preuented in like occasions to wit that multitudes are not to be put in despaire no nor particuler men into extreame exasperation without hope of remedy for that despaire is the mother of precipitation extreme exasperation is the next dore to fury No counsaile no reason no regard of Religion nor other respect humaine or deuine holdeth place when men grow desperate all stringes of hope are cut of We see by experience that the least and weakest wormes of the earth which cannot abide the looke of a man yet when they are extremely pressed and put in despaire of escape they turne and leape in mans face it selfe which otherwise they so 〈◊〉 feare and dread 4. Wherfore seing this dangerous stickler would put this extreme despaire into so many thousandes of his Maiesties subiectes yow 〈◊〉 imagine what good seruice he meaneth to do him therby and what pay he deserueth for his labour Surely if a great rich man whose wealth lay in his flocke of sheepe had neuer so faire and fawning a dog following neuer so diligently his trencher and playing neuer so many flattering trickes before him yet if togeather with this he had that other currish quality also as to woory his maisters sheepe disseuer his fold disperse his flock and driue them into flight and precipitation it is like that his Maister out of his wisedome though otherwise he were delighted with his officious fawning would rather hange such a dog then aduenture to suffer so great and important losses by him And no Iesse is to be expected of the great equity prudence of our great Monarch when he shall well consider of the cause and consequence therof 5. And thus much of the malice and pernicious sequele of this assertion let vs see somewhat now also of the folly falsity therof To which effect I would first enquire if it be so that subiectes of different Religions are not comportable togeather vnder a Prince that is of one of those Religions for so must the question be proposed if we will handle it in generall then how doe the Iewes Christians liue togeather vnder many Christian Princes in Germany and Italy vnder the state of Venice yea vnder the Pope himselfe how doe Christians and Turkes liue togeather vnder the Turkish Emperour of Constantinople as also vnder the Persian without persecution for their Religion how did Catholickes and Arrians liue so many yeares togeather vnder Arrian Kinges and Emperours in old times both in Spaine and els 〈◊〉 how doe Catholickes and Protestantes liue togeather at this day vnder the most Christian King of France vnder the great King of Polonia and vnder the German Emperour in diuers partes of his dominions all Catholicke Princes and in the free-cityes of the Empyre And in particuler is to be considered that the Hussites haue liued now some hundreds of yeares in Bohemia vnder the Cathòlicke Princes and Emperours Lordes of that Countrey with such freedome of conuersation with Catholicke subiectes and vnion of obedience to the said Princes as at this day in the great Citty of Praga where the Emperour commonly resideth and where Catholicks 〈◊〉 wholy gouerne there is not so much as one 〈◊〉 Church knowne to be in the handes of any Catholicke Pastor of that citty but all are Hussites that haue the ordinary charges of soules and Catholickes for seruice sermons and Sacraments doe repaire only to monasteries according to ancient agreementes and conuentions betweene them though in number the said Catholickes be many times more then the other and haue all the gouernment and Commaundry in their handes as hath byn said These are demonstratiue proofes ad hominem and cannot be denied and consequently doe conuince that this make-bate Ministers proposition is false in generall That subiects of different religion may not liue togeather in 〈◊〉 peace if their gouernours will permit them Now if he can alleadge any seuerall weighty causes why this generall assertion holdeth not or may not holde in the particuler case of English Catholiks and Protestants vnder our present King we shall discusse them also and see how much they weigh 6. He pretendeth ten seuerall reasons in his pamphlet for causes of this incompossibility and therof doth his whole inuectiue consist Eight of them appertaine to doctrine and practice of rebellion in vs as he auoucheth and the other two vnto doubtfull speech or Equiuocation Of which later point hauing touched somewhat in the precedent Preface being to haue occasion to doe the same againe more largely afterward wee shall now consider principally of the former concerning doctrine and practice of quiet or vnquiet peaceable or dangerous humours behauiours of subiects both Catholicke Protestant 7. And as for Catholickes the Minister in all his eight reasons bringeth out nothing of nouelty against vs but only such pointes of doctrine as himselfe doth consesse and expresly proue that they were held and recevued in our publique schooles aboue foure hundred yeares gone as namely in his first reason For that we hold Protestants for hereticks so farre forth as they decline and differ obstinately from the receyued