best shewe and with some warme Shube of furre vnder it in the winter time But in the sommer nothing but her two shirts for so they call them one ouer the other whether they be within doores or without On their heads they weare caps of some coloured stuffe many of veluet or of cloth of gold but for the most part kerchiefs Without earings of siluer or some other mettall and her crosse about her necke you shall see no Russe woman be she wife or maide The Lord Boris Pheodorowich his letter to the Right Honorable William Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England c. BY the grace of God the great Lord Emperor and great Duke Theodore Iuanowich great Lord King and great Duke of all Russia of Volodemer Mosco and Nouogorod king of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsko and great Duke of Smolensco Tuer Vghori Permi Viatsko Bolgorie and other places Lorde and great Duke of Nouogrod in the Lowe Countrey of Chernigo Rezan Polotsky Rostoue Yeroslaue Bealozera and Lâ—efland of Oudorski Obdorski Condinski and commander of all Sibierland and the North coasts great Lorde ouer the Countrey of Iuerski Grisinski Emperor of Kabardinski and of the Countrey Charchaski and the Countrey of Gorsky and Lord of many other regions From Boris Pheodorowich his Maiesties brother in law master of his horses gouernour of the territories of Cazan and Astracan to William Lord Burghley Lord high Treasurer to the most vertuous Ladie Elizabeth Queene of England France and Ireland and other dominions I receiued your Lordships letters wherein you write that you haue receiued very ioyfully my letters sent vnto you and aduisedly read them and imparted the same vnto her Maiestie and that your Merchants finde themselues agreeued that when they approch these parts and are arriued here they are not permitted to enter into a free and liberall course of barter traffike and exchange of their commodities as heretofore they haue done but are compelled before they can enter into any traffike to accept the Emperours waxe and other goods at high rates farre aboue their value to their great losse and that they are by reason of this restraint long holden vpon these coasts to the danger of wintering by the way Hereafter there shal be no cause of offence giuen to the Marchants of the Queenes Maiestie Queene Elizabeth they shall not be forced to any thing neither are there or shall be any demands made of custome or debts Such things as haue beene heretofore demaunded all such things haue beene already vpon their petition and supplication commaunded to be discharged I haue sollicited his Maiestie for them that they be not troubled hereafter for those matters and that a fauourable hand be caried ouer them And according to your request I will be a meane to the Emperour for them in all their occasions and will my selfe shew them my fauorable countenance And I pray you William Burghley to signifie to her Maiesties Merchants that I promise to haue a care of them and for the Queenes Maiestie of Englands sake I will take her Merchants into my protection and will defend them as the Emperours selected people vnder the Emperors commission and by mine appointment all his Maiesties officers and authorized people shall be carefull ouer them The Emperors gracious fauor towards them was neuer such as it is now And where you write that at the port the Emperors Officers sell their waxe by commission at a set rate giuen them farre aboue the value and that they enforce your Marchants to accept it they deny that they take any such course but say they barter their waxe for other wares and also put their waxe to sale for readie money to your Merchants according to the worth thereof and as the price goeth in the custome house here It hath beene heretofore deare and now is sold as good cheape as in any other place and as they can best agree they enforce no man to buy it but rather kepe it therefore your Marchants haue no iust cause to make any such report I haue expressely giuen order that there shall be no such course vsed to enforce them but to buy according to their owne willes and to tarrie at the port or to depart at their pleasure And as touching the customes alreadie past and debts demanded at your Merchants hands whereof you write Our Lord great Emperour and great Duke Theodore Iuanowich of all Russia of famous memory hath shewed his Maiesties especial fauour and loue for the great loue of his welbeloued sister Queene of England and by my petition and mediation whereas there was commandement giuen to take Marshes whole debt of your Merchants and factors it is moderated to the halfe and for the other halfe commandement giuen it should not be taken and the Merchants billes to be deliuered them And to the end hereafter that her Maiesties Marchants moue no contention betwixt our Lord the Emperor and great Duke of Russia and his welbeloued sister Queene Elizabeth his Maiestie desireth order to be giuen that your Marchants doe deale iustly in their traffike and plainely without fraud or guile And I will be a fauourer of them aboue all others vnder his Maiesties authoritie themselues shall see it Written in our great Lorde the Emperours citie of Mosco in the moneth of Iuly 7099. The Queenes Maiesties letter to Theodore Iuanouich Emperour of Russia 1591. ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith c. to the right high mighty and right noble prince Theodore Iuanouich great Lord King and great Duke of all Russia Volodemer Mosco Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsko and great Duke of Smolensko Otuer Vghory Perme Viatski Bolgory and other places Lord and great Duke of Nouogrod in the low countrey of Chernigo Rezan Polotsky Rostoue Yeraslaue Bealozero and Lifland of Oudorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and commander of all Sibierland and the North coasts great Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky Grisinsky Emperor of Kabardinsky and of the countrey of Charkasky and of the countrey of Gorsky and Lord of many other countreys our most deare and louing brother greeting Right noble and excellent prince we haue receiued your Maiesties letters brought ouer by our merchants in their returne of their last voyage from your port of S. Nicholas which letters we haue aduisedly read and considered and thereby perceiue that your Maiesty doth greatly mislike of our late imployment of Ierome Horsey into your dominions as our messenger with our Highnesse letters and also that your Maiesty doth thinke that we in our letters sent by the sayd messenger haue not obserued that due order or respect which apperteined to your princely maiesty in the forme of the same letter aswel touching the inlargement of your Maiesties stile and titles of honor which your Maiesty expected to haue bene therein more particularly expressed as also in the adding of our greatest seale or
hitherto I haue not seene any of them sauing onely two olde women and these had two long robes downe to the foote open before and girded to them and they are buttoned with certaine cordons of cotton I requested the Indians to giue me one of these robes which they ware to send your honour the the same seeing they would not shewe mee their women And they brought mee two mantles which aree these Which I send you as it were painted they haue two pâ—nâ—ents like the women of Spaine which hang somewhat ouer their shoulders The death of the Negro is most certaine for here are many of the things found which hee carried with him And the Indians tell me that they killed him here because the Indians of Chichilâ—â—cale tolde them that hee was a wicked villaine and not like vnto the Christians because the Christians kill no women and hee killed women and also he touched their women which the Indians â—ouâ— more then themselues therefore they determined to kill him But they did it not after such sort as was reported for they killed none of the rest of those that came with him neither stewe they the young lad which was with him of the prouince of Peratlan but they tooke him and kept him in safe custodie vntill nowe And when I sought to haue him they excused themâ—elues two or three dayes to giue him mee telling mee that hee was dead and sometimes that the Indians of Acucu had carried him away But in conclusion when I toldâ— them that I should bee very angry if they did not giue him mee they gaue him vnto me Hee is an interpreter for though hee cannot wâ—ll speake their language yet hee vnderstandeth the same very well In this place there is â—ound some quantitie of golde and siluer which thoâ—e which are skilâ—ull in minerall matters esteeme to be very good To this houre I could neuer learne of these people from whence they haue it And I see they refuse to tell mee the trueth in all things imagining as I haue sayde that in short time I would depart hence but I hope in God they shall no longer excuse themselues I vesceth your lordship â—o cerâ—ifie his Maiestie of the successe of this voyage For seeing wee haue â—o morâ— then that which is aforesayd and vntill such time as it please God that wâ—e finde that which wee desire I meane not to write my selfe Our Lorde God keepe and preserue your Excellencie From the Prouince of Cibola and from this citie of Granada the third of August 1540. Francis Vasquâ—s de Coronado kisseth the hands of your Excellencie The rest of this voyage to Acuco Tiquex Cicuio and Quiuira and vnto the Westerne Ocean is thus written in the generall historie of the West Indies by Francis Lopez de Gomara Chap. 214. BEcause they would not returne to Mexico without doing something nor with emptie hands they agreed to passe further into the countrey which was tâ—lde them to bee better and better So they came to Acuco a towne vpon an exceeding streng hill And from thence Don Garcias