he is even with his Authors for he tells it as oft and I am afraid if it had been true he had not taken so great delight in repeating it Dr. Hammond indeed spoke unwarily of an hundred Cities in that Island and consequently of as many Bishops to be ordained by Titus it not concerning the question he was treating of whether they were many or few but he did not consider how different the state of that Island in Titus his time was from that which is represented by Homer For in Strabo's time there was scarce a tenth part of this number nor do I know of any since Homer's time who could find those hundred Cities but Simeon Metaphrastes who speaks of an
receive all the people Suppose therefore in Rome for instance a million of Souls which I think is the lowest estimate that was ever made of that People If for the three first ages but a tenth part was Christian not twenty Churches such as the Christians were provided of at that time could suffice In London tho' those of the Communion of the Church of England be much the greatest number and make up the gross of the People yet the Dissenters were they willing to joyn in one Congregation would not be able to meet in one place And their way of service makes them more capable of great Congregations than the Primitive Christians since generally speaking they seem to have no other publick act of Religious Worship but to hear Nay there is scarce any one Sect of them so mean but would think themselves Persecuted should all of that Sect within the compass of London be stinted to one place of meeting Amsterdam may exceed London in number of Sects tho' it be inferior to it in number of people the Jews there inhabit one good quarter the Papists are so numerous that I have heen inform'd they have near thirty Chappels within that City the Lutherans there have several Churches to say nothing of other Sects that are very numerous Yet those of the establish'd Religion are reckon'd the greater part and require many Churches for their Worship But to return to the Primitive Christians That we may better conceive the state of the Christians in the first three ages let us consider how it was possible for them to thrive and at last to become Masters of the Roman Empire under all those great discouragements to which they were all the while subject They had seldom any friends in Court and there are but two Reigns in all that time in which they had any countenance but were frequently set upon by the Emperors and persecuted with full intent of utter extirpation They could make no Faction in the State for the roots of popular government had been pluck'd up and the government of the Empire was too absolute to bear any thing of that nature They had no power in the Army for there were but few of them employ'd that way and generally speaking they did not like the service Yet for all this in less than three ages they possessed themselves of the Empire and gave laws to the Heathen Now if we speak humanly of this matter we can resolve it into no other cause than the great number of the Christians It must be confessed that the providence of God was wonderful in preserving and raising this meek and simple people but the means he chose were the same he had taken before in Egypt for the deliverance of Israel he increased them exceedingly and so made them stronger than their enemies The numbers of the Christians were great from the begining And what was said of our Saviour in Judaea became true in a great part of the World that all the World did run after him This Tacitus and Pliny do affirm early This Tertullian sets out with great ostentation towards the begining of the third Century But these Testimonies with several others have been urg'd already (r) Vindicat. Prim. ch p. 54. 55 458 499 500. c. and need not to be insisted on in this place I will add only one passage more to the same purpose out of Maximin's (s) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb H. E. l. 9. c. 9. Letter to Sabinus where he sets out the occasion of that great Persecution under Dioclesian Dioclesian says he and Maximian my Fathers and my Lords seeing all people almost to have forsaken the worship of the Gods and to have joyned themselves to the Christians had rightly ordered that those who had forsaken the Religion of their Gods should undergo exemplary punishment Now this being the confession of an Enemy ought to have the greater weight and we cannot doubt but in the beginning of that Persecution the Christians were become the greater part of the Roman Empire And therefore in the great Cities they could not meet in one Assembly and in the chief Cities they could not have so few as twenty Congregations But you know the Fable the Toad could not conceive an Elephant any bigger than the stretch of his own skin Mr. Clerkson (t) Prim. ep p. 69. could meet with but one City small or great for three hundred years after Christ whose inhabitants were generally Christians and that was Neocaesarea of whose Conversion Gregory Thaumatargus was the instrument (u) P. 70. But for all this it does not appear that the Christians in that City were more than could