doctrine and sense of the Roman Catholicke Church and consequently that being Hereticks they are not true Christians nor can haue true faith in any one article of Christian beliefe and that the punishment determined by the ancient Canon lawes which are many and grieuous both spirituall temporall do or may therby light vpon them And in his second third and fourth reasons that wee teach That the Bishop of Rome as spirituall head of the vniuersall Church hath power aboue temporall Princes and may procure to let the Election and succession of such as are opposite or enemies to Catholicke Religion and that in some cases he may dissolue oathes of obediēce and the like 8. And further yet in his fifth sixt seauenth and eight reasons that in certaine occasions and vpon certaine necessities for preuenting of greater euils imminent to any Countrey Kingdome or common wealth especially if they be spirituall and appertaine to the saluation of soules the same high Pastour may restraine resist or punish the enormous excesses of temporall Princes if any such fall out by Censures excommunication depriuation or deposition though this not but vpon true iust and vrgent causes when other means cannot preuaile for auoiding those euerlasting euils 9. All which doctrines for this is the summe of all he saith or alleadgeth do cōteine as yow see no new matter of malice against Protestant Princes inuented by vs for that the Minister himselfe as now we haue said confesseth that for these three or foure later hundred yeares these positions haue byn generally receiued by all the vniuersall Church and face of Christendome so as being established so many hundred yeares before Protestants were borne or named in the world they could not be made or inuented against them in particuler but only are drawne vnto them at this time by
to extort from Bellarmine that confession of 〈◊〉 on his side which he neuer meant and much lesse vttered in his writings What dealing what conscience what truth is this 36. In the very next page after he talking of the great and famous contention that passed betweene Pope Gregory the seauenth called Hildebrand and Henry the fourth Emperour of that name about the yeare 1070. he citeth the Historiographer Otto Frisingensis with this ordinary title of our Otto for that he writeth that he found not any Emperour actually excommunicated or depriued of his Kingdome by any Pope before that time except saith he that may be esteemed for an excommunication which was done to Philippe the Emperour by the Bishop of Rome almost 1400. years gone when for a short time he was Inter paenitentes collocatus placed by the said Pope among those that did pennance as that also of the Emperour Theodosius who was sequestred from entring into the Church by S. Ambrose for that he had commanded a certaine cruell slaughter to be committed in the Citty of 〈◊〉 both which exceptions this Minister of simple truth leaueth out of purpose which is no simplicity as yow see but yet no great matter with him in respect of the other that ensueth which is that he alledgeth this Frisingensis quite contrary to his owne meaning as though he had 〈◊〉 Pope Gregory the seauenth for it wheras he condemneth that cause of the Emperour and commendeth highly the Pope for his constancy in punishing the notorious intolerable faultes of the said Henry 〈◊〉 saith he semper in Ecclesiastico rigore constantissimus fuit Hildebrand was euer the most constant in 〈◊〉 the rigour of Ecclesiasticall discipline And 〈◊〉 in this very Chapter heere alledged by T. M. Inter onnes Sacerdotes Romanos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 zeli authoritatis fuit he was among all the Priestes and Pops that had byn of the Roman Sea of most principall zeale and authority How different is this iudgment of Frisingensis from the censure of T. M. who now after fiue hundred yeares past compareth the cause of Pope Gregory to that of Pyrates theeues and murtherers and so citeth our 〈◊〉 Frisingensis as though he had fauored him in this impious assertion Can any thing be more fraudently alledged Is this the assurance 〈◊〉 his vpright conscience wherof he braggeth to his Maiesty 37. But the next fraud or impudency or rather impudent impiety is that which ensueth within foure lines after in these words Pope Gregory the seauenth saith your Chronographer was excommunicate of the Bishops of Italy for that he had defamed the Apostolicke Sea by Symony and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 itall crimes then citeth for proofe her of Lambertus Schafnaburg anno 〈◊〉 As if this our Chronographer had related this as a thing of truth or that it were approued by him and not rather as a slanderous obiection cast out by his Aduersaries that followed the part of Henry the Emperour Let any man read the place and yeare heere cited and if he be a modest man he will blush at such shameles dealing For that no Author of that time doth more earnestly defend the cause vertuous life of Pope Hildebrand then this man whose wordes are Sed apud omnes sanum aliquid sapientes luce clarius