Houses as were like to make the worst use of it and the more to ingratiate himself with the prevalent party he aggravated the supposed offence to the very utmost And the supposed offence was this that the Bishops having been frequently reviled pursued and violently kept from the House of Peers protested by a Writing under their hands That they durst not sit or Vote in the House of Peers untill his Majesty should secure them from all affronts indignities and dangers and therefore that all Laws Orders Votes Resolutions and Determinations should be reputed null and of none effect which in their absence had passed or should passe in the said most Honourable House during the time of their forced and violent absence Which Petition and Protestation being 〈…〉 Records of Parliament was thought to be a good 〈◊〉 of their place and right suffrage in the House of 〈◊〉 â—â—â—withstanding the Subsequent Act of Parliament 〈◊〉 deprived them of it But how that Protestation could amount to Treason in the newest construction of the word was so impossible to be proved that they who 〈◊〉 so voted it having served their turns by the imprisonment of the Bishops for depriving them of their place and vote in Parliament and divesting the King of his power and prerogative in pressing Souldiers for his wars at once released them of the impâ—iâ—onment and accusation under which they suffered Adde hereunto that when the Members of the House of Commons were seized upon and kept in custody by the Officers of the Army under the command of Sir Thomas Fairfax on the sixt and seventh daies of December 1647. they made a Protestation to this effect viz. that all Acts and Ordinances Votes and proceedings of the House of Commons made after the said sixt and seventh of December or after to be made during their restraint and forcible seclusion from the House and the continuance of the Armies force upon it should be no way obligatory but void and null to all â—ntents and purposes whatsoever Which protestation though it toucht the Officers of the Army to the very quick yet had they so much modesty as not to count it for high Treason And when the Members which were left remaining in that House for the present turn had scanned over every particular of that protestation they only ventured so far as to Vote it to be scandalous and seditious as tending to destroy the present visible Government and that all that had a hand in it were unworthy of trust for which consult Mercurius Pragmaticus Numb 38. By which we see that which was counted Treason in the Bishops was not conceived to be such in these Members of the House of Commons No more then farre worse crimes then those which 〈…〉 for Treason in the Earl of Strafford could 〈◊〉 to be Treason in the Case of the Five 〈…〉 Lord of Kimbolton So true is that which Horace 〈…〉 Book De Arte Poetica viz. Coecilio Plautoqâ—e dabit 〈…〉 Virgilio Varioque which cannot be englished more â—â—â—nificantly then by this old Proverb that is to say that 〈◊〉 better steal a Horse then others look on Fol. 478. The City taking hâ—art and hands with the House of Commons summon a Common Councel where they debate their jealousies and fears The constitution of the Common Councell of the City was of great concernment at this time and therefore it behoved the Commons in order to the prosecution of their designe that it should be new moulded most of the old ones laid aside and creatures of their own elected into their places And by their Emissaries and Agents they prevailed so far that on S. Thomas day when the Common-Councell-men were to be chosen for every Ward in stead of those grave sober and substantiall men which before they had they chose a company of factious and indigent persons known only by their disaffections to Monarchical and Episcopal Government And whereas by the ancient custome of the City the Common-Councell-men then elected were not admitted unto Councell till the Munday after Twelfthday when their Elections were returned and enrolled by the Town-Clerk these men well knowing how much the Designe of the Commons did depend upon them would not stay so long And therefore when the King had appointed a Common-Councell to be called on the last day of December for the prevention of such tumults as had happened a few daies before they thrust themselves in amongst the rest The like they did when the King gave a meeting to a Common Councel appointed by him on the fifth of Ianuary wherein he acquainted them with the reason of his proceedings against the five impeached Members desiring that they might not have any retreat or harbour within the City At what time Fowke one of these Common-Councell men as being the Bell-weather to the rest made a sawcy and insolent speech unto the King concerning fears and â—â—â—lousies touching the Members accused the Priviledges of Parliament and that they might not be tried but in a Parliamentary way To which though the King returned a very milde and gracious Answer yet the Rabble being once inflamed by their seditious Orator would not so be satisfied but at his coming out of the Hall and as he past in his Coach thorow the Streets there was nothing ecchoed in his ears but Priviledges of Parliament Priviledges of Parliament By the help and vote of these men also was that Petition framed and delivered to the King on the morrow after which follows immediatly in our Authour And by the help of these men did they extort the Militia of the City out of the hands of the Mayor and Aldermen and put it into the power of inferiour persons such as the Faction in the House of Commons might best confide in And for their Iealousies and Fears which were to be debated in the Common Councell they were of no lesse nature then the blowing up of the Thames to drown the City or the beating it down about their ears by Col. Lunsford from the Tower or the sacking it by the King and the Cavaliers Horrible Gulleries but such as were generally disperst and no lesse generally beleeved by fools women and children Fol. 482. Vpon information of Troops of Horse to be gathered by the Lord Digby and Colonell Lunsford at Kingston where the County Magazine is lodged they order that the Sheriffs of the severall Counties c. shall suppresse all unlawfull Assemblies c. Most true it is that such an order was made by the House of Commons the better to amaze the people and keep them in continuall Fears and Iealousies of the Kings proceedings But nothing is more false then that any Troops of Horse had been rais'd by the Lord Digby or Colonel Lunsford or that they had any such designe as to seize the Magazine at Kingston which they might easily have done had they been so minded before it could have been prevented But the truth is that the King not knowing what the London Tumults might