meet together in one place And to make it probable that all the City made but one Congregation he offers two things First That we saw before that this place was not very populous And then that Gregory built but one Church there he would doubtless have erected more if more had been needful The first reason has been rejected already and they must be very easy that admit it because eleven Egyptian Bishops were banished to this place therefore it had no more people than could meet in one Church Yet as weak as this is the other is no wiser because Gregory built but one Church therefore there were no more Nay tho' he might have built several Parish-Churches yet the Cathedral which by the ancients is called the Church by way of Eminence might be only mention'd and in the great Cities where we are sure there were many Churches they speak of the Church that is the Bishops as if there were no other in the place and there was but one Church in any City for some uses of Religion that is for Baptism and Penance So that to speak properly and after the manner of ancient times there was in a City but one Church the other being but Parish-Chappels and Oratories Gregory therefore might build but one Church and yet his City might have many Parish-Congregations But for Neocaesarea we have greater probabilities that it was too populous for one Religious Assembly For first it was the Metropolis of Pontus and that long before it was converted by Gregory as Holstenius (x) Luc. Holsten in Steph. v. Neocaes proves by a Medal of Severus which had upon the reverse the age of this City In the next place it was eminent for liberal Studies which little Towns never were And Basil (y) Bas ep 64. relates with what earnestness the Magistrates pray'd him to take upon him the instruction of their Youth And lastly the character which the same Father gives (z) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Basil ep 75. it of being the most Illustrious of Cities cannot agree with that meaness under which Mr. Clerkson does represent it There is another City in Phrygia whose inhabitants are said to have been all Christians Euseb H. l. 8. c. 25. (a) C. 11. Ed. Vales and all with the City burnt together but
this was in the fourth Century in the Persecution raised by Maximian Anno. 312. That this was a small Town we have from Eusebius (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And he notes farther that they had Magistrates but that it had a Bishop neither Eusebius nor Lactantius mention and for ought that appears it might belong to the Bishop of some other place However let the City be as little as it will the Bishop might be Diocesan though all his Town made but one Congregation c How predominant Heathenism was in the Cities of the Roman Empire before Constantine may be collected says our Author in and after his Reign If it was spreading and prevalent when the power of it was so much broken it will be easie to infer what it was before It cannot be denied that Christianity received very great increase by the favour and the zeal of Constantine yet it must be remembred that the desolations under Dioclesian and his Collegues were so great and the numbers of Christians destroyed and frighted out of their Profession so excessive that it must be a great while before the Christians could recover themselves to that condition in which the Persecution found them And though under Constantine and his Sons the Church had a great seeming increase yet many of the new Converts being induced by human considerations and arguments extrinsick to Religion made greater shew than strength and in Julian's reign when worldly advantages were on the Heathen side many of these turned again to their old superstitions and most of the instances which are brought by our Author to shew the number of Heathen after (d) Prim. ep p. 71. Constantine are in that reign Yet let us hear the particulars (d) Prim. ep p. 71. That we may afford the greatest advantage to Christianity let us instance principally in Palestine where the Gospel first moving may in reason be thought to have made the greatest progress Some are never to be more narrowly observed than when they pretend to offer favour and advantage I am apt to believe that if our Author had found any instances more to the advantage of his cause he might have wav'd this complement to Christianity Here he says the Gospel first mov'd and therefore should have made the greatest Progress But the great Revolutions that happened in that Country soon after the planting of the Gospel may possibly have rendred the condition of Christianity there much worse than it was some time after in other Countries nay worse than it was in some of the Cities of Palestine in the Apostles time For instance Sebaste which is Samaria is brought as an Example of a City much addicted to Heathenism after Constantine's time and yet at the preaching of Philip the Deacon all the City is said (e) Act. 8.6 8 10 12 14. to be converted Lydda was a City of Judaea called also Diospolis and St. Luke (f) Act. 9.32 33. affirms that it was all converted by S. Peter All that dwell'd at Lydda