I know what the matter is when the fires were kindled over all France to burn them all alive Religion was then a case Royal. But when the question is about a necessary reformation of the Clergie or Monkery or sending Pastours home to their flocks this is a case Synodicall or Papall For as I remember I have heard some distinguish so and those eveâ—â—â—â—hops themselver As if Princes were no more but miâ—isters of another zeal ofttimes indiscreet and without knowledge that I say not executioners of cruelty and not rather Guardians Protectours and externall defendours of all the constitutions of the Church as her children 3 But let us here shew by good examples and sufficient testimonies in what fashion Secular Princes have medled with such things as concern the Church The first lesson which God gives the King which would bee established over his people is this It shall bee when he sitteth upon the throne of his Kingdome that hee shall write him a copy of this law in a booke out of that which is before the Priests and the Levits And it shall be with him and hee shall read therein all the dayes of his life that he may learne to feare the Lord his God to keepe all the words of this law and these Statutes to do them According hereunto the Lord speaks thus to Ioshua whom he had chosen to be the governour of his people after Moses This booke of the law shall not depart out of thy mouth but thou shalt meditate therein day and night that thou mayest observe to doe according to all that is written therein 4 Let us now see how these Kings and Governours behaved themselves in the ancient Church and the power which they tooke upon them without rebuke or to speake more properly with approbation David gathered together all the Princes of Israel with the Priests and the Levits Of which twenty and foure thousand were chosen to set forward the worke of the house of the Lord and six thousand were Officers and Iudges Moreover foure thousand were Porters and foure thousand praised the Lord with instruments which hee made to praise therewith And David divided them into courses among the sons of Levi. And a litle after And Aaron was separated that he should sanctifie the most holy things he and his sons for ever to burne incense before the Lord to minister unto him and to blesse his name for ever All this concernes the discipline of the Church and yet all was done by the conduct and command of David King Solomon built the Temple of the Lord in Ierusalem by the speciall appointment of God The son that shall bee borne to thee shall bee a man of rest Hee shall build an house for my name David would have built the temple himself but he was forbid by the Lord because he had shed bloud King Ioash repaired it afterwards And it came to passe after this that Ioash was aminded to repaire the house of the Lord. And he gathered together the Priests and the Levites and commanded them to goe out unto the Cities of Iudah and gather out of all Israel money to repaire the house of the Lord from year to year And when the Levites hastened not the King called for Iohoiadah the chief and said unto him Why hast thou not required of the Levites to bring out of Iudah and out of Ierusalem the collection And at the Kings commandement they made a chest into which every man brought his share and portion that Moses had laid upon them This money was brought unto the King and distributed by him and the high Priest amongst those that wrought about the temple 5 The Emperour Charlemaigne who was as great in Ecclesiasticall policie as in feats of armes speaks on this wise to the Clergy of his Empire in the preface of his Capitulary We have sent our Deputies unto you to the intent that they by our authoritie may together with you correct what shall stand in need of correction We have also added certaine Chapters of Canonicall ordinances such as we thought to bee most necessarie for you Let no man I entreat you thinke or censure this pious admonition for presumptuous whereby wee force our selves to correct what is amisse to cut off what is superfluous and briefly to compact what is good But rather let everie man receive it with a well-willing minde of charitie For wee have read in the booke of Kings how Ioas endevoured to restore the Kingdome which God had given him 〈◊〉 â—he service of the true God by going about it by correcting and admonishing it 6 Wee have elsewhere said that he discoursed himselfe about points of divinitie at the Councel of Francfort Nor doe wee ever finde so many Synods holden as in his reigne and all by his command which is a faire prâ—siâ—ent for his successors By his command saith Regino there were Councels celebrated in all parts of France by the Bishops about the state of the Church One was held at Mentz another at Rhemes a third at Tours a fourth at Cavaillon a fift at Arles and the severall Constitutions which were made in every one of them were confirmed by the Emperour Besides these five which were held in the yeare 813 namely but one yeare before his decease hee called one at Worms the year 770. One at Valentia in 771. Another at Worms in 772. Another at Genes the yeare 773. Another at a place called Duria in 775. Another at Cullen 782. A third at Wormsâ— 787. Another at a place called Ingeluheym the yeare 788. And a Generall one consisting of all the Westerne Churches at Francfort the yeare 794. Besides others which may be observed out of histories 7 See now then how Kings have a commanding power over the Clergy how they make Ordinances about such things as concerne Ecclesiastical discipline how they ingage themselves in such matters above all others yet not so as to minister in the Church to offer incense or such like For this belongs properly to the Church and cannot bee taken from them This is the reason why King Hezekiah speaks thus to the Priests and Levites when hee exhorts them to doe their dutie My sons be not now negligent for the Lord hath chosen you to stand before him to serve him and that you should minister unto him and burne incense Hee calls them sons or children that wee may observe so much by the way whereas our Canon law on the contrary saith that Bishops are the fathers and masters of Kings and Princes as wee have â—eene already It is not lawfull for Princes so much as to touch this mysterie and this is the reason why King Vzziah was smitten with a leprosie because hee had taken upon him to offer incense upon the altar and the Priests withstood him From whence our Popes make a wonderous â—â—range consequence when they concluâ—e from hence that Kings and Emperours cannot