the Church-Wardens generally in all the Parishes of the Kingdom notwithstanding they were told that the Lords had never given their consent unto it and that it would be safest for them to suspend their proceedings till the Parliament was again assembled But so mighty was the name of Pym that none of them durst refuse Obedience unto his Commands Nor did the Lords ever endeavour to retrench this Order but suffered their Authority and priviledge to be torn from them peece-meal by the House of Commons as formerly in imposing the Protestation of the third of May so now in this great Alteration in the face of the Church Fol. 432. The late Irish Army raised for the Assistance of the Kings Service against the Scots was disbanded and all their armes brought into Dublin This though our Authour reckoneth not amongst the grounds and reasons of the Irish Rebellion yet was it really one of the chief encouragements to it For when the King was prest by the Commons in Parliament for the disbanding of that Army a Suit was made unto him by the Embassadour of Spain that he might have leave to List three or four thousand of them for his Masters Service in the wars The like Suit was made also by the Embassadour of France and the King readily condescended to their severall motions and gave order in it accordingly But the Commons never thinking themselves safe as long as any of that Army had a sword in his hand never left importuning the King whom they had then brought to the condition of denying nothing which they asked till they had made him eat his word and revoke those Orders to his great dishonour Which so exasperated that Army consisting of 10000 Foot and 1500 Horse that it was no hard matter for those who had the managing of the Plot to make sure of them And then considering that the Scots by raising of an Army had gain'd from the King an Abolition of the Episcopall Order the reâ—cinding of his own and his Fathers Acts about the reducing of that Church to some Uniformity with this and setled their Kirk in such a way as best pleased their own humours why might not the Irish Papists hope that by the help of such an Army ready raised to their hands or easily drawn together though disperst at that present they might obtain the like indulgences and grants for their Religion Tantum Religio potuit suadere Malorum as true on the one side as the other Fol. 443. The next Morning the Vpper house sent them down to the House of Commons by the Lord Marshal Privy Seal c. the Lords Goring and Wilmot Our Authour speaks this of the first Letter sent from Ireland touching that Rebellion but is mistaken in the last man whom he makes to be sent down with these Letters The Lord Wilmot at that time was no Peer of England and therefore had no place in the English Parliaments The honour of an English Baron being first conferred on his Son the Lord Henry Wilmot by Letters Patents bearing date 29. of Iune Anno 1643. And as I am sure that the Lord Wilmot was not of that number so I am doubtfull whether the Lord Marshall were or not Our Authour not long before tels us that his Office of Lord High Steward was like to be begg'd from him in regard of his Absence which is to be understood of his absence out of the Realm and if he were then absent out of the Realm he could not now be present in the House of Peers Either not absent then or not present now is a thing past questioning Fol. 462. The King returns from Scotland magnificently â—easted by the City of London But while the Citizens at one end of the Town were at their Hosanna some of the Commons at the other end were as busie at their Crucifige intent on hammering a Remonstrance which they entitled A Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom in which they ript up all the actions which they had complained of in the King and sum'd up all those services which they had done for the common people The whole so framed that it served for a pair of Bellows to blow that fire which afterwards flamed out and consumed the greatest part of the Kingdom In the presenting whereof to the King at his coming from Scotland though the Lords refused to joyn with them in it yet was it presented to the King by some of their Members an Order made for the publishing and dispersing of it and the Lords brought at last to justifie what they had condemned Nor did the Citizens continue long in their good Affections For though they gave him Rost-meat now yet they beat him with the Spit in the Christmas following of which our Authour tels us saying Fol. 471. The loose people of the City and the Mechanick sort of Prentices were encouraged by the Ministers and Lecturers and other Incendiaries in tumultuous manner to come down to Westminster and by the way at Whitehall to be insolent in words and actions And insolent they were indeed both in words and actions some of them crying out as they past by that the King was not fit to live others that the Prince would govern better all of them with one voice that they would have no Porters lodge between them and the King but would come at him when they pleased using some other threatning words as if they meant to break open the Gates But so it happened that some of the Officers of the Kings late Army being come to the Court some of them to receive the Arrears of their pay and others to know the Kings Commands before they returned into the Low Countries to their severall Charges and observing the unsufferable Insolencies of this Rascal Rabble sallied upon them with drawn swords in which scuffle some of that tumultuous Rabble were slightly hurt and others dangerously wounded To these men being profest Souldiers was the Name of Cavaliers first given communicated afterwards to all the Kings party and Adherenâ—s though never in Arms or otherwise appearing for him then in the Loyalty of their Affections Fol. 477. This fell out as many would have it a lâ—â—â—ing case to their confusion How so Because saith he at a conference desired by the Lords with the House of Commons they were told by the Lord Keeper that this Petition and Protestation of the twelve Bishops was extending to the deep intrenching upon the fundamentall priviledges and beings of Parliaments c. Upon which Declaration the Bishops were voted to be guilty of High Treason committed first to the custody of the black rod and from thence to the Tower But first the Authour is to know that the Lord Keeper at that time was not altogether so rectus in Curia as might have been wished and therefore having received that Petition and Protestation from the hands of the King to whom in the first place it was addressed he communicated it privately to such of both