constabat falsa esse quae dicebātur Nam Papa tam eximiè tamque 〈◊〉 vitam instituebat c. But with all men of sound wisedome it was more cleere then the sunne that the thinges which were spoken against Pope Hildebrand were false for that the Pope did lead such an excellent and Apostolicke life as the sublimity of his conuersation did admit no least spot of wicked rumour against him he liuing in that great Citty and open concourse of men it could not haue byn hidden if he had committed any vnlawfull thing in his life and moreouer the signes and miracles which by his prayers were often times done and his most feruent zeale for God in defence of Ecclesiasticall lawes did sufficiently defend him against the poisoned tongues of his detractours And againe Hildebrandi constantia inuictus aduersus auaritiam animus omnia excludebat argumenta humanae fallaciae the constancy of Pope Hildebrand and his inuincible minde against the corruption of auarice did exclude all argumentes of humane fallacy and deceipt So Lambertus 38. And now let the Reader consider with what conscience and fidelity T. M. hath cited him for condemnation of Pope Hildebrand He relateth indeed what certaine Noble men Captaines and others that came with the Emperour to the Castell of Canusium and would not haue had him made peace with the Pope in that place said in their rage afterwardes for that against their Counsell he had submitted himself vnto the said Pope when a certaine Bishop named Eppo was sent to their Campe by the Pope and Emperour to enforme them of the agreement and submission made Fremere omnes saith this Story saeuire verbis manibus caeperunt Apostolicae legationi irrisoriis exclamationibus obstrepere conuitia maledicta turpissima quaecunque furor suggessisset irrogare All of them began to fret and wax fierce both in wordes and casting their handes and with scornefull outcries to contradict this Apostolicall legation sent vnto them and to cast vpon the Pope al the most foule reproaches and maledictions that fury could suggest vnto them Thus saith Lambertus and then setteth downe the particuler slanderous reproaches heere cited by T. M. which he approueth not but condemneth as yow haue heard highly commendeth not only the vertue but sanctity also of the Pope And will euer any man credit T. M. any more in any thing that he alledgeth when this conscienceles falsification is once discouered in him yea though it were but once throughout his whole booke it were sufficient to proue that he dealeth not out of any faith or conscience at all 39. If an enemy would discredit both Christ and Christian Religion and say your owne Euangelistes doe recount foule thinges against him as heere this Minister saith our Historiographer doth of Pope Gregory and namely that he was accused by the Scribes and Pharisies for casting out diuells in the power of Belzebub for deceiuing the people for denying tribute of the paid to Cesar for mouing sedition and other like crimes which our Euangelistes doe recount indeed but doe condemne them also as false and calumnious were not this as good and faithfull a manner of reasoning as this other of Thomas Morton out of Lambertus and Frisingensis against Pope Hildebrand who is by them both most highly commēded as yow haue heard and his Aduersaries condemned Truly if any man can shew me out of all the Catholicke writers that be extant English or other that euer any one of them vsed this shamefull fraud in writing where no excuse can free them from malicious and witting falshood then will I graunt that it is not proper
Protestantes that follow Caluins doctrine prosessed enemies of Iesus Christ al which being Ministers and zealous professors of Luthers new Ghospell cannot be imagined by Protestantes to haue byn so much abandoned by the Holy Ghost as to giue this deliberate Censure of their brethren in profession if it were false or else must we thinke that they had neuer the true spirit of God in them wherof which soeuer our Minister granteth he is in the brakes And thus much of Lutherane Protestantes 9. Next to this where the danger without cōparison is farre greater the Answerer obiecteth to our Minister the opinion of the Puritanes to wit the more zealous part of the Caluinian profession it self who affirme in the name of all their brethren whome they say to be thousands that the ordinary Protestantes of England are not only in errour and Heresy but are plaine Infidelles and that it is infidelity to goe to their Churches and that it was a damnable sinne in the Parliament yea more heinous then that of Sodom and Gomorrha to cōfirme such an erroneous Religion And the same and other like censures of theirs are related in my Lord of Canterbury his booke of Dangerous positions and the occasion and foundation of this censure and iudgment is set downe of late very cleerly in the preface to the answere to Syr Edward Cookes Reports where is shewed why supposing the groūdes of both Religions and differences especially in the origen of Ecclesiasticall power which giueth essence to the true Church they cannot