Democracie he ordained these thirty to be chiefe f Xen. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 270. Polyarches Critias Melobius Hippolochus Euclides Hiero Mnesilochus Chremo Theramenes Aresias Diocles Phaedrias Chaerileos Anaetius Piso Sophocles Eratosthenes Charicles Onomocles Theognis Aeschines Theogenes Clomedes Erasistratus Phido Dracontides Eumathes Aristoteles Hippomachus Mnesithides These began at first to put to death the worst and most abhorred saies g In Catil Consp Salust without triall of law but afterwards the good and bad alike h Xen. p. 272. some for envy others for riches These to make their party firme chose about three thousand to whom alone they permitted to have weapons disarming all the rest to the end they might easily command their lives But by their Lawes for they made some stiled i Xen. p. 275. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which were nullified by a decree as wee shall speake hereafter none was to suffer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who was registred in the list of three thousand So cruell were they that the people fled into k Dem. p. 467 Phyle a castle in the Athenean borders and making an head under the conduct of Thrasybulus at last shooke off this yoke and remained free untill the death of Alexander even fourscore years whom Antipater succeeded who in battle at the City Lamia gave the Athenians an overthrow and gave them quarters on these termes that they should submit to a few Peers whose revenewes amounted to two thousand Drachm'es at least the chiefe of whom was Demetrius Phalerius that they should likewise receave a garrison into Munichia for the asswaging of riots and uproares But foure yeares after Antipater dying the City fell into the power of Cassander of whom they often strove to acquit themselves but in vaine For he brought them to such an exigency that they were glad to come to composition And indeed he dealt fairely with them giving them their City Territories Tributes and all other things so that they would be confederates to him that none whose revenewes come not to tenne minae or pounds should undergoe any function in the Common-weale and he should be their overseer whom he would be pleased to nominate The man appointed was Demetrius Phalarius a Vide Laert. in vita Strabonem who made the City to shine in her full lustre insomuch that they erected in honour of him three hundred Statues He wrott a Treatise of the Athenian Republique which had not time devoured would have given no small light to my poore endeavours After he in trouble vexation had spent fourteeene yeares he was put out by Demetrius the sonne of Antigonus surnamed Polioreetes who restored the ancient customes to them againe To them they ascribed such worship as also to his father that they changed the name of their Iudge from Archon into b Plu. in Demerito 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Priest of the Gods that saved them calling the yeare after his name and adding * Pollux l. 8. two Tribes to the Tenne whence the Senate consisted of six hundred but five before as c In Berenice Stephanus But when Cassander had overthrowne the sonne and father such was the ingratitude and levity of the Athenians that they forbad Demetrius to approach nere their City After this Lacharis plaid the Tyrant and was expelled by Demetreus whom they utterly cast off assuming againe the title of Archon Demetrius dying Antigonus Gonatas succeeded who in the ninteenth yeare of his reigne put in presidiarie souldiers to the City which tenne yeares after he tooke out The Macedonians still kept some of the Athenians forces in this space Demetrius Antigoni Gon. F. Antigonus Dosôn out of whose hands d Plut. in vita Aratus the Sicyonian rescued the City and made it stand by it selfe untill Phillip the last king of the Macedonian Monarchy except one did somewhat shake it as you may read in e Decad. 4. l. 1 Livie But he was expelled by the Romans who tooke the Athenians into league with a maintaining their ancient right So they remained untill the warre between the Mithridates and the Romans For by feare they were driven to receive f Vide Appianum Alex. in Methridatio circa pag. 122 123. c. Archestratus Mithridates his Generall within their walls against which Sylla laid siege and captivated the City whence proceeded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a mercylesse slaughter saies Appian that the g Plut. in vita p. 335. streets did runne with blood But the Lawes were not much altered by this Conquerour and therefore they lived in a nere resemblance of their former state in favour with the Roman Emperours Iulius Caesar Adrian Antonius Gallienus in whose successours time Claudius the â—econd of the name this City was ransacked by the Gothes who when they had heaped up â—nnumerable companies of bookes to burne were dehorted by this reason a Cedrenus Baptisâ—a â—gnatius â—om Prin. 1. that the Greekes spencing their time in reading of them might be made more unâ—it for war Constantine the Great likewise had this City in high esteeme taking to himselfe the Title 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as b In Oratiâ—ne Constantium Iulian saies which in the word of Nicephorus Gregoras is c Hist. â—om l. 7. p. 166. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Grand Duke whom simply afterwards they called the d Hist. Rom. l. 7. p. 16â— Duke of Athens in that Historians time Emperours have taken them Wives Citizens of this place and the e Nic. Greg. lib. cita daughters of their Dukes have beene desired by that eminent ranke And indeed no marvell For they were potent Rainerius Acciajolus is said to have taken the City from the Spaniards that inhabit Arragon f Calcochon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who having no Issue male of his wife Eubois but an illegitimate named Antonius by an other woman bequeathed by will Boeotia and Thebes to him but Athens to the * In the time of Pietro Zani came Ambassadors from Athens to dâ—e hamage to the Venetian Senate M Leukenor in history and lives of the Venetian Princes Venetians from whom his sonne recovered it agane Nerius succeeded him in the Dukedome who thrust out Chalcocondilas his father After him came in Antonius Nerius brother to the former Nereus Now about this time we must know that Mahomet the sonne of Amurat the second got Athens g Chalcocon l. 9. p. 299. whose beauty and building he held in admiration which when he had made his owne he continued the Title For an other Nerius from those above named dying leaving one sonne an Infant his mother in the Childs Title exercised Tyranny This woman loved a Venetian Noble man sonne to Petrus Palmerius to whose Goverment the City Nauplium was committed he is called by Chalcocondilas Priamus who came thither for merchandize Him by discourse and flattery she intised