turned unto the Lord. Yet about three hundred years after Christianity had made so little progress that both Villages and Cities there were exceeding Heathenish But we must find no fault because he pretends to afford Christianity greater advantage by these Examples Gaza above all the rest is stigmatiz'd by all as most Heathenish yet as Heathenish as it was after Constantine's time the Bishops of it had many Congregations before for Silvanus who suffered Martyrdom in the last Persecution is styl'd by Eusebius (g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb H. E. l. 8. c. 13. Bishop of the Churches of Gaza Caesarea too in our Author's judgment seems not much better and yet there the Bishop had many Churches too in the former part of Constantine's reign as his letter to Eusebius (h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ep. Const ad Euseb Theod. l. 1. c. 15. mentions In Palestine therefore our Author mentions many Cities where there were Heathens after Constantine's reign and instances chiefly in those where in Julian's time the Heathen Party raised tumults and committed many murders and barbarities but this does not prove them to be the major part For a small number under the countenance and instigation of the Emperour may do a great deal of mischief without opposition We have a fresh instance how insolent a small party may grow under the countenance of Authority not quite so absolute nor so implicitly obeyed as that of the Roman Emperours was And that the Christians were then when they endured these indignities much the greater number Sozomen who relates most of those tumults does plainly shew and that upon this very account Julian found himself obliged to use artifice rather than force in the restoring of his superstition Julian says that Historian (i) Soz. l. 5. c. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 zealous to make Heathenism prevail was much greiv'd to see it overcome by the Christian Religion which was in the general esteem preferr'd to it and it troubled him to think that his Religion must sink as soon as he is dead For though the Temples were opened again and the old Rites restored yet he observed that the wives and children and servants even of the Heathen Priests were generally Christian From hence it is clear how the greater part and body of the People stood affected to Christianity And though here and there a City might abound with Heathen it is no wonder for where there is a mixture of Religions a party which to the whole does not bear the proportion of one to ten may in some few places happen to be predominant Phaenicia follows Palestine and these our Author (l) Prim. ep p. 72. observes from Theodoret were madd upon their Idols and idolatrous Rites and this observed by Chrysostom in Arcadius his reign That there were superstitious people in Phaenicia at that time I do not deny and perhaps more than in most places but that they were the greater part or near equal to the Christians there does not appear from any thing produced by our Author Nay the contrary appears from that relation of Theodoret how Chrysostom with the assistance of a few Monks pulled down the Heathen Temples of the Country In Syria our Author (m) Prim. ep p. 73. meets with Heliopolis a place singular for superstition and beastliness where not one would endure to hear the name of Christ and Arethusa he thinks was not much better furnished with Christians because they all joyn'd in the murdering of their Bishop Yet in the same Chapter Sozomen assigns the reason of the Bishops return when he had once fled because (n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Soz. l. 5. c. 10. there were many like to be brought in danger upon his account Apamea is mentioned to the same purpose and this was a Metropolis says our Author here the multitude was only restrained through fear from hindering the demolishing of Jupiter 's Temple Theodor. l. 5. c. 21.
Prim. ep p. 76. In the West he offers but one instance or two In Turin the Heathen were so prevalent that the Christians were not suffered to choose a Bishop after Gratian's decease Greg. Turin l. 10. c. 43. This Turin is I suppose Tours in France And Gregory Bishop of that place does indeed in the last Chapter of the tenth Book of his History make a recapitulation of the Bishops of that City of whom Gratian was the first who according to that Author (y) Greg. Turon was sent thither from Rome in the first year of Decius which answers the year of Christ 253. according to Baronius (z) H. l. 10. c. 31. but 249 according to Bishop Pearson (a) Ann. Cypr. Anno. 249. When this Gratian dyed the See is said to have been void seven and thirty years but no reason is there assigned for so long a vacancy But Gregory seems to be affraid there should be many Christians in that part of Gaule before Martin came to convert the Country Yet in Gaule they could not but be exceeding numerous since they suffered (b) Lactant. de Mort. Persec ss 16. so little in Dioclesian's Persecution and must consequently become the common refuge of the Christians that fled from other places But to make short