be but as heathens publicans and Infidelles the one to the other 9. Now then how doe yow thinke that T. M. shifteth of this charge No otherwise then the former by granting the matter but inueigheth against the men This writer and you saith he may ioine fellowship yow dedicate your booke to the King he to the Parliament he pretendeth the consent of a thousand yow of a thousand thousandes he for all his consent is not many and yow for ought you will pretend but one c. So he But what is all this to the purpose He granteth the point in question that English Protestantes are held for Heretickes in the science conscience of Puritanes so as both by enemies and friendes they are thought to be in an euill case And truly this is much plainer dealing in cōfessing a truth that they be in deed at such debate amōg themselues in the very substance and essence of their Religion then that of Deane Sutcliffe who hauing taken vpon him these yeares past to returne A full and round answere for so he intituleth his booke to the VVarn-word of N. D. euen as now T. M. doth his A full satisfaction when he came to the purpose he was so far from being full round as to foure whole Chapters which the other had made of this matter to shew the dissentiō of Protestants among themselues the condemnation of Caluinistes by all other Protestant sectes of our time he answered not twice foure lines to all the said discourses testimonies examples and demonstrations but dissembling al as though no such thing had byn written by his aduersary at last in the end of a Chapter brake forth into the deniall of any such different names or sectes at all saying Neither doe we acknowledge the names of Lutheranes Caluinistes Zuinglians or Puritanes but only doe call our selues Christians c. VVe say further that the Churches of Germany France and England agree albeit priuate men hold priuate opinions 10. Thus Deane Sutcliffe and by this audacity yow may know the Deane for that no man els I thinke could without blushing haue denied the notice of so notorious names and differences or so boldly haue affirmed that all the Protestant Churches of Geneua France and England did agree notwithstanding that priuate men held priuate opinions so as belike Churches may agree without men to wit in their walles and windowes but these are escapes fit for M. Sutcliffe and so to him I leaue them 11. But yet the moderate Answerer goeth one step neerer vnto T. M. and telleth him that a great learned man of his owne side a rare linguist a long traueller trained much in Geneua and other Citties of Germany highly commended by M. VVillet in his printed workes and admired by others to wit M. Hugh Broughton hauing considered well of our ordinary Protestantes Religion condemned the same of infinite errours Heresies in a certaine aduertisement published in print vpon the yeare of Christ 1604. giuing grieuous curses of Anathema Maranatha to the same to diuers Bishops in particuler as namely to M. VVhitgift late Archbishop of Canterbury and to M. Bilson yet Bishop of VVinchester affirming further that their Bible after their translation and by their corrupt notes thervnto is made worse and more dangerous then the Turkes Alcaron and causeth many millions to run to eternall flames that he hath found the text of the old Testament only peruerted in eight hundred and eight and forty seuerall places and other like pointes whervnto I finde T. M. to answere nothing in effect touching the matter it self in question either by deniall of the thing or otherwise but only ascribing it to passion and lack of iudgment in him which the other perhaps will retourne to him againe But let vs hear our Ministers wordes to his aduersary 12. VVhat modesty saith he can this be in you to obiect vnto vs a man whome you know to be sequestred from vs rather by impotency of passion then by any difference of Religion And is not this a very substantiall answere Is not this a full satisfaction according to the title of his booke and was not the censure of the Puritanes cast of a little before in regard of like passion And all the Lutheran Protestantes of Tubinga before that againe vpon pretence of like passion as writing in the spirit of contradiction and contention What triall what witnes can haue place if this kind of answering may be admitted But it is sufficient to me that by confession of our Minister himselfe their Religion is held for error Heresy and infidelity not only by Catholickes or Papistes as they call them but also by Protestantes themselues both Lutheranes and Puritanes and some learned also of their owne proper sect which is a pittifull confession if we consider of it well and no lesse dishonorable preiudiciall vnto them to haue the name of Heretike ascribed laid vpon them aswell by friendes as enemies as it is honourable and comfortable vnto vs to be called Catholickes according to S. Augustines obseruation not only by freindes but also by our enemies And thus much of the first Question The second Question about seditious Doctrine §. 2. 13. ALl our contention hitherto in this point hauing byn whether truly really the doctrine of Catholickes or Protestantes be more peaceable or seditious in it self or more dāgerous or secure
