the insufficiencie of our captaines and seditiousnesse of our Legions forreine force assailing vs and our allyes betraying vs were reduced to those desperate termes that we stoode in danger of leesing the countrey but that warre together with the causes and particular euentes thereof for it continued long I a lib. 4. will hereafter declare The Dacians also stirred a nation neuer louing vs and as then our army being withdrawen out of Moesia not fearing vs neither When the first alterations and troubles beganne they held themselues quiet and looked but on but whenas they perceiued Italie to bee all in armes and betweene the sides euery where open hostility forcing the standing campes of the cohorts and wings they put themselues in possession of both the banckes of Danubius and were now at the point to baue razed the campes of the Legions had not Mutianus hauing knowledge before of the victory at Cremona opposed the sixt Legion against them lest two forreine powers should haue broken in at one time the Germans Dacians from two diuerse coastes As often heretofore so now specially fortune was fauourable to the Romans bringing Mutianus with the power of the East to arriue there at that instant and that in the meane time the matter was so dispatched at Cremona Mutianus departing away left Fonteius Agrippa who had beene one yeare Proconsull of Asia Lieutenant generall in Moesia assigning him sufficient forces out of the Vitellian Legions whom it was thought a point both of pollicy and peace to disperse abroad in the prouinces and keepe occupied in forreine warre Neither were other nations at quiet In Pontus a barbarous bondeman which sometime had beene Admirall of the kings nauie raised vp a sodaine warre in the countrey his name was Anicetus a freedman of the late king Polemo sometime of great credite and power and now since the kingdome was b In Neroes time reduced into a prouince displeased and greeued with the change Whereupon hauing associated vnto him in Vitellius name the nations that dwell vpon Pontus alluring the poore and neediest sort with hope of bootie and spoile he became in short time Commander of competent forces with which hee sodainely inuaded and brake into Trapezus a very ancient citty built by the Graecians in the vttermost borders of Pontus where a cohorte was slaine which in time past was in the seruice there of the king but being afterwarde made cittizens of Rome had taken enseignes and armour after our manner retaining the slouthfulnesse and dissolute life of the Greekes notwithstanding Hee burned also the nauy there doing his pleasure on that sea which as then was vngarded by reason that Mutianus had giuen order for the best of the galleyes and all the souldiers to meete him at Byzantium vpon occasion whereof the barbarous people also of the countrey ranged abroade and robbed without feare of checke or controlment building them boates on the sodaine which they call a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Strabo lib. 11. Camerae of narrowe sides and broade bottoms wrought and ioyned togither without any brasse or iron and when the sea goeth high as the waues rise they raise also the sides of the vessell with boordes vntill they close and couer it aboue like a house and so the boates tumble vp and downe in the middle of the waues hauing a prow alike on both sides ready to rowe either way without any danger as it shall fall out for their purpose These things moued Vespasian to assigne vnto those parts some Vexillary soldiers out of the Legions and Virdius Geminus for captaine a man of good proofe in seruice who setting vpon the enemies being in disarray and dispersed in seeking of spoile draue them to their boates and then causing some galleyes to bee built in hast pursued and ouertooke Anicetus in the mouth of the riuer Cohibus being there vnder the protection of the king of the Sedochezi whom he had wunne by money gifts to vndertake his defence And indeede at first the king threatned to protect his suppliant with force of armes but whenas he saw himselfe put to the choise to accept either rewarde for yeelding him or warre in defending him as an vnconstant and disloyall barbarian vpon composition hee surrendred Anicetus to dye deliuered the fugitiues so an ende was made of that seruile warre Vespasian being ioyfull vpon the obtaining of this victorie all things succeeding vnto him aboue his own wish was certified soone after being in Aegypt of the battaile at Cremona which caused him to make the more hast to Alexandria that seeing Vitellius army was defeated and broken hee might presse also with hunger the citty of Rome standing altogether vpon forraine prouision For so likewise he made preparation to inuade Africke situate on the same coast both by sea and lande meaning to cut off the two storehouses of corne from the enemie and so procure famine whereof consequently dissension would growe X. Antonius Primus marcheth from Cremona to Fanum Fortunae his tarring with Mutianus WHILEST in these generall alterations thorowe out the whole world the state thus altered passed Antonius Primus leauing Cremona left also his former care of well carying himselfe supposing the warre to be at an end and no difficulty in that which remained or els peraduenture prosperity in a man of that disposition discouered the secrete and inwarde faultes of his minde as couetousnesse and pride and other vices that were suppressed before Italie he harried as a conquered countrey the Legions with all kinde of curtesie hee sought to assure to himselfe in summe by all speeches and deedes he made the way to his owne greatnesse And to giue the souldier the more his owne will and leaue him the bridle at large of his mere motion hee graunted vnto the Legions the choise of Centurions in their roomes that were slaine by which kinde of election the busiest and troublesomest fellowes were chosen and generally the souldier was not gouerned by the direction of his captaine but the captaine drawen by the violence of the souldier After these pointes tending to faction and corrupting of discipline hee conuerted himselfe to the pray nothing dreading Mutianus at hande which was a more hainous offence then to haue contemned Vespasian himselfe Neuerthelesse the army marched on without cariages because the winter was neare and the fieldes ouerflowen with the Po. The enseignes and standerds of the conquering Legions and the aged or impotent souldiers with many sound also were left at Verona It seemed sufficient now the warre was in so good a forwardnesse to take onelie the cohorts and wings and certaine chosen men out of the Legions vnto this companie the eleuenth Legion also adioyned themselues who at the first had made some delay but seeing the good successe of their fellowes were sory it was their ill happe to be absent with it there came also sixe thousande Dalmatians newly leuyed Poppaeus Siluanus was Lieutenant generall but the whole
the Senate weake for age and with long rest vnlusty the nobility slothfull and hauing forgotten the warres the gentlemen ignorant in seruice the more they all sought to couer hide it the more they in sight bewraied their feare On the other side some vpō a foolish vain glory bought them braue armour and goodly great horses some riotous prouision for banquets and allurements of lusts as instruments of warre The wiser sort were woe to see the quietnesse of the weale-publicke perturbed the witlesse and not able to see into sequels were puft vp with vaine hope and many a good man bankerupt in peace now in the troubles shewed most gallant then being safest when the state was vnsafest The common people who for their huge greatnes taketh no care of publicke affaires beganne now to feele by little and little the smartes of the warre perceiuing the money was turned all to the souldiers vse and vittailes to growe more deare in the market which euils in Vindex commotion had nothing worne the commons so bare the citty was then out of danger and the warre in the prouince which beeing fought betweene the Legions and them of France might seeme in a sort externall and forrayne For since the time that D. Augustus ordered the Empire the people of Rome fought a farre off the care and the credite belonged to one vnder Tiberius and Caius men feared alone the miseries of peace a Lieuetenant of Dalmatia Dio. lib. 60. pag. 463. Scribonianus attemptes against Claudius were begunne and dasht in a moment Nero was rather by newes and by rumours then by force of armes cast out of state but now the Legions the nauies and that which seldome else hath beene seene the Garde and citty-souldier were brought to the fielde the East and the West and whatsoeuer was on both sides behind matter for a long warre b Tac. 2. Histor p. 78. Quod singulis velut ictibus transacta sunt bella ignavia principum factum est if other captaines had warred Some perswaded Otho as he was now ready to march to stay yet a while making a scruple that the holy shields called Ancilia were as yet not layed vp againe but he could not abide to heare of delayes which had bene he said Neroes destruction and Caecina hauing already passed the Alpes called him forwarde The fourteenth of March recommending the commonwealth to the Lordes in Senate hee granted to the persons restored from exile the residue of Neroes confiscations such as were not as yet come to his cofers a gift most reasonable and in shew very great but in effecte fruitlesse by reason of the hasty exaction By and by assembling the people he magnifieth the maiesty of the citty the consent of the Senate and people of Rome in fauour of his side modestly touching the contrary faction and blaming the Legions rather for ignoraunce then rashnesse without anie mention at all of Vitellius whether it was of his owne temperatenesse or that els hee which penned the oration fearing the worst did of purpose forbeare to reuile for as in militare matters hee followed the aduise of Suetonius Paullinus and Marius Celsus so in ciuill he was thought to vse Galerius Trachalus wisedome and some there were which would seeme to knowe the manner of phrase notorious by reason of his often pleading large and sounding and framed to fill the eares of the people The commons after their flattering fashion receyued the speech with cryes and acclamations without either measure or trueth contending to passe one another in applause and wishes as if it had beene to Caesar the Dictator or the Emperour Augustus neither for feare nor for loue but onely vpon a delight in seruility * vt in familijs i. inter servitia in opposition to plebs ingenua 4. Ann. p. 344. lin 14. as in priuate families euery man prouoked by some priuate cause no man regarding the publicke dishonour a Otho departed from Rome saith Suetonius die quo cultores deûm matris lamentari plangere incipiunt that is the seuen and twentieth of March according to Marcellinus Otho departing awaye commended the quiet estate of the citty and cares of the Empire to Saluius Titianus his brother THE SECOND BOOKE OF THE HISTORIE OF CORNELIVS TACITVS I Titus Vespasianus sayling towarde Rome hearing of Galbaes death at Corinth returneth into Syria The disposition of the Easterne armies NOW fortune in a contrary coast of the worlde prepared cause and layed the foundation for a new a For the Empire of the Flauian familye Empire which put vp in sundry regions and according to the different gouernment became b Acceptable prosperous in the persons of Vespasian Titus hatefull pernicious in the person of Domitian acceptable or hatefull to the state and to the Princes themselues prosperous or pernicious Titus Vespasianus beeing sent by his father from Iewry before Galba was slaine gaue forth as c Iosephus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 4. c. 29. addeth further that Titus was sent to vnderstand Galbaes pleasure concerning the Iewish matters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cause of his voyage the doing of duety to the new Prince and suing for office whereunto hee was now by his yeares enabled ripe but the common sort ready to make and deuise had cast abroad that he was sent for to bee d Suet. Tito c. 5. Galba mox tenente remp missus ad gratulandum Titus quaqua iret cōuertit homines quasi adoptionis gratia arcesseretur declared successour The age of Galba and lacke of issue and that intemperate humour of the citty to name many til one be appointed gaue occasion ministred matter to the speech the towardlinesse of Titus increast the report as being a person capable of any dignitie were it neuer so great the comlinesse also of his countenance with a certayne maiesty the prosperous proceedings of his father in Iewry prophecies and oracles and lastly whenas the minds of men were once inclined to beleeue euen common accidents were reputed * loco ominum etiam fortuna ominous and helped to further the same At Corinth a citty of Achaia he receiued certaine advertisement that Galba was slaine and some also were there who assured that Vitellius was in armes and doubtlesse would proceede to make warre Whereupon beeing perplexed in minde calling some fewe of his friendes he weigheth the reasons on both sides in counsell if hee should proceed in his iourney to Rome it were but a thanckelesse office being first vndertaken to honor another beside he should remaine as an hostage to Vitellius or Otho if returne backe again the winner without question would bee offended but yet in some tolerable sort seeing the victory as yet rested vncertayne and the father afterwarde applying himselfe to the side the sonne would finde an easy excuse or if his father tooke vpon him the state then care not to offend were to be forgotten where open hostilitie
for both they of the prouince liked well of the souldiers company to whom they were enured with whom many of them were linked in affinitie kinred and the soldiers likewise loued the place of their setled campes as their owne homes being growen familiare with them by reason of their long seruice there Before the fifteenth of Iuly all Syria had receyued the same othe Moreouer Sohemus with his kingdome adioyned himselfe to the cause a man of good forces and Antiochus of wealth of long gathering and of all the subiect kings the richest Agrippa also vpon secrete aduertisements from his frendes departed a He came out of Iewry with Titus when he was sent by his father to Galba and when Titus vpon the message of Galbaâ—s death returned backe again from Corinth Agrippa notwithstanding saieth Iosephus li. 4. c. 29 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vt apud novum principem locaret gratiam saieth our common Hegesippus lib. 4. c. 21. from Rome vnawares to Vitellius and sayled hastily home and likewise the queene Berenice with all her might furthered the side a queene in the flower of her beauty and youth and well beloued of the olde Vespasian also in respect of the great and rich gifts which she gaue All the prouinces which bordered on the sea as farre as Asia and Achaia and al the inlandes to Pontus Armenia receiued the oth but the Lieutenants thereof were without armies for as yet Cappadocia had no Legions assigned XXIIII The preparation of Vespasian and his side for the warre BERYTVS was elected for the place of their principal consultations Thither Mutianus with the Lieutenants Tribunes repayred the chiefest of the Centurions and soldiers certaine choise persons out of the Iewish army So many footmen horsemen together so great preparations of kings striuing to exceed one another made shewe of a Princes estate The first prouision for warre was to leuy more men and reuoke the olde souldiers which were discharged certaine strong cities were appointed out to make armour therein at Antioche gold and siluer was coyned and in all these seuerall workes great speede and diligence vsed by the meanes of good ouerseers Vespasian also woulde goe in his owne person and encourage them inciting the good by praise the slowe by example rather then correction more ready to conceale the vices of his friendes then the vertues many he rewarded with captaines and Procuratours places many he aduanced to be Senatours excellent men and of great vertue and which afterwardes attained to highest degrees although in some fortune supplied the want of good qualities As for donatiues to the souldier neither did Mutianus in his first oration make any mention but sparingly thereof nor Vespasian make any offer of greater in ciuill warre then others were wonted in peace a man notable and firme against these lauishings to souldiers and therefore hauing his army better in order Moreouer Embassadours were sent to the kings of Parthia and Armenia to conclude a surceance of armes lest whilest the Legions were intentiue vpon the ciuill warre those nations should assault the frontiers behinde It was agreed that Titus should prosecute the Iewish warre and Vespasian should put himselfe in possession of the a Claustra Aegypti Iosephus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. 4. c. 37. openeth this matter at large of the necessity of the countrey to the vittailing of Italie of the streÌ„gth on euery side and hardnesse of accesse either by land or by sea and especially of the daÌ„gerousnesse of the hauen at Alexandria a very particulare description neuerthelesse Vespasian after this consultation at Berytus according to Josephus c. 4 went to Antiochia before he went into Aegypt strength of Aegypt Against Vitellius it was thought sufficient to sende a part of the host and Mutianus to leade them and the name of Vespasian and the fauour of fate which findeth or maketh a way through all lets Then letters were writen to all the Lieutenants and armies and order giuen out to inuite the Praetorian souldiers which hated Vitellius vpon promise of restitution to their places Mutianus with an army not encombred with cariage bearing himselfe rather as the Emperours fellowe then as a seruant marched forward not very slowly lest he should seeme for feare to delay nor yet very hastily but gaue time for the fame of the action to grow knowing that his strength was not much and that men beleeue alwaies greater matters of thinges which are absent but there followed a great troupe the sixth Legion and thirteene thousande Vexillaries The fleete hee commaunded to passe out of Pontus and meete him at Byzantium beeing halfe in a minde to leaue Moesia and with his horsemen and footemen directly to goe to Dyrrhachium and withall with his shippes of warre to shut vp the sea toward Italie leauing Achaia and Asia behinde him in safety which vnlesse they were garded with sufficient power being without armies would lie open to Vitellius and that by that meanes Vitellius himselfe woulde stand in doubt what parte of Italie to protect if at one instant Brundusium and Tarentum and the coasts of Lucania and Calabria should be infested by enemy fleets Thus the a Having set forward Mutianus in his way here he returneth againe to talke of the preparation somewhat disorderly and peraduenture to draw in that saying of Mutianus Pecunias esse belli civilis nervoâ— prouinces were busily occupied in prouision of shippes men and armour but the greatest difficulty was to get money which Mutianus affirming to be the sinewes of ciuill warre respected not lawe or equity in iudgements but only what way to procure masses of money Crimes were daylie deuised against men of most wealth and they spoyled which maner of dealing beeing of it selfe greeuous and intollerable but in some sorte excusable by the necessity of the warre remayned also in peace afterward For Vespasian himselfe albeit at the beginning of his Empire hee was not so obstinately bent to obtaine vnreasonable matters yet vppon his continuall prosperitie and taught by ill masters hee tooke foorth a bad lesson and vsed it boldly With his owne purse also Mutianus furthered the warre conferring priuately that which he would in more ample measure repay himselfe out of the common The rest following his example in contributing of money fewe or none had the grace to receiue it againe with the like vantage XXV The armies in Moesia Pannonia and Dalmatia adhere to Vespasian THE affayres of Vespasian were in the meane season hastened forward by the Illyrian armies affection towarde the side The third Legion gaue example to the other two Legions of Moesia the seuenth surnamed Claudiana and the eighth being welwillers of Otho albeit they were not present at the battell but only come forward b Suet. Vesp c. 6 writeth that not the 3. LegioÌ„s but 2000 out of the 3. Legions caÌ„e forward to Aquileiat no doubt erroniously to Aquileia at which place misusing the messengers that
brought worde of Othoes ouerthrowe and tearing the banners wherein Vitellius name was inscribed and lastly taking a summe of money by violence and parting it amongst them they shewed themselues open enemies to the cause Whereupon they feared displeasure and vpon feare deuised that this kinde of dealing which to Vitellius must haue needed a long and solemne excuse might to Vespasian be set vp and reckened as a fauour and benefit So the three Moesian Legions thus concurring in one by letters inuited the Pannonian armie to the cause or if they refused prepared to force them In that tumult Aponius Saturninus Lieutenant general of Moesia endeuoured to commit a most wicked act sending a Centurion to murder Tertius Iulianus Lieutenant of the seuenth Legion vpon priuate grudges pretending the publicke cause of the sides Iulianus vnderstanding of the danger taking guides skilful in the countrey fled by the deserts of Moesia beyonde the mount Hemus and afterward was not present in the ciuill warre of the one side or other protracting the iourney he tooke to Vespasian by diuerse delaies and as the occurrences were making lesse speede or more But in Pannonia the thirteenth Legion and seuenth surnamed Galbiana retaining the anger and griefe of the loste at Bebriacum without any stay ioined themselues to Vespasian at the incitement principally of Antonius Primus a man attainted in law in Neroes time c Tacitus 14. Ann. p. 497. conuicted of forgery but among other miseries of warre and a troubled state he recouered his place in the Senate and by Galba was made Lieutenant of the seuenth Legion He was supposed to haue written diuerse letters to Otho offering his seruice for a captaine to the side of whom being not regarded he was not that warre in any employment but when as Vitellius state beganne to decay following Vespasian he added great waight to the cause being a man valiant of his hands of a ready vtterance a cunning craftesmaster to make others odious in dissensions mutinees powerable a violent spoyler a wastful spender in time of peace quiet gouernement insupportable in warre not to be contemned The Moesian and Pannonian armies being thus ioyned together drew anone the Dalmatian soldier albeit the Lieutenaunts generall sturred nothing at al. Titus Flauianus was general of Pannonia and Pompeius Sullanus of Dalmatia two wealthy old men but there was in the countrey Cornelius Fuscus the Procurator a man in the principal strength of his age and of noble birth who in his first yeares vpon desire of ease had renounced his place in Senate and afterwarde being captaine of his colony in fauour of Galba by that meanes attained a Procuratorship This man entring into the cause for Vespasian became a principall firebrande of the warre seeming to delite not so much in the rewards of perils as in the perils themselues and in steede of certainties wherewith he was anciently indued chusing new and doubtfull vncertainties So he assaieth to shake and sturre vp whatsoeuer there was any where discontented writing into Britanny to the fourteenth Legion into Spaine to the first because they both had stoode against Vitellius for Otho letters also were sent abroad into France and so in one moment there brake a great and mighty warre out the Illyrian armies thus plainely reuolting and the rest inclining to followe where fortune should fauour XXVI Vitellius maketh his entry into Rome WHILEST these things were a working in the prouinces by Vespasian and his adherents Vitellius growing euery day more contemptible and slothfull staying vpon euery place of pleasure in towne and country with his troublesome traine marched toward the citty Threescore thousand armed men were in the company licentiously giuen of lackeyes and horsekeepers a greater number with infinite vittailers and followers of the campe the most dissolute of all others beside the traines of so many Lieutenants and so many friendes out of all compasse of obedience yea although the gouernours had beene men of great austerity and strictnesse Moreouer the Senatours and gentlemen charged the traine who came out of the citty to meete him some for feare some for flattery the rest and so all one after another for company lest they should seeme to stay behinde when others did goe Thither resorted also of the baser sort certaine well knowen to Vitellius by meanes of vnhonest seruices which in time past they had done him as buffons stage players and charet driuers with which kinde of reprochfull acquaintance he was delited wonderfully Neither were the colonies onely or free townes impouerished by purueying of vittailes for so huge a company but the husbandmen themselues fieldes the corne being now ripe were spoiled and wasted as an enemie countrey Many and cruell murders were committed by the souldiers among themselues by reason of the iarring which continued betweene the Legions and Aydes euer since the sturre at Ticinum against the pezantes or any third party they agreed but too well but the greatest slaughter was seuen miles from the citty At that place Vitellius distributed to his souldiers according to the fashion of fencers diet to euery of them meate already dressed and the common people that came out of the citty to see it had dispersed themselues throughout the whole campe As the soldiers gaue no heede to such matters certaine pleasants after a kind of homely iesting cut away secretly their belts and spoiled them thereof asking in jybing maner whether they were girded or no. The soldiers stomacke not vsed to beare words of disgrace could not disgest that scorne but with their swordes reuenged themselues vpon the people which was without weapon among others the father of one of the souldiers was slaine as hee accompanied his sonne vpon which accident perceiued and noised abroad they refrained from shedding of innocent bloud Notwithstanding in Rome the terrour was great by reason of the souldiers running and gadding thither before The Place of common assembly they repaired specially to coueting to behold the place where Galba was slaine whenas they themselues were a spectacle no lesse horrible with hides of wilde beasts about their backes huge massy iauelins in their handes falling to quarrelling and from quarrelling to blowes and their weapon whenas thorough their owne lacke of skill they did not auoide the presse of the people or chanced to fall by meanes of the slippery stones or iustling of others The Tribunes also and other captaines in terrible sort with multitudes of armed men went squaring and ietting the streetes Vitellius himselfe riding from the Miluian bridge vpon a goodly courser with his coate armour on backe and girded souldier like putting the Senate and people before him had welny made his entry a Suetonius c. 11 saieth plainely he did so vrbem ad classicum introiit paludatus ferroque succinctus inter signa atque vexilla sagulatis comitibus ac detectis commilitonum armis for this seemeth to haue bene the maner of entring a towne taken by force Josephus
4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 35 describeth also this entry as into a towne taken by foce but beeing aduised otherwise by his frendes he laied aside his militare attire and taking his robes marched with his men in peaceable maner The Standerds of fower Legions were marshalled in front and so many banners about them out of other Legions then the enseignes of twelue wings next to whom were the ranckes of footemen and behinde them the horse and lastly fower and thirty cohorts distinguished according to the names of the nations they were of or kindes of weapons they vsed Before the Standerde marched the Campe-masters Tribunes and principal Centurions in white garments the other Centurions ech with his own bande glistering all in armour liuing and lastly without any care at all of their owne health many quartered in the pestilent places of the Vatican whereupon the death of many common persons ensued and the Germans Frenchmen lying by the Tiber and being otherwise subiecte to diseases vtterly ouerthrew the state of their body with too much swimming in the riuer and impatience of heate Moreouer the citty-souldiery was through vndiscreetnesse or ambition corrupted Sixteene Praetorian cohorts and foure vrban were enrolled containing a thousand men a piece In preferring to those roomes Valens presumed to beare greater stroake as being the worthier man and hauing redeemed Caecina himselfe out of perill and in trueth by his comming the side was reuiued and with so happy a battell he cancelled the hard opinion of his slow comming forward and all the souldiers of lowe Germanie followed Valens and depended wholly vpon him vpon which causes it is supposed that Caecinaes faith beganne first to be fleeting Notwithstanding Vitellius yeelded not so much to the captaines but that he yeelded much more to the souldiers pleasures euery one chose his owne place of seruice were he neuer so vnworthy if he liked it better hee was deputed to the citty seruice againe those which were fit were suffered if they listed to remaine in their former estate among the Legionary or Auxiliary soldiers which diuerse were willing to doe being molested with sicknesses and not able to endure the heat of the countrey Notwithstanding the Legions and Aydes were drawen of their principall strength and the beauty of the Praetorian campe blemished by this confusion rather then choise of twenty thousand out of the whole army As Vitellius was making a solemne speech the souldiers required Asiaticus and Flauius and Rufinus captaines of France to be executed because they had taken armes in Vindex behalfe neither did Vitellius restraine such speeches besides that he was a man of weake resistance by nature knowing also that the day of his donatiue was at hand and the money wanting Wherefore he granted liberally all other requests to the souldier and to supply that defect the freedmen of the former Princes were commanded to contribute according to the number of their bondmen whereas Vitellius without other care saue onely to wast and consume builded vp stables for charet driuers filled the Race with spectacles of fencers and wilde beastes and as in greatest abundaunce cast money most idlely away Furthermore Caecina and Valens with great preparation and such as before that time was neuer seene celebrated the birth day of Vitellius with shewes “ Gladiatores of fencers in euery streete throughout the whole citty One thing much greeued the good as it cheered the bad that Vitellius erected altars in Campus Martius there celebrated solemnely the a Suet. c. 11 ne cui dubium foret quod exemplar regendae reip eligeâ—et me dio campo Martio adhibita publicorum sacerdorum fâ—â—quentia inferias Neronidedit exequies of Nero. the beasts for the sacrifice were publickly slaine and burnt the Augustales put to the fire which order of priests Tiberius Caesar consecrated to the Iulian family as Romulus did another the like to king Tatius It was not yet fully foure moneths since the victory and b Read Suet. Vitellio c. 12. Asiaticus Vitellius freedeman had fully done as much harme as euer had any Polycletus or Patrobius or whatsoeuer most odious name in former courts No man in that court sought to rise by vertue or ablenesse the onely way to credit was with prodigall banquets and sumptuous cheere to satiate the vnsatiable appetites of Vitellius who contenting himselfe to enioy the present and caring not any further is thought in so fewe moneths to haue wasted c That is according to our positions seuen millions thirty one thousand two hundreth and fifty pound sterling nine hundreth millions of sesterces a greate and a miserable citty which in the same yeare supported an Otho and a Vitellius and that which is more insupportable a Vinius a Fabius an Icelus and an Asiaticus in great variety of most ignominious sortes vntil such time as Mutianus and d Eprlut Marcellus a great oratour an instrument of Nero against Thrasea and others and generally in fauour with all the Princes vnder whom he liued as a smoother of their actions read Tac. 16. Ann. 2. 4. Hist c. Marcellus and rather other men then other manners succeeded in place XXVIII The preparation of Vitellius against Vespasian THE reuolt of the third Legion was first of all other certefied to Vitellius by letters written by Aponius Saturninus before that he also associated himselfe to Vespasians side But neither did Aponius write all as a man afrighted with the sodainnesse thereof and beside the frendes of Vitellius flatteringly sought to extenuate and lessen the matter that it was but a mutince of one Legion alone a matter of noe moment seeing all other armies remained in obedience After the same stile Vitellius also spake to the soldiers inueying against the lately cassed Praetorians by whome hee affirmed false rumours were spred and that there was no danger of ciuill warre suppressing the name of Vespasian and setting vnderhand souldiers abroad in the towne to restraine the speeches of the common people which thing was a principall meanes to nourish the fame Neuerthelesse he sent for Aydes out of Germanie and Britannie and the Spaines coldly and dissembling the necessity the Lieutenants and prouinces on their partes vsed the like coldnesse againe Hordeonius Flaccus Lieutenant of Germanie suspecting already the reuolt of Batauia had a warre of his own to care and prouide for Vectius Bolanus gouerned in Britannie a cuntrey neuer so in quiet that hee could conueniently spare any number of souldiers and beside neither of them were greatly fast to the side Out of the Spaines also small hast was made at that time there was no Lieutenant generall there but onely the Lieutenants of three Legions of equall autoritie who as in Vitellius prosperity they would haue contended who should haue bene formost so now in his declining estate they equally drew backe In Africke the Legion and cohorts leuyed by Clodius Macer and straightwaies dismissed by Galba beganne by Vitellius commaundement