Lopez de Carcenas with this companie of horsemen went vnto the Sea and Francis Vasques went to Tiguex which standeth on the barke of a great riuer There they had newes of Axa and Quiuira There they sayde was a King whose name was Taâ—â—â—rax with a long beard horâ—e headed and rich which was giâ—ded with a Bracamaâ—â— which prâ—yâ—d vpon a payre of beades which worshipped a Crosse of goldeâ— and the image of a woman the Queene of heauen This newes did greatly reioyce and cheere â—p the armie altâ—oâ—g◠〈◊〉 to bee â—alleâ— and the report of the Friers They determined to goe thither with intention to winter in â—o â—ich a countrey as that was reported to bee One night the Indians ranne away and in the morning they found thirtie horses dead which put the armie in feare In their iourney they burnt a certaine towne And in another towne which they assaulted they killed certaine Spaniards and wounded fiftie horses and the inhabitants drewe into their towne Francis de Ouando wounded or dead to eate and sacrifice him as they thought or peraduenture to see more perfectly what maner of men the Spaniards were for there was not found there any signe of sacrificing men Our people layde siege vnto the towne but could not take it in more then fiue and fortie dayes space The townesmen that were besieged dranke snowe in stead of water and seeing themselues forlorne they made a fire wherein they cast their mantles feathers Turqueses and precious things that those strangers might not enioy them They issued out in a squadron with their women and children in the middest to make way by force and to saue themselues but fewe escaped the edge of our swordes and the horses and a certaine riuer which was neere the towne Seuen Spaniards were slaine in this conflict and fourescore were wounded and many horses whereby a man may see of what force resolution is in necessitie Many Indians returned to the towne with the women and children and defended themselues vntill our men set fire on the towne In this countrey there are melons and white and râ—dde cotton whereof they make farre larger maâ—tels then in other parts of the Indies From Tigues they went in foure dayes iourney to Cicuic which is a small towne and foure leagues from thence they met with a new kind of oxen wild and fierce whereof the first day they killed fourescore which sufficed the armie with flesh From Cicuic they went to Quiuira which after their accompt is almost three hundred leagues distant through mighty plames and sandie heathes so smooth and wearisome and bare of wood that they made heapes of oxe-dung for want of stones and trees that they might not lose themselues at their returne for three horses were lost on that plaine and onâ— Spaniard which went from his coÌ„panie on hunting All that way plaines are as full of crookebacked oxen as the mountaine Serena in Spaine is of sheepe but there is no people but such as keepe those cattell They were a great succour for the hunger and want of bread which our people stoode in One day it rayned in that plaine a great showre of haile as bigge as Orenges which caused many teares weakenesse and vowes At length they came to Quiuira and found Tatarrax whomâ— they sought an hoarie headed man naked and with a iewell of copper hanging at his necke which was all his riches The Spaniards seeing the false report of so famous riches returned to Tiguex without seeing either crosse or shewe of Christianitie and from thence to Mexico In the ende of March of the yeere 1542. Francis Vasquez fell from his horse in Tiguex and with the fall fell out of his wits and became madde Which some tooke to bee for griefe and others thought it to be but counterfeited
times with all their ships yet would they not set againe vpon vs and those of our men which were farthest off cryâ—d to them â—maine being both within shot of artillerie muskets and caliuers whereby they receiued euident hurt by vs They plyed their great ordinance according to their manner and especially their Uâ—ceadmirall and seeing our resolution how sharpe we were bent towards them they with all expedition and speedâ— possible prepared to flieâ— way hoysing sailes and leâ—uing their boates for haite in the sea but I followed them with nine ships all the night following and with foure more the next day till I made thâ—m double the Cape of S. Antonie and to take the course towards the Câ—anell of Bahama according to the instructions from his Maiestie It little auailed vs to be seene with lesse number of ships neither yet all the diligence we could vse could câ—use them to stay or come neere vs nor to shoot off one harquebuze or peece of artillerie for they fled away as fast as they could and their shippes wâ—re halfe diminished and that the best part of them the cost they repaired in Puerto Bello whereas they were about fortie dayes and so by that meanes they were all wâ—ll repayred and our shippes were