mutatae sunt quia Pontifex qui est caput in spiritualibus non est subiectus in temporalibus Then in those dayes generall Councelles were made not without the charges of Emperours in that time the Pope did subiect himselfe vnto Emperours in temporall affaires and therfore they could doe nothing against the Emperours will for which cause the Pope did make supplication to the Emperour that he would commaund Synodes to be gathered but after those times all causes were changed for that the Pope who is head in spirituall matters is not subiect in temporall affaires So he 31. And heere let vs consider the variety of sleightes shifts of this our Minister not only in citing Bellarmins wordes falsly and against his meaning and drift in Latin wherof we shall speake presently but in peruerting this Latin that he hath so corruptly set downe in his former English translation For first hauing said according to the Latin that generall Councelles in those dayes were not gathered without the cost of Emperours he addeth presently of his owne and were made by their consentes which is not in the Latin and then he cutteth of the other wordes immediatly ensuing which conteine the cause to wit for that the Popes subiecting themselues in those dayes touching temporalities vnto the Emperours as hauing no temporall States or dominion yet of their owne could doe nothing without them and therfore did make supplication to the said Emperours that they would commaund Synodes to be gathered which T. M. translateth that they would gather Synodes as though Bellarmine did affirme that it lay in the Emperours by right to doe it but after those times omnes causae mutatae sunt all causes were changed but he should haue said are changed as Bellarmins true wordes are omnes istae causae al these causes are chāged to wit foure sortes of causes which he setteth downe why generall Councells could not be well gathered in those dayes without the Emperours help and authority which wordes are guilefully cut of by this deceauer as in like manner the last wordes put downe heere by himselfe Pontifex non est subiectus in temporalibus are falsly translated cannot be subiect in temporall and againe afterward Popes might not be subiect in temporall matters which is to make Bellarmine contrary to himselfe who saith a little before that the Popes did subiect themselues for many years wherby is proued that they could doe it but Bellarmins meaning is that in right by the preheminence of their spirituall dignity they were exempted not bound therunto 32. And thus much now for the corruptions vsed in the wordes heere set downe both in Latin English But if we would goe to Bellarmine himself and see his whole discourse and how brokenly and persidiously these lines are cut out of him and heere patched togeather as one entier context contrary to his drift and meaning we shall meruaile more at the insolency of Thomas Morton triumphing ouer his owne lye as before hath byn said for that Bellarmine hauing proued at larg and by many sortes of argumentes and demonstrations throughout diuers Chapters togeather that the right of gathering generall Councelles belongeth only to the Bishop of Rome and hauing answered all obiections that could be made against the same in the behalfe of Emperours or other temporall Princes grāting only that for certaine causes in those first ages the same could not be done in respect of temporall difficulties without the helpe assistance of the said Emperours that were Lords of the world he commeth to make this conclusion which heere is cited by T. M. but in far other wordes and meaning then heere he is cited Yow shall heare how he setteth it downe therupō consider of the truth of this Minister Habemus ergo saith he prima illa Concilia c. We haue then by all this disputation seene how those first Christian Councelles were commaunded by Emperours to be gathered but by the sentence and consent of Popes and why the Pope alone in those dayes did not call Councelles as afterward hath byn accustomed the reason was not for that Councelles gathered without the Emperours consent are not lawfull as our Aduersaries would haue it for against that is the expresse authority of S. Athanasius saying Quando vnquam iudicium Ecclesiae ab Imperatore authoritatem habuit When was it euer seene that the iudgment of the Church did take authority from the Emperour but for many other most iust causes was the Emperours consent required therin c. So Bellarmine 33. And heere now yow see that Bellarmins drift is wholy against M. Mortons assertion for that he denieth that euer the Emperours had any spirituall authority for calling of Councells but only that they could not well in those dayes be made without them and that for foure seuerall causes wherof the first was for that the old Imperiall lawes made by Gentils were yet in vse wherby all great meetinges of people were forbidden for feare of sedition except