al ove one hundred in number forcibly sâ—â—ze upon violently kept out of and driven from the House by the Officers and Souldiers of the Army under Thomas Lord Fairfax c. And thirdly We finde after this that Sir Iohn Temple Sir Martin Lumley Câ—l Booth M. Waller M. Middleton and others were turned back by such Souldiers as were appointed to keep a strict guard at the doors of the House So that the whole number of those who weâ—e imprisoned and kept under restraint or otherwise were debarred and turned back from doing their service in the House waâ— reckoned to amount to an hundred and fourty which comes to thrice as many as the 40 or 50 which our Author speaks of But to proceed the Officers of the Army having thus made themselves Masters of the House of Commons thought fit to make themselves Masters of the City also To which end they ordered two Regiments of Foot and some Troops of Horse to take up Quarters in Pauls Church and Black-fryers on Friday the 8. of the same moneth and on the â—unday following sent diverse Souldriers to be quartered in the Houses of private Citizens which notwithstanding such was their tender care not to give any diâ—turbance to them that lbid Not to fâ—ighten the City the General writes to my Lord Mayor that he had sâ—nt Col. Dean to seize the Treasuries of Haberdashers Goldsmiths and Weavers Halls where they seize on 20000.l that by the Monies he may pay his Armies Arrears The Authour whom our Historian followeth in all these late traverses of State relates this businesse more distinctly and inteâ—ligently then we finde it here viz. That two Regiments of Foot and some Troops of Horse took up Quarters in Pauls and Black-frier and seized upon 20000. l in Weavers Hall which they promised to repay when the Lord Mayor and Common Councell please to bring in the Arrears due from the City They secured likewise the Treasures of Haberdashers and Goldsmiths Hall Here we have first a seizure of the 20000. l in Weavars Hall for the use of 〈◊〉 Army and a securing of the Treasures in the other two that they might not be employed against it The 20000 l. which they found in the first was the remainder of the 200000 l. which was voted to be brought in thither for the raising of a New Presbyterian Army under the command of the Lord Willoughby of Parhâ—â— as Lord Generall and Sir Iohn Maynard as Lieutenant Generall to reduce that Army to conformity which had so successively served under the command of Sir Thomas Fairfax But the other two being hard names and not very easie of digestion require somewhat which may make them lighter to the understanding of the vulgar Reader Concerning which we are to know that severall Ordinances were made by the Lords and Commons for sequestring the Estates of all such who had adhered unto the King whom to distinguish them from their own party they called Delinquents and a severe couâ—se was taken in those sequestrations as well in reference to their personall as reall Estates to make them the more considerable in the purse of the Houseâ— But finding no such great profit to come in that way when every Cook who had the dressing of that dish had lickt his fingers as they did expect they were contented to admit them to a Composition These Compositions to be managâ—d at Goldsmiths Hall by a select Committee consisting of severall Members of the House of Commons and some of the most pragmaticall and stiff sort of Citizens the parties to compound had 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. or 7. years purchase according as they either offered themselves voluntarily or came in upon Articlâ—s or were forced to submit to mercy What infinite summes of money were brought in by these compositions he that list to see may finde them both in the severall Items and the summa toâ—â—alâ—s in their printed Tables And yet the payment of these Sums was the least part of the grievance compared unto those heavy clogs which were laid on their Consciences For first No man was admitted to treat with the Committee at Goldsmiths Hall till unlesse he was priviledged and exempt by Articles he had brought a Certificate that he had taken the Negative Oath either before the Committee for the Militia of London or some Committee in the Countrey where he had his â—welling And by this oath he was to swear that he would neither directly nor indirectly adhere unto or wilâ—â—â—gly assist the King in that War or in that cause against the Parliament nor any Forces raised without the consent of the two Houses of Parliament in thâ—t cause or War for which consult the Ordinance of the Lords and Commons bearing date April 5. 1645. And secondly It was Ordered by the said Lords and Commons on the 1. of November 1645. That the Committee of Goldsmiths Hall should have power to tender the Solemn League and Covenant to all persons that come out of the Kings Quarâ—â—â—s to that Committee to compound and to secure such as should refuse to take it until they had conformed thereunto And by that Covenant they were bound to endeavour the extirpation of Popery and Prelacy that is Church-government by Arch-Bishops and Bishops c. and to defend the Kings Person and Authority no otherwise then in order to the preservation and defence of the true Religion and Liberties of the Kingdoms And if the party to compound were a Romane Catholick there was an Oath of Abjuration to be taken also before any such Sequestration could be taken off if once laid upon him By which he was to swear That he abjured and renounced the Popes Supremacy that he beleeved not there was any Transubstantiation nor Purgatory nor any worship to be given to the consecrated Host Crucifix or Images and that salvation could not be merited by works renouncing and abjuring all Doctrines in defence of thâ—se points To such a miserable necessity had they brought many of that party that they thought if safer as they use to say to trust God with their souls then such unmercifull men with their Lives Fortunes and Estates And yet this was not thought to be a sufficient punishment to them but they must first passe through Hâ—berdashers Hall which is the last of my hard words before they could be free of the Goldsmiths And in that Hall they were to pay the fifth and twentieth parts of their Estates as well real as personall in present money all men being brought within the power of the Committee not only who were called Delinquents but such as had not voluntarily contributed to the Parliament in any place whatsoever as appears by the Order of the Commons bearing date August 25. 1646. By which last clause more Grist was brought unto that Mill then can be easily imagined their Agents being very eager in that pursuit So that it was accounted a great benefit as indeed it was to them who came in upon the Articles of