wedding are said c Cael. Rhod. l. 7 c 4. to have been invented by Erato They were partly these The Daughter being betrothed was led by her Parents into the Temple of Minerva as who would say to take her leave of the d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Minerva so called Virgin Besides this before she can cease to be of the herd of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Eurip. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 take heed Great Diana will be clean out of patience if she have not a draught of the blood of a Heifer calfe never yet married in the yoake and so the fitter for the maid that gives and the maid that takes and a crop of her haire besides according to that of Euripides e Eurip. in Iphigen Aul. versu 11.12 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And therefore Clytemnestra speaking of her daughter whom they pretended to marry to Achilles demands of her Husband f ibid. v 711. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Whether he had seen the sacrifice perform'd But alas poore Iphigenia she was not so much to do as to be a Sacrifice to Diana the Goddesse of Aulis and be made a calfe her selfe When as our Woman it will serve her turne to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to Diana the goddesse of Virginity that is give her in a basket for a present to stop her mouth some curius needle-worke or other with a prayer besides to this purpose g Theocr. Id 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that she would not take it amisse if she married But now I must tell you that besides those rites of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there were others as solemne as they to be observed too if ever they thought to obtaine the good will of the goddesse The manner of them and the occasion you have related by Suidas thus It happened upon a time that a certaine Beare growing tame came and liv'd in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Phlavides insomuch that at length a little girle durst goe so farre and so neere as to play with it but the Beare quickly grew to be in earnest and drew her blood for the stake whereupon one of her brothers shot the Beare and killed it Presently after this there happened a very great Pestilence in the Citty and the Oracle being sought unto answer was returned that if they meant to remove it they must make a decree that every girle in the Citty of Athens some time or other between the yeares of Five and Tenne of her age clad in a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or a Saffron colour garment doe offer and devote her selfe to Diana to make amends for the Beare and therefore a girle thus consecrated was her selfe called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Harpocrâ— the Beare and the action 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to play the Beare which me thinks was very unfitting for a Maid and sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because commonly they deferred it till the last yeare as she did in a Aristoph Leusistrate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 she saies becaùse it was to be done in the feast of Brauronia kept in the Month of Munichion to the honour of the same Diana who a Athen l. 6. is reported to have been delighted very much with Brauron a Village of Attica where Pausanias in Atticis saies that Image of hers which Iphigenia brought from the Tauri was continually kept till Xerxes took it away insomuch that she came to be called by the name of Diana b Pausan in Arcad. Brauronia And yet after all this for ought that I can see she need not have been so Scrupulous of displeasing I know not whom if she had Câ—crops his own Law for a warrant who first instituted the contract of Matrimony and was therefore call'd by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith c Ad Odiss Σ. Eustathius or else according to the Scholiast upon d In Plut. Act. 3. Sc. 3. Aristophanes d In Plut. Act. 3. Sc. 3. quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because he had in a manner invented the two natures of a Father and Mother as to knowledge and in the way of a certaine couple or rather if you will the natures of a Father and a Sonne for before neither the Father could be knowne by the Sonne nor the Sonne by the Father But some againe say he had this name because of his having the bodies of two distinct natures in the upper part of a man and in the lower of a Dragon as he saies in Vespis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And others because of the many excellent Lawes which he made Whereby he is reported so to have tam'd and civilliz'd the brutish conditions of the ancient People of Athens that he seemed to have new-moulded them and made them of another nature in the sense that the stones have been said to be turn'd into men and the Trees into Lovers of Musicke of all the reasons that are given I like that best which likes c Lib. c. 25. Rhodiginus who saies he was call'd by this name because the children did now appeare to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 come of two whereas before for ought any one could prove they might be but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Sons of a Mother only nay hardly that at such time as the fashion was to be expos'd or put out to nursing to Beares Wolves and the like But enough of this for I have more work for the Woman yet She must Sacrifice to Venus and the Graces for the past and in speciall manner to Iuno 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 either as a Pronuba for the present or as a Lucina or a Mater-familias as he in a In Amphitr Act. 2. Sc 2 Plautus calls her for the future An ordinary thing it was among the Heathen to change their Gods when they chang'd their condition and I should be glad if we Christians could answer not guilty in this particular being every one of us too too ready 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. as Aristotle saies in his b L. 1 c. 4. Ethicks to have a new Summum bonum every day at the least The Sacrifices performed to Iuno went under the severall names of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 indeed the two first are sometimes the same that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the gifts sent before the wedding and the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used also sometimes in relation to others as well as to Iuno as it is to Diana in that verse of Euripides already cited And therefore in another c V. 433. place of the same Tragedy you have the Greek Souldiers at Aulis when they saw Iphigenia brought thither in a Nuptiall pompe thus speaking 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