by the Emperours knowledge licence the second for that Emperours being temporall Lordes of the whole world the Councells could be made in no Citty of theirs without their leaue the third for that generall Councelles being made in those dayes by the publicke charges contributions of Citties and especially of Christian Emperours themselues as appeareth by Eusebius Theodoretus other writers it was necessary to haue their consent and approbation in so publicke an action as that was 34. The fourth and last cause was saith Bellarmine for that in those dayes albeit the Bishop of Rome where head in spirituall matters ouer the Emperours themselues yet in temporall affaires he did subiect himself vnto them as hauing no temporal State of his owne and therfore acknowledging them to be his temporall Lords he did make supplicatiō vnto them to commaund Synodes to be gathered by their authority and licence At post illa tempora istae omnes causae mutatae sunt but since those dayes all these foure causes are changed ipse in suis Prouinciis est Princeps Supremus temporalis sicut sunt Reges Principes alij and the Pope himself now in his temporall Prouinces is supreme temporall Lord also as other Kings Princes are which was brought to passe by Godes prouidence saith Bellarmine to the end that he might with more freedome liberty and reputation exercise his office of generall Pastorship 35. And this is all that Bellarmine hath of this matter And now may we cōsider the vanity of this Mortons triumph ouer him before and how falsly he dealeth with him alledging him against his owne drift and meaning leauing out also 〈◊〉 foure causes by me recited and then cutting of 〈◊〉 the particle istae these causes are now changed which includeth reference to these foure aid furthermore speaking indefinitely as though all causes and matters were now changed seeketh therby to deceaue his Reader and
denyeth to any Iudge that he knoweth of any Cryme in Confession which is a diuine iudgment and tribunall it is vnderstood by the circumstance of his office that no such crymes are to be enquired of in that humane court or iudgement And so when the defendant denyeth that he hath done this or that secret cryme though he seeme to deny it absolutly yet the circumstance of the place action and persons may easely declare if a man looke into them that his true meaning may be that he hath done no such thing as ought to be enquired in that manner or vttered publickly in that tribunall 30. So he in this and all other like cases about which this general foundation is held by the foresaid Deuines and related by our Countreyman Sayer in his Cases of conscience in these wordes Interrogatus à Iudice incompetente c. He that is examined by an incompetent Iudge or if he be competent and lawfull yet doth he not proceed lawfully according to forme of law as examining him of secret 〈◊〉 or matters or circumstances impertinēt to the cause then in that case is he not obliged to sweare according to the intention of the said Iudge that offereth the oath nor on the other syde may he lye or sweare against his owne intention or true meaning for that he should synne deepely and incurre periury but he may when he is thus pressed and cannot otherwise auoid the violence and iniuty offered vnto him so accommodate his wordes as they may be true according to his owne intention and in the sight of God though they be false according to the intention of him that doth iniustly exact the oath and in so answering he lyeth not nor incurreth periury though the said Iudge be deceaued For that S. Thomas well noteth the formall and essentiall reason of a lye consisteth not in the intention of the speaker to leaue the hearer deceaued for that otherwise he should lye whosoeuer should vse doubtfull and equiuocall wordes to hide a truth which both S. Thomas S. Augustine and other Deuines do deny but it consisteth in this that a thing is otherwise spoken then is in the mynd of the speaker vnde mentiri est contra montem ire to ly is to go against a mans owne mynd as before hath sufficiently byn declared Thus Sayer Diuers other Cases in particuler §. 7. 31. AND now in the last place shall we lay togeather some few seuerall cases which vpon these and like rules reasons and principles 〈◊〉 do resolue And the first shal be that case which our Minister Morton so often proposeth and odiously doth exagerate about Couentry saying That our English Equiuocators do teach that if a man come from Couentry which towne is held to be infected with the plague himselfe dwelling in a parte of that Cittie which is free from infection and being asked at London-gates whether he came from Couentry they intending to aske him concerning a place infected he may answere no for that herein he deceaueth not the mynd of the questioner but answereth directly to his intention So propoundeth he the case as he pretendeth out of the Catholike treatise of Equiuocatiō which hitherto I haue not seene and consequently cannot affirme how truly or falsely the same is related but he hauing so vttered the said case doth in