very soule because the time would not peâ—mit vs to â—rim them I haue sayled 2 moneths and a halfe in the Admirall since we departed from Cartagena we haue not repaired their pumpes nor clensed them and the same day I departed tâ—enâ—e there câ—me vnto me a small Pinnesse in the like distresse our Uiceadmirall and the rest of our ships haue the like impediment but no great hinderance vnto vs for ought I could perceiue by our enemies It is manifest what aduantage they had of vs and by no meanes was it possible for vs to take them vnlesseâ— we could haue come to haue found them at an anker Neuerthelesse they left vs one good shippe behinde for our share well manned which tolde me that Drake died in Nombre de Dios and that they haue made for Generall of the English fleete the Colonel Quebraran and also by meanes of the small time being straightly followed by vs they had no opportunitie to take either water wood or flesh and they are also in such bad case that I know not how they will be able to arriue in England The number of men we haue taken are about an hundred and fortie and fifteene noble captaines of their best sort and some of them rich as well may appeare by their behauiour I haue no other thing to write at this time Our Lord keepe you who best can and as I desire From Hauaua the 30 of March 1596. DON BERNALDINO DELGADILLO DE AVELLANEDA THe Licenciat Don Iohn Bermudes of Figueroa Lieutenant of the Assistants of the citie of Siuill and the Prouince thereof who doth supply the office of the Assistant in the absence of the Right honourable the Earle of Priego giueth licence to Roderigo de Cabriera to imprint the Relation of the death of Francis Drake which onely he may do for two moneths and no other to imprint the same within the said terme vpon paine of tenne thousand Marauedis for his Maiesties chamber Giuen in Siuill the 15 of May 1596. The Licenciat Don Iohn Bermudes of Figueroa By his Assigne Gregorie Gutierez Notarie THis letter of the Generall Don Bernaldino sent into Spaine declaring the death of Sir Francis Drake and their supposed victorie was altogether receiued for an vndoubted trueth and so pleasing was this newes vnto the Spaniarde that there was present commandement giuen to publish the letter in print that all the people of Spaine might be pertakers of this common ioy the which letter printed in Siuill bearing date the 15 of May 1596 came to the hands of Henrie Sauile Esquire who being employed in that seruice for the West Indies and Captaine of her Maiesties good shippe the Aduenture vnder the conduct of sir Francis Drake and sir Iohn Hawkins hath caused the said printed letter to be translated into English And that the impudencie of the Spanish Generall may the more plainely appeare the sayde Henrie Sauile doth answere particularly to euery vntrueth in the same letter contayned as hereafter followeth The answere to the Spanish letter First the Generall doth say that Francis Drake died at Nombre de Dios as he had intelligence by an Indian THe Generall sent this newes into his countrey confirmed with his hand and seale of Armes It is the first newes in his letter and it was the best newes that he could send into Spaine For it did ease the stomackes of the timorous Spaniards greatly to heare of the death of him whose life was a scourge and continuall plague vnto them But it was a point of great simplicitie and scarcely befeeming a Generall to tie the credite of his report locally to any place vpon the report of a silly Indian slaue For it had bene sufficient to haue sayd that Francis Drake was certainly dead without publishing the lie in print by naming Nombre de Dios for it is most certaine sir Francis Drake died twixt the Iland of Escudo and Puerto Bello but the Generall being rauished with the suddaine ioy of this report as a man that hath escaped a great danger of the enemie doth breake out into an insolent kinde of bragging of his valour at Sea and heaping one lie vpon another doth not cease vntill he hath drawen them into sequences and so doth commende them vnto Peter the Doctor as censor of his learned worke Secondly The Generall doth write vnto the Doctor that Francis Drake died for very griefe that he had lost so many barkes and men A Thing very strange that the Generall or the Indian whom hee doth vouch for his lie should haue such speculation in the bodie of him whom they neuer saw as to deliuer for truth vnto his countrie the very cause or disease whereof hee died and this second report of his is more grosse then the first For admit the mistaking of the place might be tollerable notwithstanding this precise affirming the cause of his death doth manifestly prooue that the Generall doth make no conscience to lie And as concerning the losse of any Barkes or men in our Nauie by the valour of the Spaniard before Sir Francis Drake his death we had none one small Pinnesse excepted which we assuredly know was taken by chance falling single into a fleete of fiue Frigates of which was Generall Don Pedro Telio neere vnto the Iland of Dominica and not by the valour Don Bernaldino the which fiue Frigates of the kings afterwardes had but ill successe for one of them we burnt in the harbour of S. Iuan de Puerto rico and one other was sunke in the same harbour and the other three were burnt amongst many other shippes at the taking of Cadiz This I thinke in wise mens iudgements will seeme a silly cause to make