one or two his chiefe care was that it might not be in any place where the Emperour was the stronger party Which notwithstanding fell out against his will which almost made him to despaire The Legats being returned to the Pope say those Chronicles meaning Iohn the three and twentieth and having certified him of the place of the Councell which was agreed upon he had like to have gone mad by reason of the excessive griefe he conceived thereupon and cryed out hee was undone and began to cast about for the alteâ—ing of it But all his counsellors lying their heads together could never invent a pretence faire enough to bring that about Nauclerus hath the very same in a manner who brings in the testimony of Aretin in this sort 13 We must not omit saith Leonard Aretin a memorable accident which fâ—ll out then whence we may learne that all things are disposed from aboveâ— The Pope saith he had secretly imparted unto me his intention and designe he was the Popes Secretary saying unto me All depends upon the place of the Councell I will not have it in a place where the Emperour is stronger than I wherefore I will give a large commission and authority to the Legats whom I shall send for fashion sake which they may shew in publique but in private I will restraine their power to certaine places and he told me the number of them Persisting many dayes in this minde the time came that he must dispatch the Legats Then having caused all other to avoid the roome my selfe onely excepted saith Leonard he communed secretly with the Legats and exhorted them with many arguments to be diligent in performing the charge of their legation representing unto them how the businesse thâ—y were sent about was of great importance then coming to curry favour with them he commended their discretion and fidelity saying they knew better what was fitting to be done than he himselfe did While hee was speaking and repeating these things his affection did alter in a moment a plot which was long before intended I had purposed said the Pope to nominate some places to which and no other you should condiscend but I have changed my minde at this very instant and leave all to your discretion consider with your selves what will be safest for me and what I need be afraid of Then in their presence hee tore the Paper wherein the names of those places were writ without naming any place at all to them The Legats being dispatched towards Sigismond pitched upon the City of Constance for the place of the Councell which was within the Emperours dominions But when Pope Iohn heard of it you would not thinke how he was grieved at it hee cursed himselfe and his fortunes But there is no resisting of the will of God God had ordained long before that there should be but one â—â—ock and one shepheard 14 Amongst other nullities the States of Germany assembled in the Diet at Francford the yeere 1338. doe urge against the sentence and proceeding of Pope Iohn the 22. and his Councel concerning the excommunication of Lewes the fiâ—th the little safety in the place appointed for the Emperour to make his appearance at That the citation say they in a Decree which runnes in the Emperours name binde the party assigned to appeare it is requisite there bee a time appointed him and that the place where he is to make his appearance be safe But it is notoriously knowne that this same Iohn doth beare a capitall hatred to us and hath with an army of souldiers pursued us our liegemen and confederates Besides the City of Avignon the Pope himselfe and the Lord of it have a long time hated both us and the Romane Empire wherefore it were senslesse for any man to say that such a summons was Canonicall for on the contrary it is utterly void and invalid in law 13 The authority of Clement the fifth may serve to prove that those who are summoned need not appeare but in a place of safety in as much as his disanulling of the sentence of condemnation pronounced by the Emperour Henry the sixt against Robert King of Sicily was mainly grounded upon this very consideration It is a thing evident and unquestionable saith he that during the time of this proces and quarrell even then when the sentence was given there was alwayes a great army about the Emperour that pursued the King and his partakers with mortall hatred and that the City of Pisa where the sentence was given had an ancient grudge against the said King as every body knowes Supposing then that the King was lawfully cited upon those grounds by the Emperor was he bound to come before a judge that was accompanied with a great army one that hated and was incensed against the party summoned as was said before Was he bound to appeare in a populous place of great strength and which bore hatred towards him who durst doe so or by what râ—ason should any man be bound to bide his doome in such a Consistory to cast himselfe into his enemies bosome to present himselfe voluntarily to die and that for no just cause but by an open injury He were a foole that would thinke such a citation bound the party cited to make appearance 16 All these considerations hold good against the Councell of Trent For besides that all the Cardinalls all the Archbishops Bishops Abbats Priours and others that bore place in it were enemies to the Protestants and to them that were out of favour with the Pope the City was at enmity with them and the Lord of it Moreover the Popes armies were almost continually abroad in Campania during the time of the Councell either against the Protestants or against the King of France or upon other occasions as we shall shew anon 17 Nicholas the first speaking of the suit which was betwixt King Lotharius and his Queen Thieberg whom he put away from him ordaines that the cause shall bee debated in a place of safety where they need to feare nothing Wherefore it is fitting saith he to procure such a place where the force of a multitude needs not to be feared And the glosse upon it This is an argument that the judge is bound to provide a place of judgement for the hearing of the cause where the parties may meet freely and safely Which glosse is approved by the common opinion of the Canonists 18 Innocent the third will have it to be a just occasion of appeal when the party is appointed by the judge to come to a place which is not safe As often saith he as you shall be summoned before any judges if it be dangerous to appeare before them you may lawfully become appellants 19 Innocent the fourth speaking of the satisfaction which he offered to make the Emperour Frederick and referred it to be determined by Kings Princes and Ecclesiasticall persons whom he offered to call together in
presided there 3 We read in an old French Historian that Rhabanus Archbishop of Mentz presided in two severall Councels holden in that Citie by the command of Lewes the Gentle But the same authour tels us plainely that it was the same Emperours pleasure and in his absence seeing that in the Acts of those Councels at least of the first for the rest wee have not the same Rhabanus and all the Synod speake continually of the Emperour with a great deal of humility even referring all to his judgement But heark what the forecited author saith of it Orgarius Bishop of Mentz dyed in the yeer 847 and Rhabanus succeeded in his place who by command from King Lewes held a Synod at Mentz the same yeere The title of that Synod imports that Rhabanus presided in it whence it follows that it was by virtue of the Emperours command The same author saith In the yeer 852 there was a Councell holden at Mentz the Metropolitan Citie of Germany by the will and command of the said most renowned Prince Rhabanus Archbishop of that Citie being President of it A litle after he addes further that at the same time while they treated of Ecclesiasticall matters the King was imployed in publique affaires and that they sent their Decrees unto him to bee confirmed a certaine testimony that the presidence was conferr'd upon Rhabanus by the Prince 4 King Charles the Bald was present at the Councell â—olden at Piâ—tis upon Sein in the yeer 863. Hee is named first the Decrees are conceived in his name whence it follows that hee presided there Wee may make the like inference of all those other Councels which run in the name of our Kings or to speake more properly where our Kings speak and decree such things as are proposed with the advice of the Clergy of which kind we find good store for without doubt either they themselves presided in them or others for them 5 King Arnold after he had called the Councell of Triburâ— in the yeer 895. presided there himselfe as may be collected from that epistle which contâ—ines the Preface which is likewise avouched in plaine termes at the end In this holy Councell the devout Prince and most renowned King Arnold being President and imploying himself about it the holy fathers and Reverend Pastors of the Church which came thither were all seated 6 Philip Augustus call'd a Councel at Paris ann 1â—84 at which he presided as is collected from the words of the author who speaks thus of it He commanded a Generall Councell to bee called at Paris of all the Archbishops Bishops and Princes of his Realme which he having kept with them by common advice by his authority royall hee enjoyned the Archbishops Bishops and all the rest of the Ecclesiasticall Prelats by their frequent Sermons and exhortations to perswade the people committed to their charge to goe to Ierusalem to defend the Christian faith against the enemies of the crosse of Christ. 