opposition 〈◊〉 cyte the forsaid Iesuite Azor his sentece against this as though he said that if we admit this case Nihil tam falsum esse posse quod non que at ab omni mendacio liberari nothing is so false but that it may be freed from a lye which wordes are indeed in Azor but not applyed by him to this case but to another saying That if it were lawfull for vs to feigne what words we would in an oath without regard to the circumstances of tyme place and persons before mentioned then nothing were so false in deed that might not be freed from all lying but this case of ours goeth not conioyned with these wordes of Azor as Morton hath perfidiously heer tyed them togeather but Azor speaking twice of this our case in one page first in the name of others by way of obiection and againe in his owne name by way of resolution he saith Libenter concedimus de eo qui ad portas 〈◊〉 rogatur c. we do willingly grant the example of him who coming to the gates of a Citty and being asked whether he came from a certayne place which by errour is thought to be infected with the plague and is not tuto citra 〈◊〉 iurare potest se ex eo loco non venire he may securely sweare without lying that he cometh not from that place so as he vnderstand that he cometh not from any place infected with plague nor that himselfe is infected This is Azor his iudgement and resolution And before him this case was so resolued by Doctor Syluester Nauar Tolet Roderiquez Cosmus Philiarchus and diuers other learned men as after him also by our often-named Countreyman Gregorius Sayer and the reason of the lawfulnes of this answere is for that the answerer being sure that either the place is not infected from whence he came or that himselfe hath brought no infection about him for otherwise he should be periured it were great iniury vnto him to be stayed at the Gate without cause and therfore for declyning this iniury and 〈◊〉 it is lawfull for him to answere to the finall end and intention of the keeper and of the Cittie or Common-wealth whose intention only is to exclude infected people and not to their immediate words about the particuler place 32. And now all this being so consider 〈◊〉 pray yow the shamelesse forhead of this deceauing Minister in cyting Azor quite against himselfe and his owne sense and meaning and tying his wordes togeather that were spokē separatly to another end yet as though he had played no such iuggling tricke but had gotten some victorie ouer vs heare his insolent speach about this answere sett downe by so many learned men as you haue heard named An answere saith he so grossely false that a Iesuite of high esteeme in your Church to witt Azor writing against this spirituall iuggling of his subtilelying-brethren doth confesse that if this kind of answere concerning a place infected with the plague c. be not false then there is no speach so false but it may be freed from falshood by whom your Equiuocators saith he may learne that if the man yow fancied came not from a place infected with bodily pestilence yet this your Equiuocating proceedeth from myndes spiritually infected with the contagion of pestilent lying So he 33. And I do willingly remit my selfe to the indifferent Reader where this contagion of pestiling lying raigneth either in these graue learned men that haue decyded this question without lying against lying or in Morton that hath multiplied so many lyes togeather
rabblement of false illations Iniurious dealing of T. M. The 〈◊〉 authority strained to many brāches of 〈◊〉 Many 〈◊〉 Princes neuer molested by the Pope Kinde offices of the sea Apostolick tovvardes his Maiesty of great Britanny See Thynnes addition to Holinshed pag. 446. the booke of dangerous positions p. 26 Pope Gregor 13. Tvvo Protestant Princes only censured by the Sea Apostolicke in our age Q. Elizabeth K. of Nauarre The happy successe in the K. of France Protestant people more pe rilous thē Popes Examples of bad dealing in T.M. Disc. p. 31. Naucl. p. 〈◊〉 gener 39. Our English Pope Adrian egregiously abused by T.M. Disc. p. 23. A notable corruptiō about Doctor 〈◊〉 1. Pet. 2. Consil. Constan. Sess. 15. Catholick moderation tovvardes censuring of Princes Knox 〈◊〉 hist. p. 372. Knox appel fol. 33. Disc pa. 4. Another cosenage about a text of Gratian. Apud Gra. causa 15. q. 6. cap. 4. gloss A doubt proposed solued See of this History of the Disputation before the King of France annexed to the confut of the first 6. moneths of Foxes Calendar Another fraudulēt case out of the Canon lavv Decret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de Haer. tit 7. c. 〈◊〉 Theseuere sentence of S. Augustine against Hereticks August l. de 〈◊〉 Cath. Deut. 13. Hier. contr vigilant eit a 〈◊〉 caus 23. q. 〈◊〉 c. legi A Catalogue of cor 〈◊〉 The very first text of Scripture alledged by him most corruptly T. M. his nevv Reply T. M. lendeth and borrovveth of S. Edvvard Cooke T. M. my Lord of Canterburies Chaplaine The Ministers manner of dealing Fond florishes of T. M. 〈◊〉 T. M. 〈◊〉 our Catholick Authors Iob 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. Prior. 