14. Cimon the sonne of Miltiades undertook For which stones of an huge weight and lime he made the earth so firm that it could not give Nay he was so liberall that he did out of his own expences so great favours to a people that some years after gratified him with exile Neither did he only mend the breaches but in after time o Plut. p. 355. l. 12. unlesse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may have respect to Conon who after the victory at Cnidus erected these walls as Pausan. in Atticis p. 2. l. 14. I would neither deceive my selfe or the Reader finished the whole work so that he may truly be said to be the founder of them Let us now come to the Gates of the City * Attic. Lect. initio Meursius hath observed tenne but I feare they will scarce suffice to such a vast City Take then these Dipylon or Thriasia the fairest of all velut in ore urbis posiâ—a placed as it were in the front of the City saies Livie major aliquanto patentiorque quam caeterae est greater somewhat and wider then the rest p Dec. 4. l. 1. p. 11. A. Hence I suppose named Dipylon as if it were as big as two Gates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Piraicae Neere the Temple of Chalcodoon Here were buried some of those that died in fight with the Amazons in the time of Theseus q In Theseo p. 9. l. 20. Plutarch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hippades Where the bones of Hyperides the famous Orator rest with his progenitors who being racked under Antipater chose rather to bite off his tongue a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 456. then to divulge the secrets of his Country 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sacrae The sacred gate We read of this in b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 45. Theophrastus Characters but to my great admiration that the Eagle-sighted Casaubon had not espied a fault For though it be true that there were such gates at Athens as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yet is there any that ever read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the dead to have bin carried out to buriall through the sacred gate It makes not any thing that it was spoken to a stupid fellow for they spak not as our vulgar doe such as When Christmas comes out of Wales Write then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the gates at which they went forth with their corps at the solemnizations of their obsequies the reason of which shall be spoken hereafter c Pag. 715. num 95. Demosthenes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The gate of Aegeus It seemes to have been in Delphinium where he dwelt whence the Hermes or Image towards the East end of the Temple was called d Plut. Thes. p. 4. l. 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The statue at the gates of Aegeus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Melitides Where lyes Thucydides the sonne of Olorus that wrote the Peloponnesian Warre who after his returne into his Country from banishment was treacherously murthered his Sepulcher stands neere these gates e Atticis p. 21. l. 41. Pausanias 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ceramicae These are called by Xenophon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Gates in Ceramicus where many of the Lacedemonians were buried which died in the seditious warre that Thrasybulus made against the Thirty Tyrants f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 279. l. 43. Xenophon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Gates of Diochares Of whom I have nought to speake 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Acharnan Gates I suppose they were called so from that Towne or Village neere named Acharnia to which it is probable it looked For so did the ancients dame their Gates from the Towne to which they were neere The Romans their Porta Collatina from Collatia Meursius hath added two l. toneae Scaae in Atticis which I never sâ—w untill I had written this place as God and man is my witnesse I speake least any shâ—uld think â—hat I have stoln out of him because we meet a Burge not farre off And happily it is so here as also in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Diomaea for Dionus is a people of Athens not any great matter distant from the Citty 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thracia These are all that I ever met with named others there are obscurely pointed at by g Atticis p. 14. l. 1. Pausanias as that neere the Gallery which from its various draughts they call Paecile where is the effigies of Mercurie Agoâ—aeus in brasse And others about the beginning of his Attica of which I had better hold my peace then speake as good as nothing Thus have we found twelve Gates which being opened enter sucke that sweet ayre whose excellent purity brought forth such acute wits a Cassiod Var. l. 12. prepared with a most happy bounty understanding judgements for contemplation Whence b Medâ—a p. 460.461 Euripides may well straine to this note that Venus sitting neere and adorning her selfe sends forth continually Cupids of Learning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Well may he blesse that clime stiling it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which hath been the Mother of the Muses by the leave of Mnemosyne or at least the Nurse to them for there are they said to have travelled with Harmonia as if there were no such melodious consent c Med. p. 459 as in the Sciences Let not d In Praf ad Charact. Theophrastus assert all Greece to lye under the same temperature and disposition of the heavens when at this day it may be spoken as once Aristides did of it e Tom. 1. p. 173. No coast so truly void of all earthly dreggs and participating more of the coelestiall and defecated ayre Not unworthily hath Sophocles been lavish in expressions f Aia. p. 57. Famous g Oed. Col p. 258. The most Renowned h Oed. Col. p. 264. Happy i Aia p. 71. Sacred Athens Pindarus k p. 361. Wonderfull l p. 361. Much spoken of m p. 361. Neaâ— c. To the making up of her delight comes to all the river Cephissus which is able to bear vessells of a good burthen as I have been informed but the Turks fearing least it might be advaÌ„tagious to any enimy that might invade theÌ„ have cut it into many sundry little streams damming up with an innumerable quantity of stones the mouth of the river for a mile in length Thinking they have sufficiently prevented which they did but suppose could happen CAP. III. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mores Ingenia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Quantum hodâ—erni differunt à veteribus qualem vitae rationem modumque habent THE Athenians by l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 196 Dicaearchus are divided into two sorts 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Atticos and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Of which though there were no difference in latter times yet certainly of old there was Insomuch as one of the punishments which the