enter the towne before the next day the reason of the motion was lest the souldier hauing his bloud heated in skirmish should afterwarde spare neither people nor Senate no not the churches and temples of the gods But they misliked and suspected all delaie as a hinderance to the victorie and withall certaine banners glittering vpon the side of the hilles albeit followed by none but towne-people and men of no seruice made a shew of an armie Whereupon the Flauianists diuiding themselues into three companies made their approch to the towne one part as it stoode along the Flaminian waye another close by the bancke of the Tiber and the thirde by Via salaria towarde the gate called Collina The towne-people was immediately broken by the horsemen but the Vitellian souldier made head diuiding a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in al fiftie thousand persons if Iosephus say true 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 42. also themselues into three seuerall bandes Many skirmishes passed betweene them before the towne and with diuerse euent but more commonly to the aduantage of the Flauianists who had more sufficient men to their captaines They onely of that side were distressed which turned vpon the lefte hande towarde the Salustian gardens through narrowe lanes and slippery waies where the Vitellianists standing aloft vpon the walles of the gardens with stones and iauelins repulsed them till it was towardes the euening whenas the horsemen that in the meane time had entred at Collina were at their backs and surprized them In campus Martius also there were hoat skirmishes betweene them The Flauianists had the fauour of fortune and the vantage of so manie victories the Vitellianists ranne headlong and furious supported with onely despaire and albeit they were defeated and broken yet did they rally themselues againe in the citty The people stoode by and looked on as they fought and as in a pastime or game clapped their handes and encouraged sometime the one and sometime the other and when either side turned their backes and hidde themselues in houses or shoppes they cried to haue them pluckt out and killed and so attained themselues the greatest part of the pray for whiles the souldiers minded nothing but slaughter and bloudshed the spoile fell to the common peoples share Ouer all the citty a cruell spectacle and shamefull was to be seene in one place fighting and wounding in another tippling and bathing here streames of bloud and heapes of dead bodies and hard by it strumpets and strumpets fellowes in summe all the licentiousnesse of a dissolute and riotous peace and the misery of a most cruell captiuity so that a man plainelie would iudge one and the same towne both extremely furious and raging and extremely drowned in pleasures There had afore times passed great conflicts betweene armed powers in the cittie twise when Sylla and once when Cinna ouercame and the cruelty then was no lesse but this was an vnnaturall brutish security that men for one moment of time would not intermit their accustomed pleasures but as if this had giuen them further occasion of ioy amidst their festiuall daies clapped handes and reioyced without care of sides at the publicke calamities But the greatest difficulty of all was in taking the Praetorian campe vnto the which the valiantest amongst the Vitellian souldiers had betaken themselues as to their last refuge and therefore the Flauianists were the more earnest to assalt it especially the olde Praetorian cohortes employing all meanes deuised for the taking of most fortified townes as the target fence engins of batterie mounts and firebands crying alowde that that one worke was the accomplishment and perfection of all the trauels and dangers which they in so many battailes had passed that the citty belonged to the Senate and people and the temples to the gods both were restored to their owners but the soldiers honor was in the campe that was his cuntrey his dwelling place which vnlesse they could straightwaies recouer they must would lye al night in their armour On the other side the Vitellian soldiers although inferiour both in number and fortune disturbed the course of the victory hindred the peace polluting the houses and altars with bloud and embracing the last comforts to conquered persons Many lay gasping and died vpon the towers and battlements of the walles When the gates were broken vp they that remained aliue presented themselues to the conquerors and died al with their face toward the enemy and wounded vpon their forepartes such care they had seeing they must dye to dye in most honourable maner Vitellius whenas the citty was taken conueyed himselfe in a carying * Sellula Suet. Vitell. c. 16. gestatoria sella chaire by the backegate of the Palace into his wiues house in the mount Auentine intending if he could haue lien secret that day to haue fled by night to Tarracina to his brother and the cohorts there Anone changing his minde and as it falles out to men in a maze fearing all things and most disliking the present he returned into the Palace againe now vast and desolate euen his basest seruantes beeing either fled awaie or els purposelie shunning his presence This great solitarinesse and silence in those places astonished him whereupon hee assaied to open that which was shut and was amazed finding all voide After much pitifull wandring about being wearied hee cast himselfe into a b In cellulam iâ—nitoris sayeth Suetonius c. 16. religato pro foribus cane lecto que culcitria obiectis base corner whence Iulius Placidus Tribune of a cohort pulled him out and led him along thorow the city with his handes bound behinde him and his garments all torne a most ignominious spectacle many reuiling him and no man pittying his case the dishonourablenesse of his ende had taken awaie all compassion Being led in this manner one of the German souldiers aymed a blowe whether intending to strike at Vitellius vppon some quarrell or because hee would sooner rid him from shame or els at the Tribune it is vncertaine certaine it is that in striking hee cut off the Tribunes eare and was forthwith slaine himselfe Then forcing Vitellius with the pointes of their swordes sometimes to looke vp and abide all indignities sometimes to see his owne images breaking their neckes and many times to beholde the Rostra and the place where Galba was slaine they haled him along and at the last thrust him into the Gemoniae where the body of Flauius Sabinus had lyen One worde he was heard vtter not proceeding from an abiect mind in answere to the Tribune who insulted ouer him That he had yet sometime bene his Prince so after many wouÌ„ds receaued he fel downe dead the common people as much without reason railed vpoÌ„ him when he was dead as they flattered him being aliue He was sonne to Lucius Vitellius about seuen and fifty yeares olde when he died the Consulship and sacerdotal dignities with a name and place
backe againe which erewhile in a maner was lost they held vp their handes to them in the campe that they should not neglect to vse the opportunity who beholding all things from the walles issued forth at all the gates and by chance Ciuilis being by the fall of his horse ouerthrowen of both sides was thought to be wounded or slaine which greatly dismayed his men and caused them to breake and contrarilie put courage in ours But Vocula pursued not the chace but entring Vetera onely augmented the rampiers and towers of the campe as against a newe siege being had in a ielosie by this kinde of colde dealing to desire the continuance of the warre and not without cause hauing so often marred the victorie for want of good following XV. Vocula vittaileth Vetera and returneth to Gelduba and thence to Nouesium where Hordenius in a mutinee is slaine Vocula with his power goeth to relieue Magontiacum besieged by the Germans The faithfulnesse of the Treueri to the Romans at the beginning of these troubles NOTHING distressed our souldiers so much as lacke of prouision and foode Whereupon the cariages of the Legions with a weake vnseruiceable company were sent to Nouesium that from thence by land they might furnish the armie with vittailes for the enemies were masters of the riuer The first conuoy passed peaceably without molestation Ciuilis being not yet recouered of his hurte but an one vnderstanding another company was sent to Nouesium and certaine cohorts assigned to conduct them marching as in time of great quiet carelesly not keeping themselues to their ensignes but casting their armour and weapons into the wagons and rouing about licentiously hee sent before to take vp the bridges and straites and then in good order charged vpon them The * pugnatum long◠agmine battaile was fought with troupes displayed out thinnely in length and continued doubtfull vntill the night tooke vp the quarrell The cohorts proceeded forward to Gelduba the campe standing there as it was garded by the soldiers which Vocula had left There was no question what perill there would be in the returne the forragers being but fewe and heauily loaden whereupon Vocula determining to goe out and relieue them increased his armie with a thousand men chosen out of the two Legions which were besieged at Vetera the first and fifteenth a stubborne and hedstrong souldier and hating his captaines More went then were commanded at their going openly murmuring that they would no longer endure famine nor be obnoxious to the secrete practises of the Lieutenants but those which remayned behinde complained that they by carying away so many men were forsaken and left as a pray to the enemie Whereupon a double mutinee grew the one part recalling Vocula seditiously and the other in like sort refusing to returne againe to the campe In the meane season Ciuilis besieged Vetera Vocula marcheth to Gelduba and leauing Gelduba which Ciuilis straight way tooke vp frō thence to Nouesium not farre from whence shortly after his horsemen skirmished with the enemy prosperously But prosperity aduersity inflamed alike the souldiers to seeke their captaines destruction and the Legions being augmented by that increase out of the fift and fifteenth Legion more insolently required their donatiue vnderstanding that money was sent from Vitellius Whereupon Hordeonius without further delay diuided the money amongst them in Vespasians name which was the principall thing that ministred matter fed the mutinee which followed For the souldiers hauing idle spending money gaue themselues to ryot and banquetting and assemblies by night and by that meanes renewed their former wrath and displeasure against Hordeonius whom they haled out of his chamber slew none of the Lieutenants or Tribunes daring to gainsay or withstand them being hardened by reason of the night season against all modestie and shame The like was intended against Vocula if hee had not in a bondmans attire escaped vnknowen in the darke Assoone as the heate of their fury was past they fell to consider the danger wherein they did stande sent by and by Centurions with letters to the cities of France desiring supply of money and men themselues when Ciuilis approched as the common sort without head is headlong feareful and sluggish rashly tooke vp their weapons soone laying thē downe ranne away Aduersity bred discorde those of the vpper armie disioyning their cause from the others Notwithstanding the images of Vitellius were set vp againe in the campe and in the citties of Belgium adioyning whenas Vitellius himselfe was now down Then the soldiers of the first Legion and the fourth eighteenth vpon repentance came in and submitted themselues vnto Vocula at whose handes receyuing againe the oath to Vespasian they were led forth to raise the siege at Magontiacum The army which besieged it consisting of Catti Vsipij and Matiaci was already departed away loaden with spoiles being by our men met with on the way scattered at vnawares was in part put to the sworde Moreouer the Treueri along their confines cast a trench with a * Loricam vallumque parapet and with great slaughter on ech side skirmished against the Germās vntil shortly after reuolting by that odious fact they defaced all their good seruice done heretofore to the Romans XVI The disposition of the common people of the Cittie at the beginning of the yeare The ordinarie Senate vpon the first day of January Mutianus supplanteth Antonius Primus IN the meane season Vespasianus second time Consull Titus in absence entered their office The yeare of the citty 823. the cittie being in great anguish diuersely perplexed besides the miseries which presently they felt vpon a false alarme of the reuolt of Africke the rebellion of Piso Proconsull there a man of milde and quiet disposition but because through the tēpestuousnes of the winter the shippes came not home the poore people which day by day were accustomed to buy bread and cared for nothing els of common affaires but corne feared that all the shippes of that coast were purposely stayed and the corne detained and fearing quickly beleeued it In which imaginary conceyt the Vitellianists also confirmed them who had not as yet wholly left of their former affections and humours Neither was the rumour displeasing vnto the winners as hoping to make their profit thereby whose insatiable lust and desires no forraine warre much lesse any ciuill victorie could euer fill or content The first of Ianuary the Senate was assembled by Iulius Frontinus the a To whom it belonged in the absence of the Consuls to assemble the Senate Citty-pretor and solemne thanks with praise concluded vpon to the Lieutenants and armies and kings which frended the cause The Pretorship also was taken from Tertius Iulianus because he had forsaken his Legion applying it selfe to Vespasiās side bestowed vpō Plotius b One of Mutians fauorits 3. Hist p. 133.2 Griphus Hormus was made a Gentleman of Rome
5 Of the Roman army the left wing was commanded by T. Aebutius Generall of the horse ouer against Sexâ— Tarquinius p 255. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whom before he had placed 6 In the left wing of the Latins 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the battel ad lacum Regillum And in Callisthenes story of Alexander Polybius l. 12. noteth many 7 Fâ—â—â—ours in n aÌ„ shalling the men in battaile 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 42 The golden Milliarium Milliarium aureum was a golden piller set vp by Augustus as Dio witnesseth g pag 356. lib. 54. in capite fort Romani saieth Pliny 8 At which all the high waies of italy doe end 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plutarchus Galbâ so called because froÌ„ thence began the account of miles Beside Milliarium aureum there were Milliaria lapidea that is little pillers of stone erected by order froÌ„ C. Gracchus at the end of euery mile Plutarchus Gracchis 9 That is Moreouer hauing measured out the whole way by miles a mile being l ttle lesse then eight stadia he erected pillers of stone as markes of the measure p. 1535. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereupon grew the vsuall phrase ad tertium quartum quintum ab vrbe lapidem for three foure or fiue miles from the citty 43. Not vpon iudgement or any Tacit. 3. h pag â—39 Hist Populi mobilem animum si se ducem i Flauius Sabinus praebuisset easdem illas adulationes pro Vespasiano fore which now they vsed to Vitellius and in the k pag â—50 same booke vulgus eâdem prauitate insectabatur interfectum Vitellium quâ fouerat viuentem Iuuenalis Satyrâ 10. Sed quid Turba Remi sequitur fortunam ut semper odit Damnatos idem populus si l Vulsinijs n. â—yn de Seâ—anus erat autore Tacito An. 4. templum Nortiae diae Liu l. 7. Nortiae Tusco Fauisset si oppressa foret secura senectus Principis hâc ipsa Scianum diceret horâ Augustum 44 Framing acclamations at pleasure The formula of acclamations in Senate is to be seene in the later RomaÌ„ stories in fauour as in m pag. 977. Lampridius to Alexander Seuerus Auguste innocens dij te serueÌ„t c. In n pag. 864. Vulcatius Gallicanus to Antoninus Antonine pie dij te seruent Antonine clemens dij te seruent c. to Diuus Claudius in Trebellius a pag. 1107. Pollio Augusto Claudi dij te nobis praestent dictum sexagies Claudi Auguste c. in Flauius b pag. 1145. Vopiscus to Tacitus the Emperour Tacite Auguste dij te seruent te diligimus te principem facimus c. In disfauor as in c pag. 876. Lampridius after Commodus death Hosti patriae honores detrahantur parricidae honores detrahantur parricida trahatur c. Of popular acclamations wee may gesse they were much after this forme 45. Easily beleeued credula fama Dionysius noteth in Thucidides among many other innouations in speech that hee commonly changed actiues into passiues passiues into actiues 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Tacitus here we haue credula to signifie cui facile credatur passiuely whereas credulus in common Latin and so it is vsed pa. 20 signifieth onely qui facile credit likewise p. 37. Ne vulgi largitione centurionum animos auerteret i. largitione que fiat vulgo siue gregario militi Againe 15. Ann. p. 518. Iniuriae minorum i. quae minoribus inferuntur But to giue a tast once for all of Tacitus grammar I will note here three or foure places worthy the noting Hist 3. p. 133. It omnes Mutiano volentia scripsere volentia pleasing p. 145 Turbae sacricolarum immixtus ignarusque delituit i. ignotus in another place gnarum id Caesari for notum p. 147. Quâ— gnara Vitellianis incomperta hostibus 1. Ann. p. 244 Fama dediti Segestis vulgata vt quibusque bellum inuitis aut cupientibus erat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 15. An. p. 524. Hac atque talia plebi volenti fuere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In vita Agricolae Vt quibus bellum voleÌ„tibus erat 5. Hist p. 202. Caesar Titus vt superior sui tam crederetur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ann. 2. 280. Appelliâ—que Colophona vt Clarij Apollinis oraculo vteretur Homer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 An. 3. 306. Adulteros earum morte aut fuga puniuit i. exilio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To be short who so list seeke and looke more nearely into Tacitus phrases shall doubtlesse finde as manie strange points in his grammar as Dionysius hath done in Thucidides 46. As if they had gone to pul Vologeses or Pacorus out Dio. l. 40. 1 That is The Parthians inhabite beyond the riuer of Tigris in castels holdâ— now of late they haue some citties also among others Cresiphon where the kings place of resiace as they were a seuerall nation among the ancient barbariaÌ„s and this name had they euen vnder the PersiaÌ„ Empire notwithstanding at that time their territory was small neither had they any dominion abroad But wheÌ„ the Persian monarchy was dissolued by the Macedonian power and AlexaÌ„ders successours waging warre one against another began to wither decay then attempted the Parthians first of all to come forwarde vnder the conduct of one Arâ—aces of whom all the kings afterward were called Arsaciâ—ae and so good was their fortune that they conquered all the cuntrey adioyning together with the prouince of Mesopotamia In sine they grew to such height both of glory and strength that they opposed themselues in op n warre against the Romans and till this day are accounted the only men to match and make head against theÌ„ p. 80. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 d And soliâ— lunae fratres also saieth Marcellinus lib. 23. quoâ— Arsâ—ces astris ritus sui consecratione vt ipsi existimant â—ermâ—xtus est omnâ—â— priâ—aus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Herodâ—â—nus libro 6. pag. 520. 2 Alexanders successours being diuided one against another and the Macedonian power greatly weakened with continuall warres Arsaces by birth a Parthian is saied first of all to haue persuaded the barbarians of those quarters to reuolt from the Macedonians and assuming the diâ—dâ—me bâ— consent both of the Parthians and other barbarians thereabout himselfe was king and after him the crowne continued for a long time in his posterity 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The very precise time of the Parthian reuolt was vnder Antiochus Tac. 5. Hist p. 206. Antiochus ParthoruÌ„ bello prohibitus est nam ea tempestate Arsaces desciuerat Appianus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 specifieth which Antiochus to wit Antiochus surnamed Deus grandechilde to e Ammianus lib 23 p. 1651 affirmeth it was Seleucus Nicator Seleucus sounder of the Syrian kingdome p. 90. 3 At that time began the Parthians their reuolt by reason the kingdome of the
fourth twentie and two beside to sounde the trumpet and strike the drumme c. The fift thirtie The sixt classis b Liuâ— l. 1. f. 10. P immunis militia 1 That iâ— Free from al seruice in warre and al paâ—â—ent of Tribute Dionysius lib 4 p. 165. although the same Dionys in the same page allâ—tâ—eth it by oversight one soldier in 193. true it is that the sixth clâ—ssis had one voice in 193. in comitâ—â—s centuriatis but it yeelded no man to the muster at al. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So that one course by this maner of mustering yeelded a hundreth ninetie two men to the warre vvhereof eighteene were horsemen fower artificers and fifers a hundreth and seuentie footemen and so about againe as the case required a greater or lesse armie in the same proportion Dionysius libro 4. pag. 164. and 165. With whom Liuy libro 1 agreeing in the rest differeth onely in the cense of the fift classis vvhich by him is but eleuen thousand asses and furthermore the artificers Liuy ioineth to the first classis and the fifers to the fift whereas Dionysius putteth them to the second and fourth The reason vvhy this last and poorest sort was excluded from seruice is vvell set downe by Iulius Exuperantius Populus Romanus sayeth hee per classes diuisus erat pro patrimonij facultate censebatur ex ijs omnes quibus res erat ad militiam ducebantur diligenter enim pro victoriâ laborabant qui praeter libertatem bona defendebant illi autem quibus nullae opes erant caput suum quod solùm possidebant censebantur belli tempore in moenibus residebant facilè enim poterant existere proditores quia egestas haud facilè habetur fine damno This kinde of mustering per classes instituted by Seruius vvas in later times as it may bee gathered by the d Tribus ad sacramentum vocatae Liuy Tacit. and others practise in the Roman stories and plaine vvordes of e lib. 6. p. 180. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Polybius altered in parte and reduced somewhat nearer to a matter of tribe as beeing a more popular order and more agreeable to the present gouernement yet so that to Legionary seruice none could bee mustered but such as vvere sessed at f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fower thousand asses at the least sayeth Polybius vvhich is indeede somewhat lesse then the cense of the fift classis limited by Dionysius and Liuy vvhether it vvere that Polybius had forgotten the summe or that the cense of the classis was abated for that both then and afterward regard vvas had of the classes in taking the muster it is cleare by the vvordes of Salust in Iugurthino Marius interea milites scribere non more maiorum neque ex classibus sed vti cuiusque lubido erat capite censos plerosque such as for lacke of vvealth vvere censed onelie by poll After which time the classes were as I take it in little consideration in the muster of Legions especially in the ciuil warres and in the Empire vtterly neglected the cense also being abolished Now the Legion Legionary being such as we haue described remaineth to speake of the Auxiliary soldiers Auxilia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were soldiers which being not citizens of Rome serued in the Roman campe The first Aydes to purpose which the Romans vsed were of the Albans in Tullus Hostilius tyme. Dionys l. 3. p. 119. And anone Alba the head and mother city of the Latins being razed they chalenged as conquerors that superiority ouer the Latin nation which the Albans before had enioyed In the tyme of Tarquinius Priscus the Latins serued in the Roman Armie as Aides g Dionys p. 143. 147. against the Hetrusci and against the g Dionys p. 143. 147. Sabins the Hetrusci and the Latins In the free state many hundreth yeares the Latins onely Hernici ministred Auxilia grauium armatorum for archers and funditores and leuia auxilia of other nations they did h Hiero apud LiuiuÌ„ li. 22. f. 145. A. not refuse sometime to admit After the third Punicke warre they admitted also i S. lust Juâ—urtia Auxilia ex socijs Italicis à populis regibusque And after that time wee finde sometimes k As in â—ulâ—es epistles Appian c. perchance â—â—tâ—er ex veteri formula and by an ordinary phrase of speech then otherwise mention but no great reckening made in the free state of Auxiliaries the reason as I take it was that the citty beeing communicated to the Latins and Italian allies in bello Marsico they serued no longer in quality of Auxilia being novv inuested vvith the right of Legionarie seruice Augustus and the Emperours fortifying the limits of the Empire with armies and furnishing the Legions onely in a maner of prouinciall Citizens established Auxilia againe supplied out of their allies and subiects abroad and generally out of all nations indifferently making acquainted the barbarous people and ancient enemies of the Roman Empire with their maner of seruice not without notable a Vide Tac 4 Hist in bello cum Germanâ—â— preiudice to the state In Tacitus vnder the first Emperours wee haue in the Roman campe Auxiliaries è Transrhenanis Gallis Britannis Numidis Lusitanis Batauis Thracibus c. and vnder the later Emperours no militar matter in the vvhole Empire passed thorow other then barbarous handes till at length the Romans as great reason was vvere forced to deliuer the Empire to them to whom they had deliuered their armes Theodosius saieth Zosimus 1 That is Made legâ—onaries the barbariaÌ„s bâ—rne beyond the Damnius l. 4. p. 755 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and pag. 756. 2 That is There waâ— no ordâ—r bâ—rued in the armies â—or difference made of Roman and Barbarian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and of Gratian pag. 760. 3 That is Hee receiued certain fugitiues of the Alaâ—i and bestowed them in his armies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 17. 18. Synesius likevvise a more indifferent person to the Christian Princes reprehendeth the too great facility of Theodosius in receiuing to mercy into his cuntrey kingdome and armies the barbarous nations reaping no other fruite of his clemency but scorne at their hands and thereupon hee taketh occasion to exhort Arcadius his sonne c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. to encrease his Legions and vvith the Legions his courage making supply of his owne people and sending backe the Barbarians thither from whence they first came But to returne to our Auxiliary souldier Vegetius lib. 2. cap. 2. describing them vnder the Empire hath these wordes Auxiliares conducuntur ad praelium ex diuersis locis ex diuersis muneribus venientes Nec disciplinâ inter se nec notitiâ nec affectione consentiunt Necesse est autem tardiùs ad victoriam peruenire qui discrepant antequam dimicent Denique cum in expeditionibus