work and so offer all the rest in one In Rome it self in the fourth Century the Senate the Nobles and the greatest part of the people were given up to Heathenish Superstitions And for this he refers his Reader to the Centuriators They have indeed several instances to prove that there was a great party of Heathen in that City in the fourth Century But none of these make it evident that the greatest part of the Romans were then Heathen unless it be a passage of St. Jerom (c) Hoc errore pessima consuetudine vetustatis multarum provinciarum urbes laborant Ipsaque Roma orbis domina Ut tam intrantes quam exeuntes domos suas inoliti semper commoneantur erroris Hieron In Esa c. 57. which as it is produced by those Collectors would make them all Heathen For they make him say that the Image of the tutelar Deity is worshiped in every house in Rome But he seems to represent this as a relique of Heathen superstition that stuck in many places and was retained even among Christians and therefore brings it as a parallel instance to match the superstition of the Jews which they learned from their neighbours But that the greater part of the people of Rome were Christians towards the end of the third Century and the beginning of the fourth we have a plain testimony from Eusebius (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb H. E. l. 8. c. 14. who speaking of Maxentius says that at first he counterfeited himself a Christian to please and flatter the people of Rome Yet Mr. Clerkson is of another opinion and tells (e) Prim. ep p. 76. us that a little before the Christians were but a small part of Rome when with general acclamations the people cried out Christiani tollantur duodecies c. Baron Anno. 301. ss 3. But this evidence falls short upon several accounts First the authority of it is not very good it is taken from the acts of Savinus of which Baronius published some part But they are entire in Baluzius (f) Baluz Miscel l. 2. p. 47. his Miscellanies Baronius (g) Anno. 301. 18. vouches them for sincere and good and Baluzius (h) Baluz Not. in Pass S. Savini p. 463. gives them the same character But there are some marvelous passages which may make one who is not very credulous to doubt such (i) Pass S. Savini ss 5. 9 10 11. as the breaking of the Idol of Jupiter made of Coral by this Martyr while he was under examination his restoring sight to the Nephew of Serena his healing and converting of Venustianus president of Tuscia and some other things that tast of Fable But to let these Acts pass for authentick it does not follow from the clamour of the people at the Circensian games against the Christians that the greatest part of Rome was Heathen For those who were present at those sports were generally Heathen The Christians thinking themselves forbid by their Religion to go to such shews So this allegation yeilds but a poor argument against the number of the Christians since the fact is not very certain and the consequence far from being good However our Author (l) Prim. ep p. 77. finds that long after this the Romans were generally Heathen For Constantine after he had been Emperour twenty years expressing his detestation of the Heathenish Rites Incurred the hatred of the Senat and People of Rome and was reproached in a manner by all the People Zosim l. 2. And this is assigned as the cause why he thought of transferring the Imperial Seat This indeed is said by Zosimus a zealous advocate for Gentile Superstition and the only design of whose History is to set up the Apostate Julian for a Hero and to disparage all the actions of Constantine and the Christian Emperours and to this purpose he has made a History as fabulous as his Religion especially where that is concerned And therefore it is no wonder if such a one stretch beyond truth in the magnifying his party and make all the Roman people of his side That he translated his Imperial Seat might not be occasioned by the prevalence of Heathenism in Rome for Dioclesian had done (m) Nicomediam studens urbi Romae coaequare Lact. de Mort. Pers ss 7. cum libertatem populi ferre non poterat prorupit ex urbe Id. ss 17. the same thing not long before and made a prodigious expence upon Nicomedia with a design to render it equal to Rome that had indeed disoblig'd him but it could not be by being too Heathenish but by that Liberty or rather Insolence which the People used towards their Emperours Now in Constantine whether it was pique or desire of glory to be the founder of a new Rome or a nobler design for the safety of the Empire to remove the Imperial Seat and consequently the best and quickest strength of it nearer to the Barbarous Nations that were then most powerful is not easy to say at this distance but for Christianity's sake we ought not to take the reason of an enemy and especially one of so profligate credit as Zosimus was But within less than twenty years of Constantine's reign the Christians of Rome had forty Churches as we are informed by Optatus (n) Optat. Milev l. 2. Bishop of Milevis a writer of that age And in the later end of that Century S. Augustin excuses the practice of St. Peter's Church in Rome which was objected against his Reformation in Hippo upon this account that it was remote from the Bishop For when St. Augustin (o) Quod remotus sit locus a conversatione Episcopi in tanta civitate sit magna