7 When King Lewes the father of St. Lewes reigned in France saith Iohn le Maire and Gregory sixâ— Romanus the said Popes Legat came into France by the will of the King there was a Councell of the Gallicane Church assembled whereat the King and the said Legat did preside 8 In the yeer 1286 there was a Councell holden consisting of all the Prelates and Barons of France Against Pope Boniface the eighth where King Philip was present in person and presided at it reckoning up all the outrages and injuries which hee had received from that Pope Boniface saith the same authour 9 The Ordinance of Charles the sixt in the yeer 1408 makes mention of certaine Presidents by him established at a Councell holden at Paris Not long agoe saith hee it was proposed and demanded by our Atturney Generall at a Councell holden at Paris consisting of the Bishops and Clergy of the Churches within our Kingdome and Dauphiny where our cousen Lewes King of Sicily our eldest sonne Duke of Aquitain and Viennois the Duke of Bourges our unkle by the fathers side the Duke of Burgundy our cousen and the Duke of Bourbon our unkle by the mothers side did preside for us that the Popes exactions and other grievances formerly rehearsed might be utterly abolished 10 King Lewes the eleventh caused a Councell Of the Gallicane Church and all the Vniversites to bee assembled in the Citie of Orleans to bee more fully informed in the businesse of the Pragmatique Sanction at which Peter Duke of Bourbon Lord of Beavieu presided in steed of the King 11 There are Presidents in store for England too William the first presided in a Councell holden at Roan in the yeer 1073. It was judged saith an English authour at a Councell holden in that Citie where William King of England was President that the Monkes which were guilty of the cryme should bee kept in close prison during the Bishops pleasure The same King presided also at another holden before that at Silchester in the yeere 1070 whereof we have spoken elsewhere In the year 1102 or as others have it 1070 Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury called a Generall Councell of the Churches of England to London and presided at it but it was with the consent and good will of Henry the first where some Ecclesiasticall affaires of great importance were treated of 12 Wee could also produce some examples for Spaine for hee that shall read the Councels holden in that Countrey â—ill easily acknowledge that the Kings had all the authoritie in them whensoever they were pleased to use it 13 All the discourse which wee have made upon this point is in a manner superfluous for having proved by so many examples that Kings and Princes called Councels it follows that they had also authority to preside in them which yet they did not alwayes use being for the most part more apt to weild the sword than to manage an Ecclesiasticall action to give their opinions or cause others to opine in spiritual matters to pronounce the sentence of judgement and such like For this reason ofttimes they left all to the Clergy without intermedling themselves but when they were pleased to interpose they were so farre from being censured for taking too much upon them that on the contrary they were highly extoll'd and commended for it And what was spoken to the Emperour by an Archbishop of Bulgaria is applyable to all Princes within their owne Realmes and Dominions The Emperour saith hee as the common-skilfull Monarch of the Churches is President of the Decrees of Councels and makes them bee in force he ordaineth Ecclesiasticall orders hee sets lawes to the life and policy of those that serve at the Altar c. CHAP. XIV Of the approbation and authorisation of Councels 1 IT remaines now that we speak of the authorising of Councels which the Popes in their books arrogate unto themselves exclusively to all others which is also
he hath good reason to be afraid of Which is a thing to be feared of right and which we usually eschew which reason enforceth us to doe and which nature abhorreth As for the Popes faire words in offering us safe conduct and his promise to receive and intertaine us courteously and lovingly these will not serve either to remove or lessen the just feares which possesse the minds of the Fathers For what faith and promise can be made with more solemnity than that of the Conclave confirmed by vow and oath and that in forme of a contract Yet the late creation of Cardinals whose liberties were not preserved doth give sufficient testimony how it was kept But suppose we were in hopes that his Holynesse will keepe his promise with an upright heart without suffering himselfe to be transported either with hate or choler how can the Fathers be assured in their hearts when they looke backe upon things by-past though his Holynesse should not be touched with indignation Popes are men and God saith there are twelve houres of the day Who will secure us against the infinite number of persons which depend upon the Pope against the injuries and affronts of those lewd people which swarme in the Court of Rome The intolerable wrongs the cruell insolencies the horrid and unheard-of butchering which some Fathers have suffered that followed the Court are a sufficient item to us and make us more wary Not to goe far for examples the Pope himselfe when hee was but yet of an inferiour order hath sufficiently instructed us how far wee may rely upon the safe conducts of the Court from which there is no appeal for he was wont to say It is a great peece of folly to change life and liberty with the skin of a dead beast that is with a parchment of safe conduct It will be hard for him to make others beleeve what himselfe was so resolute not to beleeve and that for so long a time Which indeed stands with good reason for even Innocent the fourth tels us that no man is bound to put himselfe into the power of his enemy with letters of safe conduct Hereupon the former Popes after they had got Armies Garisons and Cittadels into Rome were wont to assemble Councels in other places rather than there And if there be no more liberty allowed to the Senat than what they now have if the Popes doe not take another course of life and government than they doe no man can ever thinke that in such kinde of Ecclesiasticall liberty as this there is any fit and convenient place for receiving the Holy Ghost who doth usually reside in free soâ—les assembled in a Councell Seeing then that the exception against