THE ENDE OF NERO AND BEGINNING OF GALBA FOWER BOOKES OF THE HISTORIES OF CORNELIVS TACITVS THE LIFE OF AGRICOLA M. D.LXXXXI TO HER MOST SACRED MAIESTIE I Present here to your Maiesties view my imperfections in their owne colours and the excellencies of anothâ—r man with much losse of their lustie as being transported from their nâ—tural light of the Latin by an vnskilfull hande into a strange language perchance not so fit to set out a peece drawne with so curious a pensill The cause of vndertaking a worke of this kinde was a good will in this scribling age noâ— to doe nothing and a disproportion in the powers of my mind nothing of mine owne inuention beeing able to passe â—â—e censure of mine owne iudgement much lesse I presumed the iudgement of others The cause that J published it vnder your Maiesties name and protection beside thâ— testification of my bounden duetie was the great account your Highnesse most worthily holdeth this Histoâ—ie in hoping thereby that as some for the excellencie of thâ— wine haue liked also the lees so it might peraduenture please you to accept into some degree of fauour this worâ—e as it is though by change from vessell to vessell hauinâ— taken winde and lost his pleasing taste to the palate yet retaining somewhat of his former strength and much of his substance But the principal cause was to incite your Maiesty by this as by a foile to communicate to the world if not tâ—ose admirable coÌ„positions of your owne yet at the least thoâ— most rare and excellent translations of Histories if J â—ay call them translations which haue so infinitelie exceeâ—â—d the originals making euident demonstration to all who haue seene them that as the great actions of Princes are the subiect of stories so stories composed or amended by Princes are not onely the best patterne and rule of great actioÌ„s but also the most naturall Registers thereof the writers beâ—ng persons of like degree and of proportionable conceits wâ—th the doers And so wishing your Maiestie either so â—uch leasure your selfe or a Tacitus to describe your most glorious raigne J commit this worke whereof I caime nothing to my selfe but the faults to your most gracous patronage and the curtesie of the reader from whom â—t least from his handes that shall finish out the rest I hope o finde both pardon for my faultes and some pittie for my paines The Almighty blesse your most â—xcellent Maiestie with a long happie and prosperous raâ—gne and the onely true meanes thereof many vvatchfull ies to foresee many valiant handes to fight and many â—odly hartes to pray for the peace of your state Your sacred Maiesties most humble subiect and seruant HENRY SAVILE A. B. To the Reader THERE is no treasure so much enriches the minde of man as learning there is no learning so proper for the direction of the life of man as Histore there is no historie I speake onelie of profate so well worth the reading as Tacitus For learning nature acknowledgeth a reason by leauing industrie to finish her vnperfect worke for without learning the conceyte is like a fruitefull soyle without tilling the memorie like a storehouse without wares the will like a shippe without a rudder For Historie since we are eassier taught by example theÌ„ by precept what studie can profit vs so much as that which giues vs patternes either to follow or to flye of the best and worst men of all estates cuntries and times that euer were For Tacitus I may say without partiality that hee hath writen the most matter with best conceyt in fewest wordes of anie Historiographer ancient or moderne But he is harde Difficilia quae pulchra the second reading ouer will please thee more then the first and the third then the second And if thy stomacke be so tender as thou canst not disgest Tacitus in his owne stile thou art beholding to Sauile who giues thee the same foode but with a pleasant and easie taste In these fower bookes of the storie thou shalt see all the miseries of a torne and declining state The Empire vsurped the Princes murthered the people wauering the souldiers tumultuous nothing vnlawfull to him that hath power and nothing so vnsafe as to bee securely innocent In Galba thou maiest learne that a good Prince gouerned by euill ministers is as dangerous as if hee were euill himselfe By Otho that the fortune of a rash man is Torrenti similis which rises at an instant and falles in a moment By Vitellius that he that hath no vertue can neuer bee happy for by his owne basenesse hee will loose all which eyther fortune or other mens labours haue cast vpon him By Vespasian that in ciuill tumults an aduised patience and opportunitie well taken are the onelie weapons of aduantage In them all and in the state of Rome vnder them thou mâ—iest see the calamities that follow ciuill warres where lawes lâ—e a sleepe and all things are iudged by the sworde If thou mislike their waires be thankfull for thine owne peace if thou doest abhorre their tyrannies loue and reuerence thine owne wise iust and excelent Prince If thou doest detest their Anarchie acknowledge our owne happie gouernement and thanke god for her vnder whom England enioyes as manie benefites as euer Rome did suffer miseries vnder the greatest Tyrant THE ENDE OF NERO AND BEGINNING OF GALBA GAlerius Trachilus The yeare of the Citty 821. and Silius Italicus being Consuls Caius Juius Vindex Lieutenant of Gallia Lugdunensis percâ—iuing that priuate conspiracies against the person of Nero had bene often intended and euer discouered determined to giue the first onset in armes and openlie goe to he field Vindex was by his father of a Senatours house by birth French and extract from the line of their ancient kings of bodie puissant quicke of câ—nceit of a readie dispatch skilful in armes and bolde to attempt his prouinc peaceable and therefore vtterlie disfurnisht of forces no Legion no garrson vnder his gouernement Notwithstanding as in a bodie corrupt fulâ—fill humors the first paine that appeareth bee it neuer so slender drawes oâ— the rest discloseth olde aches straines actuateth what els is vnsound in â—he bodie so in a state vniuersally disliked the first disorder dissolueth the whole yea oft so it happeneth in both the disease that grew first gaue câ—use to the other being recured the rest notwithstaÌ„ding worke out the final â—estruction Now Vindex before he declared himselfe wel weighing the weakâ—esse of his estate withal his owne person vncapable of the Empire as beâ—ng but a stranger without followers without frendes or allies among the â—obility deliberated to cast it on some other man of more reputation who aâ—â— by nearenesse strength might second his attempt Corbulo was lately muâ—dred by Nero Vespasian far of warring in Iewry Suetonius Paullinus at hâ—me without army the most famous men of that age for militar matters Of â—igh Germany Verginius Rufus was Lieutenant with
the nobilitie as meaner sort vvith their children he mercifullie restored againe to their cuntrey and honour though not to their vvealth Contrarilie Petronius Turpilianus an ancient man and once Consull vvithout forme of processe or order of law he commanded to die being charged vvith no other crime but onelie that hee had bene faithfull to Nero and vvould not betraie him as the rest did Then vvas represented a plausible and gratefull spectacle Elius Polycletus Locusta Patrobius Petinus and others in fetters drawen thorow the Cittie and publicklie executed as ministers of Nero in mischieffes vvhereas Tigellinns the Master not without notable incongruitie was by Galba protected And notwithstanding the people in Theatres and all common assemblies ceast not importunately to demande his death as an accomplishment of due and exemplarie iustice pleasing to God and to man yet golde with Vinius and Vinius vvith Galba vveighed so much that not onelie he receiued vndeserued protection but also for his sake the people vvere rebuked by publicke edict VVhereupon Tigellinus solemnizing the feast of his deliuerance Vinius rose from supper vvith Galba and vvent thither vvith Crispina his daughter to banquet vpon vvhom Tigellinus bestowed a curtesie of * That is about eight thousand pound English a thousand thousand sesterces in readie money and beside all the iewels and Carcanets of his principall minion vvhich sate there at table by estimation * Almost fiue thousand pouÌ„d six hundreth thousand sesterces Beside Tigellinus one Halotus of all Neroes instruments the most pernicious vvas likewise by Galba protected and preferred also to an honourable office Now for nearenesse Galba was noted extremelie a vice though incident to age yet doubtlesse in a Prince much misliked and in a new Prince dangerous To a certaine musician which had wonderfullie pleased he gaue with his owne handes out of his owne purse * Three shillings English twentie sesterces and to his steward at the making vp of his bookes a reward from his table But that which was most materiall of all and prepared the way to his fall was his hardnesse towardes the soldiers to whom large donatiue being promised in Galbaes name requiring if not so much yet so much at least as they were wont to receiue he wholly refused the suite adding withal That soldiers he tooke vp in the muster bought not in the market A saying no doubt fit for a great Prince in a more vetuous age but not so in those seasons for him who suffered himselfe to be solde euerie howre and abused to al purposes to be gouerned by three pedagogues Vinius Laco his fauourites Jcelus his man To priuate men it is sufficient if themselues do no wrong a Prince must prouide that none doe it about him or els he may looke when the first occasion is offred against him to be charged with all the whole reckening togither To him that suffereth the iniurie it matters not much who made the motion when he feeleth the hand that is heauy vpon him Thus Galba though innocent of much harme which passed vnder his name yet because he permitted them to commit it whom he ought to haue brideled or was ignorant of that which he ought to haue knowen lost reputation and opened the way to his owne destruction FINIS THE FIRST BOOKE OF THE HISTORIE OF CORNELIVS TACITVS I The Proeme of Tacitus wherein he professeth simple dealing without partialitie THE beginning of my worke shal be at the yeare The yeare of the City 822 when Servius Galba was second time Consull with Titus Vinius For the ancient story of the people of Rome for a Tac. Ann. 1. veteris reip prospera vel aduersa claris scriptoribus memorata sunt temporibusque Augusti dicendis non defuere decora ingenia donec gliscente adulatione deterrereÌ„tur seuen hundreth and twentie yeares after the Cittie was founded manie excellent men haue deliuered with no lesse eloquence then libertie of speech but when as after the battaile at Actium the whole souerainetie as it was b Tac. 1. Ann. p. 220. Non aliud discordantis patriae remedium fuisse quà m vt ab vno regeretur meete for the peace of the state was conferred vpon one those worthy wits were no more to found and withall the truth of the story was diuersely weakened partly because hauing no more part in the state they were ignoraunt of publike affaires and partly beeing led away with a lust to c Tiberij Caijque Claudij ac Neronis res florentibus ipsiâ— â—b metum falsae postquam occiderant recentibus odijs compositae sunt Tac. 1. Ann. flatter the Princes or againe to deface them So betweene malice of the one side and awëd partiality of the other small regarde there was taken by either howe posteritie shoulde be truly enformed But that endeuor to please and winne thankes in a writer a man shall easily mislike hauing in it the foule note of seruility detracting and enuyous carping carying a counterfeit shew of libertie oft findeth a good and gracious audience Now for Galba Otho Vitellius to me they are as vnknowen for either benefit or wrong I haue found at their handes My first rising I will not deny was vnder Vespasian my state bettered by Titus and so further aduanced by Domitian but they which make profession of the simple trueth may not say ought of any man for loue or for hatred Hereafter if the gods spare me life I purpose when I am old to set downe the story of Prince Nerva of sacred memory and of the Emperour Traiane a more plentifull and safe matter to deale in where a man may thinke what he will and say what he thinkes a rare felicity of the time II. A generall view of the whole historie following A WORKE I take here in hande containing sundry changes bloudie battailes violent mutinees a Chiefly referred to Domitians time peace full of cruelty and perill b Galba Otho Otho Vitellius Domitian foure Emperors slaine with sword c The first between Otho and Vitellius The second between Vitellius Vespasian The third of L. Antonius against Domitian three ciuil warres forraine many mo and oft both at once good succes in the East bad in the West Illyricum troubled the countries of Gallia wauering Brittanny al conquered not al retained inuasions of the Sarmatian Sueuian nation the * Nobilitatus mutuis cladibus Dacus The words seeme to import civil dissensioÌ„s or mutuis for alternis Dacian giuing and taking notable ouerthrowes the Parthians also almost in armes abused by a counterfayt Nero. Now for Italy it was afflicted with many miseries some neuer heard of some not of many yeares before townes * Haustae sc flamu or generally 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in what sorte soeuer burnt or ouerwhelmed the most fruitful tract of Campania and the city of Rome wasted by fire the most ancient temples consumed to ashes euen the Capitol it selfe
set on fire by the citizens own hands the holy ceremonies prophaned great adulteries the ilands replenished with banished men the cliffes stained with bloud yet greater rage of cruelty in the citty d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Xiphilinus of Nero whom Domitian did match in all kinde of tyrannie to have beene welthy or nobly borne was a capitall crime offices of honour likewise either to beare them or forbeare them and vertue the readie broade way to most assured destruction Neither were the wicked practises of the informers more odious then was the recompence they obtained some gained as spoiles Pontifical dignities and Consuls roomes some other Procuratorships and inwarde credit making hauocke of al without any difference The bondmen vpon hatred or feare were allured to betray their owne masters the freedman his patrone and where enemies were wanting one friend ruined another And yet for al this was not the age so vtterly void of al good but that it yeelded some good examples diuerse wiues were content to take such parte as their banished husbands did diuerse mothers as their children some kinsfolkes hardy some sonnes in law faithful some bondmen no racke could remoue from being true to their masters the death of some honorable men and their last torments manfully borne and to be matched with those of auncient times Beside so manifold changes in humane affaires many prodigious sights were seen in heauen and earth manie forewarnings by thunders many presages of thinges to come some portending good lucke some bad some ambiguous and doubtfull some plaine and euident such heauie and horrible calamities in the Roman estate yeelding proofes neuer more pregnant tht the gods are carefull rather to reuenge our wrongs then prouide for our safety But before I enter into my purposed matter I thinke good to rehearse first what the state of the citty was how the souldiers were affected in what termes the prouinces stoode and what there was any where in the whole Empire sound or complaining so shall we see the reasons and causes of things not onely the bare euentes which are most commonly gouerned by fortune III. The state of Citty and prouinces at the beginning of the yeare when Galba and Vinius entred their office THE death of Nero as it was at the first very ioyfully receaued so wrought it an one very diuerse effectes in the mindes of the Senate at home the people and Citty-souldier and of all the Legions and captaines abroad perceiuing that secret of state disclosed that a Prince might bee made elsewhere then at Rome The Lordes of the Senate were glad finding their liberty straightway put in practise making indeed very bould with their Prince as being newe in state and away next were the principall Gentlemen as in degree so in reioycing of the people the sounder sort and such as were lincked with great houses the followers and freedmen of condemned and exiled persons were raysed to hope the base people noseled vppe in the * Circo ac Theatris Race and Theatres together with the worst sort of bondmen and those which hauing eaten their owne liued only now vpon Neroes dishonours hung downe the head and listened for nouelties The City-soldiers possessed with the oth of allegeaÌ„ce so many descents a Tac. 14. Ann. Praetorianos toti Caesarum domui obâ—trictos to the house of the Caesars and to forsake Nero being wrought rather by arte and cunning perswasion of others then of their owne motion when they saw the donatiue which was promised them in Galbaes name not to be perfourmed nor the like possibility and meanes of great deserte and great gaine in peace as in warre seeing also their thankes preuented by the Legions who first proclamed the newe Prince vpon these and the like respectes being prone to innouation they were pricked forwarde by meanes of Nymphidius Sabinus their captaine who by treason aspired himselfe to the Empire And though Nymphidius was in the verie attempt suppressed and the head cut off thereby of the treason yet there remained many of the souldiers guilty of the facte and hating him whom they had wronged Moreouer speeches were giuen out noting the age and auarice of Galba His seuerity which was wont to be highly commended by a In this verse reported by Sueteonius Disce miles militare Galba est non Gaetulicus Galbae cap. 6. the common voice of the souldier was now displeasaunt to them who were generally weary of the ancient discipline and so trained vp by Nero fourteene yeares that now they loued their Emperours no lesse for their vices then once they reuerenced them for their vertues And Galba had let fall a speech honorable indeede for the common wealth but for himselfe dangerous That souldiers hee tooke vp in the muster bought not in the market for the rest of his doinges were not according His two fauourites Titus Vinius and Cornelius Laco the one of all mortal men most vnhonest the other most vnable with the hatefulnes of their lewde actions surcharged and with the contempt of their insufficiencie vtterly overthrewe the freely olde man His iourney to Rome was slowe and bloudy for by his commandement Cingonius Varro Consull elect and Petronius Turpilianus who b Anno vrbis conditae 814. had beene Consull were both put to death Cingonius as an associate of Nymphidius the other as one of Neroes c Against Galba Zonaras captaines who d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plut. in Galba as it were translating this place howesoeuer they deserued it dying as they did not called not hearde dyed as guiltlesse His entrie into the citie when as so many thousandes of vnarmed souldiers were put to the sworde seemed an vnlucky beginning and was had in horrour euen of those which executed the slaughter The citie was full of extraordinary souldiers Galba brought in the Spanish Legion and there remained another which Nero had gathered out of the nauie beside many companies out of the Legions of Germanie Britannie and Illyricum which Nero had selected sent before to the straits of the Caspian mountaines for the warre intended with the Albanes and afterwarde called againe to employ against Vindex matter enough for innouation though not greatly in fauour of any one yet ready prepared for him that would venture By chance the newes came together that Clodius Macer Fonteius Capito were slaine Macer without question had begun to worke troubles in Africke and was by Trebonius Garucianus the Procurator dispatched by commandment from Galba Capito in Germanie attempting the like Cornelius Aquinus and Fabius Valens Lieutenants of legions slew without warrant Some men were of opinion that Capito though otherwise for extortion vicious liuing very infamous was neuertheles not guilty of treason but that the Lieutenants hauing moued him to vndertake the matter against Galba seeing they could not induce him tooke a new course a Crimen ac dolum in another place crimen ac mox insidias p. 43.
death of Nero it is scarce seuen months yet hath one Icelus alreadie raked more together then al that rable Polycletus Vatinius a Elius was left by Nero at his pilgrimage into Achaia as his vicegerent in Rome with absolute autoritie and with him Polycletus which two as Xiphilinus witnesseth p. 191. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Of Vatinius TAcitus maketh mention 15. Ann. p. 523. Vatinius inter faedissima eius audae ostenta fuit Sutrinae tabernae alumnus corpore detorto facetijs scurrilibus primò in contumelias assumptus deinde optimi cuiusque ariminatione â—ò vsque valuit vt gratia pecunia vi nocendi etiam malis prae mineret Elius and their fellowes haue done in so many yeares And certainly with lesse couetousnes and more respect would Titus Vinius haue raged if himselfe had bene Emperor now he oppresseth vs as vassals holdeth vs vile as straÌ„gers the onely wealth of that man were enough for the donatiue which daiely is cast in your teeth but neuer paied to your purses And lest we might hope to better our estate at the lest when Galba were gone he hath fetched out of exile one that in cruelty couetousnes he iudged likest himselfe you saw fellow-soldiers by that notable storme that euen the gods much abhorred that vntoward adoptioÌ„ The Senat the people are of the same mind your part now only remaineth your valour and vertue is looked for you are the men who ad strength to good causes without you be the attempt neuer so worthy it shal neuer take any worthy effect I desire you not to a warre I call you not to any dangerous exploit the soldiers be all of our side and that one vnarmed cohort which waits vppon Galba endeuours not nowe to defende him against vs but rather detaines him from scaping out from vs when you shall come in their view when they shall see my enseigne this wil be their onely contention who shall in my behalfe doe greatest seruice No delay in that enterprise is to be vsed which neuer is commended before it be b Suetonius c. 6. addeth Ad coÌ„ciliandor pollicitationibus militum animos nihil magis proconcione testatus est quà m id demùm se habitururm quod sibi illi reliquissens ended Then commaunded the armory to be opened armes by and by were taken contrary to custome and order of seruice where the Praetorian and Legionarie man is seuered by his different cognisance with helmets and targets they mingle themselues among the Aide-soldiers no Centurion nor Tribune encouraging them they become captain and encourager ech man to himselfe and that which cheefely encouraged the bad the good were discouraged quite out of hart Now Piso being scared awaie with the noise as the sedition grew fuller and hoater with showtes resounding euen into the citie by this time hadde ioyned himselfe to Galba againe who was in the meane season issued out of the Palace and come neere to the Place of publicke assembly Marius Celsus likewise had brought an heauy aunswere againe whereupon some thought it expedient to retire into the Palace againe some rather to possesse themselues of the Capitoll some other to take the Rostra but the most did only impugne the opinions of others and as often it chanceth in counsels crossed with euil successe that way was commonly iudged the best whereof the time was forepassed It is reported that Laco vnwitting to Galba had a meaning to haue slaine Titus Vinius hoping belike by his death to mitigate the soldiers or mistrusting he was confederate with Otho or els vpon priuate displeasure the time the place bred scruple in the matter for when men are set in a killing it is not so easy to stoppe when you list and many other accidentes stayed the purpose fearefull messages the slippings away of his friendes their courages being all quayled euen of those which cheerefully at first made most oftentation of loyaltie and stoutnesse Galba was driuen to and fro with the crowde of the companie as it waued vp and downe The standing in * Basilicae at templa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plut. temples and churches on euery side were taken to view this * lugubri prospectu for prospectui Tacitus 2. Hist 93. Luxu saginae mancipatus Plutarch turneth this place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sorowful sight the people al mute with countenances amazed listening eares no tumult no quietnes such a silence as argued great feare and great anger notwithstanding it was caried to Otho that the common people were a putting in armes whereupon he a For he himselfe remained still in the campe Suet. Oth. c. 6 while this tragedie was a playing a circumstaÌ„ce which in reason Tacitus should not haue toched so lightly commaunded his men to marche in all speede and preuent the danger So the Roman soldiers as if they had gone to pul Vologeses or Pacorus out of the throne ancieÌ„tly possessed by Arsaces line and not to murdre their owne Emperour vnarmed aged dispersing the people trampling the Senate vnder foote b Equites â—iso pâ—ccul Galba 〈…〉 Sueâ— â— 19. set spurres to their horses fiercely in armes rush into the Place of assembly neither did the sight of the Capitoll nor reuerence of the temples about nor the Princes past and to come terrefy them from committing that abhominable act whereof the next successour is the reuenger The enseigne-bearer of Galbaes cohort Atilius Vergilio by report assoone as he sawe a far of the armed men marching in array pluckt downe the image of Galba dashed it against the pauement by that it did plainely appeare that all the souldiers were wholly for Otho The people vnbidden make away in al hast leauing the Place of assembly voide or if any seemed to linger they were drawn vpon by the soldiers At Lacus Curtius Galba was tumbled out of his chayre to the grounde through the fearefulnes of them which bare it His last words are diuersely by diuerse reported as they admired or hated the man some say he humbly demanded what ill he had euer deserued requesting onely a fewe daies respit to pay their donatiue The most doe agree that he offered stoutly his necke to doe their pleasure and strike if it seemed so good to the common wealth it mattered not much to the murderers what he did say The very man that slew him is not certainly knowen some say Terentius Euocatus others Lecanius the more receaued opinion is that Camurius a soldier of the fifteenth legion pearced his throate with a sword his armes and legges a Thorace or Loricae lintea suprà for his brest was armed others did miserably mangle and hewe many stabbes vpon a sauage and beastly cruelty were bestowed vpon the headlesse carcase Next after Galba they assayled Vinius of whome likewise there is question whether the present feare wasted his speech or els that he cried aloude They had no commandement from Otho to kill
Scribonianus his brother Titus Vinius by his daughter Crispina composed and layed in graue hauing first sought out b Crispina paied for hir fathers ten thousand sesterces that is 78. li 2 c 6. d Plutarch 1511 and redeemed their heads which the murderers had kept to be solde Piso was when he died one and thirty yeares olde of better fame then fortune his brother Magnus was slaine by Claudius and Crassus by Nero himselfe liued a great while in exile and foure daies a Prince adopted in hast before his elder brother with this onely aduantage that he was thereby the first made away Titus Vinius liued fortie seuen yeares not all after one sorte his father was of a Praetorian house his mothers father one of the * è proscriptis sâ— ab Octavio Antonio Leido triumuiris reip perdendae proscriptes At his first seruice in warre hee became infamous his Lieutenaunt generall Caluisius Sabinus wife caryed with an vnwomanly desire to viewe the site of the campe and hauing in souldiers attire wantonly perused the watch and other campe-offices in the very * Principia the place in the campe where the standerde and enseignes are pitched Principia forfeyted hir honour and the man accused of the fact was Titus Vinius whereupon by commaundement of Caius the Emperor he was emprisoned and anone through chaunge of times being enlarged he passed thorow offices of honour without touch first Praetor then Lieutenaunt of a Legion with good commendation afterward hee stayned himselfe with a seruile crime conueying away a golden cup from Claudius borde wherupon the day following Claudius made him alone of all his guestes to bee serued in * fictilibus earthen notwithstanding being Proconsull of Gallia Narbonensis hee gouerned the countrey with great seuerity and sincerenesse anone by reason of credit with Galba being drawen to the place of dangerous downe-fall he was bold crafty actiue and as he listed to bende his minde mischieuous or industruous in equall degree The testament of Titus Vinius his wealth made voide Pisoes his pouerty ratified Galbaes body long neglected and in the darke despitefully intreated Argius his stewarde one of his principall bondmen a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plutarch p. 1511. buried with small ceremony in his priuate gardens His heade by the * lixae qui extra ordinem sine armis exorcitum sequuÌ„tur questus gratia Polybius Festus followers and * calones miliuÌ„ servi so called because they caried clubs after their masters which the Graecians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Servius Festus rascalles of the campe mangled and stabbed was founde the day after before Patrobius toombe a freed-man of Nero whom Galba had executed and so was put with his body burned before This ende had Seruius Galba hauing liued seuenty three yeares and out-liued fiue Princes in greate prosperity happier vnder the Empire of others then in his owne his house of ancient nobility and great wealth himselfe a man of a midle disposition rather vicelesse then greatly vertuous neither neglecting his fame nor yet ambitiously carefull of it of other mens money not greedy sparing of his owne of the common a niggard bearing with his fauorites and freedmen without reprehension when they were good if they were bad to his owne shame ignoraunt of their ill doings but his honorable birth and the dangerous times couered the matter entitling that wisedome which in truth was but slouth in his flourishing age greatly renowned for seruice in a Dio lib. 60. p. 460. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which was the first yeare of Claudius Empire 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Germanie Africke he ruled as Pruconsull with great moderation and growing in yeares the nearer Spaine vprightly well seeming more than a private man whilest he was private and by b Ausonius Spem frustrate senex privatus ssptra mereri Visus er imperio proditus inferior Fama tibi me lior inveni sed iuctior ordo est Complacuisse de hinc displicuisse priùs all mens opinions capable of the Empire had he neuer bene Emperour VIII After the death of Galba the newes growing hoater of Vitellius and the German reuolt how the Cittie stoode affected betweene him and Otho THE citty thus terrefied and hauing in horrour both the haynousnesse of the late fact and the olde conditions of Otho was put in a further feare by the newes of Vitellius reuolt which were in Galbaes time suppressed that men shoulde beleeue no more had rebelled saue the armie of vpper Germanie alone But then seeing two of all mortall men the most detestable creatures in slouthfulnesse incontinencie and wastfull life fatally elect as it were to ruine the Empire not onely the Senatours and Gentlemen who had some part and care of the state but the c Tac. p. 58. Vulgus magnitudine nimia curarum expers populus and yet expers not in al circumstances as here may bâ— seene not of all common cares Plebscui vnica ex rep annonae cura saieth Tacitus elsewhere commons also openly beganne to waile and lament Their talke was no more of the fresh and bleeding examples of the late murdering peace but of ciuill warres recorded in ancient story of the citty so oft surprized by her owne citizens Italy wasted the prouinces spoyled of Pharsalia Phillippi Perusia Mutina d At Phatfalia Caesar ouerthrew Pompey an vr conditae 7â—6 at Phillippi Octavius and Antonius overcaÌ„e Brutus and Cassiuâ— an v. c 712. in the Perusin warre Octavius took armes against L. Antonius and Fulvia Anno 713. at Mutina the Consuls Hirtius Paâ—sa fought with M Antoniê° an 710 famous names of common calamities The worlde was subuerted almost euen when good men stroue for the state notwithstanding there remained when Caius Iulius there remained when Caesar Augustus was conqueror the form of an Empire If Pompey had preuailed if Brutus the populare state woulde haue stoode now whether for Otho or for Vitellius shoulde they goe to the temples that both prayers were impious alike both vowes alike detestable between two in the warre of whom this alone you might know that he which should win would be e For admitting them before equall in vices the victory it selfe would corrupt the winner viâ—toria etiam egregios duces insolescere saieth Tacitus elsewhere worse then before Some secretly wished Vespasian with the Easterne armies and as he was more liked then either of the other so did they greatly mislike to multiply warres and calamities and againe Vespasian was not altogether without exception the onely Prince before his time which changed to the better IX The reuolt of the armies of both Germanies and rising of Vitellius NOW wil I set downe the beginning causes of Vitellius commotion After that Iulius Vindex with al his host was slaine the army growing insolent with spoile glory as hauing obtained without paine and danger a most rich conquest loued much better exploytes and fighting * praemia