Prerogative and Authority to all Emperors Kings Princes and Potentates and all other we have conceiv'd such opinion and have such estimation of your Majesties goodness and vertue that whatsoever any persons not so well learned as your Grace is would pretend unto the same whereby we your most humble Subjects may be brought in your Graces displeasure and indignation surmising that we should by usupation and presumption extend our Laws to your most noble Person Prerogative and Realm yet the same your Highness being so highly learn'd will of your own most bounteous goodness facilly discharge and deliver us from that envy when it shall appear that the said Laws are made by us or our Predecessors conformable and maintenable by the Scripture of God and determination of the Church against which no Laws can stand or take effect Somewhat to this purpose had been before endevoured by the Commons in the last Parliament of King Edw. 3. of which because they got nothing by it but only the shewing of their teeth without hurting any body I shall say nothing in this place reserving it to the time of the long Parliament in the Reign of King Charles when this point was more hotly followed and more powerfully prosecuted than ever formerly What says our Author unto this Findes he here any such matter as that the Laity at their pleasure could liâ—â—â— the Canons of the Church Or that such Canons in whatsoever tâ—uched temporals were subject unto secular Laws and National Customs And hereof I desire the Reader to take special notice as that which is to serve for a Catholicon of general Antidoâ—e against those many venomous insiâ—nations which he shall meet with up and down in the course of this History As for the case in which our Author grounds this pestilent Position it was the Canon made in a Synod at Westminster in the time of Anselm Anno 1102. prohibiting the sale of men and women like brute beasts in the open Market Which Canon not finding presently an universal obedience over all the Kingdom as certainly ill customs are not easily left when they are countenanced by profit occasioned our Author to adventure upon this bold assertion Fol. 24. Indeed St. Davids had been Christian some hundred of years whilest Canterbury was yet Pagan â— Not many hundred years I am sure of that nor yet so many as to make a plural number by the Latin Grammar Kent being conquered by the Saxons who brought in Paeâ—â—nism Anno 455. Converted unto Christianity by the preaching of Austin An. 569. Not much more then 140 years betwixt the one and the other Fol. 29. To whose honor he viz. King Stephen erected St. Stephens Chappel in Westminster neer the place whero lately the Court of Requests was kept Our Author is here 〈…〉 and will not parler le tout as the French men say For otherwise he might have told us that this Chappel is still standing and since the â—â—endry of it to King Edward the sixth haâ—â— been 〈◊〉 for a Parliament House implâ—yed to that purpose by the Common as 〈…〉 be thus reserved I can hardly tell unless it be to prevent such inferences and observations which by some wanton wits might be made upon it Fol. 40. By the same title from his Father Jeffery Plantagenet he possessed fair lands in Anjou and Maine I had thought he had possessed somewhat more in Anjou and Maine then some fair Lands only his Father Ieffery Plantagenet being the Proprietary Earl of Anjou Maine and Toureine not aâ—itular only succeeded in the same by this King Henry and his two sons Richard and Iohn till lost unhappily by the last with the rest of our Estates on that side of the Sea From this Ieffery descended fourteen Kings of the name of Plantagenet the name not yet extinguished though it be impoverished our Author speaking of one of them who was found not long since at the Plow Lib. 2. p. 170. Another of that name publishing a Book about the Plantation of new Albion An. 1646. or not long before Fol. 53. King John sent a base degenerous and unchristian Embassage to Admiralius Murmelius a Mahometan King of Morocco then very puissant and possessing a great part of Spain This Admiralius Murmelius as our Author and the old Monks call him was by his own name called Mahomet Enaser the Miramomoline of Morocco to whom if King Iohn sent any such Message it was as base unchristian and degenerate as our Author makes it But being the credit of the â—ale depends upon the credit of the Monkish Authors to which bâ—ood of men that King was known to be a professed Enemy â—haâ—ing and hated by one anotherâ— it is not to be esteemed so highly as a piece of Apocrypha and much less to be held for Gospel Possible it is that being overlaid by his own subjects and distressed by the 〈◊〉 he might send unto that King for aid in his great extremities And doing this 〈◊〉 this were aâ—â— he did no 〈…〉 and in ignation and 〈…〉 so much as was done afterwards upon far weaker grounds by King Francis the first employing the Turks Forces both by Sea and Land against Charles the fifth But the Monks coming to the knowledge of this secret practise and constâ—â—ing his actions to the worst improv'd the Molehil to a Mountain rendring him thereby as odious to posterity as he was to themselves Fol. 63. I question whether the Bishop of Rochester whose Countrey house at Brumly is so nigh had ever a House in the City There is no question but he had Stâ—w finding it in Southwark by the name of Rochester 〈◊〉 adioyning on the South side to the Bishop of Winchesters minons and out of â—eparation in his time as possibly not much frequented since the building of Bromly House and since converted into Tonements for private persons But since our Author hath desired others to recover the rest from oblivion I shall help him to the knowledge of two more and shall thank any man to finde out the third The first of these two is the Bishop of Lincolns House situate neer the old Temple in Holborn first built by Robert de Chesney Bishop of Lincoln Anno 1147. Since alien'd from that See to the Earls of Southampton and passing by the name of Southampton House The second is the Bishop of Bangors a fair House situate in Shoo-lane neer St. Andrews Church of late time Leased out by the Bishops and not long since the dwelling of Dr Smith Doctor in Physick a right honest and ingenuous person and my very good Friend Of all the old Bishops which were founded before King Harry the eight there is none whose House we have not found but the Bishop of Aâ—aph to the finding whereof if our Author or any other will hold forth the Candle I shall follow the 〈◊〉 the best I can and be thankful for it Fol. 67. And though some high Royalists look on it as the product of subjects 〈◊〉 themselves