Marrying many of them had the fortune to be borne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Quartâ Lunâ as Hercules had Besides * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 3 Hesiod is of opinion that the forth day and I beleeve he meanes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the first third part of the Month was a very good day to be Married in so that no Oscinous bird did obcaevare or occinere sing another song to the contrary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Whereas the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as he calls the eighteenth day if you reckon thirty dayes to the Month was in his judgment all as bad againe especially for the Woman But I must confesse I rather incline to the judgement of the Goddesse especially having a Eurip Iphig in A v. 717. Agamemnon too a man on my side who when the question was ask'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made answer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 When that bless'd season of Full-Moon shall come I doe not find the Romans to have been so scrupulous as to think Marriage to be imperfect unlesse it were at the full or never to be as good as it should be except it were in Medio like the vertues 'T is true the Kalends and the Nones the Ides were daies of another colour black unsuitable with the mirth of a Wedding and so were all Holy-daies whatsoever and the reason you have given by b L 1. Sat. c. 15 Macrobius in these words Feriis autem vim cuiquam fieri piaculare est ideo tunc vitantur nuptiae in quibus vis fieri virginibus videtur To whom if you object that the Nones were no Holy-daies he will reply that neither were the Nones Holy-daies to any neither Religious daies as they cal'd them to such as intended to Marry but only thus all your postriâ—uani dies that is the first daies after the Ides or the Nones or the Calends being accounted atri were not to admit of any Sacrifice Now every new married Wife the day after the Wedding was to offer a Sacrifice which she could not doe if she married upon the Nones 'T is true a Widdow might be suffered to Marry upon a Holy-day and Varrâ— will tell you the reason but in the Parentalia in February and the feast of the Salii in March none at all Besides having of non-licet daies they had a custome to Marry only upon such a day as by the judgement of the Astrologer to whom they sought copulas nuptiales affirmet But so much may suffice concerning the time of Marrying I proceed to speak of the qualifications of the persons to to be Married CAP. IX Quae requirantur in Marito THE Conditions required in a Husband were these First he must be no stranger for if it could be prov'd that he was both his goods and he too were sold and the third part of the price went to the informer Secondly hee must be no lesse then five and thirty yeares old according to the Law and according to a Polit 7. Aristotle two yeares elder But according to a Polit 7. Hesiod a little younger or a little elder is seasonable enough 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thirdly if the Woman with whom she was to Marry were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sole daughter and Heire such a one as Aristophanes in Vespis calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he must be one of the same house and the next of the blood But then there alwaies were and it may be there ought to be as I have knowne the like in other matters some others of the kindred if they were to be gotten to controvert the businesse with him and plead to the same and then such Women were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b I. Poll. l. 3. c. 3. and the whole suit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the question was wont to be decided by the Pretor Lastly he must not be one that had another Wife yet living with him at least he might not be so upon paine of being accounted a fellow of no account or repute among the Citizens for Charondas having made this Law 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whosoever shall super-inducere novercam let him be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Besides the hurt done to the Children it being as good to have the Divell to their Dame as a Step-dame gave one pretty reason more against being the Husband of two Wives in this sense by way of dilemma you shall have his words as I found them in a Monmebasiae Archiepis Arsenius his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. saies he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If thou hadst good luck in thy first Wife thou shouldst have kept thee well while thou wast well if thou hadst not thou art a little better then a Foole or a Mad-man to stumble againe at the same stone CAP. X. Quae requiruntur in Vxore THE Qualifications required in a Wife were these First she must be free before she put her neck in the yoake For otherwise the Marriage was counted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rather then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and you might call the Woman in the words of Hesiod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If she were a stranger she must pay soundly for it no lesse then a thousand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Citty This Law though it were for a time let downe by Pericles his ill example yet it was brought up againe by Aristophon Secondly shee must be six and twenty yeares of age and yet Aristotle even in b L. 7. c. 16. Pilicy can be very well contented to let the Woman Marry at eighteene Out of indulgence to the Sex surely for else he thinks it very unfitting they should Marry so young both because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. they travell with a great deale more labour and labour for their travell with a great deale more intemperance and also because he had observ'd that in those places where they used to make so much hast 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Puppies for the most part were blind not so perfect or not so bigge of stature as else they would be But then there is * Hesiod Oper. another who would be willing to let them Marry a yeare or two sooner then he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And a Eurip. in Hel. v. 12. another sooner yet if I doe not mistake 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cùm ad pubertatem venit tempestivis nuptiis Thirdly shee must be but one and no more according to b L. 13. Athenaeus and yet about Socrates his time by reason of the scarcity of men to make the more hast for a recruit they made an Act for toleration of keeping a Concubine whom they made use of only ad concumbendum for the present occasion and that Children begotten upon such a Woman were accounted for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as good as the best And what will