the place is proved to be lawfull by all right and reason seeing the profer of safe conduct cannot in right and reason remove the just feare which is such as may bee incident to men of fortitude would to God those projectors would make no more mention of the place of the Lateran for by standing so peremptoriâ—y upon the difficulty and difference of place they give no small occasion of susâ—ition that they doe not so much desire that the Synod should be held at the Lateran as to hinder the holding of it at Pisa or elsewhere 10 All the reasons alledged in this Apology are very pat for the Protestants They alwayes demanded that the Councell might be kept in Germany this demand was repeated in all the Diets hâ—lden in those dayes The Câ—tholique Princes and States of Germany made the same request to Pope Adrian the 6â— in the Diet of Noremberg as we said before but there was â—o wâ—y to compasse it The Pope hath not yet forgot the Councels of Constance and Basil. He thinkes Germany is fatall to him but the worst is he will not bâ—â—ge out of Italy One while he will have it at Mantua anon at Vicenza tâ—en at Trentâ— afterwards at Bonony lastly at Trentâ— but still in Italy For it cannot be denied but Trent is in Italy although in the description of it at the beginning of the Councell it is said to be in the confines of Italy and Germany All antiquity puts it in Italy Ortelius in his Theater of Geographyâ— puts it in the map of Italy This City was otherwise no lesse formidable to the Protestants than Româ— was to the Pisan Fathers The Bishop was Lord of the Towne and the Pope of the Bishop who had taken an oath of him and was bound unto him bâ— a red hat which he received from him Besides it is a City subject to treacheries and ambushments the places thereabouts being at the Popes devotion The denyall of having the Councell kept in Germâ—ny or any other plaâ—e of free accesse breeds a suspicion of fraud and false-dealing As for safe conduct that was offered here also but if they of Pisa could not rely upon it much lesse the Protestants especially so long as the memory of Iohn Hâ—â— and Ierom of Prague was not extinct and the decree of the Councell of Constance stood in force which saith that proces must bee made agâ—inst heretiques notwithstanding the safe-conduct of the Emperour and other Kings and some shift might be found to wave that also which was granted by the Councell 11 There needed no more but that one Canon Bad promises must be broken to thunder-strike all heretiques notwithstanding their safe conduct and that rule which is given us by Boniface the eighth It is not necessary for a man to keepe his word in unlawfull promises And God knowes there was no wâ—nâ— of such Doctors as would put such a glosse on those decrees as would best suit with the point in question For is there any thing worse than a hereâ—ique to communicate and converse with them is it not a kinde of contract is it not aâ— obligation The Canonists advise us not to trust too farre to such safe conducts and excuse them that take their councell from all defaults that they can incurre acquitting them from all sentences and proces made against them which they brand with a nullity 12 When the great schisme was in the time of the Emperour Sigismond for the appeasing whereof the Councell of Constance was called thâ—re was a great deale of ceremony about chusing the place That very point was held so materiall that the winning or losing of the cause was thought to depend upon it They agreed well enough of the time so the Germane Chroniclâ—s but a great controversie there was about the place The Popes perceived well enough that the place was all in all and no question but he of Rome had beene cast had it beene in any place that acknowledged him of France for the true Pope and on the contrary the French Pope deposed if in a place where the Romane was taken for thâ— lawfull Pope And therefore they contended a long time about the place Pope Iohn did wisely dissemble and not communicate his counsell save to
seasoning Wherefore by the just judgement of God his decrees are scarce well received yet nor ever will be till he have reformed himselfe and his dependants And in good deed I thinke the chiâ—fe cause of the deformation of the Church is the wound in the Head which hath need to be cured first and formost 24 And anon after Wherefore it seemeth to me an incredible thing that the Catholique Church should be reformed unlesse first the Court of Rome be so but as the world goes now we may see how hard a thing that is And anon after Those which have the presidency in Councels on the Popes behalfe when they see that matters in the Councell make against their maisters and them what can be expected from them but that they will withstand the decrees of such Councels with might and maine either by dissolving them or sowing dissentions in them and so the thing shall remaine unperfected and we be driven to râ—turne to the old wildernesse of errour and ignorance Every body knowes this to be most true unlesse it be some one haply who is not experienced in times past The tragedy which was acted in our age at the Councell of Basil doth sufficiently prove it as they knew well who have laid downe the story before our eyes 25 Felix Hemmertin who lived at the same time a great zelot of the Popes so farre that he railes upon the Councels of Constance and Basil yet hee thus speakes of them I protest I will open my mouth to speake in parables and will at first set downe such propositions as are things which we have seene and knowne and which our forefathers have declared unto us and which have not beene concealed by their children in another generation Truly by readingâ— turning searching perusing and examining all the histories and all those that have beene versed in them we finde that since the time of the Prince of the Apostles through all his successours one after another following herein those that have writ exactly of the acts and affaires of the Bishops of Rome untill this present we never saw heard nor understood that greater and more notorious excesses were committed in point of avarice ambition oppression cheating cozening naughtinesse cruelty and severity by way of stateâ— and under colour of mildnesse than is now adayes committed by great and small that have any command in the house and Court of Rome 26 Iames Piccolominy Cardinall of Papia who lived in the time of Pius the second hath inserted amongst his epistles a letter which a friend of his writ to him from Rome in this manner Would you know what is done in the City nothing but as it used to be nothing but coursing canvassing and plotting the saying of the Philosopher is verified the Court is a place ordained for deceiving and being deceived mutually the Counsell seldome sits the Pope is mightily troubled with cares that is with the care of that warre which he had voluntarily undertaken as the same Epistle tels us lest any should thinke that it was the zeale of thy house hath eaten me up 27 In the dialogue intitled Aureum speculum Papae made about two hundred yeeres agoe wee finde this exclamation Good God with what danger iâ— the ship of St. Peter tossed the preaching of Paul is despised the doctrine of our Saviour neglected and in the Court of the Church of Rome which is the head of all other Churches there is no soundnesse from the sole of the foot to the crowne of the head Theodorick of Nihem who was the Popes Secretary said as much in the end of his second booke of schisme which