â—ther things that the French King should marry the Laâ—y Mary King Henries Sister But he deceasing within few â—onthes aftter on the first of Ianuary the widow Queen â—as married in May next following Anno 1515. to Charles â—andon Duke of Suffolk The next accord which seemes 〈◊〉 be hear ment by the Historian was made between the 〈◊〉 King Henry and King Francis the first Anno 1518. 〈◊〉 which the surrendry of Tourney was agreed uâ—on and a â—pitulation made for marrying the young Dolphin of â—rance with another Mary being the daughter and not the Sister of King Henry then beiâ—g about two years old which is the marriage here intended thoâ—gh misâ—ook in the party fol. 2. Iames the fift the 108. King of Scotland Which may come some what neer the truth allowing the succession of the Scottiâ—h Kings 39. in number from the first Fergus to the second But that succession being discarded by all knowing Antiquaries King Iames the fift must fall so much short of being the 108. King of the Scottish Nation Nor can it hold exactly true as unto that number if that succession were admitted King Iames the first Monarch of great Britain and the Grandchild of this Iames the fift pretending onely to an hundred six Predecessors in the throne of Scotland as appears by this inscription which he somewhere used viz. Nobis haec invicta tulerunt Centum Sex Proavi Ibid. To palliat such potency he procures an interview with him at Nice a Maritine Town in the Confines of Provence A worse mistake in place and persons then we had before For if the interview procured was between King Henry and the Pope as by the Grammar of the Text must be unstood then is the Author much mistaken in the place and Persons but if he mean it of an interview between K. Hâ—â—â—y and King Francis it is true enough as to the Persons but not to the place An interview there was between the two Kings at Ardâ—es in the Marches of Calice far enough from the conâ—â—nes of Provence and a like interview there was between King Francis and the Pope at Nice here mentioned for enough from the borders of King Henries Dominions at which he neither was present nor desired to be fol. 8. Prelate Bishops brought in by Palladius The Author speaks not this as his own opinion but as the opinâ—on of some of the Scoâ—s who ground themselves on the Aâ—thority of Bâ—chanan a fiery Presbyâ—erian and consequnâ—â—â— a profest enemy to Bishops and his words are these Nam ad id nsque temâ—us Ecclesiae aâ—squâ— Episcopis per Monachos regebâ—â—ur that is to say the Church unto that time was governed by Mâ—nks without Bishops But Buchanan perhaps might borrow this from 〈…〉 another Writer of that Nation and of greater Credit who tells us this per Sacerdotes 〈◊〉 hos sine Episcopis Scoti in â—ide erudiebantar The Scots he said were instructed in the Christian faith by Priests and Mâ—nks without Bishops But I trow teaching and governing are two sâ—veral Offices And though it may be true that some particâ—lar persons of the Scotish Nation might be instrusted in 〈◊〉 Gospel by Priests and Monks withour help of Biâ—hops as is said by Major yet doth it not follow thereupon that their Churches were governed in the same manner as is said by Buchannan And yet upon these faulty grounds it is infered by the 〈◊〉 with great joy and triumph that in some places of the world the government by Bishops was never received for many years together For say they we read that in antient times the Scots were instructed in the Christian faith by Priests and Monks and were without Bishops 290. years Instructed possibly at the first without Bishops by such Priâ—sts and Monks as came thither out of Ireland or the 〈◊〉 of Man or the more Southern parts of Bâ—itain but not so governed when they were increased multiplied into several Churches and Congregations And so it is affirmed by Arâ—h-Bishop Spotswood who tellâ—th uâ—â—ut of 〈…〉 that antiently the Priests of Scotland whom they then called 〈◊〉 were wont for their better government to elect some one of their number by Common suffrage to be chief and principal amongst them without whose knowledge and conâ—â—nt nothing was done in any matter of importance and that the Person so elected was called Scotorum Episcopus the Scots Bishop or a Bishop of Scotland By which it doth appear most plainly first that the Prelate Bishop was not first ordained here by 〈◊〉 as the Scotish say and secondly that that Church was not so long a time without Bishops if it were at all as the English Presbyterians would fain have it fol. 15. Iohn Calvin a Freâ—â—hman of Aquitain â— Not so but a Native of Noyoâ—â— City of Picardie far enough from Aquitain as is affirmed by all others which have written of him The like mistake to which we finde fol. 9â— where it is said that the Lords of Aâ—bygny take name frâ—m Aubygny â— village in Aquitain Whereas indeed the Castle and Signeury of Aubygny from whence the younger house of Lenâ—â— takes their denomination is not within the Province of Aquitam but the Country of Berry fol. 20 And therefore to strike in with his Son and 〈…〉 his Fathers obsequies with magnifiâ—ent Solemnâ—ly in Pauls Church This spoken of the Obsequies of King Henry the second of France performed by Queen 〈◊〉 with great Magnificence not so much on the particular ground which I finde here mentioned as to preserve her Reputation and the Reputation of this Church by such Rites and Ceremonies with all forrain princes To which end she did Solemnize the Obsequies of such Kings and Emperors as died during her Reign in as great pomp and splendor as she did this Kings for before this in very Princely manner were performed solemn Obsequies for 〈◊〉 the fift a riâ—h â—all of gold laying upon the Herse the Emperours Embassador being chief Mourner accompanied with many Princes and Peers of England And after this 〈◊〉 did the like for many others with no great difficulty to 〈◊〉 found in our commâ—n Chronicles By means whereof 〈◊〉 did not onely maintain her own Estimation but caused thâ— Church of England to be looked on with greater veneratioâ— and 〈…〉 popish Princes then it hath been since thâ—â— leaving off 〈◊〉 due observances fol. 27. And â—y coâ—pute of their own Loâ—ds of the Congâ—gation a hundred marks a year was then sufficient for a single Minister Understand not here an hundred marks sterling at the rate of 13. s. 4. d. to the Mark as the English count it amounting to 66 l. 13. s. 4. d. in the total 〈◊〉 but an hundred Marks Scâ—tish each Mark containing no more then thiâ—teen pence halfe penny of our English money which make but 5. l. 13. s. upon our accompt A sorry pittance in it self though thought enough by their good Masters for their pains in preaching Fol. 53. Three of our Kings