ARCHAEOLOGIAE ATTICAE LIBRI SEPTEM SEAVEN BOOKS OF THE ATTICK Antiquities CONTAINING The description of the Citties glory Government division of the People and Townes within the Athenian Territories their Religion Superstition Sacrifices account of the Yeare a full relation of their Judicatories By FRANCIS ROUS Scholler of Merton Colledge in Oxon. With an addition of their customes in Marriages Burialls Feastings Divinations c. in the foure last bookes By ZACHARY BOGAN Scholler of C.C.C. in Oxon. The fourth Edition corrected and enlarged with a twofold Index Rerum Vocabulorum Aristid 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 OXFORD Printed by LEO. LICHFIELD and HEN. HALL for Iohn Adams and Ed. Forrest 1654 TO THE RIGHT WORSHIPFULL Sir NATHANIEL BRENT Knight Vicar Generall and the most vigilant VVarden of Merton Colledge in OXFORD Health c. IT is the custome of most to impose a patronage of their errours upon some eminent person But it shall be my ambition in this my Dedication to manifest my observancie Others make their choice of potent men thereby to shun the darts of envy It shall be my glory to be thought worthy of invidency whose ignorance is not so great but well knowes that ever some will bite in secret and scourge these errors of my youth with private reproches But such malignant tongues I will counterpoise with the wind and set as lightly by as they are vaine And although I am confidently perswaded that the covert of your wings be sufficiently able to shelter my faults yet had I rather to expresse my duty toward you in these naked infirmities whose goodnesse truly knowes * Ausis literarum ignoscere Vegetius in Prolog how to parden the bold adventures of learning I present you therefore with Athens whose deplorable raggednesse my papers well resemble which may challenge this excuse that they assimulate themselves to the Treatise in them contained Which of all men I my selfe am conscious most unfitly to have handled That City once the * Cic. Epist. nurse of reason * Patercul in fine Lib. 1. which flourisht in eloquence brave atchievements more then all Greece could not unlesse in her miserable ruines have without her disgrace been spoken of by me That Athens Whence the learned Fathers of the Church suckt rare literature Basil his eloquence Nazianzen his strength others their flowing Oratory That Athens which who had noâ— seen is by * Apud Dicaearchum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lypsius accounted a block Accept Honoured Sir these Reliques of that famous University though by me offered as Devotion paid to Antiquity by you well esteemed of though among most of these our daies accounted durt whose labour it is to seek new fashions and like nought but what may be accounted novelty Resembling the brute of which Cicero Ad id solum quod adest quodque praesens est se accommodat paulum admodum sentiens praeteritum c. never caring for what is past But you weigh well the excellency of talking with those Champions of Learning hundreds of years since gathered to their former dust By whose pensills wee see drawne the lively Images of deceased Monarchs the formes of goverment and very lives of states Out of which patternes if you please to deeme the least part of this to have been taken it shall heap to my joy that the follovving Tract will not seeme a spurious and degenerate of spring Upon presumption of which I feare not as the Eagles doe their young to expose my brood to the rayes of the open Sunne Thus with continuall wishes for addition to your happinesse I take leave From my Study in Merton Colledge June 9. 1637. Your VVorship 's in all humility to be commanded F. ROVS To the Reader IT is not a thirst of empty glory that makes me runne hazard of your censure but a consideration of the weaknesse of Schoole-masters who undertake to read the Greeke Orators to raw Schollers themselves being not ripe in the Attick custumes I have therefore so farre endeavoured as you see If any thing may afford a scruple to any he shall engage me that will require satisfaction If any thing seem amisse it shall be taken by mee as a favour to heare of it from any For I am not of those whose eares are stopt when their errors are told them If this please it shall adde spurres to the finishing of this course intended and as occasion may give leave you shall have the rest that may be spoken Yours F. R. Index Vocabulorum Lib. 1. Cap. 1. Iavan Ias Iaones Ionia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Athenae in actà Cecropiae Cranaae Atthis Attica Athenae sub Cecrope Certamen Palladis Neptuni Plutarchi eâ de re sententia Alii sub Erectheo volunt nominari Iustinus sub Amphictyone Salenos Selines Satinae Sethina 2 Athenarum situs 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Herbae lucentes Murus Pelasgicus Cimonicus Propylaea circuitus veteris urbis novae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Piraeei brachia Murus phalericus Porta Aer Laus passim apud Scriptores Cephissus fluvius pag 6. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mores ingenia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Quantum hodiâ—rni differunt à veteribus qualâ—m vita rationem modumque habent pag. 14 4 De populi divisione 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Quid Atheniensibus cum Aegyptiis commune p. 18 5 Tribus quatuor sub Cecrope Mutata earum nomina Augentur à Clisthene duae addite 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tribulium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pag. 20 6 Graecia vicatim habitata 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quid Atheniensibus proprium habere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Quot Templa sacra pagatim pag. 23. 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Atheniensium status mutatio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pag 28 Lib. 2. Cap. 1. Duodecem Dii Atheniensium Idolatria septifariam commissa Dii assâ—riptitii 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pag. 36. Cap 2 Iupiter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Modii salis edendi Tesera hospitalis seu symbolum Apollo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Paean ejus verbi origo Mercurius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pag. 39. 3 De Saturno Neptuno Vulcano Marte Hercule 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pag 42. 4 De Minerva Cerere Proserpinâ Baccho Venere Eumenidibus Hecate Iuvene Prometheo c p. 43. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Phaccasiani Dii pag. 45. 6 De superstitione Atheniensium vaticiniis pag. 47. 7 De Templis Asylis p. 52. Cap. 8. De Sacerdotiis pag. 55. 9 De Sacrificiis pag. 57. 10 De Anno Attico pag. 60. 11 De Tragaedia Satyrâ Comaediâ pag. 80. LIB 3. Cap. 1. De Legum-latoribus Attici◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 De Sanciendis Legibus pag. 94. 2 De Comitiis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. pag. 101. CAP. III. SECT I. De Tribunalibus Atticis primum de senatu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pag. 104. CAP. III. SECT II. De Areopago ejus