old men a few years before such a poor juggle would not pass upon Children But in facts more remote there is a sort of men that take liberty and depend upon the ignorance of their Readers And this observation is an instance of that practice For in Dionysius the Bishop of Alexandria's time there happened first a fatal sedition in that City and an infinite number of people was slain the carcasses of these corrupted the air and the water and begot a Pestilence mortal beyond all example and this reduced the City so low as that Bishop then represents it But it soon recovered from that calamity as great Cities commonly do and maintained its rank for some time as the second City of the Empire In Antioch he observes (o) Prim. ep p. 99. the Christians in the first age were no more than could all meet together in the House of Theophilus as appears by the Author of the Recognitions which though falsly ascribed to Clemens is ancient nor will it be easie to find a reason why the following passage should be forged Theophilus domus suae ingentem Basilicam Ecclesiae nomine consecravit in qua omnis multitudo ad audiendum verbum conveniens c. l. 10. To some sort of people no evidence comes amiss Fable and Forgery grow Authentick if they seem favourable to their cause The Recognitions are on all hands given up for an idle forgery feigned without any aim or tolerable guess of the condition of the Apostolick times I have some reasons to suspect that this Book is not so old as it is generally imagined and it carries several marks of the fourth Century of which it is not necessary to take notice in this place But it is not easie to find a reason why this passage should be forged nor indeed why he has forged all the rest of his Book nor is it necessary For many will lie out of gaiety of humour and to please their fancy without any other reason to move them But he that has not reason enough to discern this to be a Fable has certainly very little to spare (r) Prim. ep p. 100. When Paulus Samosatenus was Bishop of this City our Author observes there was but one house (s) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where the Church did meet of which he would not give up the possession And this he contends was not the Bishops house but the house where the Church did meet and is presently after called (t) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb l. 7. c. 30. the Church The Translator that he blames for calling it the Bishops house must be Christophorson or Musculus for Ruffinus and Valesius render it the House of the Church Now whether it were the Church or the House of the Bishop is not very clear nor very material For to be sure the Church had a House where the Bishop assembled and they might have twenty Parish-Churches more for ought appears from this place But that which our Author infers that one House was then sufficient otherwise they might have had more proceeds from his usual acuteness The Church needed but one common House for the Bishops Assembly to which they all belonged but they might have many Houses appropriated to Parishes and certain regions of the Town which could not be called the Houses of the Church in general but only of such a part (u) Prim. ep p. 100. In the fourth Age all the Christians there could meet together for the choice of Eustathius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says Theodoret l. 1. c. 7. This has been answered so often already that I am ashamed to repeat so obvious and plain an answer any more What proportion of Antioch was Christian in Eustathius his time may be guessed from the influence his deposition had upon that City which according to Mr. Clerkson was but four years after his being Bishop of that place The sedition says Sozomen (x) Soz. l. 2. c. 19. was so great that the whole City was in danger of being destroyed the Christians upon this occasion being divided into two parts If an Independent Congregation in London should happen to have such a difference about their Pastour it would scarce move a sedition in the City or endanger the safety of it in so high a manner After this our Author represents the low condition of the Orthodox Christians in Antioch while the Arrians were masters (y) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Socr. l. 3. c. 9. of the Churches that they made but a mean Congregation Yet all the while the Arrian Bishops there were Diocesan and had many Churches in that City which had belonged once to the Catholick Christians and did still of right appertain to them and before the end of that Century were actually recovered to the true faith and their old rightful Possessours (z) Prim. ep p. 103. Carthage next to the Cities forementioned was one of the greatest of the Empire Yet there were no more Christians in that Church about Anno. 220 than could meet together in one place for Church-administration For this he tells us there is evidence