the Houses of Parliament being loth to lose so many good men appointed Mr. Stephen Marshal to call them together and to absolve them from that Oath which he did with so much confidence and Authority that the Pope himself could not have done it better The King was scarce setled in Oxford the fittest place for his Court and Counsel to reside in When Fol. 597. The noble Lord Aubigny Brother to the Duke of Richmond dyed and was buried at Oxford This Lord Aubigny was the second Son of Esme Duke of Lenox and Earl of March succeeding his Father both in that Title and Estate entail'd originally on the second Son of the House of Lenox he receiv'd his deaths wound at Edge-Hill but dyed and was solemnly interr'd at Oxford on the 13 of Ianuary then next following the first but not the last of that Illustrious Family which lost his life in his Kings Service For after this in the year 1644. the Lord Iohn Stewart lost his life in the Battle of Cheriton near Alresford in the county of South-Hampton And in the year 1645. the Lord Bernard Stewart newly created E. of Litchfield went the same way in the fight near Câ—ester The Duke of Richmond the constant follower of the King in all his Fortunes never injoying himself after the death of his Master languishing and pining from time to time till at length extremity of Grief cast him into a Fever and that Fever cast him into his Grave A rare example of a constant and invincible Loyalty no paralel to be found unto it in the Histories of the antient or latter Ages Philip de â—omines telleth us of a Noble Family in Flanders that generally they lost their lives in the Wars and Service of their Prince And we finde in our own Chronicles that Edmond Duke of Summerset lost his life in the first Battle in St. Albans Duke Henry following him taken in the Battle of Hexam and so beheaded a second Duke Edmond and the Lord Iohn of Somerset going the same way in the Battle near Teâ—xbury all of them fighting in the behalf of King Henry the sixth and the House of Lancaster But then they heapt not Funeral upon Funeral in so short a time as the first three Brothers of this House in which as those of the House of Somerset did â—all short of them so those of that Noble House in Flanders fell short of the House of Somerset Fol. 601. In this time the Queen in Holland now Imbarques for England the sixteenth of February and with contrary winds and foul Weather was forced back again and thereafter with much hazzard anchored at Burlington Bay the nineteenth and Lands at the Key the two and twentieth In this our Author tells the truth but not the whole truth the Queen induring a worse Tempest on the Shore then she did upon the Sea Concerning which the Queen thus writes unto the King viz. The next night after we came unto Burlington four of the Parliament Ships arrived without being perceived by us and about five of the clock in the Morning they began to ply us so fast with their Ordnance that it made us all 〈◊〉 rise out of our Beds and to leave the Village at least the Women one of the Ships did me the favor to flank upon the House where I lay and before I was out of my Bed the Cannon Bullets whistled so loud about me that all the Company pressed me earnestly to go 〈◊〉 of the House their Cannon having totally beaten down all the neighboring Houses and two Cannon Bullets falling from the top to the bottom of the House where I was So that clothed as I could be I went on foot some little distance out of the Town under the shelter of a ditch like that of New-market whither before I could get the Canon-Bullets fell thick about us and a Sergeant was killed within twenty paces of me We in the end gained the Ditch and staied there two hours whilest their Canon plaied all the time upon us the Bullets flew for the most part over our headâ— some few only grazing on the Ditch covered us with Earth Nor had they thus given over that disloyal violence if the ebbing of the Sea and some threatnings from the Admiral of Holland who brought her over had not sent them going Fol. 603. The next day the Prince marches to Glocester his hasty Summons startled them at these strange turnings So saies our Authour but he hath no Authour for what he saith The Prince marched not the next day to Glocester nor in many moneths after having businesse enough to do at Cirencester where he was upon the taking of which Town the Souldiers Garrison'd for the Parliament in the Castles of Barkly Sudely and the Town of Malmsbury deserted those places which presently the Prince possessed and made good for the King Which done he called before them all the Gentry of Cotswold and such as lived upon the banks of Severn betwixt Glocester and Bristol who being now freed from those Garisons which before had awed them were easily perswaded by him to raise a Monethly contribution of 4000. pound toward the defence of the Kings person their Laws and Liberties It was indeed generally beleeved that if he had marched immediatly to Glocester while the terrour of sacking Cirencester fell first upon them the Souldiers there would have quitted the place before he had come half way unto it the affrightment was so generall and their haste so great that Massey had much adoe to perswade the Townsmen to keep their Houses and the Souldiers to stand upon their Guard as I have often heard from some of good quality in that City till the Scouts which he sent out to discover the Motions of the Prince were returned again But whatsoever they feared at Glocester the Prince had no reason to march towards it his Army being too small and utterly unfurnisht of Canon and other necessaries for the attempting of a place of such a large circumference so well mann'd and populous as that City was Contented therefore with that honour which he had got in the gaining of Cirencester and feeling the Kings affairs in that Countrey he thought it a point of higher wisedom to return towards Oxford then hazard all again by attempting Glocester Fol. 604. The Scots Army marched Southwards and crossed Tine March 13. If so it must be in a dream not in Action the Scots not entring into England till December following when the losse of Bristol Exceter and generally of all the West compelled the Houses of Parliament to tempt the Scots to a second invasion of the Kingdome And this appears most clearly by our Authour himself who tels us fol. 615. ' That Sir William Aâ—min was sent to Edinburgh from the Parliament to hasten the Scots Army hither having first sworn to the Solemn League and Covenant each to other Before which Agreement as to the taking of the Solemn League and Covenant by all the Subjects of