he writ in the yeere 1410. In effect there is no soundnesse in the Catholique Church even from the head to the sole of the foot As also Nicholaâ— Clâ—mangiuâ— in his booke Of the ruine and reparation of the Church The saying of the Prophet is true from the sole of the foot unto the crowne of the head there is no soundnesse in it 28 Baptista Mantuan a great Devine in his time a Frier of the order of St. Mary of Mount Carmel an Italian borne who lived about 1490. hath spoken much of this subject Espensaeus the Devine hath stuffed ten or eleven pages with his verses which talke of nothing more than the vices abuses and abominations of the Popes and their Court of Rome I will forbeare to recite them contenting my selfe to referre the curious reader either to the author himselfe or to him that there quotes them 29 Mr. Iohn le Maire one of our French Historians who writ his booke of Schisme about the yeere 1500 gives us to understand that they were about this reformation in his time without which the former Councels were to no purpose shewing withall how necessary a thing it is Every good Christian saith hee ought to pray God that the two last Councels of the Gallicane Church may engender one great universall and generall Councell of all the Latine Church to reforme that Church as well in the head as the members so as those Generall Councels use to doe And that if it be not kept at Lions it may be kept in some other place most expedient and necessary for the publique good which may bee very well done at this present considering the great peace amity and union which is betwixt the two greatest Potentates in Christendome the Emperour and the King together with their third confederate in the league the Catholique King Ferdinand of Arragon who ought altogether to be inclined to reforme the abuses of the Church of Rome which reformation must of necessity be made 30 The second Councell of Pisa was holden in the yeer 1512 where they consulted about many good rules against the Pope But Iulius the second plaid them a trickâ— calling the Councell of Lateran which made that of Pisa to cease and disâ—nulled all the decrees thereof so that we are yet complaining against the Court of Rome Now that it was necessary at that time to proceed to the reformation of the Head we perceive well enough by the testimony of Mantuan and Iohn le Maire as also it is evident from the Acts of that Councell of Pisa as we have said in the fourth Chapter of the first book This very necessity continued till the Councell of Trent so much we learned from Pope Adrian the sixth and the relation of the delegates of Paul the third for matter of reformation As also it is confirmed by Langius a German Monke in the Chronicle which he writ in the yeere 1520. For see here the description of a few abuses of Rome under Leo the tenth The desire of money makes all things saleable at Rome Simony is tolerated for gold pluralities of prebends are granted in great number all benefices and dignities of what condition soever are reserved for the Cardinals Protonotaries and Popes minions graces and resignations are granted without any stint annates or halfe of fruits
as spirituall through the whole world 45 That it belongs to the Pope to correct Kings when they offend seeing that he is the judge of the quicke and the dead in Christs stead 46 That the Pope may correct the Imperiall law by his authority as the divine law doth the humane 47 That the Pope may alter the Imperiall laws according to the diversity of the times if any evident commodity be like to insue upon it 48 That the Pope by reason he hath the Empire of Rome may and ought to reduce the Holy Land under his jurisdiction 49 That the Pope hath the propriety of the Western Empire and the rest of the world in protection and tuition 50 That he may justly make an ordination and decree against infidell Princes although their Countries were never possessed by Christian Princes that they doe not injustly molest the Christians within their dominions 51 That if they evill intreat the Christians he may by his sentence deprive them of that power and jurisdiction which they have over them 52 That he may command the Infidels to receive the Preachers of the Gospel into their territories 53 For ought that I can see the King of China and the great Mogul shall fare no better than Christian Princes unlesse they come very speedily and submit themselves to the Pope He hath met with the Kings of India of Peru Brasile Cuba and all those other â—les of the Ocean which were of farre more difficult accesâ—e than those Kingdomes we speak of Alexander the 6 anno 1493 made a faire deed of gift to Ferdinand King of Aragon of all those poore Barbarians and of all their Countries and Kingdomes although he never knew them nor had they ever offended him Of our meere bounty and certain knowledge and the Plenitude of our power Apostolicall we give grant and by these presents do assigne to you your heirs and successours for ever Kings of Castile and Leon all the Ilands and Continents which have already beene discovered and found out or which hereafter shall be towards the West and South drawing a line thereof from the Artick or Northâ—Pole to the Antartick or South Pole And we make constitute and appoint you your heirs and successours Lords thereof with full free and absolute power authority and jurisdiction But enough of this for any man may judge by this what will become of the rest 54 So one of their Doctors expounding that passage of sacred writ Give unto Cesar the things that are Cesars saith That was spoken but for a time not for ever that it was to hold only till the ascention of Iesus Christ and afterwards that should come to passe which was spoken When I shall bee lifted up from the earth I will draw all things after mee That is saith this great Rabbin I will recover all the Empires and Kingdomes of the world and will take them from Cesar from Kings and Princes to give them to the Pope See here one of the finest and truest Prophecies that ever was read for he hath more stroke in the Empire and Kingdomes than the Emperours and Kings themselves at least among Christians 55 Wee need not wonder hereafter at the extravagant of Boniface the 8 where he will have it to be necessary to salvation to beleeve that all the faithfull people of Christ are subject to the Pope of Rome that hee hath both the swords that hee judgeth all men and is judged of none Nor of that which hee writ to King Philip the Faire That he was subject to him both in spirituals and temporals Nor at that which a German Historian relateth of him That supposing Kingdomes and Empires to bee in his power he made his brag that hee had two swords Nor at that which before his time Nicholas the first writ to the Milanois That God hath bestowed upon S. Peter and his successours the right both of the Terrestriall and Celestiall Empire Nor at that which Gregory the 7 saith in one of his Buls speaking of himselfe That all the world may understand at last that wee give and take away Empires Kingdomes Principalities and whatsoever mortall men are capable of Nor at that pretence of Clement the 5 in one of his Clementines That without all doubt he hath the command of the Empire who by reason of that power which he hath succeedeth the Emperour in the vacancy of the Empire Nor at that which Clement the 6 pretended that the Empire devolved upon him after the excommunication of Ludovicuâ— Bavarus and that upon that occasion he placed Governours in the Cities of Italy