pollicy he could not so Burdo was presently had into prison and after the victory the souldiers malice being appeased enlarged againe In the meane time Crispinus the Centurion was yeelded vnto them as an * vt piaculum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 expiatory sacrifice who had embrued his hands with Capitoes bloud and therefore more in the eye of the soldier of lesse account a For it might be his owne case with Vitellius Next after was Iulius Ciuilis a man of great might credit among the Batauians deliuered from danger lest by his death that fierce nation should become foes Moreouer in the state of the Lingones there lay of Batauians eight cohorts the Aides of the fourteenth Legion but then by means of the troublesōe times they were departed away of no smal moment to sway the whole cause as they hapned to fauor the one or the other The foure centurions before mentioned Nonius Donatius Romilius Calpurnius Vitellius cōmanded to be executed being attainted of truth a most hainous crime among rebels Then came to the side Valerius Asiaticus Lieutenāt of Belgica to whom anone after Vitellius maried his daughter Iunius Bloesus Gouernour of Gallia Lugdunensis with the Italian Legion and Taurin wing encamped at Lions The Rhoetian soldier without any stay ioined himselfe In Britannie also the matter went cleare b 2 Hist p. 90. vita Agric. pag. 591. Trebellius Maximus was Lieutenant general there contemned hated of the army for his niggardly sparing polling and Roscius Coelius Lieutenant of the twentieth legion inflamed them further against him his ancient enemy but now by occasion of ciuil dissensions they were fallen out further brake into more hainous terms Trebellius obiecting to Coelius and charging him with factious behauiour dissoluing of discipline Coelius againe that Trebellius had spoiled beggered the legiōs but in the mean time the lieutenants thus iarring the modesty of the army was marred the discord at length growing so great that Trebellius being railed away by the Aydes also in cohorts and wings sorting themselues to Coelius side was glad to giue place being forsaken flee to Vitellius The prouince although the lieutenant general was absent remained in quiet the Lieutenants of the Legions supplying the charge in right of equal autority but Coelius indeed bare the most stroake because he was of most boldnesse Now that the Brittish host was adioyned Vitellius growing strong in men and money ordaines for the warre two sundry Generals and two sundry waies for the Generals to passe Fabius Valens was willed to allure by faire meanes or if they refused to wast and destroie the countreyes of Gallia and so by the Cottian Alpes to enter by force into Italie Caecina was commanded a shorter passage by the Penine Alpes to make his descēt Valens had vnder his conduct the choise men of the lower army and the fift Legion with cohorts wings c This number of fortie thousand far exceeding the number of a Legion in any age was made vp by gelding the other Legions of that prouince yet leauing vnto thē their standerd and their name and by Auxiliaries of the Germans as it appeareth by the wordes of Tacitus forty thousand armed men Out of higher Germany Caecina led thirty thousand the flower and strength whereof consisted in the one twentieth Legion Moreouer they had both assigned vnto them d Not onely of the French side but ◠Trans rhenanis and such I thinke were principally ment in this place Aides of the Germans out of whom Vitellius who was to folow with the maine weight of the warre furnished vp his army also Strange was the difference between the army and their Emperour the soldier was instant demanding armes whilest they of Gallia stood in a feare whilest Spaine in a doubt as for the winter that was no let nor such like excuses receueable only in idle peaceable times that Italy must out of hād be inuaded the city surprized that nought is more safe then speede in ciuill dissension where dispatch is more needful then long consultation on the other side Vitellius a man of nothing playing the Prince before hand in rioting and prodigal banquets drunck at noone-day heauy with surfet but the soldiers forwardnes feruency fully supplied the place of the leader as if he were presēt in person encouraging or terrifiyng the valiāt or dastard Whē al was in order ready to march they cal to soūd the remoue increasing Vitellius stile with the name of Germanicus for Caesar euen after the victory e In perpetuum saith Suet. Vitel c. 8. but Tacit 3. Hist teacheth vs otherwise Quin Caesarem dici se voluit aspernatus antea he refused to be called X How Fabius Valens guided his charge of forty thousand fighting men from Coleyn to the Cottian Alpes THE very day of remouing there appeared a lucky signe to Fabius Valens the army which he led to the warre an eagle softly flying before as the army marched as it were to note out the way for a great space the soldiers so shouted for ioy and the bird passed on without fear so assuredly that is was reputed an vndoubted tokē of great prosperous successe The state of Triers as frends they passed thorow with al security At Diuodurū a town of the Mediomatrici although they were with al kind of curtesy receiued a sodain feare came vpon them the alarme was giuen to sacke the pore innocent citty not for the pray or desire of spoile but vpon a fury and rage and causes not knowen and therefore the remedyes harder to finde till at length being pacified by Valens entreating they held their handes from razing the citty notwithstanding about four thousand men were slaine This accident strooke such a terror into them of Gallia that alwaies after as the camp was a comming whole citties with their officers and humble supplications went out for to meet them with women children down on their knees along the way side generally al means by the which men asswage their enemies anger though warre they had none yet then were they forced to purchase their peace Valens in the a Sueton. Vitellio c. 9. saieth that Vitellius hard the news of Galbaes death before Valens departed citty of the Leuci receiued the newes that Galba was slaine and Otho in place the souldier was neither gladder nor sadder hauing nothing but warre in his minde the French thereby were b For as long as Galbatheir benefactour liued they were loth any way but enforced to aide Vitellius but now hating a like Otho and Vitellius and fearing but the one it was great reasō to make the most countenance thither whēce they feared most present danger resolued Otho and Vitellius they hated alike and Vitellius they feared beside The next city was that of the Lingones sure to the side being intertained there curteously they requited it with modest behauiour
might of Titus Vinius did protect him who pretēded that Tigellinus before had saued his daughter as indeed he had done not vpon any merciful mind as hauing murdered so many but onely proiecting for time to come a plot to escape for the lewdest men misdoubting the present fearing a change prepare before hand priuat friends to set and oppose against publick hatred whereupon it groweth that no care is taken of innocent life but only a care to passe without punishmēt But now for Vinius sake he fared the worse to his owne ancient hatefulnes the others late enuy being adioyned insomuch that the people running by heapes to the Palace and Places of common assembly and where the commons are most in their kingdom to the Race Theatres ceased not seditiously to molest til such time as message of death a Plutarch Othone p. 1514. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was sent to Tigellinus being at the bathes of b A place of ordinary repaire for pleasure health Tac. 12. Ann. p. 446. Jn tanta mole curarum Claudius valetudine adversa corripitur refouendisque viribus mollitie coeli salubritate aquarum Sinuessam pergit Sinuessa where wallowing among his concubines dallying and kissing and vsing vnhonest delayes he cut his owne throate at length with a razour fouling his infamous life a slow and dishonest departing About the same time Galuia Crispinilla was likewise required to the slaughter but the Prince although with some obloquie shifting it off saued her life one which had bin in her time schoolemistresse of Neroes lusts and after his death had sayled into Africke to incite Clodius Macer to warre and euidently endeuoured to famish the citty of Rome afterward the maried a Consull and had the goodwill and good word of al the whole citty vnhurt and vntouched whilest Galba Otho and Vitellius liued and after their times mighty in money and because the was childlesse good helpes in all world 's both good and bad XIIII Of the letters messages and practises that passed betweene the sides IN the meane time Otho sent to Vitellius many c Suet Othone c 8. Otho per internuncios literas consortem imperij generumque se Vtellie obtulit letters spiced with womanish perswasions and d The like conditions offred by Flavius Sabinus in Vespasians name were accepted by Vitellius as much as in him lay had not his friends disturbed the bargaine 3. Hist p. 139. offring him money and countenance and what place of rest he would chuse to passe therein his prodigall life Vitellius quit him againe with the like at the first in mild termes with fonde and vncomely dissembling on both sides afterwarde in scolding maner obiecting ech to the other vicious life and villanous actes neither amisse Otho reuoking the Embassage which Galba had sent sendeth a new in the name of the Senate to both the German armies the Italian Legion and companies which remained at Lions The Embassadours that went staied with Vitellius being as it seemed quickly intreated and willingly with-holden Those of the Gard which Otho had assigned e For in truth they were sēt to practise the legians in shew to attend vpon the Embassadors were turned home again not suffered to haue conference with the Legions Fabius Valens sendeth withal a packet in the name of the German army to the Praetorian and Vrban cohorts extolling the strength of the side and offring amity blaming them beside in that they did conuert vpon Otho the title of the Empire whereof Vitellius had so f For Vitellius was greeted Emperour the second of Innuary and Othothe fifteenth long before the rightfull possession So were they with threats and promises doubly assayed as being in warre not able to stand in peace not likelie to loose notwithstanding the Praetorians persisted for Otho Plots also were laied for priuy attempts Otho sent some into Germanie to practise against Vitellius person and Vitellius to Rome against Othoes both missed of their purpose the Vitellianists missed the punishment scaping vnspyed as in so greate a multitude of men where no body knoweth nor marketh another but Othoes men among such as knew ech other were quickly bewrayed as straungers Moreouer Vitellius wrote letters to Titianus Othoes brother threatening the death of him and his sonne is his mother and children tooke any harme and so a To wit of Vitellius Titianus both the houses continued entier for feare peraduenture in Othoes time but Vitellius beeing conquerour and without such a bridle caried away the vndoubted commendation of clemency XV How the provinces declared themselues in fauour or disfavour of the sides THE first aduertisement which put Otho in courage was out of Illyricum that the Legions of Dalmatia Pannonia and Moesia had sworne vnto him the like was reported of Spaine and Cluuius Rufus by publicke edict solemnely praysed and by and by it was certified that Spaine had reuolted to Vitellius Aquitania likewise though hauing receyued the oth to Otho tendered by Iulius Cordus remained not long in obedience fidelity or loue bare no where sway by feare and force they changed to and fro The same feare brought to Vitellius the prouince of Narbō a gētle passage and easily made vnto the nearer stronger The prouinces which were far of al the armies seuered by sea remained at Othoes deuotion not for loue to the side but the name of the city shew of the Senate did greatly coūtenance credit the cause and he had first possessed their minder as being the former in speech In Iury Vespasian sware his army to Otho Mucianus the Legiōs in Syria Aegypt likewise and Eastward the prouinces were al possessed in his name Africke also in his obedience they of Carthage beeing most forward not expecting the Procōsul Vipsianius Apronianus authoritie Crescens a freedman of Nero for he was in those bad times become a part of publick affaires had feasted the people for ioy of the new Emperor and the people hastened many things disorderly The rest of the citties followed the example of Carthage XVI Otho bestoweth offices restoreth the banished relieveth the provinces and erecteth the images of Poppaea his olde loue THE armies and prouinces being thus distracted for Vitellius it was needful if he would be Prince to winne it in field Otho as in time of great peace disposed the affaires of the Empire some according to the dignity of the state most otherwise hasting and shuffling vp as present necessity forced And first hee declareth himselfe Titianus his brother Consuls til the kalends of March the next two monethes were assigned to Verginius to please in some part the German army with Verginius he ioyneth Poppaeus Vopiscus vnder the colour of old acquaintance most thought it was done to honor the Viennenses the rest of the Consuls as they were by Nero or Galba appointed remayned vnchanged Coelius Sabinus and Flauius Sabinus til Iuly Arius Antoninus and Marius Celsus til
too late after the facte As Flauius Sabinus was in doubt how to proceede in a matter of that wayght Triaria the wife of Lucius Vitellius fierce and cruell aboue the ordinary of that sexe terrified him warning him not to affect the commendation of clemency by the perill of his Prince Sabinus a man of his owne nature of a milde disposition but when hee was put in a feare easie to be changed and fearing to make another mans danger his owne lest he shoulde seeme to haue helped him vp as hee was falling pushed him forwarde So Vitellius partly vppon feare and partly vpon an olde grudge because Dolabella had taken Petronia to wife straight vpon hir deuorce from him called him by letters to him and commanding to auoide the beaten Flaminian way and carry him by Interamna he gaue commission to murther him there that seemed too long to him who had the commission therefore in an inne by the way as Dolabella rested himselfe on the grounde he cut his throat to the great infamie of the new gouernment wherof this was the first proofe This kinde of behauiour of Triaria was the more odious by setting against it the modesty of hir next neighbour Galeria the Emperors wife heaping not sorrowes vpon the sorrowfull and the rare vertue of Sextilia his mother a woman of the ancient sort who is also reported to haue saied at the reading of hir sonnes first letters that a Vitellius was borne by hir not a Germanicus neither did shee afterwardes through any allurements of fortune or courting of the city participate any thing els of hir sonnes estate saue onely the smarts of hir house when it fell XXI Vitellius viage from Lions into Jtalie by Turin Pauia Cremona Bebriacum and so to Bononia and the actions which happened in the meane waie AS Vitellius was departed from Lions Marcus Cluvius Rufus leauing his charge in Spaine ouertaketh him carying ioy and gratulation in countenance but heauinesse in heart knowing that he had beene shot at and matter put vp against him Hilarius the Emperours freedman had articled against him that hearing of Vitellius and Othoes contention for the Empire he had endeuoured to erect a souerainty of his owne and assure to himselfe the possession of Spaine and therefore had named in the beginning of his * Diplomata which although granted and sealed by the gouernours of the prouinces yet the stile was as from the Prince and in the Princes name were the commissions directed commissions no Prince certaine pointes also of his orations he picked out and construed as tending to the defacing of Vitellius and making himselfe populare But the credit of Cluvius preuailed so farre that Vitellius contrarily commaunded his man to be punished and assumed Cluvius into his traine suffering him withall to enioy Spaine which he gouerned still notwithstanding his absence according to the precedent of a Tac. 4. Ann. p 387. Lucius Arruntius whom Tiberius Caesar retained for feare but Vitellius kept Cluvius vpon no such ielousie Trebellius Maximus had not the like fauour he fled out of Britannie because the souldiers were incensed against him and Vectius Bolanus was sent in his place Of all matters present that vexed Vitellius most to see the vanquished Legions retaine their stomackes vnuanquisht being dispersed thorow Italie together with the winners in all speeches they shewed themselues affected as enemies and namely the fourteenth Legion who caried the greatest stomacke of them all denying that euer they were ouercome that in the battell at Bebriacum the Vexillaries onely were put to flight the strength of the Legion being not present Wherefore it was thought expedient to sende them backe into Britannie from whence they were called by Nero and in the meane time that they and the cohorts of Batauians should quarter together by reason of the ancient iarring between them Neither could they hauing both weapons in hande and hating ech other so deadly agree long together At Turin as one of the Batauians quarreled with an artificer as hauing coozened him and a Legionary soldier tooke his part and defended him as beeing his host their companions sorting themselues ech to their felow from bitter words passed to blowes and a bloudy battaile had beene fought had not two Praetorian cohorts taken the Legionaries part and so much increased their strength that the Batauians were forced for feare to giue ouer Vpon which accident Vitellius commanded to vnite to his traine the Batauians as wellwillers to the cause and to send the Legion away and conduct it ouer the Graian Alpes by the way that missed Vienna for they of Vienna also were had in a ielousie That night the Legion remoued fires being left here and there negligently vnput out part of Turin was burnt which dammage as many other bad effectes of that warre greater calamities of other cities did vtterly blot and put out of remembrance The Legion hauing passed the Alpes some of the most seditious among them caried their enseignes toward Vienna but by the consent of the better sort they were staied and so the Legion was transported into Britanny The next feare that Vitellius had was of the a Suetonius Vitellio c. 10. reporteth the same and no more quicquid Praetoriarum cohortium fuit vno exauctorauit edicto but by the new enrolment described in Tacitus p. 104. it may seeme that vrbanae cohortes were also dismissed Praetorian cohorts And first they were separated then in good sort b Missio alia honesta alia ignominiosa honesta ex valetudine ex stipendijs cōfectis and in the free state as I thinke pro haereditate adeunda pro honoribus petendis c. courteously cassed with commandement to deliuer vp their armour to their Tribunes and so they remained vntill such time as the warre was begunne by Vespasian then they resumed armes and were the strength of the Flauian side Of the other Legions the first surnamed Classica was sent into Spaine that by peace and rest it might waxe tractable the eleuenth and seuenth were returned to their standing campes the thirteenth set c For some short time so sent home againe into Pannonia for there we find it againe in the beginning of the reuolt of Illyricum from Vitellius p. 100. a worke to builde Amphytheatres for Caecina at Cremona and Valens at Bononia made preparation to set forth a shew of fencers Vitellius being neuer so intentiuely addicted to serious affaires that he would forget his pastimes and pleasures And thus with good moderation he set them asunder In the winning side a mutinee arose upon a sporting beginning but that the number of them which were slaine made it a matter of earnest and the whole warre more odious Vitellius was in Ticinum at banquet and with him Verginius The Lieutenants and Tribunes are frugal d Tempestiui◠conuiuijs delectantur convivia tempestina those which to make the worke the lōger are begunne before the ordinary houre or riotous
violence vnto them but when they saw them not moued thereat but patiently to endure all indignities according to the circumstance of their present fortune they beganne to call to remembrance that euen those were the selfesame men that had a little before at Bebriacum vsed their victory moderately But when Caecina came forth as a Consull in his robes with his sergeants before him making way thorow the presse the conquering souldiers lost all maner of patience obiecting vnto him his pride and his cruelty yea and his treason too so hatefull are vices euen where they are profitable But Antonius interposed himselfe and sent him safely garded away to Vespasian In the meane season the people of the towne among so many armed men were greatly annoyed and they scaped nearely of a generall massacre had not the captaines intreated somewhat appeased the soldiers wrath Antonius calling a ful assembly made a solemne oration speaking in glorious termes to the soldiers of his own side in curteous to those of the other concerning Cremona ambiguously The army was doubtles earnestly bent to the destruction and sacke of the citty beside a naturall desire of spoile vpon an olde conceaued displeasure against them for in the warre of Otho also they were thought to haue bestedde and helped Vitellius side and afterwardes the thirteenth Legion being left there to build an amphitheatre as commonly these townesmē are naturally malapert they had iested scoffed at them many other circumstāces made their case also the harder as that Caecina had in that towne exhibited his shew of “ Gladiatores fencers in honour of Vitellius victory that it was chosen now the second time for the seate-towne of the warre that they had helped the Vitellian army with vittailes that some women were found slaine which for extreme loue to the side had come out to the battaile and not least because the faire time had filled the towne being otherwise wealthy with shew of more wealth And thus stoode the soldiers for their part affected As concerning the Commanders the behauiours of the rest were not much marked Antonius by reason of his fortune and his fame was principally eyed who assoone as he entred the towne went presently to the bath to wash of the bloud finding it somewhat too coole let fall a word which was quickly taken vp that ere long it would be made hoater This base iest turned the whole blame vpon him as if hee had giuen thereby a watchworde to set Cremona on fire which to say the trueth was burning already Forty thousande armed men were broken in and of seruants and followers of the campe both a greater number and a great deale more disordered in all kinde of licentious and cruell demeanour neither age nor honourable calling could warrant any from violence but without respect of eyther they abused their bodies in villanous maner and slew them indifferently Aged men and olde women nought worth to be solde they haled in a iolity for pastime and sporte if any mayde of competent yeares or bewtifull yongman fell amongst them in striuing who should cary them away they pulled them asunder tare them in pieces and thereupon growing in choler turned to kill one another Whenas any had gotten and caryed away for himselfe money or the golde and iewels out of the temples being met by a stronger he left behinde him both his life and his bootie some contemning that which they found ready and open compelled the owners with torture and stripes to confesse and yeeld vp their hidden riches and treasures buried vnder the ground The souldiers walked with firebrands in their handes which assoone as they had emptied the goods they hurled in a sporte and wantonnesse into the voyde houses and empty temples And as in an armie diuerse in language and manners compounded of Romans confederates and strangers their lusts and desires were diuerse and something held lawfull by one something by another and nothing vnlawfull to all Fower whole dayes Cremona ministred matter to sacke and to burne and all things beside both holy prophane being consumed into ashes the temple of a The goddesse of ill sauours Mephitis without the walles remained vntouched either because it stoode out of the way or by reason of some diuine vertue of the goddesse This end had the city of Cremona two hundreth eighty six yeares after the foundation It was built in the b In the yeare of the Citty 536. and the first yeare of the second Punicke warre yeare that Tiberius Sempronius Publius Cornelius were Consuls when Hannibal was about to come into Italy for a bulwarke against the Frenchmen beyond the Po and if any other power should breake in by the Alpes So by reason of the number of inhabitants commodity of riuers fertility of the soile annexed affinities contracted with other people it grew vp flourished in forraine warres vntouched vnfortunate in ciuill Antonius ashamed of this foule act which daily grew more more odious made proclamation that no man should keepe any cittizen of Cremona as his lawfull prisoner and all Italie with one generall consent refusing to buy any of them for slaues marred the soldiers market who therevpon began to murther their prisoners Which being once knowen their frendes kinsfolkes secretly came ransomed them In short time after the rest of the people returned to Cremona The publicke places and temples were reedified at the charges of the townesmen and vpon Vespasians speciall encouragement For the present the ground being infected with the noysomenesse of the dead carcases suffered not the Flauian army to dwell long vpon the ruines of the razed citty So they remooued three miles of and there reduced the Vitellianists being disbanded and trembling for feare euery soldier vnder his colours and anone afterward sent them away into Illyricum lest during the time of the troubles they should fortune to worke innouation Into Britannie and Spaine messengers were sent with the newes of the successe and for a proofe of their victory into France they sent Iulius Calenus a Tribune and into Germanie Alpinus Montanus captaine of a cohorte because Alpinus was of Triers and Calenus an Aeduan and both had followed Vitellius side and withall they kept and fortified the passages of the Alpes with garrisons fearing the descent of the Germans that way in fauour of Vitellius VII Fabius Valens setteth forward Vitellius blockish behauiour The death of Junius Bloesus BVT Vitellius hauing within fewe daies after Caecinaes departure set forth Fabius Valens also to the warre as if nothing els were now to be done layed aside all care of affayres and betooke himselfe to his riotous life He made no prouision of armour confirmed not the soldiers with comfortable speeches or militare exercises he conuersed not in publicke in the face of the people like those sluggish creatures which if you supply with foode lye carelesly stretched along lurcking in arbours and places of