enough in Tertullian which at present I will not further take notice of than in the observation of a great Antiquary the Bishop of Orleans Our Author speaks of Tertullian in this place like one who had not looked in him for he has not one word of the Church of Carthage in that place on which Albaspineus makes his observation and what is worse that Bishop has not a word about Carthage All this is nothing but a vision that happened to our Author in the dark when he talked of Books without consulting them Tertullian (a) Tertul. ad Uxor l. 2. c. 4. disputing warmly against Christian Women marrying of Heathen Men proposes many great difficulties to which such Women will be exposed and what hindrance such a Marriage must needs be to all Christian Offices If the Wife purpose to perform the Station the Husband appoints a Bath If she ought to observe a Fast her Husband appoints an entertainment si procedendum est if she be to go abroad upon charitable and Christian visits to the poor and sick the business of her family is then extraordinary urgent It happened that some Papists laid hold on that word and fancied they had found their Procession in Tertullian which Albaspinaeus makes bold to expose shewing that in those days there was but one Church in a place and that generally a small one and without ornament Which I am very willing to grant for generally speaking so it was and most Towns had but one Church But for Carthage and Cities of that magnitude they might differ from the generality in this as they did in dimension and multitude of people That Carthage had many Christian assemblies in Tertullians time we need no other proof than the account he gives Scapula of the number of Christians in that City (b) Tertull. ad Scapulam If they should
offer themselves to Martyrdom what couldst thou do with so many thousands of people when Men and Women every sex every age and condition should offer themselves What fires what swords would be sufficient to destroy them How much must Carthage suffer which then would be decimated by thee Every one would suffer in his Relation or his Friend and there might appear among the sufferers persons of thy own rank and of the highest quality If thou wilt not spare us spare thy self if thou wilt not spare thy self spare Carthage All this must appear very absurd and provoke the derision of the Heathen if this multitude so populously set out might be summed up in one assembly and that no great one Since the Christians had not the convenience of great and capacious Churches at that time and might not be very willing to raise extraordinary Fabricks lest they should expose themselves too much to the observation and envy of their enemies He who is not yet perswaded that there was no more than one Congregation of Christians in Carthage when Tertullian wrote this let him if he thinks fit make himself the Advocate of some Sect in London that makes but one Congregation and plead their cause in this Harangue and then see how well it will fit them Now if the Christians in Carthage were so numerous in the beginning of the third Century that it is incredible they could meet in one Church and such a Church as the condition of those times could bear the forty years that follow must exceedingly increase their numbers since they were the most favourable that the Church met with in the three first ages And in Afric especially where Mr. Dodwell (c) Dissert Cypr. xi ss 48. 52. finds no Persecution from the tenth year of Severus Anno 202 to the first of Decius Anno 250. And in general Origen observes the increase of Christians within this time to be extraordinary and much greater than it had been in former times (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Orig. Cont. Cels p. l. 3. p. 120. because they were not then oppressed by the Emperours as they had been formerly (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the rigours of the Heathen against them had for a long time ceased This long peace tho' it corrupted the manners of the Christians yet it added much to their numbers as Cyprian (e) Disciplinam longa pax corruperat populi aliquando numerosi lamentanda jactura Cypr. de laps p. 123. observes who speaking of the Christians of Carthage before Decius his Persecution extols their numbers while he bewails the ruin of those who yielded to the enemy Yet (f) Prim. ep p. 104. In Cyprians time in all Church administrations and transactions of moment in the Church and Bishoprick of Carthage all the people were to be present Tota fraternitas plebs Universa stantes Laici as he declares every where in his Epistles And how all could be present if they were more than could meet together is not intelligible Alas how difficult is it for some men to understand the plainest things in the World when they have no mind to it It is an incomprehensible figure of speech it seems to say that what is transacted in an Assize is done before the whole County and yet there is scarce any Hall so large as to hold the people of one Hundred much less a whole County and still people will talk after this unintelligible rate But of this Topick we have said