following herein the example of his predecessour Iohn the 22â— who set forth in his Buls to all the world That he had divided all Italy from the Empire and from the Kingdome of Germany That the Pope is universall Lord not only of things spirituall but also of temporall Nor likewise at this that the Popes have declared all those to bee hereticks who in their writings have defended That Empires and Kingdomes depend not upon the Pope but upon God alone 56 The King of France is deceived if he thinke he is exempted by his Clementine Meruit hee hath to doe with people that know how to expound Scripture that will pick out the sense where all the greatest Doctours of the Sorbon would bee put past their divinity They know well enough how to tell him that he and his Kingdome are onely restored by that Clementine into the state wherein they were before Boniface his Bull that the Realme of France was before that subject to the Popes Dominion by the donation of Constantine That the Pope is Lord and Monarch of the Vniverse that hee hath both the swords a plenitude of power both over temporals and spirituals that the Decrees which bestow this right upon him are confirmed by the Councell of Trent that Pope Zachary deposed Childeric absolved his subjects from the oath of allegeance and bestowed the Realme upon Pepin that this Pope Clement being a French man would have favoured the French but hee could not doe it to the prejudice of St. Peters patrimony that hee trembles yet at the fright which Nogaret put his predecessour into And wheras it is conceived that some such promise was extorted from him and some obligation which bound him so to doe upon condition hee were made Pope they will urge the example of the Emperour Henry the 5. whom the Councels of Lateran and Vienna caused to give up his investitures notwithstanding the dispensation which Paschal the second had granted unto him in that behalfe yea and the examples of our owne Kingsâ— whom Benedict the 13 Iulius the 2 Gregory the 14 and Sixtus the 5 did not sticke to excommunicate for all their priviledges 37 Besides the Councell of Trent being allowed which gives all power to the Popedome even over Councels it must belong to the Pope to dispose of
the Popes consent which he strives to prove by the testimony of the Pope himselfe namely of Damasus in his pontificale Wherein he behaves himselfe so mildely that he may justly bee accused of prevarication seeing that some copies have it praecepto and not consensu so that he might maintaine by the authority of Damasus that Constantine called it by the Popes command But seeing hee is not willing to undertake so much let us rest content with what hee proposeth vs 11 The Nicene Councell saith Damasus was holden in Sylvesters time with his consent So was it with the consent of other Bishops either tacite or expresse But if Bellarmin will referre this to such a consent as was necessary for the calling hee had need of another proofe Hee hath recourse unto the Acts of the sixth Generall Councell holden at Constantinople where it is said in the tenth action That Constantine the Emperour and Pope Sylvester assembled the Nicene Synod But these words which are spoken only upon the by and by some men which treat about another matter ought not to have more force than the authority of so many Historians some of which lived at the same time yea than the very Acts of the Councell it selfe where it is plainely said that it was called by Constantine without any mention of Sylvester The testimony of Ruffin will not availe him ought when hee saith that Constantine called it by the advice of the Clergy for suppose the Pope gave his advice amongst the rest yet for all that there is nothing that concernes him in particular and to limit those words to the Popes advice alone were to make that authour speake what hee never thought they should rather bee referred to the Bishop of Alexandria who entreated of the Emperour and obtained the calling of that Councell as Epiphanius witnesseth 12 The second Generall Councell was called by Theodosius in the City of Constantinople Being come to the Empire saith Theodoret speaking of him hee purposed in his minde above all things to provide for the unity of the Church and to that end commanded all Bishops of what Bishoprique soever to repaire to Constantinople The letters of that Councell written to the same Emperour are sufficient proofe hereof for after they have thanked God for giving them Theodosius for their Emperour they adde Since the time of our assembly at Constantinople by your command c. And afterwards follow the Canons of the Councel with this inscription These are the things which were decreed by the Bishops that came to Constantinople out of divers Coâ—ntries being called thither by Theodosius â—he Emperour Zonaras confirmes it By the Emperours command saith hee was the second Councell proclaimed and the holy Fathers assembled at Constantinople c. 13 In all these places there is no talking of the Popes consent Bellarmine opposeth the letters which the Fathers of this Councel have writ to Pope Damasus where they say themselves that they were assembled at Constantinople by command of those letters which hee sent to the Emperour but for this point hee hath not well understood it Wee shall make it appeare by the very text of that Epistle how the sense which hee puts upon it is farre from the words and contrary to the truth First see here the inscription of it To our most honoured Lords most reverend and most devout Fathers and associats Damasus Ambrose Britton Valerian Ascholius Anemius Basil and other holy Bishops assembled in the great City Rome the holy Senate of Orthodoxe Bishops assembled in the great City Constantinople send greeting in the Lord And a little after the beginning of the Epistle it is said But after that you proceeding by the will of God to the calling of the Synod of Rome of your brotherly charity called us thither as your fellow members by virtue of the letters of the most devout Emperour that wee alone having endured the afflictions you might not now râ—igne without us under the peace of thâ— most pious Empâ—rour but receive us rather into the society of such a Kingdomeâ— according to the word of the Apostlâ— wee have all earnestly desirâ—d if it were possible to apply our selves to your dâ—sire or rather to the present exigency leaving our owne Churches but considering how by this meanes those that were restored againe would be abandoned and many of us could not doe it by reason that wee resorted to Constantinoplâ— upon those letters sent the last yeare by your Reverences to the most holy Emperour Theodosius after the holding the Councell of Aquilâ—ia c. for this reason and others such like seeing wee cannot all come wee have intreated our brethren and companions Syriacus Eusebius and Priscian Bishops to take so much paines as to come unto you to let you understand the desire wee have of the union This Epistle is extant at large in Theodoret and the Acts of the Councell of Constantinople 14 Now wee must observe divers thingâ— which will serve us for an answer First that these letters of the Synod of Constantinople are not directed to the Pope alone but to the whole Councell assembled at Rome as is plaine from the inscription and tenure of them Secondly that those other letters which they mention were not sent by Pope Damasus to the Emperour Theodosiuâ— as Bellarmine would have it but by the Councell of Aquilâ—ia where the Pope was not present Thirdly that