pleasure he had cast of al memorie alike of past present and to come Thus wallowing in sloth and languishing in the groues of Aricia the heauy newes came vnto him of the treason of Lucilius Bassus and of the reuolt of the nauy at Rauenna soone after the sorrowfull tidings mixed with some ioy concerning Caecina came both that he had reuolted and that he was put in bands by the armie His blockish and dull disposition apprehended more the ioy then the care insomuch that with great triumph hee made his returne vnto the citty and there in a solemne assembly commended and highly extolled the dutifull affection of the souldiers Then hee commanded Publius Sabinus captaine of the Garde because hee was inward with Caecina to be committed substituting Alphenus Varus in his roome immediately going to the Senate he made there a stately and magnificall oration vnto them and was requited of them againe with all kindes of exquisite flatteries Then proceeded a heauy sentence against Caecina a In amplifying the great bountifulnes of Vitellius toward a man in all respects so vnworthy as Caecina they vttered indeede their owne griefe that so leude a person should be so highly preferred and yet seemed to complaine in Vitellius behalfe pronounced first by Lucius Vitellius and so by the rest of the Senate in order who as in the Princes behalfe vttering their owne grieffe aggrauated his fact with tearmes of affected indignation That a Consull should betray the common wealth a Generall his soueraine lorde and a man so greatly aduanced in riches and honour his sole aduancer and maker without any touch at all or iniurious speech against any of the Flauian captaines but onely blaming the errour and ouersight of the armies and for Vespasians proceedings with great caution touching that string and alwaies sparing his name Then Roscius Regulus presented petition and by humble suite obtayned a ridiculous thing both to giue and to take the Consulship for one onely day which remayned behinde of Caecinaes time and so the last day of October he entred and resigned his office It was obserued by men skilfull that way that neuer before was there anie such substitution seene but eyther vppon errour in the creation or an expresse lawe for that purpose enacted For b Of whom that iest of Tullie is remembred Quà m vigilan â—em habemus consulem qui toto consulatus sui tempore sommum oculis non vidit Caninius Rebilus had likewise bene Consull for one daie alone at the time when Caius Caesar was Dictatour “ Or who being beholding to many had many to pleasure and the seruice of many in the ciuill warre required much speede in rewarding About the same time the death of Iunius Bloesus was openly knowen and much talkt of abroade the circumstances whereof as we haue receaued them are these Vitellius lying sicke of a grieuous disease in the Seruilian gardens chanced to espye in a turret not farre of many lights burning in the night season and demanding the cause they about him made answere that in Caecina Tuscus house there was a solemne feast much company met whereof Iunius Bloesus was the principall guest amplifying the sumptuousnes of the entertainment the mirth the wanton solacing themselues and such other matters farre aboue trueth yea and some stucke not directly to accuse Tuscus himselfe and others but aggrauated most against Bloesus that had so good leysure and lust in the Princes sicknesse to banquet and passe the time so merrily away When they found Vitellius humour once sharpened and it was cleare to them that see deepely into Princes dislikes that Bloesus might be ouerthrowen the promooting and prosecuting against him was committed to Lucius Vitellius who vpon a sinister emulation malicing Bloesus because he was so famous a man and himselfe by desert so infamous entred into the Emperours chamber and taking his little sonne in his armes fell downe at his feete When his brother demanded the cause of this his confusion I come not quoth he for any feare or care of mine own but my humble suite is these teares are shed in your owne behalfe and your childrens In vaine doe we stand in feare of Vespasian whom so many Legions as we haue of our side so many prouinces of valour and trust and so great and infinite distance by sea and lande doeth withholde and keepe of we had more neede to take heede of an enemie at home in our bosome who vaunts of the a By reason of both which names he might claime to be lineally descended of Octavia sister to Augustus Caesar as by their petigree it may appeare Iunij and a By reason of both which names he might claime to be lineally descended of Octavia sister to Augustus Caesar as by their petigree it may appeare Antonij for his progenitours and maketh all demonstrations of curtesie and bountifulnesse toward the souldiers as one descended of the imperiall bloud that way all mens mindes beginne now to bende whilest your maiesty in the meane time careles of the estate both of your frendes foes nourisheth a concurrent that taketh delight out of his banquetting house to beholde his Princes sicknesse griefes Vouchsafe I beseech you for his vnseasonable mirth to render him a sad sorrowfull night whereby he may both know and feele that Vitellius liueth and ruleth and if ought should befall him but good hath a sonne to leaue in his place Vitellius standing in dreade betweene the feare of differring and the open auowing so wicked a fact lest the one might breede his destruction the other procure great enuy and slaunder finally resolued to attempt it by poison the suspicion whereof was strongly confirmed by his going in great ioy to visite Bloesus as he lay a dying and moreouer a most sauage speech of his was ouerheard wherein he vaunted for I will reporte his owne very wordes that he had fed his eies in beholding his enemies death Bloesus besides his honourable birth and courtlie condicions was loyall and fast to Vitellius For before Vespasian put vp whenas matters were yet entier being sollicited by Caecina and the chieffest of the side who beganne now to waxe weary of Vitellius he stiffly resisted a man of vpright conuersation not turbulent not desirous of hasty rising and so farre from ambitious aspiring to the Empire that in many mens opinions he was esteemed not vnworthy of it VIII The proceedings of Fabius Valens and his taking IN the meane season Fabius Valens marching forwarde more slowly then was conuenient in going to warre with a great and effeminate traine of concubines and eunuches was aduertised in post of the treason of Lucilius Bassus with the losse of the nauy at Rauenna and if he had followed with expedition his purposed iourney hee might either haue preuented Caecinaes falling away or ouertaken the Legions before the battaile was giuen And some perswaded him to take a fewe of his trustiest frendes and
so auoyding Rauenna by secrete bywayes to goe in all speed to Hostilia or Cremona others were of opinion to sende for the Praetorian cohorts out of the cittie and so by strong hande to make passage But Valens vsing delay to the great hurt of the cause spent the times of action in consultation and then reiecting both the aduises and taking a midle course which in cases of danger and doubt of all is the woorst hee neither was venturous inough with the one nor prouident inough with the other but onely wrote letters to Vitellius for some supply Whereupon a Of Praetorians it should seeme and yet p. 134. we finde 14 more Praeâ—orian and there were but 16. in all 2. Hist p. 104. three cohorts were sent with the Brittish wing a number neither fit to passe secrete withall nor sufficient to breake thorowe by force But Valens euen then amidst so great danger abstayned not from his olde vntemperate liuing but was diffamed and noted to take by force his lewde pleasures and pollute his hosts houses wheresoeuer he came with adulteries and other vnlawfull lusts he had both might and money great meanes to induce and the last lusts of fortune beginning to fall now at the farewell shewed themselues most outragious When the horsemen and footemen were come then appeared the weaknesse and fault of that counsaile For neither could he with so small a companie though they had beene most trustie passe thorow the enemies neither yet were they fast and trustie indeede but for a while shame and the reuerence of their Generall beeing present restrayned them bondes of no long continuance with men greedie of dangers and carelesse of credit vpon feare whereof Valens sending the cohorts before to Ariminum and appointing the wing to garde them behinde with a fewe in his companie whome aduersitie had not altered turned aside into Vmbria and from thence into Etruria Where vnderstanding the euent of the battaile at Cremona hee entred into a notable determination and if it had succeeded of great consequence To betake himselfe to the sea and setting on land in some part of the prouince of Narbon to raise Fraunce and the nations of Germanie and so stirre vp a newe warre Assoone as Valens was gone Cornelius Fuscus came with an armie vppon them at Ariminum and bestowing his shippes not farre from the towne forced the souldiers for feare to yeelde and made himselfe master of the plaine of Vmbria and the countrey of Picenum all along the seaside and so all Italie on the one side of the Apennine mountaines was vnder the subiection of Vespasian and on the other side vnder Vitellius Valens hauing embarked himselfe in the bay of Pisa was driuen by the violence of the sea or contrary windes into the port of Hercules Monoecus Not farre from thence Marcus Maturus Procuratour of the sea Alpes remained a man verie faithfull and constant in Vitellius cause notwithstanding al thereabout had declared themselues for the contrarie side who intertaining Valens with all kinde of curtesie and warning him not rashly to enter into the prouince of Narbon with this admonition strooke a terrour into his minde and withall the rest of the company beganne to faint for feare and stagger in their allegeance For Valerius Paulinus a a Belike in Gallia Narbonensi Procuratour a valiant souldier and a frende of Vespasians before his aduauncement had sworne the citties rounde about vnto him and gathering all those which being b Mont as I take it of Othoes old Praetorian soldiers onely other dismissed by Vitellius I find not mentioÌ„ is made by by expresly of the Praetorians dismissed by Vitellius of their owne accorde resumed armes kept the colonie of Forum Iulij being the keie of the sea with a garrison his dealing therein carying the more credite because hee was borne in that towne and was highlie esteemed among the Praetorian souldiers whose Tribune sometimes hee had beene and the townesmen also vpon fauour to their cuntreyman and hope of greatenesse heereafter endeuoured to further the side This strong preparation being reported in the amplest sorte to the Vitellianists who alreadie were wauering in minde Fabius Valens retired in all speede to the shippes accompanied onelie with fower “ Spiculatores Spearemen three of his frendes and as manie Centurions Maturus and the rest were at their libertie to staie behinde if it liked them and sweare to Vespasian But as the sea was safer to Valens then the shoare or townes so floating thereon vnresolued and seeing rather what to shun then what to follow he was at the length by contrary weather cast vpon the Stoechades ilandes vpon the coast of Marseils from whence Paulinus sending out of his shippes fetched him in IX The estate of the prouinces abroade vpon the troubles in Jtalie AS SOONE as Valens was taken all the prouinces turned themselues to Vespasians side the matter beginning in Spaine at the first Legion surnamed Adiutrix which vpon the memorie of Otho was enemy to Vitellius and drew with it the tenth and sixt Legion also Neither did the prouinces of France make any stay And for Britannie the great fauour and reputation in warlicke affaires that Vespasian had gotten being Lieutenant there of the second Legion vnder Claudius did easily winne that Legion vnto him albeit not without some sturre of the rest whereof manie Centurions and souldiers who had beene aduanced by Vitellius were vnwilling to change the Prince whom they had prooued already By meanes of which dissension and continuall rumours of ciuill warres the Britans tooke hart and rebelled through the procurement a è Iuganâ—â—n civitate 12. An nalium of Venusius who beside a naturall fiercenesse of courage and hatred of the Roman name was incensed particularely by a priuate vnkindnesse betweene him and the queene Carthismandua Carthismandua was queene of the Brigantes of high and noble linage who vpon the deliuery of king Caratacus whom shee tooke by b â—2 Annal. p. 432. fraude and sent to furnish and set out the triumph of Claudius wanne fauour with the Romans and greatly increased her strength whereupon ensued wealth and of wealth and prosperity riotous and incontinent life insomuch that casting off Venusius who was her husband shee ioyned her selfe in mariage with Vellocatus his harnish bearer and crowned him king which fact was the ouerthrowe immediately of her house The good will of the cuntrey went generally vpon the lawfull husband but the queenes vntemperate affections were peremptory and violent in maintaining her minion Whereupon Venusius by the helpe of his other frendes and the reuolt of the Brigantes made warre vpon Carthismandua and brought her into greate extremities then praying aide at our handes our cohortes and wings were sent to defende her which after sundry skirmishes with diuerse euent deliuered her person out of peril but the kingdome remained to Venusius and the warre vnto vs. About the same time our affaires in Germanie through
beleeued that he was escaped into Germanie and putting in armes both olde and newe souldiers there but when they sawe he was dead they beganne to despaire The Flauian armie also tooke a wonderfull conceite as if his death were vndoubtedly the ende of the warre Valens was borne at Anagnia of a gentlemans house loose in conditions and not without grace in seeking by wanton ieastes the name of a pleasant conceite In the games of Iuuenalia in Neroes time hee * Mimos actitavit plaied a part first as it were by compulsion then voluntarily with more dexteritie then credit Being created Lieutenant of a Legion hee both sought to preferre Verginius to the Empire and then to discredit him Fonteius Capito his Lieutenant generall either because hee was entred into treason or because he could not induce him to treason he murdred and made away A traitour he was no doubt to Galba and true to Vitellius a vertue in him so much the more eminent because so many others were false Now the Vitellian souldiers seeing all their hope cut off going to yeelde themselues to the contrary part euen in that also had a care of their honour and came downe into the plaine vnder Narnia vnder their enseignes and banners displaied the Flauian army stoode armed with their weapons bent as in battell in thicke ranckes along the way side So the Vitellianists were receiued into the middle and being so inclosed about Antonius intertained them with comfortable and gracious wordes and appointed some of them to abide at Narnia and some at Interamna leauing some of his owne Legions withall without molestation to them if they were quiet and yet of force sufficient to represse them if they rebelled XIII Vitellius vpon composition with Flauius Sabinus Vespasians brother offreth to resigne vp the Empire Sabinus by the souldiers is driuen into the Capitoll and there besieged The Capitoll is burnt Sabinus taken and slaine DVRING their abode at Carsula Antonius and Varus sent continuall messages vnto Vitellius offring him if he would surcease armes and yeelde himselfe and his children to Vespasians mercy life money and what secret place he would chuse of Campania to retire himselfe into to the same effect Mutianus wrote also vnto him and Vitellius oftentimes gaue eare thereunto entring into speech about the number of his seruants and the choise of the place So great a senselesnesse had possessed his minde that if other men had not remembred that he had beene once Prince and therefore was not to looke for security in priuate estate hee himselfe would haue quickly forgotten it But the principall men at Rome secretely incited Flauius Sabinus being Prouost of the citty to put himselfe into the cause and vndertake part of the victory and of the honour making remonstrance vnto him that the citty cohortes was his owne peculiare souldier the cohortes of the Watchmen would questionlesse take his part and their own retinue of bondmen should bee at his disposition beside the fortune of the side and the easy course of proceeding they finde that be in traine of winning that hee should not yeelde the honour of the action to Antonius and Varus that Vitellius had but fewe cohorts in number and those discouraged and trembling at the euil newes that came out of all quarters the common people was fickle changeable if Sabinus would present himselfe for a head they would vse the same flattering termes for Vespasian which now they did to the other as for Vitellius hee was a man not able to gouerne himselfe in prosperity much lesse sufficient to wielde and winde out of his declining estate that the honour of finishing the warre would be his who first should take possession of the citty and so were it fit in al congruity both for Sabinus to reserue the Empire to his brother and for Vespasian to esteeme of all other mens seruice secundarily to Sabinus These warlike speeches made but a slender impression in his feeble olde minde and some did secretely suspect and charge him that through enuy and emulation hee sought rather to hinder his brothers good fortune For Flauius Sabinus was the elder brother and exceeded Vespasian both in riches and authority whiles they were both priuate men and was thought to haue saued his credit and kept him from breaking by lending him money but taking in morgage his house and landes for repayment thereof whereupon albeit in outwarde shewe they continued frendes yet some secrete ielousies were feared betweene them But the better interpretation was that being a milde man he abhorred from slaughter and bloud and therefore treated diuerse times with Vitellius of a peaceable composing of matters vpon conditions And after diuerse meetings at his house at the last a capitulation was concluded vpon as the fame went in the temple of Apollo onely two persons Cluuius Rufus and Silius Italicus beeing a Salutem sibi millies HS. a Flauio Sabino Vespasiani fratre pepigit saieth Suet. Vitel. capit 15. that is 78 1250. li. witnesses of their wordes their countenances were noted a farre off by the beholders Vitellius seemed abiect and base Sabinus not insulting but pitying rather And if Vitellius could as easily haue perswaded his frendes as he was ready to yeelde himselfe Vespasians army had entred the city without bloudshed but the loial faithful seruants of Vitellius flatly reiected all speech of peace and conditions declaring the danger and dishonor thereof that the performance consisted only in the winners good pleasure Nay said they Vespasian wil not be so confident as to suffer Vitellius to liue though in a priuate estate or if hee would yet your very owne souldiers and frends will not abide it and so through their pitty your life shall come in danger You are old and therefore for your part as one that hath had his fil of both fortunes are content to accept of conditions but what title and state shal your little sonne Germanicus haue now they offer money seruants and the pleasant places of Campania to solace you in but when Vespasian shall once be setled in the Empire neither he nor his frends nor his souldiers will thinke themselues safe while so great a concurrent doth liue Euen Fabius Valens whom they had in prison and reserued in store if ought should goe wrong was too heauy for them to endure much lesse are wee to thinke that Antonius and Fuscus and the chieffe flower of the side Mutianus will otherwise deale with Vitellius then to make him away Caesar left not Pompey aliue nor Augustus Antonius vnlesse perhaps Vespasian carry a brauer minde the meanest among many of your fathers followers and clients when hee was fellowe in office with Claudius the Emperour nay rather as it beseemeth you being sonne of a thrise Consull and Censor as it becommeth so many honourable titles of your most noble house let despaire at the least arme you to courage and boldenesse The souldiers persist still for you the good will
of the people continueth yet very feruent in summe no greater harme can happen then that which we runne into voluntarily dye we must if we be ouercome and dye we shall if we yeelde the difference onely is this whether wee should ende our liues vertuously and with honour or with shame and perpetual reproch But Vitellius eares were stopped against al manful coūsailes his minde was ouercome with care and pitty lest with too long resisting he should leaue the conqueror lesse mercifull to his wife and his children A a Sueton Vitell. c. 14. Suspectus in mortem matris fuit qua si aegrae praeberi cibum prohibuisses vaticinante Catta muliere cui velut ora culo acquiescebat ita demùm firmiter ac diutissimè imperaturum si superstes parenti extitisset Alij tradunt ipsam taedio praesentium imminentium metu venenum a filio impetrasse haud sanè difficulter mother also he had of great yeares but she died some fewe daies before very seasonably not to see the ruine of hir house hauing gained nothing by her sonnes preferment but sorrow and a good name Vpon the eighteenth day of December hearing of the reuolt of the Legion and cohorts at Narnia he departed out of the Palace in mourning weede with his seruants all sad and weeping about him and withall in a small * Lecticula chaire was caried his little young sonne as it were to his buriall The people in passing vsed their accustomed flatteries beeing as then out of season the soldier kept silence but seemed to carry wrath in his countenance neither was there any man so senselesse or vnmindefull of humane instability which was not moued with that sight An b Suetonius Vitellio c. 15. somewhat otherwise Emperour of Rome a little before Lord of the whole world to abandō the seat of his state thorow the people the city to go out of the Empire The like was neuer seen neuer heard of before Sodaine violence oppressed Caesar the Dictator secret conspiracy Caius night the obscure corner of a cūtrey house couered Neroes flight Piso Galba died as it were in the field but Vitellius in the assembly of his owne people amidst his owne soldiers women also looking out of their windowes after he had vttered some few whō he had with falshood be guiled nor against Vespasians young sonne for what would the death of an olde man one childe auaile but let him go out encounter the Legions and there trye the maine matter other things would follow the euent of that battaile To this charge Vitellius in great feare made answere with some words in excuse of himselfe laying the blame vpon his soldiers whose too much vehemency his modesty he sayed was vnable to bridle withall aduised Martialis to conuey himselfe out of the house by a priuy way lest the soldiers should murdre him as a negotiatour of the peace which they so greatly detested and indeed Vitellius was now but a cipher neither able to cōmande nor forbid not Prince in effect but only matter of warre Martialis was scarce returned into the Capitoll whenas the Vitellian soldiers in a great fury were also at hand without any leader or captaine but euery man of his owne head leauing with speede the Forum and temples vpon it behinde them they set themselues in array marched vp the hil euen to the first gate of the Capitol There were in olde time certaine open galleries vpon the side of the cliffe on the right hande as a man goeth vp from the toppes whereof the defendants with stones and tiles bet the Vitellianists downe who had in their hands nothing but swordes and to stay while engins shot were fetched seemed lost time wherefore they tooke firebrands and hurled them into the vttermost gallery and following the fire were at the point to haue entred the gate of the Capitoll being halfe burned had not Sabinus pluckt downe all the images and glorious monuments of our progenitours and in the entrance of the gate made as it were a countermure of them Then they assayed to make their entry on the other side of the Capitol by Lucus Asy li and by the Stayres of a hundreth steppes in the ascent to Rupes Tarpeia At both these places the assault came vnlooked for but the nearer hoater was that by the Asylum neither could they be stopped from climing vp by the buildings that touched together which as in a time of lōg peace were raysed to the height of the floore of the Capitoll Here it is doubted whether the assaylers fired those buildings or as the more receiued opinion is the defendants thereby to repulse thē which pressed forward were come so farre on but how soeuer it was the fire there beginning from thence ranne along to the galleries that ioyned to the tēples then the Eagles which bare vp the a Or the louer sustinentes fastigium Aquilae peradventure so called because they were carued to the likenes of Eagles roofe being of olde dry timber drew and mayntained the flame And so the Capitoll the gates being shut no man defending it no man attempting to spoile it was burned to ashes the most lamentable mischance and detestable fact that euer befell the people of Rome since the citty was founded especially no forrayne enemy inuading the gods most plentifully powring their benefits vpon vs if our own euill conditions would haue permitted vs to enioy them the seate of the a The foundation of it according to Dionysius lib. 3. p. 149. and lib. 4. p. 190. was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 great god Iupiter founded by our ancestors with the approbatiō of the gods as a pledge of the Empire which neither Porsenna whē the citty was yelded nor the Frēchmen when they tooke it could hurt thus to be destroied by the fury of our own Princes It was once also burned before in a b Jn bello civili Syllano anno vrbis conditae 671. Scipione Norbano Coss Appian 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 192 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ciuill warre but by priuate malice now it was publickly besieged and publickly burned that not in honorable defence of our cūtrey which might somwhat lightē the losse but in the ambitious vpholding of partialities sides The Capitoll was c Dionysius l. 3. p. 149. Liuy lib. 1. folio 9. 12. vowed first by king Tarquinius Priscus in the warre against the Sabins who layed also the foundatiō rather according to the hope of future greatnes thē proportionably to the present estate of the Romans After him Seruius Tullius with the help of our allies Tarquinius Superbus with the spoile when Suessa Pometia was taken finished the work but the honor thereof was reserued to the time of liberty For d Three years after Dionys lib. 5. p. 224. Liuy lib. 2. fo 16. putteth the dedication in the first Consulship of Horatius in the first
in amongst them whom the Vitellianists also did kill without any difference Six shippes vppon the first notice of the surprise escaped and with them Apollinaris the Admirall of the nauy the rest were either taken vpon the shoare or els suncke in the sea being ouercharged with the company that leapt into them Iulianus was brought to Lucius Vitellius and scourged then slaine in his presence Diuerse haue accused Triaria Lucius Vitellius wife that girding hir selfe with a sworde like a souldier she should haue demeaned hir selfe cruelly and insolently amidst the pitifull cryes lamentable destruction of the poore towne Lucius himselfe sent a lawrell in token of victory to his brother requiring withall his further pleasure whether he should returne presently to Rome or stay subdue the rest of Campania the interposing of which litle time fell out greatly for the good both of Vespasians side and of the state For if the soldiers presently after their victory had directly repaired to Rome whiles they were in courage and hart by reason of their late good successe beside a naturall obstinatenesse in them the matter would not haue bene ended so quickly without much adoe and the euident destruction of the citty For Lucius Vitellius albeit he were infamous otherwise yet was he industrious and powerable not as good men by vertues but by vices as the worst sorte XV. The Flauian armie entreth the citty the Praetorian campe is taken by force Vitellius is slaine WHILES these things were a doing of Vitellius side Vespasians armie remooued from Narnia to Otriculum and at good leysure celebrated the a Saturnalia beginne the 17. of December and continue till the 24. of the same moneth Saturnalia there The cause of this harmefull delay was to stay for Mutianus some impute it to Antonius as done with a traiterous intent vpon letters receiued from Vitellius wherein he offred vnto him the Consulship and his daughter in mariage with a great dower if hee would reuolt in rewarde of treason others affirme that all this was falsely surmised and maliciously spred to please Mutianus withall Some are of opinion that it was the purpose of all the Commaunders rather to put the citty in feare then to seeke to take it by force seeing the most and principall cohortes had already relinquished Vitellius and now all his strength being cut off it was likely he would resigne the Empire without further coaction but all that course was crossed first by Sabinus hast and then through his cowardlinesse who rashly taking armes was not afterwarde able to keepe a fortresse of that strength and which euen great armies could not haue taken against three onely cohorts But the fault cannot well bee imputed to one which was common to all For both Mutianus was some occasion of stay by meanes of his doubtfull letters and Antonius by his preposterous obeying or in seeking to auoide enuy deserued great blame and the other Commaunders presuming the warre to bee finished made the ende of it more notorious Neither did Petilius Cerealis who was sent before with a thousand horse to coast through the cuntrey of the Sabins and so to enter the citty by Via Salaria make that hast as the matter required till in the ende the newes of the siege of the Capitoll made them stirre al at once Antonius came forward by the Flaminian way to Saxa rubra late in the night too late to succour For there he vnderstood that Sabinus was slaine the Capitol burned the city in great feare and al things went il it was also declared that the people and bondmen were arming for Vitellius And besides Petilius Cerealis had receiued a blowe in a skirmish of horsemen by running headlong and charging rashly vpon the enemy presuming them conquered persons but the Vitellianists with horsemen and footemen interlaced together valiantly receiued the charge This skirmish was not farre from the citty among the buildings and gardens and crosselanes wherewith the Vitellianists were well acquainted the other not which was an occasion to dismay them the more and besides all their horsemen were not of one minde and affection some being of those that hauing lately yeelded at Narnia kept aloofe meaning afterward to close with the winner Tullius Flauianus captaine of a wing was taken prisoner the rest ranne away dishonourably but the Vitellianists pursued no further then to Fidenae By this successe the affection of the people was greatly augmented immediately the townesmen tooke armes few had any militare targets but the most tooke vp whatsoeuer weapons came to their hands and forthwith required the signe of the battel Vitellius thanked them hartily willed them to issue out with al speed in defence of the citty Then he called a Senate wherein Embassadors were appointed to the armies which as in the name and vnder the colour of a common weale should persuade them to peace and agreement The hap of the Embassadors was not al alike For they which met with Petilius Cerealis incurred extreme dāger the soldiers refusing vtterly al conditions of peace and Arulenus Rusticus the Pretor was wounded which beside the enormity of the fact in the person of an Embassadour and a Pretor was also more hainous in regard of the worthinesse of the man His traine was dispersed and one of his sergeants next before him slaine for presuming among armed men to make way thorow the prease for his master and vnlesse they had beene defended by a bande that the captaine assigned to garde them the right priuiledge of Embassadors reputed sacred euen among strange nations had through ciuil fury bene violated by murder euen at the very gates wals of the citty But they which came to Antonius found more curteous entertainement not because those souldiers were ciuiller but because the General was of greater autority Into the company of these Embassadors Musonius Rufus inserted himselfe a gentlemā of Rome addicted to the study of philosophy after the way of the Stoicks who thrusting himselfe among the companies of the soldiers began to discourse of the good of peace danger of warre to schoole men in armes at which many scoffed more grew weary of it some forbare not to push spurne him away til in the end by the aduise of the discreeter sort and the threats of the other he was persuaded to desist from his vnseasonable wisedome The Vestall virgins also were sent with letters from Vitellius to Antonius requesting him to differre the battaile for one day by means of that little delay with more ease would all points be agreed vpon The virgins were sent home with honour answere was made to Vitellius that by the murder of Sabinus the burning of the Capitol al parle of peace was cut off and al extremity to be looked for notwithstanding Antonius calling his army together assaied to pacifie them thus farre that they would bee content to encampe themselues for that present at the Miluian bridge and not to