Athenians are said to inflict upon their women for the appeasing of Neptune bringing in an inundation upon their fields to their great dammage in anger conceived for losse of the Title of the City was this m Varro apud Aug. de Civ Dei l. 18. c. 9 That none should after call them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Athenians but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Atticas A revenge I suppose opprobrious enough For thus writes my Author 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Curious Babblers Deceitfull Calumniators Observers of the lives of strangers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A sufficient witnesse of this is a Act. 17. S t Luke that saies they did regard nothing more then to heare and speake novelty To which end they often met in Barbers shops where all the news that was going in those daies was currant Hence say we verba in Tonstrinis proculcata and in Greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b In Pluto p. 38. Aristophanes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They that sate in the Barbers shops did talke much that he was suddenly grown rich The Scholiast seems to take the meaning as if the ComaediaÌ„ had quipped them for resorting to Barbers and neglecting Barber Chirurgions of better credit· But I see no reason They met in both to prattle c Var. hist. l. 3. c. 7. Aelian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sitting in a Chirurgions shop scandalous thirsty to speak ill by all meanes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 men Italianated who can smile Cap. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 even when they cut your throat Such as Theophrastus hath in his Characters drawn out who can be affable to their enimies and disguise their hatred in commendation while they privily lay their snares that salute with mortall embracements and clasp you in those armes which they meane to embrew in your dearest blood In summe faire without but rotten within like a wound which is healed above and seemes sound but putrifies under the skin And so much the word doth import 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Given to false accusations The e In Plut. p. 5. Scholiast of Aristophanes writes that it being forbidden to carry Figgs out of Athens and some neverthelesse the decree being absolute against it presuming so to doe they set rogues in the gates that did appeach them as f In Solone p. 65. Plutarch likewise Hence came this word to be used for any crafty knave that gets his living by promooting g Xenophon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 271. l. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 One that meddles in every mans affaires and therefore h Pluto p. 90. c. p. 91. b. Aristophanes hath fitly brought one upon the scene terming himselfe an Overseer both of private and publike matters If then such a person had espied any tripping and gotten him on the hip he would as sure have fetched him over for his coyne as any Summoner doth a person delinquent towards the flesh or any Lawyer a credulous client having well plumed him afterwards gives him a dimissory 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sycophants 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Xenophon Such were many in Athens insomuch that Aristotle being asked what Athens was i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 272. l. 19. answered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 All beautifull 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a verse of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Homer in the description of Alcinous garden but peares grew ripe after peares figges after figges meaning a continuall succession of Sycophants This made Isocrates the Orator to compare the City to a Curtezan with whom few there were but would have to doe yet none dare take to wife affirming it to be the best place to sojourne in but the worst to inhabit By reason of their Sycophants treacheries of nimble tongued Orators 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I was once halfe in an opinion that these words were to have been put to the former thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And I think the sence will runne well Malitious observers of the lives of strangers The Athenians were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and held hospitality sacred and I doubt not but they had that Law That Forrainers should receive no wrong b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 428. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Socrates in Xenophon Now he discommends the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as ready to trouble and vex strangers in Law duly marking bearing an eye unto them to take them at an advantage As for the Athenienses they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Brave spirited single dealing and faithfull friends But as the words were at length confounded so did their manners degenerate growing into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an Irregularity of nature As c Lib. 6. Polybius No 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 afterwaâ—ds but haughtinesse of spirit magnanimity now fallen And whâ—n d Dec. 4. p. 7. l. 1. Livy saies ex vetere fortuna nihil praeter animos servare he means they had nothing left but those proud spirits which their ancient flourishing fortune had puffed up No 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or simplicity no e Aristoph p. 694. Lamb like innocency or mildnesse but as f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 387. Plutarch speaks People rashly angry soone pittifull rather inclined sharpely to take opinion then quietly to be enformed And as they are ready to helpe base and abject Peasants so friendly do they entertain childish and ridiculous â—oyes rejoyâ—ing in their own praises and nothing moved with scurrility Fearfull and terrible even to their Governours humane towards their enimies Not unfitly then g Lib. 5. c. 3. p. 207. Valerius Maximus Quantam ergo reprehensionem merentur c. How deserve they to be blamed who though they had just Laws yâ—t had they most wicked disposition and chose rather to take their own courses then put in practise their statues As for their impudence so great was it that to expresse a countenance void of shame the Comoedian hath put 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an Athenian look in h Pag. 189. g. Nubibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so accouÌ„ted in the time of a Lib. 2. p. 47. Paterculus that what was done in sincerity culus that what was done in sincerity and faithfull trust the Romans would say it was performed fide Attica with an Athenian loyalty Fear and power might make them trusty but how they brake their leagues tooke part with other Ilanders against confederates and violated the lawes of armes Historians are not dumb As for their wrath it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ever mindfull as b Aeneid 1. Virgil. memor ira And the hatred they prosecuted the Barbarians withall was so unquenchable that it burned against c Isocrat in Paâ— p. 109. all Barbarians for the Persians sake and they forbad them their sacrifices as they used to doe murderers among them Where you must note that all that were not Grecians were called of