ordinary temper And so much was the King startled when he heard of the giving up of that City with the Fort and Castle and that too in so short a time that he posted away a Messenger to the Lords at Oxford to displace Col. Legg a well known Creature of Prince Ruperts from the Government of that City and Garison and to put it into the hands of Sir Thomas Glenham which was accordingly done and done unto the great contentment of all the Kings party except that Prince and his Dependents But Legg was sweetned not long after by being made one of the Grooms of his Majesties Bed-chamber a place of less command but of greater trust Fol. 891. And now the Parliament consider of a Term or Titleâ— to be given to the Commissioners intrusted with their Great Seal and are to be called Conservators of the Common-wealth of England Not so with reference either to the time or the thing it self For first The Commissioners of the Great Seal were never called the Conservators fo the Common-wealth of England And Secondly If they ever had been called so it was not now that is to say when the Kings Seals were broken in the House of Peers which was not long after Midsummer in the year 1646. But the truth is that on the 30 of Ianuary 1648. being the day of the Kings most deplorable death the Commons caused an Act or Order to be printed in which it was declared that from thenceforth in stead of the Kings Name in all Commissions Decrees Processes and Indictments the â—â—tle of Custodes Libertatis Angliae or the Keepers of the Liberties of England as it was afterwards englished when all Legall Instruments were ordered to be made up in the English-Tongue should be alwaies used But who these Keepers of the Liberties were was a thing much questioned some thought the Commissioners for the great Seal were intended by it whom our Authour by a mistake of the Title cals here the Conservators of the Common-wealth others conceiv'd that it related to the Councel of State but neither rightly For the truth is that there were never any such men to whom this Title was appliable in one sense or other it being onely a Second Notion like Genus and Species in the Schools a new devised term of State-craft to express that trust which never was invested in the persons of any men either more or fewer Fol. 892. â—o then the eldest Son and the yongest Daughter are with the Quâ—â—n in France the two Dukes of York and Glocester with the Princess Elizabeth at St. James 's The Prince in the Weâ—t with his Army â— This is more strange then all the rest that the Kings eldest Son should be with his Mother in France and yet that the Prince at the same time should be with his Army in the West of England I always thought till I saw so good Authority to the contrary that the Prince and the Kings eldest Son had been but one person But finding it otherwise resolved I would fain know which of the Kings Sonâ— is the Prince if the eldest be not It cannot be the second or third for they are here called both onely by the name of Dukes and made distinct persons from the Prince And therefore we must needs believe that the Kings eldest Son Christned by the name of Charls-Iames who dyed at Greâ—nwich almost as soon as he was born Anno 1629. was raised up from the dead by some honest French Conjurer to keep company with the yong Princess Henrietta who might converse with hâ—m as a Play-Fellow without any terror as not being able to distinguish him from a Baby of Clouts That he and all that did adhere unto him should be safe in their Persons Honors andâ—â—onsciences in the Scotish Army and that they would really and effectually joyn with him and with such as would come in unto him and joyn with them for his preservation and should employ their Armies and Forces to assist him to his Kingdomâ— in the recovery of his â—ust Rights But on the contrary these jugling and perfidious 〈◊〉 declare in a Letter to their Commissioners at London by them to be communicated to the Houses of Parliament that there had been no Treaty nor apitulation betwixt his Mâ—â—esty and them nor any in their names c. On the receit of which Letters the Houses Order him to be sent to Warwick Castle But Lesâ—ly who had been us'd to buying and selling in the time of his Pedlâ—ry was loth to lose the benefit of so rich a Commodity and thereupon removes him in such post-haste that on the eighth of May we finde him at Southwel and at Newcastle on the tenth places above an hundred Miles distant from one another and he resolv'd before-hand how to dispose of him when he had him there â—o Scotland he never meant to carry him though some hopes were given of it at the first for not onely Lesly himself but the rest of the Covenanters in the Army were loth to admit of any Competitor in the Government of that Kingdom which they had ingrossed whoâ—y to themselves but the 〈◊〉 in an Assembly of theirs declare expresly against his coming to live amongst them as appears fol 〈◊〉 So that there was no other way left to dispose of his person but to â—ell him to the Houses of Parliament though at the first they made 〈◊〉 of it and would be thought to stand upon Terms or Honor The Eaâ—l of Lowdon who lov'd to hear himsâ—lf speak more â—hen â—ny man living in some Speâ—ches made beâ—ore â—he Houses protested strongly against the dâ—livery of their Kings Person into their Power 〈◊〉 what in 〈◊〉 â—â—amy would lie upon them and the whole Nation â—f 〈◊〉 â—hould to 〈◊〉 But this was but a coâ—y of their Countenance onely 〈◊〉 â—â—vice to raise the Marâ—eâ— and make is â—uch money 〈…〉 as they could At last they came to this Agreement that for the sum of Two hundred thousand pounds they should deliver him to such Commissioners as the Houses should Authorize to receive him of them which was done accordingly For Fol. 939. The Commissioners for receiving the Person of the King came to Newcastle Iune 22. c. Not on the 22 of Iune I am sure of that the Commodity to be bought and sold was of greater value and the Scots too cunning to part with it till they had raised the price of it as high as they could The driving of this Bargain took up all the time betwixt the Kings being carried to Newcastle and the middle of the Winter then next following so that the King might be delivered to these Commissioners that is to say from Prison to Prison on the 22 day of Ianuary but of Iune he could not And here it will not be amiss to consider what loss or benefit redounded to those Merchants which traded in the buying and selling of this precious Commodity And first The Scots not long before their breaking out