frendes acquaintance whose accusers if they must not be punished much lesse sent and shewed in places of credit that by this choise of the Senate the Prince should as it were be admonished whom to like whom to eschew For no greater instruments or helpes of good regiment can there bee then good frendes that Marcellus had done for his part sufficiently hauing induced Nero to the destruction of so many innocents let him enioy his rewards impunity leaue Vespasian to better directors Marcellus replied that not his opinion but the opinion of the designed Consull was impugned the ancient precedents which cōmitted the choise of embassadours to lot to take away al occasion of suiting debate that there was no new cause that he knew why so olde a custome should now be abolished or why this honor done to the Prince should be turned into a dishonor to any considering that euery man was sufficiently able to cary that message do a low reuerēce to him in the name of the Senate nay rather they were to beware lest through the peruersnes of some the Princes mind might be offended being now at his entry full of ielosies marcking not only words but also al gestures and countenances that for his part he well knew the quality of the times wherein he was borne what forme of gouernment our fathers grandfathers had established a That is the time of the free state beyond he honored admired but professed to follow the present estate that he praied wished indeed for good Princes but if it were otherwise would tolerate such as they were As for the ouerthrow of Thrasea why should he giue account of accusing whenas the Senate gaue none of condēning not his orations but their voices wrought his vndoing but so was Neroes maner with such shewes to coulour his cruell proceedings whose fauour frendship anguished his mind peraduēture as much as banishmēt did some other mens Finally that wel might Heluidius in constancy courage be equall to Cato and Brutus for his owne parte he was one of that Senate which were but seruants as well as himselfe would likewise counsell Heluidius not to seeke to climbe aboue the Prince himselfe nor like a tutour to bridle with his precepts Vespasian * Senem triumphalem for his seruice in Britanny in Claudius time Vespasian had obtained triumphalia ornamenta saieth Suetonius Vespasiano c. 4. hauing attayned to those yeares that honor hauing beside so goodly an issue For as wicked Princes loue to rule raigne without limitatiō so euen the best would haue their subiects vse a meane in their liberty These things argued thus to and fro with great heate distracted the Senate into diuerse opinions notwithstanding that parte prevayled which allowed of lot not only the worst but the middle sort striuing to retaine their ancient custome yea and the greatest inclined that way for feare of displeasure and enuy if they themselues should be chosen After this there followed another contention The Pretors of the common treasure for at that time the common treasure was gouerned by Pretors complaining of the emptinesse of their bagges presented request that some restraint might be made to abridge the publicke expenses This proposition both for the greatnesse of the charge and difficulty of the remedy the Consull designed thought good to reserue to the Prince but Heluidius would haue it decided in Senate And as the Consuls proceeded in asking of voices Vulcatius Tertullinus Tribune of the people “ Or interposed his negatiue interceded forbidding that any thing of so great moment should be determined of the Prince being absent Heluidius also declaring his mind in the Senate was of opinion that the Capitol should be builded againe at the charges in the name of the cōmonwelth Vespasian should help Which speech of his the modestest sort passed ouer the with silence afterward forgat howbeit some there were that remembred it well Thē Musonius Rufus commenced an action against Publius Celer by whose false witnes he affirmed that Barea Soranus was cōdēned If cognition should be taken thereof that were to enter againe into the odious endles quarrels against the accusers notwithstāding the guilt and vilenesse of the party now in peril was such that he could no waies be protected For Soranus was of honourable memory and Celer that of a philosopher by profession became a false witnesse against his frend was iustly hated of all men betraying and violating that sacred bonde of frendshippe whereof hee would seeme a principal teacher The a Of audience for such matters for it was neither the next day nor simply the next session of the Senate reade p. 173. next session was appointed for the hearing of the cause but the whole company seeing that matter reuiued and mens minds bent to reuenge looked no lesse for Heluidius and Marcellus with others at that time then for Musonius and Celer V. The entry of Mutianus into the Citty and his actions there THINGS beeing in this state the Senatours iarring one with another the conquered parte beeing full of malice the conquerours wanting authoritie no lawes regarded no Prince present to gouerne the state Mutianus made b Iosephus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 4. c. 42. maketh Mutianus entry on the very next day to Antonius which is contrary to the circumstances in Tacitus yet entring before the beginning of Ianuary he was not many daies behinde and Tacitus p. 154. 2. pancos posè dies his entrye into the cittie and with a maine course drewe the whole manage of affaires into his owne handes Antonius Primus and Varus were soone out of credit when it was perceiued that Mutianus loued them not although in countenance he pretended otherwise but the citizens hauing a quicke eye to see into secrete dislikes espying the trueth turned themselues quickely about went to Mutianus he alone was courted followed of all Neither was he for his part negligent in vsing al meanes to retaine his souerainty being continually garded with souldiers and for his pleasure changing of houses and gardens in his prouision his gate his traine and warders keeping the state of a Prince although he forbare the title and name And first he commaunded Calpurnius Galerianus to bee slaine which stroke an exceeding great terrour into mens harts Hee was sonne to Caius Piso and had not entred into any attempt but being of a noble house and a comely youngman hee was greatly talked of by the common people and as in a citty vnsettled and among a people gladly embracing newe tales some there were which vainely named him to the Princes place Wherefore at the commandement of Mutianus he was committed to a garde of souldiers and lest his death in the face of the citty should haue beene more offensiue fortie miles off in the Appian way hee was put to death by letting the bloud out of his vaines Iulius
Proconsull with drawen swordes the most part not knowing Piso by sight being Auxiliaries of the cuntrey and Moores picked out for the purpose Whereupon meeting one of his seruants not farre from his bed-chamber they asked him who he was and where Piso was to be founde the seruant perceyuing his masters danger notably and resolutely answered that hee was Piso and so was presentlie slaine in the place by and by after Piso himselfe was massacred For there was in the company Bebius Massa one of the Procuratours of Africke that knew him euen then a woorker of good mens destruction and one that often will fall into the course of this story as an instrument of the mischieffes and a cause of the miseries that wee sustayned a In Domitians time Tac. in vita Agricolae Plinius in epistolis afterwarde Festus in the meane time stayed at Adrumetum to watch how the matter succeeded from thence went to the Legion where he commanded Cetronius Pisanus the Camp-master to be committed toward vpon priuate displeasures betweene them pretending that he was an abettour and complice of Piso Some soldiers also and Centurions he punished and some he rewarded neither of them for any desert but because he would seeme to haue ended a warre Then he tooke vp the debates betweene the †or Oëâ—nses Ophenses and Leptitani which of small beginnings as robbing of cattell and corne from the cuntrey-men were now by force of armes maintayned in the field For the Ophenses being the weaker side had called the Garamantes to ayde them a sauage people and altogether giuen to robbing and stealing vpon their neighbours whereupon the Leptitani were hardly bestedde and their fieldes being round about wasted trembled for feare within the walled townes till such time as the cohorts and wings came who put the Garamantes to flight and recouered all the spoile saue onely that which certaine out-riders had caryed further into the cuntrey and solde there among their wilde inaccessible cottages XX. Vespasian at Alexandria receyueth aduertisement of the death of Vitellius The embassage of Vologesus king of the Parthians to him Titus speech with his father Corne is sent to Rome The foundation of the Capitoll is layed â— AFTER the battell at Cremona and good newes from all quarters many of all sortes hazarded to put themselues vpon the rough winter seas and sailed with safety to cary Vespasian the newes that Vitellius was slaine king Vologesus embassadours were there offering forty thousande Parthian a 40. millia sagiâ— tariorum saieth Suetonius Vesp c. 6. not disagreeing from Tacitus for the Parthians were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 horsemen to ayde him It was a glorious and ioyfull thing to be sought vnto with offers of so great assistance yet not to neede them So thankes were giuen to Vologesus and he willed to sende an embassage to the Senate assure himselfe of peace with the Romans Vespasian conuerting his cares vpon Italie the affayres of the citty was aduertised somewhat hardly concerning Domitians dealings as if he had b Vno die saieth Suet. Domitiano c. 1. super triginta vrbana â—ssicia atque peregrinae distribuit miraerise Vespasiano dictitante quòd successorem non sibi mittecret passed the bounds of his age and caried himselfe aboue his compasse rather like an Emperour then an Emperours sonne Therefore the most seruiceable part of his army he deliuereth ouer to Titus willing him to prosecute finish the Iewish warre It is reported that Titus before his c From his father at Alexandria for thither he accompanied his father and from thence returned backe to Caesareas which viage is particularely described by Iosephus in the last words of his fourth booke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 departure vsed long speech entreaty with his father desiring him not to beleeue lightly or enter in choler at the tale of euery backbiter but rather to reserue himselfe free for an indifferent audience and cary a placable minde towardes his own sonne For neither were Legions nor nauies so strong defences and rampiers of a Princes estate as the multitude of children Frendes with time and fortune sometimes by vnaduised desires or ouersights decrease fall from vs and fade whereas a mans owne bloud cleaueth fast and cannot be disioyned especially in Princes whose prosperity as well may others enioy but their aduersity toucheth none neare but their nearest in bloud and how should they two being brethren agree if the father gaue not first an example Vespasian not so much pacifyed toward Domitian as delighted with the good nature of Titus bad him be of good comfort and looke to his charge in aduancing the weale publicke with armes in the field himselfe would take order with matters of peace domesticall affaires Then he committed to sea which as yet was tempestuous his best shippes of sayle fraught with corne for the Citty was in such distresse and stoode in those termes of famishing that when the corne came from Vespasian they had not at all in their storehouses aboue ten dayes prouision As concerning the setting vp of the Capitoll againe he committed the charge thereof to Lucius Vestinus a Gentleman of Rome but for autority and countenance one of the principall men of the citty by whom the soothsayers being called together expresly charged that the reliques of the former teÌ„ple should be conueied caried away into the marishes the new erected vpon the selfe same foundation for it was not the pleasure of the gods the old forme should be altered The one and twentieth of Iune being a goodly faire day the whole plot of the teÌ„ple was bound tied about with fillets garlands The soldiers whose a Cic de diuinatione cuÌ„ impera tor exercitum censor populum lustraret bonis nominibus qui hostias ducerent eligebantur quod idem in dilectu consules obseruant vt primus miles fiat bono nomine names had lucky singnificatioÌ„s entred in with fortunate boughes Afterward the Vestall virgins with boyes girles which had both father mother aliue washed it with water fetched from riuers springs and running streames Then Heluidius Priscus the Pretor Plautus Elianus one of the chieffe Priests going before him hallowed the floore with a soleÌ„n sacrifice of a swine a sheepe a bullocke and laying the intrayles vpon a greene turfe calling first vpon Iupiter Iuno Minerua and the rest of the gods protectours of the Empire that they would prosper the worke exalt and aduance this their owne habitation begunne by the deuotion of men with their diuine and celestiall power he put his hand to the fillets and ropes wherein a huge mighty stone was fast tyed and withall the rest of the magistrates and Preests the Senate Gentlemen and a great part of the people preasing with great desire and ioy drew the stone to the foundations throwing in withall ingots of golde siluer and oare neuer tryed in the furnace but rawe as
chosen Annius Gallus and Petilius b Josephus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 7. c. 11. differeth from Tacitus in some little circumstances and no doubt erreth as that Cerealis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was sent Lieutenant in to Britanny 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and in his way finding the Germans and French reuolted composed the matter Cerealis albeit excellent men should hardly be able to wade thorow so mighty a warre Neither was it expedient to leaue the citty without a gouernour and head and yet not in Domitians hande whose wilde and vnbridled affections were greatly feared especially Antonius Primus and Arrius Varus as before wee haue shewed beeing suspected not fully to fauour the state Moreouer Varus was captaine of the Garde and strong as hauing so many souldiers at commandement Therefore Mutianus before his departure displaced him from the roome and lest he should be discontent altogether made him chieffe officer for the prouision of corne and to pacify the minde of Domitian that bare some good will vnto Varus he set in his place ouer the Garde Aretinus Clemens one nearely allyed to the house of Vespasian and dearely beloued of Domitian alleaging that his father had worthily perfourmed the same place vnder Caius the Emperour The name was acceptable to the souldiers and the man though a Senatour by calling was thought sufficient to discharge both the roomes The greatest men of the Citty were willed to prouide for the viage of France some others were taken in by especiall suite a Suet. Domic c. 2. expeditionē quoque in Galliā Germaniasque neque necessariā dissuadentibus paternis amicis inchoavie Domitianus tantum vt fratri se operibus dignatione adaequaret Domitian and Mutianus both of them prepared for the iourney but not both minded alike Domitian hastening forward vpon hope and young bloud Mutianus seeking delayes to retaine the fiercenesse of Domitian lest if he put himselfe in possession of an armie through the heate of youth and ill counsellours he should disturbe both the peace and the warre The sixth and b Vide annot 5. eightth of the victorious Legions of the Vitellianists the one and twentieth the second of the lately enrolled were c Some before Cerealis and some after him as it appeareth in this booke the next conducted part ouer the Penin and Cottian Alpes part ouer the Graian more ouer the fourteenth Legion was sent for out of Britannie the sixth and tenth out of Spaine Now the citties of France partly vpon the fame of the host approching and partly of their owne disposition inclining to the milder course met in counsell at Rheyms where an embassage of the Treueri attended whereof Tullius Valentinus was the chieffe man a principall firebrande of the warre who with a premeditate oration applyed to the Romans all those obiections wherewith mighty monarchies are vsually charged sparing no spite of wordes nor art to aggrauate matters against them a factious person and apt to stirre troubles and willingly heard of the multitude by reason of his eloquence such as it was But Iulius Auspex one of the noblemen of Rheims discoursing of the puissance of the Roman power the great commodities of peace and affirming that warre might be commenced by cowards but must be fought with the hazard of the most valiant men that euen now the Roman Legions were vpon their backs by this graue speech stayed them all the wiser sort with respect of duety and faith the younger of danger and feare And so they commended the courage of Valentinus but followed the counsayle of Auspex It is certaine that the Treueri and Lingones had the worse audience in France because in the commotion of Vindex they had sided themselues with Virginius Many were discouraged by reason of the emulation that would ensue betweene the prouinces what should be the head of the warre from * Vnde ius auspiciumque peteretur whence should lawe and souerainty be deriued and if they did conquere which should be the seat-towne of the Empire They were not yet conquerours yet were they at discorde brawling about the preseance some alleaging their treaties and ancient leagues some their riches and present strength some their antiquitie Whereupon the whole councell detesting the future confusion affirmed and ratifyed the present estate Letters also were writen vnto the Treueri in the name of the common councell of France to desist from armes whilest pardon might be easily obtained many would become suters in their behalfe if they repented But Valentinus refused the curtesie and at his returne stopped the eares of his citty against this good motion being a man rather plentifull in orations and speeches then carefull for other prouision of warre XXIX The one and twentieth Legion surnamed Rapax commeth into Germanie Sextilius Felix with his cohorts ouerthroweth Tutor and the Treueri Valentinus returning from the Diete stirreth vp the warre againe The two Legions transported from Nouesium and Bonna to Triers depart to the Mediomatrici IN like maner neither did the Treueri nor Lingones nor the rest of the states that reuolted cary themselues as the weight of the cause and the danger required euen the captaines themselues conferred not counsailes together But Ciuilis wandred about the wildes of Belgium to catch Claudius Labeo or els to chase him out of the cuntrey Classicus lay for the most part idle and lazy and as it were tooke the fruition of his supposedly gotten kingdome Tutor also slacked to make himselfe strong vpon the vpper bancke of the riuer and with garrison to possesse the passages and heights of the Alpes whilest in the meane time the one and twentieth Legion brake in from Vindonissa and Sextilius Felix with the Auxiliary cohorts by the way of Rhoetia vnto whom a wing of horsemen called Singulares who marching at the first by Vitellius appointmēt toward Italie reuolted afterward to Vespasian adioyned themselues Their captaine was Iulius Briganticus Ciuilis sisters sonne mortally hating his vnckle and hated againe as commonly the enmities of nearest kinsfolkes if once they fall out are most dispitefull and deadly Tutor increased his power consisting of Treueri with a fresh supply of Vangiones Caracates and Triboci and that which added most strength with olde experienced Legionary souldiers both footemen and horse some corrupted with hope and others awëd with feare who at the first killed a cohort sent before by Sextilius Felix and anone when the Roman captaines and armies approched redeeming their former fault fled ouer to them and were followed by the Triboci Vangiones and Caracates So Tutor being left alone with his Treueri eschewing Magontiacum fled to Bingium trusting vpon the strength of the place because hee had broken downe the bridge of the riuer Naua but Sextilius with his cohortes following his footesteppes and finding a forde discried his power and ouerthrew it This discomfiture vtterly discouraged the Treueri and the common people casting their weapons
into thraldome How many battailes wee haue fought against the Cimbri and Teutones what paines our armies haue taken and with what successe wee haue handled our selues in the German warres for your sakes it is notoriously knowen neither doe we therefore with so much expense of money and men garde the Rhene for the safety of Italie but lest some other Ariouistus should passe and conquere the kingdome of France Or doe you thinke your selues better beloued of Ciuilis and the Batauians and the Germans ouer the Rhene then your fathers and grandfathers were of their predecessours the same causes still are remaining and so will be for euer to mooue the Germans to passe into France to wit satisfying of their pleasures and lusts auarice and desire of changing seate that leauing their mires and deserâ—es they may take possession of this fruitfull cuntrey and you the inhabitants thereof yea but liberty and glorious shewes are pretended Where was euer any I pray you that sought to enthrall or vsurpe ouer others but hee cloaked his purposes with such goodly titles France neuer was without petty tyrannes and warres till yee came vnder our iurisdiction Wee albeit we haue beene often prouoked haue put that onely as conquerours vpon you whereby peace might be maintained For neither peace can be maintayned without armes nor armes without wages nor wages without tribute all other things are alike to vs both you commonly gouerne our Legions you are the Presidents of these and other prouinces no prerogatiue is kept from you or reserued for vs. Againe they which dwell farre off feele the commoditie alike of a good Prince whereas tyrannes oppresse most the nearest As you endure and support with patience a barren yeare if it happen vnseasonable weather such other defects of nature euen so tolerate a little and beare with the riotous life or auarice of gouernours Faults will be so long as there be men but neither are they continuall and amends is commonly made by better which follow Vnlesse peraduenture you hope for a more moderate or easier gouernement vnder the raigne of Tutor and Classicus or that with lesse tribute then now is paied armies can be maintayned to holde out the Germans and Britans For if the Romans which the gods defende should be dispossessed what els can ensue but warres of nations against nations and the confusion of the whole worlde This frame is the workemanshippe of eight hundreth yeares good fortune and discipline which cannot bee dissolued without the destruction of the dissoluers but your danger which haue golde and riches the chiefest causes of warre of all is the greatest Therefore embrace you peace and loue that citty whereof both you and we are members alike You haue proued both fortunes let them be a warning vnto you to chuse rather subiection with safety then rebellion with ruine With this speech he settled their mindes and lightened their harts who feared a heauier doome XXXI Ciuilis and Classicus write to Cerealis AT the time that the Roman army was within Triers Ciuilis Classicus sent letters to Cerealis The contents were that Vespasian was dead although the Postes concealed the matter that Rome and Italie were consumed wasted with inward warre As for Mutianus and Domitian they were nothing els but vaine names without forces if Cerealis list vndertake the Empire of France it were his best course and they would not bee against it contenting themselues with their owne citties and confines or if battaile pleased him better euen that they would not refuse To these points Cerealis answered nothing to them but sent the messenger that brought the letters away to Domitian XXXII Ciuilis with his confederates ouerthrowen by Cerealis at Triers IN the meane season the enemies began to march approched on euery side in seueral coÌ„panies whom Cerealis permitting to ioine was blamed by many for suffring theÌ„ to vnite with whom he might haue fought single defeated them easily being diuided The Roman army cast a ditch and trench about their campe in the which they were before vnaduisedly lodged without any defence Among the captaines of the other side there was diuersity of opinions and the matter debated both waies Ciuilis thought it expedient to stay for the Germans comming which dwelt ouer the Rhene the terrour of which nations would treade vnderfoote the Roman powers as for the Frenchmen it mattered not much what way they went being nought els but a pray to the conquerours and yet the strength of France the Belgians had either openly declared for them or at least secretly wished them well Contrarily Tutor affirmed that by delay the Romans would growe and increase so many whole hostes comming in from euery side one Legion being already transported out of Britannie others sent for out of Spaine and many Legions at hande out of Italie not of raw souldiers but olde and well expert in warre as for the Germans they looked for what were they els but a kinde of vnprofitable troubles of a campe out of all awe and obedience to superiours that would not be commanded nor ruled but doe all as they listed themselues Now for money and gifts the onely meanes to corrupt the Germans the Romans had more abundancee and no man was so hasty to fight but would rather chuse quietnesse then danger with the same hire Whereas if they would presently fight Cerealis had no other Legions as yet but onely the remnants of the German army entaÌ„gled with an oath to the Empire of France And moreouer this their late vnlooked for successe against Valentinus and his rude vntrained company would be a bait vnto them and their General to further rashnesse and therefore they would without doubt venture againe and so fall into the handes not of an vnskilful youth better seene in words and babble then armes and militare feates but of Ciuilis and Classicus at the very sight of whom the enemies would tremble calling to remembrance their former feares and flightes and famines and how oft they had beene taken and pardoned their liues Neither doe the Treueri and Lingones keepe in with the Romans now vpon loue and goodwill but for feare which take ye away and they will resume their weapons againe Classicus approuing rhe opinion of Tutor decided the controuersie and forthwith they proceede to execution The middle battell was assigned to the Vbij and Lingones on the right side stoode the Batauian cohorts on the lefte the Bructeri and Tencteri in this array partly from the mountaines and part betweene the way and the riuer Mosella they assayled our army so sodainly that Cerealis lying abroad that night out of the campe had worde brought to his chamber and bed all at one instant that the battaile was begunne and his men ouerthrowen rating at the first their dastardlinesse that brought in the newes vntill with his owne eyes hee sawe the whole message clearely confirmed the campe of the Legions broken vp and entred into the horsemen