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not to remember ancient wrongs which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The authority of this Counsel was great for it handled causes of war tributes making of Lawes civill businesses and events affaires of confederates collections of money performance of sacred rites accounts of offices discharged appointing keepers for prisoners 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Orphanes as b Athen. Rep. pag. 407 Xenophon c See Sir Tho. Smith in his Commmon-wealth of England Resembling our Court of Parliament in England by whose consent all Laws are abrogated new made right possessions of private men changed formes of religion established Subsidies Talies Taxes and Impositions appointed waights and measures altered c. As not unlike also the Venetian Gran Consiglio or Senate of which the Contarene d As Eranchirio Andirimi hath translated it lib. 3. fol. .34 B Tutta la cura del governo della Republica appartiâ—â—â—al Senato c. The whole manner of the Comon-wealths goverment belongeth to the Senate That which the Senate determineth is held for ratified and inviolable By their authority rule is peace confirmed and war denounced The whole rents and receipts of the Common-wealth at their appointment collected gathered in and likewise laid out againe and defrayed c. In a word I may say of these five hundred as a In Pandect Prio. p. 298. Budaeus of the Parliament of France Amplissimam eam curiam causarumque omne genus diceptatricem justam ac legitimam esse that that Court is most ample and justly and equally decided all sortes of controversies whatsoever b Dem. 385. To their charge was commited the making of new ships for which at the yeares end they were to be rewarded by the people To this alludes c Avib p. 546. Aristophanes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 d Sch. Arist. p. 93. Without their consent could the people doe nought as indeed they made not any thing sanctum against the peoples wills Hence in e Pag 234 Demosthenes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In testimony of their preheminence are they termed f Demosthen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and g Idem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Lords of sentence In time of warre they would send Commissions to their Captaines as they thought requisite h Plut. in Cimone p. 356 l. 50. Such as in the battaile betweene the Lacedemonians and their countrimen in Tanagra where fearing least Cimon banished by Ostracisme should betray them to the Laconians they senâ— to the commanders not to entertaine him in the Army The honour was not during terme of life but every yeare changed Apostolius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which Anonymus in Arg. Orat. contr Androt expresses by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The maner of choosing them is this i Verbo Emmius in Descrip Reip. Athen. The chiefe of every tribe on an appointed day before the beginning of the moneth Hecatombaeon brought the names of all their Tribe that were capable of this dignity and cast them written into a vessell and into another they put an hundred white beanes and all the rest black Then drawing out a name and then a beane to whoâ—â— chance the white beane fell to be extracted with his name was designed Senator This they did when they had but foure Tribe and so foure hundred Senatours But when they had tenne Tribes there could be but fifty white beanes to the making up of the tenth part of five hundred This differs not from the election observed by the k Contaren l. 1. fol 11 b. Venetians upon the fourth day of december when the names of all the young men that have not by lot obtained the right of Citizens nor passed twenty five yeares old are put into a pot and carried unto the Prince there the same set before the Counsellours with which there is another pot wherein are round balls equall with the number of the names written in the first every one haveing his marke the fift part of these bals is guilded with gold the rest with silver The Prince taketh out of the first pot the ball which if it be of the golden sort the young man whose name is drawne is presently admitted to publique authority they to whom the silver chance loose it for that time expecting it the ensuing yeare unles in the meane space they accomplish twenty five at which age all the young Noble men partake of the Citties liberties So every yeare the fift part of the yonkers is chosen to give voice with the other Citizens The use in choosing I deem the same shall untill I find authentike writters contradict it But the number as augmented by Clistenes according to the Tribes so by his successours For when they added two the number was encreased 100 by reason of the Tribes Antigonis Demetrias after named Attalis Ptolomais in honour to the Kings of that name which were benefactours to the State a Stephanus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b Arist. Schol. p. 37. Out of these were their Judges chosen but such as were above thereescore yares old For although juniors were admitted into this company yet none judged under that age 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To these was any businesse referred of which the Senate and people were in suspense what to determine c In vesp p. 471. Aristoph 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 When the Councell and people are in doubt how to judge a great matter they decree to deliver the guilty over to the Judges And no marvell For the office of a Judge is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prerogative in sentence saies d Pol. l. 3. c 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aristotle that is to state those Questions which the Law hath not decided The order of their giving sentence before the third yeare of the ninty second Olympiad I know not Afterwards they sate by turne in their own Tribes every one as his lot fell For there being formerly ten Tribes in Athens they chose out of each five men to which one of them the chance happened and sate judge I cannot say that the manner of election was like that of the e Cic. in Verrem Act. 3. Syracusians concerning the Priest of Iupiter who taking the names of so many as were nominated and casting them into a pot created him whose name should first be drawn of that sacred function But of our own must I speake f Aristophan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 30. When then they were appointed they met every of them bringing with him a table and a wand on which was written a letter that did betoken some Judicatory For there being ten Tribunals every one of them was noted with a red letter Α Î’ Γ Δ Ε c. to Κ. over the door time calling them to sit they drew lots and he to whom A. was taken out sate in