by those letters they neither enjoyne nor command the calling of a Councell as he dreames but only they acquaint the Emperour Theodosius as also the Emperours Gratiaâ— and Valentinian with the resolution which they had taken in their Councell about condemning the doctrine of two old men Palladius and Secundianus and some otheâ— points It is very true that they intreat them to cause them proceed to judgement and condemnation of them and some other of the same sect which gave occasion to the Emperour Theodosius to call the Councell of Constantinople 15 For full proofe of all this you need but read it in the letters which the Councell of Aquileia sent to the said Emperours the inscription whereof is this To the most milde Christian Emperâ—urs and most happy Princes Gratian Valentinian and Theodosius the holy Councell assembled at Aquileia sendeth greeting After the narration of the proceedings therein and the designes which the Arrian Bishops had there they say in fine We doe abhorre most milde Princes such execrable sacriledges and such wicked doctrines and to the end that they may deceive people no more wee have thought good that they bee degraded from their Priesthood and beseech your majesties to cause such patrons of impiety be driven out of the Church and make them be summoned beforâ— competent Iudges They further intreat them to hinder and forbid the followers of Photius from making of assemblies 16 Any man may now judge whether these letters containe any command to the Emperour for calling a Councell and whether the Pope
quarantains of true pardon 40 And the said pardons and indulgences here above mentioned are granted onely to the brothers and sisters of the said Fraternitie which shall upon the daies aforesaid everie yeare visit the said altar in that Church of St. Hilary of Chartres upon which the blessed Sacrament and precious bodie of Iesus Christ is placed 41 Medard Thiersault Priest Licentiat in the Lawes Canon of Chartres Oâ—â—iciall and Vicar Generall both in the spiritualty and temporalty of the reverend Father in God Monsieur Lewes by the grace of God and the holy See Apostolique Bishop of Chartres to all and singular the Parsons and Vicars of the Churches within the Citie of Chartres sendeth greeting â—n our Lord God everlasting Pope Paul the third of happy memorie did heretofore of his own proper motion for the honor reverence of the precious blessed Sacrament grant unto the brothers of the fraternity of the blessed body of Iesus Christ in the Minerva of Rome certaine indulgences plenary remission of sinnes immunities and other graces the good devotion and upon petition of the faithfull Christian Brothers Which indulgences and plenary remission of sins our holy Father Iulius the third by the divine providence Pope to the end that all Christians should presse more earnestly and devoutly to come and honour the so admirable blessed Sacrament of his owne authoritie and dignitie hath willed and decreed that they bee of perpetuall force and efficacie And these indulgences and other graces aforesaid at the instance and request of the most noble personage Mr. Christopher de Herovard the Lieutenant Generall of the most Christian King within the Bailiwicke of Chartres hath communicated and granted them to the Brothers and Sisters of the Fraternitie of the most blessed body of Iesus Christ heretofore instituted and erected in the Church of Saint Hilary of Chartres alwayes provided that like grace and gift was not formerly granted to any other Church of the said Citie of Chartres And forasmuch as we have viewed the contents of the said indulgences in the publique instrument out of the copie of Domenic Bishop of Hostia Cardinall of the holy Church of Rome by title Traven Deane of the sacred Apostolicall Colledge Protector and Patron of the devout and Catholique Fraternitie of the blessed body of our Lord Iesus Christ founded in the Church of our Lady of Minerva of the Order of Friars predicants in the Citie of Rome in manner of an exemplification published drawne signed and sealed by Genese Bulter Secretary to the said Fraternitie given at Rome the sixt of May one thousand five hundred and fiftie And furthermore whereas by a certaine declaration made unto the Court of Rome by the command and with the leave of the Reverend Father in God the Lord Bishop of Chartres and as it seemes to us truly and lawfully made that 't is certaine the like grace was never granted to any other Church in the Citie of Chartres Wherefore we command you to publish and cause to bee published in your Churches the said indulgences and the exemplifications of the letters aforesaid according to their forme and tenure Giving leave to the said Mr. Christopher de Herovard to cause the said Graces and Indulgences to be published within the Citie and Suburbs of Chartres whether by Siquis's or otherwise as the same Herovard shall thinke good Given at Chartres under the seale of the Chamber of the said Reverend Father in God the Bishop of Chartres in the yeare one thousand five hundred and fiftie upon Thursday being the last of Iuly Subscribed P. le Seneux 42 See here how the Popes play with their indulgences and amongst the rest two of them which presided by their Legats at the Councell of Trent to wit Paul the third and Iulius the third The reformation of such abuses was required heretofore in such Generall Councels as were then holden as by the Bishop of Menda in that of Vienna in Dauphiny who amongst other points by him proposed unto the said Councell puts this for one It were fit to provide a competent remedy for this and besides to cause the fees of the curriers and Nuncio's of the Court of Rome to cease We have told you elsewhere upon the testimonie of the Bishop of Panormo that by reason of the too hastie breaking up of that Councell by Clement the fift that reformation was never medled with 43 Amongst other articles proposed by divers nations at the Councell of Constance touching the point of reformation this about Indulgences was one upon which they were to deliberate after the creation of the Pope But Martin the fift being elected he referr'd the case to another time And forasmuch as Mr. Iohn Gerson Chancelor of the Vniversitie of Paris was present at the same Councell and in very much repute and authoritie both in behalfe of the Vniversitie and as deputy for Charles the sixt King of France we will here make him declare his beleefe in matter of Indulgences Behold here his articles 44 The onely supreme Pope Christ together with the Father and the Holy Ghost can by a plenary authoritie grant a totall indulgence as well from punishment as fault 45 The onely Pope Christ can commute eternall punishment into temporall or absolve from punishment freely and without any merit besides his owne 46 The onely Pope Christ can give indulgence for so many thousand millions of dayes and yeares as we finde in divers grants of Popes and others in divers times and places and upon divers occasions 47 The granting of Indulgences for so many millions not onely of daies but yeares seemes impossible to be maintained without great difficultie after remission of eternall punishment and commutation into temporall For it is certaine that no particular man can or ought to bee bound to doe penance so many yeares forasmuch as he cannot live the thousand part of those yeares and no man is bound to impossibilities It is also certaine that Purgatory shall cease at the worlds end and consequently the dayes of his penance too 48 From hell there is no redemption At the end of that Tract hee hath these verses Arbitrio Papa proprio si clavibus uti Possit cur sinit ut poena pios cruciet Cur non evacuat loca purgandis animabus Tradita If so the Pope may use the keyes aâ—'s pleasure Why does he let good men such paines endure Why does he not too cruell and unkinde Emptie the place for purging soules design'd 49 Now whereas he beleeves that the Popes indulgences doe not reach so farre as hell that is hereticall as well as the other articles by him set downe For other Doctors hold that the Pope is Lord of the world that he officiats in the nature of Christs Vicar both in things celestiall terrestriall and infernall Angustin de Ancona approved by the Popes as well as the former author argues thus in the matter of Indulgences