requested at his handes Scydrothemis was doubtfull in minde sometimes hee feared the wrathfull displeasure of the god sometimes the threats of his subiects who were vtterly against the granting of it and sometimes hee had a fauourable respect to the presents and promises of the embassadours And so three yeares beeing spent in this negotiation Ptoleme notwithstanding continued an earnest suiter sending more honourable embassadours mo shippes and more store of golde At the last a fearefull and threatening vision appeared to Scydrothemis charging him no longer to hinder that which the god had determined and as notwithstanding he protracted many mischieffes befell him and diuerse diseases and the manifest wrath of the gods vexed him dayly more and more Then calling an assembly of all the people hee declareth vnto them the will of the god his owne and Ptolemes visions and also the mischieffes which otherwise hung ouer their heads The common people withstoode the motion enuying at Egypt and fearing their owne state and so beset the temple about whereupon a strong report goeth that the god without handes conueyed himselfe into the shippes which lay there at ancker and which is meruelous to bee reported sayling from thence thorow so vast seas they arriued the third day at Alexandria So a a Dionysius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 temple was built answerable to the magnificence of the cittie in a place called Rhacotis where had bene a chappell of ancient time consecrated to b Or rather to Osyris and Jsis or els we shall haue a Sarapis before Sarapis came which perchance were an incoÌ„â—enience Sarapis and Isis And this is the most famous opinion concerning the originall of the god and his transportation I know that some holde he was brought from Seleucia a citty of Syria in the raigne of Ptoleme the a Surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thirde others that the same Ptoleme was the transporter but it was from Memphis a famous citty in ancient times the glory and strength of olde Egypt The god himselfe many suppose to be b But whatsoeuer god he was indeed the Egyptians called him vsually Sarapi◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saieth Plut. li de Iside Osiride 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aesculapius because he cureth diseases some Osiris the oldest god knowen of those nations many Iupiter as soueraine lord ouer all most Pluto by notes that manifestly appeare in him or otherwise by collection gathering arguments of their coniecture XXXVI The viage of Domitian and Mutianus with their traine to Lions BVT Domitian and Mutianus before they came to the Alpes receiued the newes of the prosperous battaile against the Treneri and for a sure proofe of the victory Valentinus the General of the enemies was withall deliuered into their hands who in his aduersity retained his former courage declaring in countenance what stomacke once he had borne He was permitted to speake for himselfe onely that his nature and giftes might bee seene and so adiudged to dye At his execution one vpbraided vnto him that his cuntrey was taken then shall I dye quoth hee with greater contentment Then Mutianus cunningly induced speech as proceeding from the present occasion being indeede that which long time he had proiected before that seeing through the great c Ioseph â— d. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 11. falsely and flatteringly attributeth the glory of finishing this warre to Domitian fauour and goodnesse of the gods the forces of the enemies were broken it were vnseemely for Domitian now that the warre was almost at an ende to intercept the glory of another mans trauailes if the case stoode so that the state of the Empire or safety of France were in danger it were requisite that the Princes sonne should stand in the fielde but to fight against the Caninefates and Batauians would be committed to Commaunders of lower degree hee himselfe should stay at Lions and from thence in a reasonable distance make shew of the Princely puissance and state neither venturing his person in matters of small moment and if any greater should happen ready at hande The arte was vnderstoode but seeming not to vnderstande it was a point of obedience And so they came to Lions from whence it is thought that Domitian sent a secrete message to Cerealis to proue his loyalty whether if he came thither in person he would deliuer him his army and gouernement what he intended thereby to make warre with his father or to strengthen and fortifie himselfe against his brother when the time should serue it is not certainely knowen for Cerealis with good and discreete answere shifted off this fond and childish request Domitian perceiuing his a Being about seuenteene or eighteene yeares olde at that time youth contemned of the elder men ceased from medling any more in affaires of estate euen of the meaner sort and such as before vsually passed thorow his handes withall vnder colour of simplicity and modesty sequestring himselfe to a close and solitary kinde of life pretending desire of learning and loue of poetry thereby to couer his disposition and auoide all emulation and cause of vnkindnesse with his brother whose vnlike and farre more curteous nature he construed contrarily THE LIFE OF IVLIVS AGRICOLA WRITEN BY CORNELIVS TACITVS TO report and deliuer to posterity the doings and demeanours of excellent personages a thing vsuall in ancient times euen our age though carelesse otherwise of her owne hath not omitted then and so oft whenas any great eminent vertue hath ouergrowen two vices to little and great common wealths common alike ignorance of that which is good and enuying at it But in the daies of our ancestours as it was farre more easie and open to atchieue actions worthy of writing so likewise their finest wittes without fauor or flattery vpon an vpright conscience without other rewarde were led to record and chronicle the same yea diuerse vpon confidence of their owne proceedings haue thought it no presumption to set downe in writing themselues their owne liues Neither were Rutilius and Scaurus a whit more misliked or lesse beleeued for that so certaine it is that vertues are then valewed most rightly whenas they doe grow in most plenty But now it fareth with me farre otherwise who hauing here to describe the life of a man already deceased am first of force to beg pardon a thing which indeede I would haue forborne were I not to meete and fal in with a time so terrible so capitall an enemy to vertue and honour We reade that Arulenus Rusticus for praising Paetus Thrasea and Herennius Senecio for commending Heluidius Priscus were both put to death and beside the writers against the bookes also seuerity was vsed charge being giuen from authority to the Triumuiri that the workes of those noble wittes should be in the market place solemnely burned Be like they supposed they could with that fire quench the speech of the people of Rome abolish the liberty of the Senate suppresse the
that with one Legion some fewe Aydes Irelande might be wunne possessed and that it were also a strength for our Brittish affaires if the Roman forces were planted ech-where and liberty as it were banisht out of sight Now in the sommer which beganne the sixt yeare of his office because a generall rising in armes of all the further nations beyonde Bodotria was feared and passages were all beset with the power of the enemies he manned a fleete to search the creekes and harboroughs of the ample region beyonde it backing then first of all with a nauy the rest of his strength and with a goodly braue shewe bringing warre both by lande and by sea And oft so it chanced that the horseman and footeman and the sea soldier met and made merry in the same campe extolling magnifying ech their owne prowesse and aduentures making their vaunts and comparisons soldierlike the one of the woods and high mountaines the other of dangers of tempests and waues the one of the lande and the enemie the other of the Ocean subdued The Britans as by the prisoners it was vnderstoode were amazed also at the sight of the nauy as though now the secrets of their sea were disclosed and no refuge remained if they were ouercome Whereupon the Caledonians arming with great preparation and greater fame as the maner is of matters vnknowen assayled our castels as challengers brauing and putting in feare insomuch that some of our side which would seeme to bee wise being dastards indeede counselled the Generall to retire on this side Bodotria and rather to depart of his owne accorde then to be repelled with shame In the meane season Agricola hath knowledge that the enemies ment to diuide themselues and to giue the onset in seuerall companies Whereupon lest he should be inclosed about intrapped by their multitude and skill in the cuntrey he marched also with his army diuided in three Which when it was knowen to the enemy changing aduise on the sodayne and vniting their forces togither they ioyntly assaulted by night the nienth Legion as being of weakest resistance and hauing slaine the watch partly asleepe partly amazed with feare brake into the campe And now were they fighting within the trenches when Agricola hauing vnderstoode by spyes what way the enemies had taken and following their footsteppes commandeth the lightest horsemen and footmen to play on their backes and maintayne the skirmish anone the whole army to showte And when it drew neare to be day the glittering of the enseignes was seene So the Britans being quayled with a double danger the Romans recouered courage againe and being out of perill of their persons fought now for their honour freshly assayling their late assaylers driuing them to the gates where in the strayts the conflict was sharpe cruell till in the end the enemies were forced to flee whilest both our armies contended the one to seeme to haue helped their fellowes the other to haue needed none other to helpe them and if the bogges and woods had not couered their flight that victory had ended the warre Vpon this battaile so manfully fought so famously wunne the army presuming that to their prowesse all things were easy and open cryed to leade into Caledonia and to finde out the limit of Britannie with a course of continuall conquests and those which erewhile were so wary and wise waxt forward enough after the euent and grew to speake bigly such is the hard condition of warres if ought fall out well all challenge a part misfortunes are onely imputed to one Contrariwise the Britans presupposing that not valure but the cunning of the Generall by vsing the occasion had caried it away abated no whit of their stomacke but armed their youth transported their children and wiues into places of safety and sought by assemblies and religious rites to establish an association of the citties togither And so for that yeare both parties departed incensed away The same sommer a cohort of Vsipians leuyed in Germanie and sent ouer into Britannie committed a haynous and memorable act For hauing slaine a Centurion and certaine souldiers set ouer them for direction in discipline they fled and embarcked themselues in three vessels compelling the Masters by force to execute their charge and onely one doing his office the other two being suspected and thereupon slaine this strange going out the fact being yet not noysed abroad was gazed and wondred at Afterward beeing driuen vncertainly hither and thither and assayling the Britans which stoode in defence of their owne often preuayling and sometimes repulsed they came at the last to that misery that they were enforced to eate one another first of the weakest then as the lot lighted And thus floating about Britannie and leesing their vessels for lacke of gouernement they were intercepted first by the Sueuians and then by the Frisians as pyrats and robbers and some of them being bought by merchants as slaues and by change of masters brought to our side of the riuer grew into a name by giuing first notice of so great and so rare an aduenture In the beginning of the sommer Agricola was deepely touched with a grieuous mischance which happened in his owne house for he lost his owne sonne being about a yeare olde Which infortunate happe he neyther bare out as some great men haue done in the like vaingloriously nor tooke it againe so impatiently as women are woont and amidst his mourning and sorrowes vsed the warre as one of his remedies Therefore sending his nauy before which by spoyling in sundry places should induce a greater and vncertainer terrour vpon them hee made readie and followed himselfe with his army ioyning thereto some of the valiantest Britans whom by long experience in peace hee had found most faithfull and so arriued at the mount a Now called Grantzbaine Grampius where the enemies were lodged before For the Britans not daunted with the euent of the former battaile and attending for nothing els but reuenge or seruitude and beeing taught at the length that common danger must bee repelled with concorde by leagues and embassages had assembled the power of all the citties togither aboue thirty thousand armed men the view being taken beside an endles number of youth which dayly flocked to them and lusty olde men renowned in warre and bearing the badges due to their honour at what time Galgacus for vertue and birth of all the leaders the principall man seeing the multitude hoatly demande the battaile is sayed to haue vsed this speech When I view and consider REND = margQuotes the cause of this warre and our present necessity I haue reason me seemes to presume that this day and this your agreeing consent will giue a happy beginning to the freedome of the whole ilande For both haue we all hitherto liued in liberty and beside no lande remayneth beyond no sea for our safety the Roman nauy thus as you see surueying our coasts so that combat and
tooke an othe not much otherwise for Romulus deity whom the Senate murdred and made a god from whence this race of the Roman gods may seeme to haue taken beginning Tully also had a meaning that way for his daughter Tulliola as appeareth by his epistles ad Atticum but worldly troubles put out of his head those heauenly cogitations From C. Caesar Augustus Claudius Vespasian Titus in a maner without interruption the custome dured so long that many also of the Christian Emperours enshrined in this sort their fathers and predecessours And this was the honour done to the good Princes after their death as for the bad they lacked not likewise the Senates rewarde vt nomem fastis eximeretur vt statuae deiicerentur vt corpus vnco traheretur in Tiberim c. 5. And oft both at once Ac plerumque permixta Both at once or perchance both in one as in Antonius Primus army at the taking of Cremona cui ciues socij externi interessent Tacitus 3. 2 pag. 124. Hist and in the same booke Principes Sarmatarum Iazygum in commilitium asciti trahuntur in partes Sido atque Italicus reges Sueuorum so that this warre and such like though in respect of their captaines ciuill by reason of externall helpes might be called permixta 6. Illyricum troubled As in Othoes time by the Rhoxolanâ— Tacitus in this first booke p. 50. in Vitellius by the Daci Tac. 3. Hist p. 129. in Vespasians by the Sarmatae Iosephus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 7. c. 12. and generally the nations vpon that border inuaded the Romans vnder Domitian Tacitus in the life of Agricola p. 605. 7. Brittanny all conquered c. Britannia perdomita statim missa coborte in Sarmatarum ac Sueuorum gentes Some learned men correct this place which no doubt is corrupted thus perdomita Britannia ac statim amissa coortae Sarmatarum ac Sueuorum gentes perdomita Britannia is ment by Iulius Agricola in Domitians time Tacitus in vita b pag. 588. Agricolae Quia tum demum perdomita est Britannia now must it bee lost againe in the same Domitians time for this history passeth no further which can not bee prooued by any story no not by any slender coniecture Tacitus writing the life of Agricola in Traians time Ea insecuta sunt saieth c pag. 605. hee reip tempora quae sileri Agricolam non sinerent tot exercitus in Moesia Daciaque Germania Pannoniaque temeritate aut per ignauiam ducum amissi tot militares viri cum tot cohortibus expugnati capti nec iam de limite imperij ripa sed de hibernis legionum possessione dubitatum the losse of Britanny if there had beene any such had much better becommed this place then any other calamity that he could haue tolde vs. But d Tradideratinterim Agricola successori suo prouincia quiciam tutaÌ„que Tac. p. 604. Agricola left the cuntrey in good quiet and so no doubt it continued all Domitians time As for any matter happening vnder Adrian which yet was no losse of the cuntrey but some disorder being out of the compasse of this history as it is likely of his life that wrote it I will easily beleeue it was not intended to be briefed in this place More according to the story with lesse change in the letter we may thus amende it Britannia perdomita e Or partim missa statim missa â—missa facta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 coortae Sarmatarum ac Sueuorum gentes to signifie that all BritaÌ„ny was coÌ„quered but not all retained App. p. 5. 1 That is Of the Ilande of Britanny the Romans possesse the best part about halfe of the whole ile not caring much for the rest For euen of that which they haue they reape no great profite 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saieth he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 8. Abused by a countersaite Nero This happened in Titus time Zonaras tomo 2. 2 That is In Titus time there arose a counterfaite Nero called indeede Terentius Maximus by birth of Asia and much resembling Nero both in countenance voice skilled also on instrument This fellow got in Asia some followers and going forward to Euphrates manie moe At length he fled to Artabanus king of the Parthians who bearing ill will to Titus gaue him entertainement and made prouision to reduce him to Rome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Suetonius Nerone seemeth to make it in Domitians time Quum post viginti annos after Neroes death saieth he adolescente me extitisset conditionis incertae qui se Neronem esse iactaret tam fauorabile nomen eius apud Parthos fuit vt vehementer adiutus vix redditus sit Tacitus 2. Hist and the abridgment of Dio p. 204 make mention of another which in Othoes time was slaine in Cythno insula by Calpurnius Asprenas 9. The most fruitfull tract of Campania and the city of Rome wasted by fire Suet. Tito c. 8. Quaedam sub eo fortuita ac tristia acciderunt vt conflagratio Vesuuij montis in Campania incendium Romae per triduum totidemque noctes f pag. 228. 229. Xiphilinus the abridger of Dio describeth this burning of Vesuuius at large vvith all the circumstances and miracles amoÌ„g the rest that the ashes thereof vvere dispersed into Africke Syria Egypt 3 And at Rome filled all the aire about the citty darâ—kened the sonne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plinius SecuÌ„dê° in an g Lib. 6 ep 16. epistle to Tacitê° setteth it out vpoÌ„ occasioÌ„ of his vnckles death who was stifled there with ashes and smoke In the later Emperours time the same mountaine burned againe in such vehement sort that they at Constantinople were choked all vp with the ashes that issued from it if we may safely beleeue their owne stories Now for the wasting of Rome by fire Xiphilinus p. 230 deliuereth it at large 1 That is The yeare following that of Vesuuius an other fire wasted very manie parts of Rome For it consumed the temple of Serapis that of Isiâ— the places called Septa the temple of Neptune Agrippaes bathes the Pantheon the Ditibiâ—orium the Octauian buildings with the bookes moreouer the temple of Iupiter Capitolinus and his fellow gods 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 10. The ilands c. Plenum exilijs mare Mare pro insulis So Tacitus 4. Ann. p. 342. calleth Seriphus saxum Seriphium by way of coÌ„tempt for such commoÌ„ly were the ilaÌ„ds into which the relegati were sent The vsuall ilands of deportatioÌ„ were Pandateria Planasia Cercina Seriphus Gyarus Cythera Amorgus Donusa Trunerus Baleares Sardinia Naxus and perhaps others 11. The cliffes c. Infecti caedibus scopuli The relegati in insulam were commonly vpon a second message led aside to some creeke or promontory so quietly made away or peraduenture scopuli is taken here pro insulis as mare was before 12. Or forbeare them Xiphilinus Domitiano
238. 2 That is In reading of stories he principal profit consisteth not in knowing onely the ende of things and euents but euery man desireth to vnderstand the causes of that which passed the maner of doing the drift and deuises of the doers the occurrences of fortune to be ignorâ—nt of nothing which belonged any way to the action 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the like lib. 11. p. 505. For this vertue TheopoÌ„pus is by the same f In fragmentis Dionysius extolled and praised in most exquisite maner 3 That is Thâ— last of his vertues and most peculiar and proper as being by no other historie writer old not new so exactly performed is this in euerie action not onely to see and declare what was apparent to the view of the worlde but also to search out the secretâ— causes of actions and to see into the affections of their minds who were agenâ—s things not easily seene of the common sort and finally to discouer all the misteries both of pretended vertue and cloked vice the examination and triall by Theopompus writings being no lesse exact then the arraigment of soules fabulously deuised before the infernall iudges 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saieth he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Now Tacitus in this place setting vs downe a theoreme of history wherein without controuersie he excelled that an historiographer is to giue knowledge of counsailes and causes another naturall wherein he had no great grace that euentus plerumque suat fortuiti that is either had no causes or no causes that could be discouered may seeme in 4 In diuision of notions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to haue seene very nearely but yet in 5 In composition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to haue looked not so well about him ioyning somewhat strangely two contrary notions togither 19. Citty-souldier The soldiers that were resiant at Rome were of two sortes Praetoriani and Vrbani propriè dicti both of them by Tacitus here and elswhere comprehended by the name of Miles vrbanus Miles vrbanus longo Caesarum sacramento imbutus and againe ne vrbano quidem militi satis confisus meaning onely or principally of the Praetorians In his proper signification and standing in opposition to Praetoriani Tacit. pag. 58. addidit classi Vrbanas cohortes plerosque è Praetorianis againe quod rarò aliâs Praetorianus Vrbanusque miles in aciem deducti now when it doeth stande for the one or for both onely circumstance must helpe to discerne 20. That secrete of state disclosed Euulgato imperij arcano Euulgare arcana imperij may seeme to be that which Dionysius in the place before alleadged calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in affaires of estate to reueale the good openly pretended and the ill secretely intended Notwithstanding arcana imperij being in mine opinion so sundry in nature can hardly bee bounded with one definition Tacitus a pag. 2â—1 Annal. 2. Censuit Gallus in quinquennium magistratuum comitia habenda haud dubium erat eam sententiam altiùs penetrare arcana imperij tentari the secrete of state herein was that whereas hope of honour or gaine is the onely soueraine meane in court to retaine suiters and seruants in diligence and due deuotion to speede so manie at once were to make so manie slacke wayters and for so manie yeares before hande to driue the rest to despaire In the same b pag. 283. booke Augustus inter alia dominationis arcana vetitis nisi permissu ingredi senatoribus aut equitibus Romanis illustribus seposuit Aegyptum ne fame vrgeret Italiam quisquis eam prouinciam claustraque terrae ac maris quamuis leui praesidio aduersus ingentes exercitus insedisset the secrete is into a cuntrey which rebelling might endanger the state neuer to suffer men of great houses or great credit among the common people to haue accesse In this place as it may seeme are meÌ„t the secrete trueths of apparences in affaires of estate for the masse of the people is guided and gouerned more by ceremonies and shewes then matter in substance The example is of an act done in vndue place whereof there had beene no precedent before In coÌ„gruity a Prince of Rome were to be created at Rome an Emperour in the seate-towne of the Empire and so it had beene alwaies obserued but the trueth was and so much the secrete imported that in substance it mattered not much where he were made that afterward could maintaine it with armes and with the good liking of the subiects of the Empire This secrete of state Galba disclosed and making his profit thereof against Nero gaue occasion to other to practise the like against him The souldiers of Germany in the choise of Vitellius as Plutarch reporteth 1 That is Goe too now by chusing Vitellius let vs shewe to the worlde that wee are able to make an Emperour better theÌ„ those of Spaine and Portugall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vitellius likewise passed out the same way he came in Nam posse ab exercitu principem fieri sibi ipsi Vitellius documento est sayeth Mutianus in Tacitus lib. 2. c pag. 95. Hist And generally after this secrete was by Galba once disclosed moe Emperours were made abroad then at Rome Beside these imperij or dominationis arcana d Ann. 1. pag. 218. Tacitus maketh mention of arcana domus Augustae that is secretes of court or of Palace and 3 e pag. 309. Ann. of secreta imperatorum 21. Making indeede very bolde with their Prince as being new in state Tacitus 2. Hist Recens Galbae principatu censuerant patres vt accusatorum causae noscerentur and 4. Hist in the oration of Curtius Montanus Elanguimus P.C. nec iam ille senatus sumus qui occiso Nerone delatores ministros more maiorum puniendos flagitabat Optimus est post malum principem dies primus Now accusatores promoters or enformers are reckened inter instrumenta imperij with as good reason as one Locusta in Claudius and Neroes time nuper veneficij damnata diu inter instrumenta regnihabita saieth Tacitus 12. f pag. 446. Annal. For accusers certaine it is that many good Princes or not verie bad haue beene content to mainetaine them Mutianus the mouth of Vespasian censuit prolixè pro accusatoribus Tacitus 4. g pag. 176. Hist Heluidius Priscus suing Eprius Marcellus vpon the decree Dubiâ voluntate Galbae became sodainly non-suite ibidem 22. His iourney to Rome was slow At what day Galba begaÌ„ his iourney froÌ„ Spaine to Rome wheÌ„ he entred the citty the stories being lost it is hard precisely to determin NotwithstaÌ„ding to giue some light to this place withall to yeeld a reasoÌ„ of the times set downe by me h In the ende of Nero and beginning of Galba elswhere I thinke good to note the reasoÌ„s which moued me thereto First Galerio Trachalo Silio Italico Coss Neapoli de motu GalliaruÌ„ cognouit Nero
now and then also knowen by the name of Astronomie In Augustus time 1 That is Agrippa banished Astrologers for so in Dioes time they beganne to call them and Magicians out of the citty 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dio. lib. 49. p. 281. In Tiberius time Facta de Mathematicis Magisque Italiâ pellendis senatusconsulta quorum è numero L. Pituanius saxo deiectus est In P. Martium Coss extra portam Esquilinam cum classicum canere iussissent more prisco aduertêre Tac. 2. Ann. p. 269. In Claudius time d Tac. Ann. 12. p. 4â—0 De Mathematicis Italiâ pellendis factum senatus consultum atrox irritum And in Vitellius time e 2. Histor. pulsi Italiâ Mathematici Vlpianus lib. 7. de officio Proconsulis Praeterea interdicta est Mathematicorum callida impostura nec hodie primum interdici eis placuit sed vetus haec prohibitio est denique extat senatusconsultum Pomponio f A V. C. 770. but Tacitus 2. Ann. placeth it in the yeare before Rufo Coss factum quo cauetur vt Mathematicis Chaldaeis ariolis caeteris qui similem artem fecerint aqua igni interdicatur omniaque bona eorum publicentur and anone after saepissimè denique interdictum est ferè ab omnibus principibus ne quis omnino huiusmodi ineptijs se immisceret yea before the Princes came in M. Popillio Laenate Cn. g A. V. C. 615. Calpurnio Coss C. Cornelius Hispallus Praetor edicto Chaldaeos intra decimum diem abire ex vrbâ— atque Italia iussit leuibus atque ineptis ingenijs fallaci siderum interpretatione quaestuosam mendacijs suis caliginem inijcientes saieth Valerius lib. 1. Tertullian in his booke de habitu muliebri and againe in lib. de Idololatria is of opinion that the angels which fell from their first creation were autours of Astrologie and therefore exiled out of heauen as their creatures out of Italie Expelluntur saieth hee Mathematici sicut angeli eorum vrbs Italia interdicitur Mathematicis sicut coelum angelis eorum eadem poena est exitij discipulis magistris All these lawes notwithstanding they remayned at Rome saieth Tacitus and that in as good credit as before the better beleeued the oftener they had perused the Gayles Iuuenalis Satyra 6. Inde fides arti sonuit si dextera ferro Laeuaque si longo castrorum in carcere mansit Nemo Mathematicus genium indemnatus habebit And of Ptolemaeus the same Iuuenal Praecipuus tamen est horum qui saepius exul Cuius amicitia conducendaque tabella Magnus ciuis obit formidatus Othoni Suetonius h cap. 4 Othone nameth him Seleucus by errour as it maie seeme for Seleucus was Vespasians man i Tacitus Nec erat intactus tali superstitione Vespasianus vt qui mox rerum dominus Seleucum quendam Mathematicum rectorem praescium palà m habuerit 41. The lakes of Campania and townes of Achaia The ancientest and best historiographers taking their pleasure in explicatione consiliorum and fayning orations haue left vs sometimes rather an image of their owne wittes then of the times whereof they haue writen The nature of which in mine opinion were better learned ex Actis vrbis diurnis Actis senatus and such like if any were extant then by any story we haue Not that I thinke a simple collection of memoires of the like vse in other respects as a story well writen neither doe I condemne that liberty of fayning speeches which I see granted them by a In his booke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dionysius Halicarnasseus and other good writers so it be done with iudgement and pro decoro personarum including no euident absurdity or contradiction Which inconuenience Tacitus though otherwise sharpe sighted enough in this place in mine opinion hath scarsely auoided Those which were wont Campaniae lacus Achaiae vrbes classibus adire were the b Xiphilinus pag. 190 Suetonius Nerone c. 19. praetorianoâ— pro concione adinchoandum opus cohortatus est Praetorian soldiers those whom Otho had here to talke with were the Legionaries of Spaine as they passed the mountaines who surely could not in possibility accompany Nero into Achaia Hist c pag. 183. 4. in the oratioÌ„ of Vocula Non adeò turbatam ciuilibus armis rem RomanaÌ„ vt Treueris etiam Lingonibus despectui sit Meliùs Diuo Iulio Diuoque Augusto notos eorum animos Galbam infracta tributa hostiles spiritus induisse Nunc hostes quia molle seruitiuÌ„ cum spoliati exutique fuerint amicos fore and yet it is plaine by Tacitus himselfe all other histories of that time that Treueri Lingones were of all the French the onely men which Galba atrocibus edictis aut damno fiâ—iuÌ„ perculerat relieuing the rest of their tribute making them citizens Vulcatius Gallicanus in the life d pag. 862. of Auidius Cassius bringeth in M. Antoninê° the philosopher profouÌ„dly disputing the causes of the fall of certaine Emperours among other of Pertinax e Mâ—â—nioninus Enumerauit deinde omnes principes qui occisi essent habuisse causas quibus mererentur occidi nec quenquam facile bonum vel victum â tyranno vel occisum dicens meruisse Neronem debuisse Caligulam OthoneÌ„ Vitellium nec imperare voluisse Nam de Pertinace Galbâ paria sentiebat cum diceret in Imperatore auaritiam esse acerbissimum maluÌ„ whereas Pertinax was liuing thirteene yeares after Antoninus was dead succeeding in state to CoÌ„modus his sonne Appianus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 placing in the Roman battell Domitius in dextro cornu Lucius Scipio in the midle battell and Eumenes in laeuo and of the enemies Antiochus in dextro Philippus in the middle and Seleucus in laeuo in ioyning like a good and skilfull captaine matching the middles opposeth the left to the left a thing not possible in nature Eumenes to Seleucus his people which indeede was true as it appeareth by f lib 37 fol 305. Liuy but Appians ordering of the battel is false For Eumenes by Liuy in truth was placed in dextro AppiaÌ„s words be p. 76. 1 Thaâ— iâ— Domitiu 〈◊〉 â—nded the â—â—ght wiâ—g in the midd e battaile was the Consul himselfe the left wing was giuen to Eumenes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â— Domitius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the enemies 2 The right wing was led by Antioch is himselfe the left by Seleucus his sonne the maine battaile by Philip master of the Elephants 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 now in the ioining Fumenes saith he p. 77. 3 Charged with his horsemen against the Galatians and Cappadocians which were ouer against them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lest we might doubt where these Cappadoces stoode he coÌ„cludeth with these words 4 And these things were done on the left hand of the MacedoniaÌ„ battaile 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The like errour is in Dionysius lib. 6.