Oxford Farington Wallinford Exceter and some other places not only that they were discharged from the payment of the fifth and twentieth parts of their Estates at Haberdashers Hall and admitted to compound at Goldsmiths Hall for two years purchase but that they were exempted also from all Oaths anâ— Engagements and consequently from that accursed Covenant and that Negative Oath by which the Consciences of so many distressed men had been most miserably entangled Fol. 1138. Thus fell Charles and thus all Britain with him â— And by this fall there fell so generall an Oppression on the Spirits of all sorts of people that the generality of those who plaied the principall parts in this sad Tragedy became ashamed of their actings in it The Scots who plaied the parts of Iudas and sold their naturall King and most bountifull Master for a peece of money when they saw he was like to be condemned repented saying that they had sinned in betraying innocent bloud For in their Letter to the Prince dated August the 10. they do acknowledge in plain words that nothing did more wound and afflict them then his Majesties sad condition and Resâ—raint But yet we finde not that they came to such a degree of compunction as to bring back the money for which they had sold him and to cast it down before the chief Priests and Elders as Iudas did Or if they had there had been no such purchase to be made with it as was made with that both Kingdomes having been already an Aceldama or Field of bloud The Presbyterians of both sorts as well the Members of the House as those of the Assembly and their confederates in the City who personated the chief Priests and Elders amongst the Jews had armed a great multitude with swords and staves as well the Souldiers as the Clubmen for his apprehension They reviled him in most shamâ—full manner and spit upon him all that filth which could be sâ—pposed to proceed from such foul stomacks They buffeted him and smote him with the palms of their hands assaulting him with all the Act of violent hostility and having pasâ—â—d a Vote amongst themselves they put him over to be sentenced and condemned by Pontius Pilate But when the worm of conscience began to bite them some of them laboured before hand by their Protestations to acquit themselves and to redeem the King from that inevitable danger into which they had thrown him Others moreâ—ouâ—ly clamored both from the Pulpit and the Presse crying out that they were innocent from the bloud of that just perâ—on and casting all the guilt and obloquy of it on the Independents The Independents who sate as â—udges on the Bench and plaâ—d the part of Pontius Pilate alledged that they had nothing to do with him but as they were pusht forward by the unresistible importunity of the Priests and Elders And these men also took water and washed their hands before the multitude affirming positively that the KING had been murthered long since by the Presbyterians as appears by M. Milâ—ons Book called Iconoclasteâ— where the case is stated and determined for the Independentâ— and therefore as Pilâ—ue did not say of Christ our Saviour when he brought him before the people Behold the 〈◊〉 but only Ecce homo or Behold the mâ—n So might the Independents say when they brought the King before the people to receive the heavy sentence of death Behold the man the man whom these of the Presbytery had before 〈◊〉 But it was neither shame nor sorrow which could râ—call him from the dead All the favour which they now could shew hâ—m was that some good 〈◊〉 of Aâ—imathea who had begged his body were permitted to burr it not â—n a Tomb where never man had lâ—in before but as it happened in the same Vault with King Hen. â— and Queen â—â—ne Sâ—ymor And yet it proved but an half favour neither as the matter was carried the Governour of the place not suffering him to be interred according to the Form prescribed in the Book of Common-Prayer whereof he had been a most constant Observer to the very last And here I am to leave our Authour who hath brought this great King to the grave though he hath not followed him to it from the Cradle as the Title promised And here I shall leave him to consult that passage in Horacâ— against he puts forth next to Sea on the like Adventures which staâ—ds thus recommended to him in the Book 〈…〉 Sumite materiam vestris qui scribitis aequam Viribus versate diu quid ferre recusent Quid valeant humeri cui lecta potenter erit res Nec sacundia deseret hunc nec lucidus Ordo Which may be englished to this purpose Elect such matter you that love to write As with your Bark may bear an equall Sail For he which on such Subjects doth indite Of Phrase and Method fit shall never fail AN APPENDIX TO THE ADVERTISEMENTS ON Mr. Sandersons HISTORIES In Answer to some PASSAGES In a scurrulous PAMPHLET CALLED A Post-Haste A Reply c. Ovid. Metam Lib. 1. pudet haec opprobria nobiâ— Et dici potuisse non potuisse refâ—lli AN APPENDIX To the former ADVERTISEMENTS In answer to some PASSAGES In a scurrulous PAMPHLET CALLED The Post-haste Reply c. WHen I first heard of Mr. Sandersons Post-haste Reply c. and had caused the same to be read over It was not in my thoughts to discend so much beneath my self as to make any Answer to it such scurrulous Pamphlets dying soonest when there is less notice taken of them Patience and contempt tulere ista reliquere as we know who did are commonly the most approved remedies against all such Calumnies as for the most part do proceed from a petulant malice But being there is in it some matter of charge and Crimination I have been advised by some friends to acquit my self of the least otherwise I might be thought to confess my self guilty of the crimes objected and wrong my innocence by an obstinate and affected silence I have therefore yielded so far unto their desires as to return an Answer to so much of the Pamphlet as contains matter of accusation which I shall â—ever from the rest leaving the rif-raf and scurrilities of it which make up the greatest part of that two penny trifles either unto some further consideration or to none at all But first I must remove a doubt which otherwise may trouble the Gentâ— whom I am to deal with who possible may think himself to be over-matched not in regard of any difference in such personal abilities as either of us may pretend to but in relation to those many hands which are joyned against him in this quarrel for if it were too much for Hercules to contend with two ne Hercules contra duos as the proverb hath it good reason hath he to complain of being pressed and put to it by so many Helpers as he is pleased to joyn unto me