summe of money which the Popes were wont to pay the Emperours for their Ordination Yet so these are the very words as he that is elected shall not be consecrated till the Generall Decree bee first brought unto the Royall City of Constantinople according to the ancient custome to the end that the said consecration may be performed with his consent and command The words according to the ancient custome are worth the noting to shew that this was no new established thing for the Emperour had both the right of the one and the other so saith the Glosse that is both of receiving something at the election and of granting the confirmation of it But the example of Pope Vitalianus who is spoken of in the same Canon makes the point clearer Vitalianus according to the custome sâ—nt his Legats with a Synodicall epistle towards the royall City to the most pious Emperours to give them notice of his institution Now this Vitalianus was promoted to the See in the yeare 1657 under the Emperour Constantine the third who reigned together with his brother Heracleon as the Archbishop of Cosâ—â—â—â— tels us who relates the very same story 11 Boniface the first entreated the Emperour Honorius by his letters and Ambassadours to see that after his death the eleâ—tion of the Popedome were made without contentions and corruptions See here the inscription of the letter which hee sent unto him which wee read at this day in Isidores Decree printed at Paris both in a great and lesser volume the yeare 15â—4 and 1535â— and afterwards at Cullen in 1567. Here begin the Decrees of Pope Bonifaceâ— The epistle wherein hee entreateth the Emperour Honorius to see that hereafter after the election of the Pope bee not carried by canvassing at Rome After this letter of Boniface follows the Emperors answer with this inscriptioÌ„ The Constitution of the Emperour Honorius sent to Pope Boniface wherein hee ordaines that if hereafter two Bishops bee created at Rome the one or other of them shall bee driven out of the Citie And the text sayes thus Let every man know that these canvassings must be left off But if peradventure by reason of the remeritie of the factions there bee two chosen against the law wee will not that either of those two bee the man but that hee alone shall enjoy the See Apostolique whom the judgement of God and the consent of the world shall chuse 12 Wee will urge the examples of Pope Symmachus and Gregoriâ— the Great out of Marsilius though wee could take them out of the authours whence hee had them The like we read saith hee of Symmachus borne in Sardinia for he being elected by discord together with one Laurentius was confirmed Pope of Rome by the judgement of King Theodoric Hear what Martin saith also of St. Gregorie Hee was chosen Pope saith hee and the Emperour Maurice gave his consent by his Imperiall letters Others say that St. Gregorie would not receive the consecration till such time as hee had the Emperour Maurice his consent 13 There are two things especially objected against all this First the disclaime which is said to be made by Lewes the Gentle King of France and Emperour of Rome by an expresse compact made betwixt him and Pope Paschal whereby hee promiseth That none of his Kingdome French man or Lombard or of any other nation within his dominions shall have any power or leave to doe against the Romans privately or publiquely or to proceed to any elections suffering them to consecrate him whom they have elected with concord and common advice sending Legats unto him and his successours the Kings of France after the consecration to make peace and amitie with him In the second place is objected the constitution of the Emperour Henrie the first where it is said That none sent by us shall bee any impediment to the election of the Pope of Rome Which makes Gratian conclude that From these Ordinances and from the compact of the Emperour Lewes it appeares that the Emperours have renounced those priviledges which Pope Adrian granted to the Emperour Charlemagâ—e and in imitation of him Pope Leo to Otho the first as touching the election of the Pope of Rome And this is now adaies taken for Oracle and followed yea practised 14 There is nothing more easie than to discover here errours and falsities both at onâ—e Divers learned men of this age have undertaken to prove that this pretended compact of Lewes is spurious as well as the Donation of Constantine And one of the maine arguments is because there are two evidences of this imaginarie agreement produced the one different from the other both in words and substance yea even in matters of greater moment In one place it containes a donation of the Citie of Rome and many more in Italie unto the Pope Whereas notwithstanding all Histories teach us that they never pretended to the dominion of it nor became Lords of it tilâ— in later times they tooke it into their hands by usurpation Adde hereunto that ancient Historians some whereof were contemporaâ—ies and familiar with this Emperour speake not a word of it though they set downe his life even to the smallest particulars But let us grant them this that this instrument is true be it never so false What doe they gaine by it for the election of Pope Leo the seventh by whom the power granted to the Emperour Otho the first and his successors of instituting the Pope and all other Archbishops and Bishops is much yonger and it is a common rule That the latter lawes derogate from the former Which will serve also for an answer to the constitution of Henry the first inasmuch as the fore cited Synod was after it too For this Emperour reigned about the year 920 and the fore-mentioned Synod was holden about the year 937. 15 But see yet more law After all this Pope Stepheâ— the ninth who lived about the year 1057 under the Emperour Henry the second ordained that there should bee no consecration of the Popeâ— unlesse it were in the presence of the Emperours Ambassadours according to the custome and forme set downe by the Canons And after that yet Pope Nicholas the second having caused a forme of the Popes election to be prescribed by a Councell of Lateran holden the yeare 1059 in such sort as that it must bee done by the Cardinall â—ishops and Cardinall Clerks so they called them in those dayes with the consent of the rest of the Clergy and people hee addes Saving the honour and reverence due to our welbeloved sonne Henry King at this present and who will beâ— Emperour ere long 16 And this is so true that even his successours used to do so till Pope Gregorie the seventh who came to the Popedome in the yeare 1073 who received also his confirmation from the Emperour Henrie the fourth witnesse Plâ—tina In fine saith he after divers embussyes both upon one