my iudgement very materiall in a good story greatly to the satisfaction of the reader 29. IllyriaÌ„ armies Some learned meÌ„ charge this narratioÌ„ here generally the story of the actioÌ„s betweene Vitellius VespasiaÌ„ of great insufficiencies imperfections coÌ„fusions whereof I doe in my iudgemeÌ„t most clearely acquit it Illyricum was diuided into three prouinces Moesia whereof at this time Aponius Saturninus was President or LieutenaÌ„t general PaÌ„nonia whereof T. Ampius Flauianus was PresideÌ„t Dalmatia whereof Poppaeus Siluanus or PoÌ„peius Sullanê° for in both names we find differeÌ„ce of writing was President In Moesia were three LegioÌ„s Tertia Gallica Octaua Augusta and Septima Claudiana led by three legati legionuÌ„ LieutenaÌ„ts of LegioÌ„s Dillius Aponianus of the Third Hist 3. p. 112 28. Numisius Lupus of the Eightth Hist 3. p. 112 29. Tertius Iulianus of the SeueÌ„th who forsaking his place as appeareth in this place Vipsaniê° Messalla vndertooke the charge 3. Hist p. 111. In PaÌ„nonia there were at this present two legions septima Galbiana whose Lieutenant was Antonius Primus tertiadecima Gemina sent backe out of Italie from building of Amphitheatres whose Lieutenant in this warre was Vedius Aquila the same man who was also LieutenaÌ„t in the last warre 3. Hist 112 14. 2. Hist 80 25. In Dalmatia there was none but onely one LegioÌ„ namely vndecima Claudiana the fourteenth being transported into Britanny whose Lieutenant was Annius Bassus 3. Hist p. 131 3. The premisses considered which are all expressed by Tacitus I see not what can be required more to the perfection of this narration here it seeming to me one of the best most sufficieÌ„t in this booke so likewise in the whole story of Tacitus of al great actions I take that betweene Vitellius VespasiaÌ„ to be generally the most fully best set downe as the other betweene Otho Vitellius the worst Now for the time wheÌ„ IllyricuÌ„ began to reuolt froÌ„ Vitellius as in noting of times Tacitus is alwaies too scant Suetonius a cap. 15. Vitellio somewhat releeueth vs. Octauo imperij mense desciueruÌ„t ab eo exercitus MoesiaruÌ„ atque Pannoniae so that it seemeth to haue bene begunne in August or perchance toward the later ende of Iuly 30. Threescore thousand armed meÌ„ Valens had out of Germany fourty thousaÌ„d armed men beside legio Italica eight cohorts of Batauians c. Caecina thirty thousand beside Ala Syllana c. Vitellius tota mole belli secuturus saith Tac. 1. Hist in this booke p 86. reliquas Germanici exercitus vires trahebat beside eight thousand è Britannico dilectu of al which number we finde in Tacitus none sent away b pag. 92. but the cohorts of Batauians and yet here we haue but threescore thousand armed men 31. FeÌ„cers diet Gladiatoria sagina Gladiatores Athletae in olde time were most daintily dieted stal fedde as it were the knowen phrases of Athleticus habitus Gladiatoria sagina importing no lesse Cic. Cum gladiatoriâ totius corporis firmitate Cyprianus Impletur in succum cibis fortioribus corpus aruina assidui nidoris moles membrorum robusta pinguescit vt saginatus in poenam cariùs pereat 32. The staÌ„derds of fower legions The eight LegioÌ„s which seeme here elswhere to be noted of Vitellius side were Italica the seuen Legions of Germany albeit none completely but Rapax in al the rest part of the men being left behinde and the whole names attributed alike to both parts 33. AccouÌ„ted vnlucky Liuiê° l. 6 f. 68 I. TuÌ„ de diebus religiosis agitari coeptuÌ„ dieÌ„que a.d. 15. Kal. Sextiles duplici clade insigneÌ„ quo die ad CremeraÌ„ Fabij caesi quo deinde ad AliaÌ„ cuÌ„ exitio vrbis foedè pugnatuÌ„ a posteriore clade AlieÌ„seÌ„ appellaruÌ„t insigneÌ„que nulli rei publicè priuatiÌ„que agedae feceruÌ„t Dio. c pag. 429. l. 9. de clade CremereÌ„si 1 That is The day in which this calamity befell them the people of Rome accounts dismall vnlucky neither will they on it beginne anie serious matter in respect of the ill fortune that happened that day to the citty 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 34. In the electioÌ„ of CoÌ„suls Comitia ConsuluÌ„ cuÌ„ candidatis ciuiliter celebrans What by comitia CoÌ„suluÌ„ should be ment in this place the people being at this time excluded from al voice in electioÌ„s eyther I doe not conceiue or els comitia consuluÌ„ ciuiliter celebrare is but as much as munera à candidatis coÌ„sulatus edita whether it were himselfe or any other ciuiliter celebrare In the free state the suters for offices to winne the peoples fauour goodwil dabant gladiatores till it was by a law expressely by Tully to that purpose enacted forbidden and brought within the compasse of ambitus Cicero in Vatinium Ego legem de ambitu ex S. C. tulâ— quae dilucidè vetat biennio quo quis petat petiturusue sit gladiatores dare nisi ex testameÌ„to But after they had attained their suit it was theÌ„ not lawful onely but necessarily incideÌ„t to most offices to exhibit to the people al sorts of games plaies accordingly they performed it with all magnificeÌ„ce and cost Vnder the Emperours albeit no part of the electioÌ„ of any officer depeÌ„ded vpoÌ„ the peoples fauour yet both candidats designatì actual officers coÌ„tinued to minister to the people their accustomed pleasures of gladiatores circeÌ„ses c. coÌ„teÌ„ding therein by al possible means to win the goodwil of the people In the time of AlexaÌ„der MaÌ„meae Quaestores caÌ„didati munera populo dederuÌ„t in Neroes Quaestoribus designatis gladiatores edendi necessitas erat saieth Tacitus CoÌ„sul designatus est munus edidit Marcellus IurecoÌ„sultus l. 36. Now to be preseÌ„t at these showes was accouÌ„ted great popularity in the Prince Xiphil de d pag. 204. Othone 2 He vsed much the Theaters to winne the harts of the multitude 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 e cap. 45. Suetonius de Augusto Ipse CirceÌ„ses spectabat spectaculo plurimas horas aliquaÌ„do totos dies aderat Tac. 1. f p. 242. An. de eodeÌ„ Ciuile rebatur misceri voluptatibus vulgi as coÌ„trarily to come seldoÌ„e thither was disliked as a signe of a proud melaÌ„cholicke soure nature whereof Iulianus accuseth himselfe in Misopogone 3 That is I alwaies hate and shun the horse races as they which are indebted doe the places of publique assemblie therefore I goe seldome to theÌ„ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. or to come thither not to be atteÌ„tiue or aliud agere as Caesar qui vulgò reprehensus est saith Suetonius ê™ inter spectâ duÌ„ epistolis libellisque legendis ac rescribendis vacaret But Vitellius here seemeth not onely to haue frequented the shewes which caÌ„didati CoÌ„sulatus or designati did exhibit but also to haue take part for exaÌ„ple with the Mirmyllones against the
explorant quia miseriae toleraÌ„tur foelicitate corrumpimur p. 37 Quatriduo Caesar properata adoptione ad hoc tantum matori fratri praelatus vt prior occideretur p. 46 Et vno amne discretis connexum odium p. 54 Redieruntque in castra inuiti neque innocentes p. 34 Nec illos priores futuri principes terruere quo minus facerent scelus cuius vltor est quisquis successit p. 45 Quaeque alia placamenta hostilis irae non quidem in bello sed pro pace tendebantur 2. Hist p. 88 Et Vitellius credidit de perfidia fidem absoluit 3. Hist p. 143 Arserat ante Capitolium sed fraude priuata nunc palam obsessum palam incensum with many moe of the same marke FINIS A VIEW OF CERTAINE MILITAR matters for the better vnderstanding of the ancient Roman stories SERVICE in warre is by lande or by water The Roman seruice by lande was either at home in the Citty or externall abroad The externall consisted principally in Legiones Auxilia a knowen diuision in the Roman stories Liuius lib. 8. fol. 91. Pro exercitu legionibus auxilijs P. R. legiones auxiliaque hostium mecum dijs manibus deuoueo most frequent in Tacitus 1. Hist p. 27. infecit ea tabes legionum quoque auxiliorum motas iam mentes 13. Ann. p. 451. Copiae orientis ita diuiduntur vt pars auxiliarium cum duabus Legionibus apud Quadratum remaneret par ciuium sociorumque numerus Corbuloni esset Where also we see hee varieth the wordes legiones auxilia by two equiualent in the later member ciues socij And Liuius lib. 7. fol. 84. F. ciuilis exercitus and socialis coetus meaning the Roman Legions and Latin Auxilia Legio saieth Varro lib. 4. de lingua Latina quòd a To this etymologie of the word Galba no doubt alluding answered the soldiers which demanded â—o natiue legi à se militem non emi leguntur milites in delectu dicta est The Grecians translate it diuersely some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in respect of their standing campes vvhich vvere fortified and vvalled and gaue occasion in the later times to the founding of manie great citties in the Empire LEGIO was diuided into Pedites and Equites although peraduenture sometimes by Legions and also by Auxilia the footemen alone are intended as being the more principall part The other two kindes of seruice in fielde by charets and Elephants eyther vvere neuer in the Roman state or vvere not ordinarie and euen so were quickely laied dovvne The maner of fighting out of charets a matter so often recorded not onely by poëts in those fabulous times but also by the vvriters of the sacred storie maie seeme to haue beene in a sort proper to those Heroica tempora and by generall consent of the vvorlde some fewe barbarous nations excepted who are alwaies best keepers of customes laied aside beside the vnwealdines peraduenture because to furnish out one fighting man in that case b The man that sighteth the cochman and two horses at the least foure mouthes vvere to bee fedde and foure bodies armed of vvhich anie one fayling the seruice of all fower was at an ende The other by Elephants was ancient and continued long among the Easterne and Southerlie nations the cuntreyes yeelding good store of those beasts by the Romans seldome vsed not for that they lacked the breede for what would they lacke that either could serue for vse or delite and of those creatures they would kill for their pleasure hundreths at once in their Theatres but because they vtterly disliked the seruice as ambiguous turning as oft to the hurt of the owner as of the enemy Whereof they saw good proofe in the army of Pyrrhus who first brought them into Italie in which as c L. â—lorus lib. 1. cap. 18. one saieth eaedem ferae quae primam victoriam Romanis abstulerant secundam parem fecerant tertiam sine controuersia tradiderunt The Easterne nations also found them at the length vnseruiceable d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Diodor. Sic. l. 19. pa. 717. for the tendernesse of their hoofes and diuerse other respects and so they remayne generallie laied aside Now for the number of Pedites and Equites in a Legion Romulus at the foundation of Rome after the misfortune of Remus vvherein manie perished had onelie three thousand footemen and three hundreth horsemen remayning Dionys e pag. 56. 59. 67. lib. 1. 2. of vvhich number he composed his Legion at the verie first beginning of Rome according to Plutarch 1 That is WheÌ„as the citty was built first of all he sorted the people such as were within yeares of seruice into Legions eueâ— Legion consisted of tâ—â—â— footemen and 300 horse Romulo p. 74. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one Horseman for ten Foote Varro lib. 4. de lingua Lat. Milites saieth hee à mile quòd trium milium primo was called primus Hastatus the second secundus Hastatus and so forth vsque ad decimum ordinem Hastatum Likewise the Principes into ten Enseignes primum secundum tertium Principem c euerie Enseigne containing as before And lastlie the Triarii were also diuided into ten Enseignes ech one conteyning sixtie persons The first Enseigne whereof was called primus Pilus the second a Or secuÌ„dus Triarius according to some learned men although Liuy seemeth to call all the Enseignes of the Triarij Primos Pilos in that intricate place in the eightth booke where he hath rather obscured then expounded the Roman soldiery secundus Pilus and so forth to the tenth The Velites were proportionably dispersed among all the Enseignes Of these thirtie Enseignes called in Latin Manipuli according to Gellius lib. 6. cap. 4 and Seruius in 11 Aeneid although Plutarch in Romulo pag. 39 interpreteth Manipulus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 confounding it with Centuria and Vegetius lib. 2. cap. 13 most absurdly maketh it equiualent with Contubernium a companie of ten or eleuen persons ech one was diuided againe in duas Centurias Centuriam priorem and Centuriam posteriorem although in trueth they conteyned not the full number of an hundreth but onelie in an ordinarie Legion sixty persons beside the Velites and of the Triarii but thirty Liuy in describing these Centuries seemeth to vse an inuersed kinde of speech lib. b f. 356. K. 42. Hic me imperator dignum iudicauit cui primum hastatum prioris centuriae assignaret in place as it maie seeme of cui priorem centuriam primi hastati assignaret and in the leafe following lest it might bee supposed as done by chance or negligence A. M. Acillio mihi primus princeps prioris centuriae est assignatus for prior centuria primi principis Beside these diuisions of the footemen in a Legion wee finde another in later times more vsuall into ten Cohorts of equall number
the Tribunes lib. 6. p. 184. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in another place hee toucheth a matter of greater importaÌ„ce concerning the iust representatioÌ„ of the spoile in the sacking of citties a point most profitably induced whether the spoile were to be reserued to publicke vses or els diuided among the souldiers whereof the worst sort are coÌ„monly most nimble that way But cheefly it stayed the mindes of those who by the Generals commandment remained in armes in the Market place against all sodaine mischances of warre being assured thereby of equall part with the rest in the pray which should bee taken by others A. h Lib. 16. c. 4. Gellius setteth the very forme of the othe downe in more particular termes out of Cincius de re militari In exercitu decemque millia passuum propè furtum non facies dolo malo solus neque cum pluribus pluris numi argentei in dies fingulos extraque bastam hastile ligna pabulum vtrem follem faculam si quid ibi inueneris ê™ pluris numi argentei erit vti tu ad Coss siue ad quem eorum alter iusseret perferas aut prositebere in triduo proximo quicquid inueneris sustulerisue dolo malo aut domino suo cuium id censebis esse reddes vti quod rectè factum esse voles In seruice the Legionary souldier had allowance of pay corne and apparell and at the ende of his seruice a consideration in money or lande of inheritance and sometimes both For the paie Liuy a Lib. 4. fol. 55. writeth thus Anno vrbis condita 349. decreuit Senatus vt stipendium b The footeman alone for three yeares after Equiti primùm certus numerus aeris est assignatus Liuius miles de publico acciperet cùm anteid tempus de suo quisque functus co munere esset The quantity Polybius limiteth in the sixt booke at least as it was in his time assigning to a footeman the third part of a c Drachma is the eight part of an ounce about 7d. ob English drachma or two oboli by the daie which Polybius in another place resolueth into fower asses to a Centurion twise so much to a horseman a drachma or Roman denarius then currant for twelue asses This paie continued as I suppose in this forme till Caesars time qui legionibus stipendium in perpetuum duplicauit Suetonius Iulio cap. 26. So that the footeman had by the daie eight asses the Centurion sixteene the horse twenty foure Augustus increased the footemans paie to d Tacit. 1. Ann. p. 225. lin 5 11. p. 228 lin 25. ten asses a daie and as it seemeth shortlie after it rose to a full denarius Beside wages the souldiers receiued in later times vestem de publico as it were some liuerie garment not all his apparell as I suppose Plutarchus Gracchis among the lawes which were established by C. Gracchus one was sayeth hee 1 That is Militar commaÌ„ding a garment to bee giuen the souldier by the officer without any deduction of wages therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for before as it appeareth by Polybius they receyued apparell and other necessaries of the Quaestor but the price was set vp in their wages Vegetius lib. 2. cap. 19. Imperatoris miles qui veste annonâ publicâ pascitur Thirdly they receiued frumentum Vegetius in the place aboue alleadged Imperatoris miles qui annonâ publicâ pascitur And in the free state Salust Iugurth Miles frumentum publicè datum vendere panes in diem mercari In Polybius time the price was deducted out of their wages and so it continued long afterward for Nero was the first which vnto the Praetorians who were in all preferments the formost dedit sine pretio frumentum which before they had at some vnder price Tacit. 15. Annal. p. 542. The measure was to a footeman for a moneth two thirds of an Athenian medimnus of wheat to a horseman two Medimni of wheate and seuen of oates or barly as hauing as it may bee supposed a spare horse and an attendant or two allowed Polyb. lib. 6. pag. 187. Donat vpon Terence limiteth dimensum serui to bee fower modij the moneth precisely agreeing with the rate of Polybius footeman in this place For a medimnus contayneth iustly six modij according to Tully Frumentariâ in Verrem Suidas and others Notwithstanding the dimensum serui grew afterward as it may appeare by the wordes of Marcius in Salust and by e Ep. 81. Seneca to fiue modij a moneth Herodotus Polymnia vittaileth Xerxes people at a choenix that is the fortie eightth part of a medimnus a day and that was indeede 2 That is A daies allowance Suidas alij 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among the Grecians somewhat lesse then Polybius rate who alloweth thirtie tvvo choenices the moneth For the quantity of medimnus and modius thus wee may gather it Quadrantal is the measure of a cubicall f The Roman foote lesse then ours by halfe our inch Roman foote Festus and others Now quadrantal containeth tres modios according to Volusius Moetianus which is halfe a medimnus So that a measure of a square Roman foote in the bottome and the third part of a foote high is the Roman modius and of two foote high with the same bottome an Atticall medimnus Of our vulgar measures medimnus being lesse then a bushell and an halfe and modius which our common learning construeth for a bushell about a pinte lesse then a pecke For consideration at the ende of their seruice the olde souldier had oftentimes an assignement in lande of inheritance as after the second Punicke warre the Senate g Lin. lib. 31 fol. 244. C. awarded to them which had serued in Africke quod agri Samnitis Appuli publicum populi Romani esset and at other times vpon like occasions Sylla to the h Appia 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 199. Which were saieth he thirty two Liuim in epitoma 89. forty seuen as I thinke by corruption of copy Legions vvhich had serued vndâ— him in the ciuill warres 3 That is Distributed much lande in Italy some which had lyen in common before and some taking it by force froÌ„ the owners 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not onelie as in recompence of thâ— former seruice but much more to haue so manie good souldiers at hand whose fortune could not bee seuered from his and whom hee might rayse in a moment the case so requiring The like vpon like respects did Caesar Iulius placing his veteranas legiones in colonies about him Antonius and Augustus conspiring against the state named before hand eighteene of the fayrest and richest citties in Italie as Capua Rhegium Venusia Nuceria Beneuentum Ariminium c. which they promised to distribute and part among the souldiers after the warre 1 Both land and houses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 voyding all the olde inhabitants and accordinglie for the most part performed
it vnder the Empire all prouinces were replenished vvith such militar colonies For consideration in money at the ende of their seruice before Augustus time I finde no stint set downe At the triumph after some great warre the souldier had some little remembrance at the triumph of a Liu. li. 30 f 213. Africanus fortie asses a piece two shillings six pence English At the triumph of b Liu. i 45 f 387. Paulus fortie fiue asses double the Centurion triple the horse At the triumph of c Appian Mithr pag. 159. Pompey out of Asia d 46.li. 3. s 9.d. fifteene hundreth drachmaes a common souldier and the rest in proportion so much was eyther wealth or ambition growen in so fewe yeares At the Triumph of e App. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 244. Caesar after the ciuill warres the souldier f 156.li. 5.s. fiue thousand drachmaes the Centurion ten thousand the Tribune twenty thousand Augustus reducing it to a certaintie vpon the Garde-souldier at the ende of sixteene yeares seruice g Dio. li. 55. p. 384. bestowed fiue thousand drachmaes vpon the Legionarie at the ende of twentie three thousand For the paie of the Auxilia the allies in the free state had their paie and h Polyb l 6. p. 187. paymaster from home as liuing in some equalitie of alliance and yet recognizing a superioritie Some allowance in corne they had euen in Polybius dayes from the Romans In Augustus time first and so in the Empire the Sociall Auxilia carying armes more for the maintenance of the Princes estate then for the interest of their owne libertie receyued their paie and other commodities of the Prince as vvell as the Legions It remayneth now to consider the number of the Legions and men which the Romans commonly armed or armed at the highest or possibly could arme Rome in her infancie had onelie one Legion according to Dionysius and i Liuy in Romulus time fol. 3. F. ad hos Romana legio ducta saieth he in the singular number and fo 6 F. in the beginning of Tullus Hostilius Romanas legiones ium spes deserue rat in the plural Varro consisting of three thousand footemen and three hundreth horse as before it is shewed notwithstanding the wordes before alleadged of k Romulo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Plutarch a man of a baser alloy seeme to import a multitude After the Ceninenses and Antennates were incorporated the Romans had then saieth Dionysius lib. 2. pag. 77 six thousand l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Legionarie footemen that is according to the vsage of that time two complete Legions In his armie against the Sabins Romulus armed of his owne people and from his grandfather twenty thousand footemen and eight hundreth horse Dionysius pag. 78. Afterward the Sabins beeing receiued into the Citty and the Camerini with others at his death Romulus m Dionys l. 2. p. 67. left the Cittie furnished of forty six thousand footemen and little lesse then n According to Liuy lib. 1. fol. 4 B. 9. E. 900. horse in tribus centurijs a thousand horse a great and almost incredible increase in one mans raigne In the time of Tullus Hostilius third king of the Romans by the ruines of Alba the Roman forces were o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doubled Dionysius lib. 3. pag. 130. Which if it bee true in grammaticall vnderstanding the state of Rome at that time was able to make welny an hundreth thousand men to the field an excessiue number of souldiers seeing the whole cense which conteined all men aboue seuenteene yeares not p Dionys l 9. pag. 430. bond nor mechanicall in Seruius time amounted but to eighty thousand or eightie fower thousand seuen hundreth as Liuie and the same Dionysius pag. 167 doe witnesse although Fabius Pictor indeede maketh it the number of men able for seruice something approching to our number collected by consequence out of Dionysius wordes In the free state from the beginning in a maner without interruption they commonly armed euerie yeare foure Legions with their Auxilia as q lib 1. pag. 6. 3. pag. 101. 6. pag. 180. Polybius an ey-witnesse and r lib. 8 fol. 91 E. Liuy doe testifie which according to the lowest reckening of those times with the Auxilia make thirtie two thousand footemen and fower and twentie hundreth horse And this was their ordinary yearely stint obserued euen in peaceable times as it were to keepe their hands in a point of great consideration and necessary vse in a warlike common wealth But how manie they armed vpon occasions or possibly could arme is another consideration In the battell ad lacum Regillum Anno Vrbis conditae 257 the Romans ſ Dionys l. 6. p. 225 put in the field twentie fower thousand that is six complete Legions as the Legion was then and three thousand horse fiue hundreth as it seemeth to a Legion which exceedeth greatly the vse of onely twenty lacking beside the same nine which are wanting in Dio septima Galbiana the Vicesima which we haue placed in Syria Now thirty one Legions Imperiall which in Galbaes time we doe finde according to our suppositions contayne an hundreth eighty six thousand footemen and eighteene thousand six hundreth horse The Auxilia of the one kinde and of the other in number not much otherwise So we haue in these times vsually mayntained by the Empire footmen three hundreth seuenty two thousand and horse thirty seuen thousand two hundreth at the smallest reckening Whose ordinary pay beside corne and some apparell at one denarius or drachma a day for the footeman and three for the horse beside the increase of wages giuen to the officers amounteth by the yeare to an hundreth seuenty seuen millions fiue hundreth foureteene thousand denarij in our money fiue millions fiue hundreth sixteene thousand sixty two pounds and ten shillings which is more then the great Turke at this day receiueth in two yeares toward all charges And yet they maintained beside a garde of many thousands for the Prince with double pay another for the Prouost of the citty with many Cohorts of Nightwatchers and many armadaes with proper soldiers annexed as shall be declared Neither can we finde throughout all the Roman story for lacke of pay any disorder or mutinee to haue growen among the soldiers though otherwise very mutinously disposed The seruice at home in the Citty was performed by three sortes of souldiers principally Praetoriani Vrbani and Vigiles Praetorium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Generals pauilion bee he Consul or Praetor or els whatsoeuer and Praetoria cohors a bande of chosen men to the garde of his person so named by Scipio Africanus but induced before in Romulus time by the name of Celeres selected ex fortissimis nobilissimis 1 That is Whom alwaies he had about him being 300. in number for the garde of his person and dispatch of vrgent affaires
one to performe so necessary a charge p. 325. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c Some other Grecians cal the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Agrippina perswaded Claudius to reduce the whole gouernement to one Tacit. 12. Annal. Distrahi cohortes ambitu duorum si ab vno regerentur intensiorem fore disciplinam asseuerante vxore transfertur regimen cohortium ad Burrhum Afranium egregiae militaris famae After whose death Nero againe duos praetorijs cohortibus imposuit Ann. 14. In Galbaes time â—aco was onely without any fellow Otho made two Plotius Firmus and Licinius Proculus as appeareth by Tacitus 1. Hist and so consequently afterward sometime one sometime two as it pleased the Prince Now that which Maecenas counsaileth Augustus to chuse them ex equitibus Romanis no higher least their high birth should giue them courage perchance to attempt against their soueraignes was obserued in a maner continually till the time of Alexander Mammaeae qui Praefectis Praetorij suis saieth Lampridius senatoriaÌ„ addidit dignitatem vt viri clarissimi essent dicerentur quod ante à vel rarò fuerat vel omnino non fuerat cousque vt si quis imperatorum successorem Praef. Praet dare vellet laticlauium eidem per libertum submitteret Notwithstanding in Vespasians time Titus praefecturam quoque praetorij suscepit nunquam adid tempus nisi ab equite Romano administratam Suet. d cap. 6. d Festus Tito vvhich opinion of Suetonius I finde checked by Tacitus 4. e pag. 190. Hist vvhere Aretinus Clemens before that time quanquam senatorij ordinis was made Praefectus Praetorio Beside the two Captaines there was one Praefectus castrorum Tribuni as many as Cohorts and vnder the Tribunes Centuriones and other petty officers as in the armies abroad Their pay was in the free state f sesquiplex 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Empire double to that of the Legionary soldiers The Senatours saieth Dio. li. 53 5 That is Immediatly established a law that those which should be of Augustus Garde should receiue double pay to the rest of the souldiers to the ende they might be more diligeÌ„t and watchfull in their charge 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tacitus 1. Annal. limiteth the summe An Praetorias cohortes quae binos denarios acceperint c. that is in our money fifteene pence vvhich no doubt is ment of the simple footeman onely for a Legionary horseman had more These Praetorian bands in Augustus and part of Tiberius time lying dispersed in the Cittie and colonies about vvere by Seianus vnited and placed togither in castris prope viuarium constructis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they called it in Greeke Seianus sayeth Tacicitus 4. Annal vim praefecturae modicam antea intendit dispersas a Suâ—t Augusto â— 49 neque vnquam plures quam tres cohortes in vrbe esse passus est Augustus easque sine castris reliquas in hiberna aestiua circa finitimae oppida dimittere assueuerat per vrbem cohortes vna in castra conducendo vt simul imperia acciperent numeroque robore visu inter se fidueia ipsis in caeteros metus crearetur praetendebat lasciuire militem diductum si quid subitum ingruat maiori auxilio pariter subueniri seuerius acturos si vallum statuatur procul vrbis illecebris Suetonius b cap. 37. Tiberio Romae castra constituit quibus praetorianae cohortes vagae ante id tempus per hospitia dispersae continerentur The ruines are vnder the vvalles of Rome as it is now not farre from Saint Laurence gate For aftervvard Constantine the greate perceyuing the order to haue more of the bad in it then of the good 1 That is Caâ—sed the Praetorian soldiers and destroied their campe lib. 2 p. 677. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sayeth Zosimus retayning the name of Praefectus Praetorij still but matring the office â— sayeth the same c lib. 2. pag. 688. Zosimus vvho seldome sayeth vvell of that Prince by diuiding it into d Praefectus Praetoris orientis Praefectus Praet Illyric P. P Jtaliae P P. Galliae foure and vveakening their autority Milites vrbani in Augustus time if Dio bee not deceyued as I thinke hee e For in another place he writeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Tacitus 3. Hist maketh 1000. an excessiue and disorderly number for the Vrbani pa. 104. is vvere in number six thousand distributed into foure Cohorts or companies Dio f pag. 384. lib. 55. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Tiberius and Cains time into three onely 4. g pag. 333. Annahum Tres vrbanae cohortes and Iosephus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 h cap. 18. lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which as it appeareth by Suetonius i cap. 10. Claudio vvere the cohortes vrbanae in Vitellius time quatuor vrbanae cohortes quibus singula millia inessent Tacitus 2. Hist pag. 104. Their gouernour was called Praefectus vrbis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 taken ex senatorio ordine vvhose office Dio describeth lib. 52 in Maecenas oration 2 That is Let there bee a Praefectus vrbis one of the greatest countenance such as before hath passed al degrees of honor with coÌ„mendation not to gouerne in absence of other officers but to vndertake the gouernement of the citty both in other matters namely to iudge in cases of appeale from other magistrats and in criminall not onely within the citty but within 650 stadia rounde about 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 leg 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 veletiam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 k 1. Dig. quic quid intra vrbem ad vuttuur ad praefectum vrbi vide tur pertinere sed si quid intra centesimum milliaâ—tum admissum sit ad praefectuÌ„ vrbi pertines so that Dio in this place seemeth to make six stadia and an halfe answereable to a Roman mile 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 His office dured for life vnlesse it pleased the Prince otherwise vpon desert or displeasure to depriue him Dio. lib. 52. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tac. 6. An sheweth the occasion of the foundation of the office in the olde common welth and the vse of it in the new L. Piso praefectus vrbis recens contiuuam potestatem insolentia parendi grauiorem mirè temperauit Namque antea profectis domo regibus ac mox magistratibus ne vrbs sine imperio foret in tempus deligebatur quitus redderet ac subitis mederetur Caeterum Augustus bellis ciuilibus Ciluium Maecenatem equestris ordinis cunctis apud Romam atque Italiam praeposuit Mox rerum potitus ob magnitudinem populi ac tarda legum auxilia sumpsit è consularibus qui coerceret seruitia quod audacia turbidum nisi vim metuat Notwithstanding this new office the name and shadow of the olde remained still vvhen