〈◊〉 Protestant Princes troubled by Popes in our daies Hovv Protestantes vvere denied by the Ansvverer to be subiect to the penalties of Heresy Of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the more moderate follovved by the Ansvverer Moderate Ansvvere cap. 1. §. 〈◊〉 Reply c. 4. 5. 6. c. Greg. de val to 3. disp 1. q. 12. de Apostas 〈◊〉 2. para 4. T. M. vvill needes proue Protestantes to be held for Heretickes T. M a bad Proctor for Protestantes The imputation 〈◊〉 Heresy vnto Protestantes 〈◊〉 brought in by T. M T. M. an example of Equiuocation The Authors Cēsure both of the Ansvverer Replyer The Ministers Sleightes Marke these consequences Aug. de fide Cathol citat apud Grat. tit 7. de Haereticis c. 2 First charge of Heresy laied vpon Protestantesby men of their ovvne pro fession Moderate Ansvver pag. 14. In praefat cap. 1. 2 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. c. Reply pag. 17. His sleight 〈◊〉 not satisfying the doubt Stanc l. de Trinit medi. Lut. li. contr Sacra epist. ad Marchio Pruss Ansvverer pag 15 The secōd charge of Heresy frō Puritanes Admonit 2. to the Par. pa. 25. suppl vers 36. Hovv T. M. doth shift of the Censure of the Puritanes The notable shifting of Deane Sutcliffe Sutcliffe in his full ansvvere part 1. C. 1. pag. 14. A third charge of Heresy against Protestantes by one of their ovvne Moderate Ansvver pag. 14. M. Hugh Broughtō Reply c. 7. T. M. cannot defend his Religion from Heresy against his ovvne people Aug. l. de vera Relig cap. 7. The equity of our doctrine tried by the effects The contrary effects of Protestant doctrine The vanity of this Reply Moder Ansvverer cap 4. The doctrine of Goodman and other English Protestāts of Geneua Goodman pa. 94. 119. 203. c. Cap. 1. Full satisfaction part 2. pa. 103. Dang posit l. 2. c. 1. A shameles assertion of T. M. denying a manifest truth The B. of Cant. his testimony of the primitiue English Geneuiās dan. posit pag. 218. 219. 220. 221. In his preface to Goodmās booke An euasiō taken avvay Their sedicious do ctrine against Q. Elizabeth Dan. posit pag. 18. 133 〈◊〉 suppl to the gouernour of VVales p. 16. 36. 37. 38. Mod. ans cap. 4. Positions of Scottish Mininisters Knox in Hist. p. 372 item to Engl. and Scotland f 78 Buechanan de Iure Reg. p. 13. 25. 40. 58. 61. Cap. 2. §. Contrarywise Hovv fully T. M. ansvvereth matters giueth satisfaction Reply 〈◊〉 107. To the obiection about Knox Buchanans doctrine Reply pa. 103. To theobiection of his Maiesties iudgmēt about the English Ministers notes 〈◊〉 the Bible Marke his poore shift 2. Par. 15. Not only Kings by Gods lavv appointed deposers as the Minister T. M. saith Reply pag. 101. To the Rebelliōs against Q. Mary vvhat he ansvvereth Stovv Holinshead others in their Cronicles Many cleere exāples to cōuince T. M. Stovv an 1554. May 18. 〈◊〉 other insurrections 〈◊〉 conspiracies by Ministers More exāples of Ministers treasons against 〈◊〉 Mary Knok in his 〈◊〉 to the Nobility fol. 63. 77. Goodman in his booke hovv Superiours ought to be obeied c. 〈◊〉 fol. 54. Princes to be deposed by the liuely vvord of God M. VVhittingham in his preface to Goodmās booke Gilby in Admon pag. 69. Gilbyes immodest speech against K. Henry and the supremacy Fox in an 1554. pag. 1289. The 〈◊〉 of Syr Tho. VVyat 〈◊〉 l. 2 de Schis p. 332. Reply 〈◊〉 107. No substantiall ansvvering to any thing Dang posit l. 1. c. 6. To the examples of France Vide Lodouicum Richome in expost apolog ca. 94. A vaine shift To the examples of Geneua Reply pa. 116. Ibid. pag. 119. Reply pa. 19. Mod. Ansvver c. 9. Great hypocrisy in the demaund of T. M. Bishop of Geneua vvas Lord 〈◊〉 also of the Citty Caluin to Sadolet p. 171. Bodinus l. de Repub. pag 353. Sutcliffe in Suric pag. 14. D Sutclifs testimony of Protestants doctrine for deposing of Princes Full satisfaction pag. 119. A 〈◊〉 conferēce be tvveene Sutcliffe Mortō The absurd false dealing of tvvo Ministers togeather Sundry other Rebellions of Protestāts Seely ansvveres or rather shiftings of Reply pa. 124. The title of T. M. his 〈◊〉 Treatise The cause of this seuerall Chapter Confut. pag. 1. To his first cauillation Math. 4. To his second cauillation Pag. 2. Carerius li. 2. Rom. Pontif. ca. 18. Sander in visib monarch The dignity of Priesthood proued to be more then Regall False dealing against 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 2. Carer l. 2. c. 1. Salmeron Disp. 12. in 〈◊〉 Paul Carer l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hebr. 4. Hovv the old Testament vvas a figure of the nevv 1. Cor. 9. Deut. 25. 1. Cor. 10. 〈◊〉 p. 3. 〈◊〉 of T. M. Conf. par 3. pag. 3. A Sophisticall fallacy in steed of a demonstratiue argument Reply par 3. pag. 54. VVhether Christes Priesthood or Kingly povver vvere grea ter vpon earth 〈◊〉 l. 3. de Sacerdotio subinitio Chrys. ho. 5. de verb. Isaiae Ibid. Naz. orat ad ciues timore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 3. de fid c. 5. Aug. l. 1. de consensu 〈◊〉 cap. 3. Psal. 2. Ibid. Hebr. 1. Psal. 8. 〈◊〉 28. Phil. 〈◊〉 Gen. 14. Hebr. 7. 〈◊〉 109. Hebr. 2. Hebr. 3. Hebr. 4.