his coming into the Country he ought to doe reverence and Sacrifice to the Genius of the place saluting the ground with a kisse Ovid. Met. l. 3. Cadmus agit grates peregrinaeque oscula terrae Fecit ignotos montes agrosque salutat So during all the time of his being with them he was to doe Divine service 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unto their gods especially or the gods of the place as Alexander did at his being at Troy and as they themselves Id Herc. v 609. if they had been from home at their returne were to doe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Hercules calls them to the Penates the gods of the house In like manner at his going out of the Countrey when he came to the borders he kissed the ground and so took his leave of the Genius as Ovid saies Met. l. 13. dant oscula terrae Troades Whensoever the party had a mind to be gone it was counted an uncivility to detaine him Menelaus accordingly practised and left it for a rule 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And parting they usually gave 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some thing or other for a remembrance or to beare their charges by the way Besides every man's private benevolence there was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a common Hospitall maintained by the City Where if any strangers to whom it belonged were denied entertainment they might complaine to the Magistrate and be righted Indeed a murtherer or such like person they might not by any meanes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as he * calls it entertaine him and give him meat and drink as being aquae igni interdictum CAP. IX De Pauperibus sublevandis AND now in the last place I have a word to say also of the good will which the Athenians bare to the poore And certainly if they intended no more then the Honour of their City they would be loath to suffer any to become a begger * That there may be no poore among you c Deuteron 15.4 So some render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of whom Isocrates saies in his Arcopag 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that he is a disparagement to the city wherein he lives To prevent the disgrace every 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Society kept a poore-man's box or a common Treasury for the reliefe of such as came to poverty and the ransome of the Captives Into that box once every month they used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 conferre eranum as Plautus saies eranum amici contulerunt to put every man's contribution and from thence were the contributers called by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He that thus came to a gathering as we call it was said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as in Aristotle Acroas l. 2. e. 5. where he makes this instance of a thing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that happened by chance if a creditor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with his Bond in his hand should come to his debtor for mony when he with his roll in his hand was come to the parish as we say for a collection Such another contribution was that which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 appointed by Aristides for those that assisted him in the Warre against the Medes of which Aristophanes in his Lysistrate If there hapned any controversy in this businesse there were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Laws and Writs made for the purpose Plato speaks very well of this * L. 9. de Leg. custome and Trajanus the Emperour in his answer to Pliny approves of it permitting the use thereof to the Amiseni for other Cities had it as well as Athens eo faciliùs si tali Collationi c. Other provision there was besides this eranus for their reliefe For the richer sort were wont every new moone to make a great feast of Bread other course fare for this purpose Which feast being chiefly intended to the honour of Hecate gave occasion to them to call every course beggerly feast by the name of Hecates caena But as bad as the fare was the person in Pluto Aristophanis took his argument even from thence to commend the condition of the poore above that of the rich Saies he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Aske Hecate and she will tell which is best To conclude I have read that they had a Lucar mony allowed them out of the Treasury to pay for plaâ—es at the Playes and shewes SECT III. De Ritibus Bellicis CAP. I. De Militibus HAving spoken of the customes used by the Athenians amongst themselves it will be fitting in the next place to say something of those which they used towards their enemies and after that of those towards either or both in Divinations The Warlike provision which they made for the defence of the City was partly this The young men being Listed inter Ephebos which was as I told you at the age of eighteen were from that time 'till twenty Harpocr 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they â—â—lled it that is they must be circitores or fraxatores Or they must 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 stand sentinell and keep Guards in the Forts and be employed in the making of Works and the like according to that of * In Ennucho Terence Video herilem filium minorem huc advenire Miror quid ex Piraeo abierit nam ibi custos publicè est nunc The first of the two yeares they kept within the City but the second they proceeded to the Suburbs and in token of the degree they had taken they received of the people a Shield and a Speare and a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Coat for a Livery During these two yeares they could not be compelled to fight 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without the Liberties But ever after 'till forty they might Vlpian ad Olymph And both the first and every year after till the end of forty two yeares as I take it they had their own names together with the name of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 registred in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Such a one in pay ever since such a one was Archon Eponymus to shew how long every man had been in service Of these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there were twenty two according to the number of the yeares from eighteen to forty They are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in which they listed their names after they were twenty yeares old and sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because they thus kept a note of every man's age in opposition to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who were but to keep a note of their Tribes Aristot de Rep. Ath. Now some there were that were exempted and some that were excluded from that service the former were such as Custom-holders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who therefore had the priviledge 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