more than enough To the same effect is that of Optatus concerning the Election of Caecilian suffragio totius populi And the deductions he makes upon the account of the Donatists in Carthage so as to leave the Catholick Christians but one Congregation are by much too liberal to the Schismaticks For it is known to every body that has but looked into St. Austin that those of the Catholick Communion in that City had many and great Churches for their assemblies in the fourth Century To the four greatest Cities of the Empire our Author (g) Prim. ep p. 106. thinks fit to add Jerusalem altho ' far inferiour in greatness because of the many thousands converted there by the Apostles But I have shewed that of those five thousand Converted the twentieth part cannot in reason be accounted inhabitants of the City What he has said of this matter hath been examined at large In Jerusalem many accessions of Converts are mentioned in the beginning of the Acts which he does account for and all this in a few years before the calling of the Gentiles and the Conversion of St. Paul Nor did the progress of Christianity in Jerusalem stop where St. Luke breaks off his relation of the numerous Conversions but before the destruction of that City and the Jewish Nation we are told by Hegesippus (h) Apud Euseb l. 2. c. 23. that the Scribes made an uproar and cried that the whole City was in danger of becoming Christian Their apprehensions had been very childish if the Christians had not yet increased beyond one Congregation when the Rabbins will have near five hundred Synagogues to have been in Jerusalem at that time About forty years after this Church consisted of no more than Pella a small City could entertain together with its own inhabitants What might happen to this Church a few years before the destruction of Jerusalem is altogether unknown But that not long before it was very flourishing we learn from the Acts and Hegesippus If Persecutions or Apostacies had diminished it a little before that fatal Revolution we are not to take the measures of it from such a calamitous state Nay this story of the transmigration to Pella comes from no certain Authority And Valesius (i) Annot. in Euseb l. 3. c. 5. hints his mistrust of it when he observes that Eusebius quotes no Author and probably took all this matter from Tradition which is no very certain way of conveying any thing to posterity Nor is it unlikely (l) Epiph. Haer. Nazar n. 7. Id. de Pond Mens n. 15. Joseph Scalig. Anim. in Euseb p. 212. that this story should come from the Nazarens who dwelt about Pella and in the Region of Decapolis who to give themselves greater credit might pretend to be the remainder of the Apostolick Church of Jerusalem (m) Prim. ep p. 107. Not long after they setled in the ruins of a part of that desolate City no fit place to entertain multitudes where they had a few houses and a little Church and therefore one would judg they could not be very many The story of these houses and Church and several Synagogues in Mount-Sion that escaped in the first desolation are all Jewish Fables and inconsistent with our Saviours Prophesie of that City that one stone should not be left upon another as Scaliger (n) Animadv in Euseb Chron. has observed and any one may see it who will but read the story in Epiphanius who
Amasea the City of Strabo Amasea Ponti who may be allowed as a competent witness for the measure of the Territory of his own Town Then follows my Country says the Geographer (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Strab. l. 12. the Territory of Amasia the best and the greatest of all Territories And we cannot wonder at such expressions when we hear the particulars From the River says he begins a Vally something narrow at first and then opens and grows wider (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Strab. ibid. which makes up that field that has its name from a thousand Villages And this is not all but he names other Regions beyond this belonging to the same City as far as the River Halys all this on the North side and the length of the Territory that way was five hundred furlongs which makes above sixty miles Another way it is (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. longer and reaches to Babanomus and Ximene which likewise reaches to Halys This says he is the length of it the breadth is from North to South but he does not express the measure any otherwise than from the City Northward which he reckons 500 Stadia I hope this Territory is of greater extent than my Lord Mayor's Liberties and goes something farther than from Newgate to Holborn Bars Nor do I believe the Mayor of Lincoln or Canterbury will vye with this City for extent of Jurisdiction Cyzicus Cyzicus though a greater City than Amasea had a less Territory yet such it was that it does not seem inferiour for extent to many of our Bishopricks It was seated in an Island of the same name which belonged to it which was five hundred furlongs in compass Yet besides this (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it had a great Territory partly ancient and part acquired by their service in the Roman wars that part of Troas that was beyond the river Asopus and the Country about Zeleia and the Plain of Adrasteia and part of the Country about the lake of Dascelis Antioch had (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lib. de vit sua p. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Liban Antioch a great Country belonging to it Antioch and many Villages that were equal to Cities How great a Country does it possess says Libanius when several Villages belonging to it are greater and more populous than many Cities Daphne remains in the condition of a Suburb yet if it vye with Cities it would surpass them upon many accounts Nor is it without reason that Libanius magnifies the Territory of Antioch for it (d) Strab. l. 16. Theod. ep 42. reached on one side to the Region of Cyrrus which was two days journy or fifty miles distant and perhaps it might reach as far on other sides excepting that towards the Sea which according to Libanius (e) Liban Antioch p. 339. was but fifteen miles from the City Theodoret mentions many Monks who lived in several parts of the Region of Antioch Asterius who lived in the Country about Gindarus which was (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Theod. Rel. Hist in Julian a very great Village and belonged to Antioch though in older times it had belonged to the region of Cyrrus and is called a City by Strabo (g) Str. l. 16. The same Author (h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Theodor. vit Sim. Prisci mentions one Simeon who is said to have wrought a miracle in some Village near the Mountain Amanus which did not only fill all the neighbourhood of that place with fear and astonishment but the whole City likewise I mean says he Antioch for that place belonged to it so that by this Expression we cannot judge it to be very near Thebes Beotia was five hundred furlongs or sixty two miles in length and about four and thirty miles in breadth according to Dicaearchus (i) Dicaearch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 167. yet since Epaminondas his time it was all but the territory of Thebes Attica was a great Country and (l) Dio. Chrys Orat. 46. all of it the territory of Athens ever since Theseus his time Athens Lacedaemon Lacedaemon (m) Arist Polit. l. 2. had a territory sufficient to maintain thirty thousand foot and fifteen hundred horse All Arcadia was but the territory of Megalopolis And Elis tho' no great City had so large a Country belonging to it that many Country Families for several generations did never see the City to which they belonged which Polybius ascribes partly (n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Polyb. Hist l. 4. p. 468. to the largeness of the region partly to the simplicity of their manners Miletus when it was taken by the Persians had a large Country belonging to it (o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Herodot l. 6. which the Conquerors divided that part that was near the City the Persians took to themselves that which was remote they gave the people of Pedasa And after this the Region belonging to that City received great accession of territory when (p) Dio. Chrys Or. 46. all the small neighbouring Colonies of the Milesians in Aeolis and Troas and about the Hellespont leaving their own small Cities went and setled at Miletus and increased the dependencies of that City by the addition of their several regions The territory of Byzantium joyned to that of Perinthus and was therefore added to that City by Severus (q) Herodian l. 3. ss 19. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Xiphil in Severo yet these two Cities are above threescore miles distant one from the other as we find in Antonius's Itinerary which as to this distance agrees exactly with the Itinerary of Jerusalem Caelenae or Apamea in Phrygia is commended by Dio (r) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dio. Chris Or. 35. for the many Towns that belonged to it which wanted nothing of Cities but the Title and Apamia in Syria appears yet more considerable for its territory as it is described by Strabo (s) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Strab. l. 16. It has a very great and fertile Region belonging to it and pastures for cattle of prodigious extent Many Towns that had been accounted Cities were but in the nature of Villages to this City Secoana (t) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was a fortress in this territory where Tryphon the Tyrant was born Larissa (u) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Strab. l. 16. and several other great places that Strabo names were but the dependencies of Apamea In this Country Seleucus Nicator kept five hundred Elephants and a great part of his Army Here the succeeding Kings kept their Studds and had thirty thousand Mares in this region for Breed These were Greek Cities and Colonies We will in the next place give some instances of the Roman and compare their territories with the Liberties of our English Cities Mantua and Cremona The territory of Cremona was divided between the Veterans sent thither by Augustus and not