euery part of the Riuer so as we incamped vpon the bankes adioyning and sent off our Orenequepone which came with vs from Morequito to giue knowledge to the nations vpon the Riuer of our being there and that wee desired to see the Lordes of Canuria which dwelt within the prouince vpon that Riuer making them know that we were enemies to the Spaniards for it was on this Riuer side that Morequito slewe the Frier and those nine Spaniards which came from Manoa the Citie of Inga and tooke from them fourtie thousande pezos of golde so as the next day there came downe a Lord or Casique called Wanuretona with many people with him and brought all store of prouisions to entertaine vs as the rest had done And as I had before made my comming knowen to Topiawari so did I acquaint this Casique therewith and howe I was sent by her Maiestie for the purpose aforesaide and gathered also what I could of him touâ—hing the estate of Guiana and I founde that those also of Caroli were not onely enemies to the Spaniards but most of all to the Epuremei which abound in golde and by this Wanuretona I had knowledge that on the head of this Riuer were three mighty nations which were seated on a great lake from whence this Riuer descended were called Cassipagotos Eparagotos and Arawagotos and that all those either against the Spaniards or the Epuremei would ioyne with vs and that if wee entred the land ouer the mountaines of Curaa we should satisfie our selues with gold and all other good things he told vs farther of a nation called Iwarawaqueri before spoken off that held dayly warre with the Epuremei that inhabited Macureguarai the first ciuill towne of Guiana of the subiects of Inga the Emperour Upon this riuer one Captaine George that I tooke with Berâ—eo colde mee there was a great siluer Mine and that it was neere the banckes of the saide riuer But by this time as well Orenoque Caroli as all the rest of the riuers were risen foure or fiue foote in height so as it was not possible by the strength of any men or with any boat whatsoeuer to rowe into the Riuer against the streame I therefore sent Captaine Thyn Captaine Greenuile my nephew Iohn Gylbert my cosen Butshead Gorges Captaine Clarke and some thirtie shotte more to coast the Riuer by land and to goe to a towne some twentie miles ouer the valley called Amnatapoi and they found guides there to goe farther towards the mountaine foote to another great towne called Capurepana belonging to a Casique called Haharacoa that was a nephew to olde Topiawari King of Arromaia our chiefest friend because this towne and prouince of Capurepana adioyned to Macureguarai which was a frontier towne of the Empire and the meane while my selfe with Captaine Gifford Captaine Calfield Edward Hancocke and some halfe a dosen shotte marched ouer land to viewe the strange ouerfals of the riuer of Caroli which rored so farre off and also to see the plaines adioyning and the rest of the prouince of Canuri I sent also Captaine Whiddon William Connecke and some eight shotte with them to see if they coulde finde any Minerall stone alongst the riuer side When we were come to the tops of the first hilles of the plaines adioyning to the riuer we behelde that wonderfull breach of waters which ranne downe Caroli and might from the mountaine see the riuer howe it ranne in three parts aboue twentie miles off and there appeared some tenne or twelue ouerfals in sight euery one as high ouer the other as a Church-tower which fell with that fury that the rebound of water made it seeme as if it had bene all couered ouer with a great shower of raine and in some places wee tooke it at the first for a smoke that had risen ouer some great towne For mine owne part I was well perswaded from thence to haue returned being a very ill footeman but the rest were all so desirous to goe neere the saide strange thunder of waters as they drew me on by little and little till wee came into the next valley where we might better discerne the same I neuer saw a more beautifull countrey nor more liuely prospects hils so raised here and there ouer the valleys the riuer winding into diuers branches the plaines adioyning without bush or stubble all faire greene grasse the ground of hard sand easie to march on either for horse or foote the deere crossing in euery path the birdes towards the euening singing on euery tree with a thousand seuerall tunes cranes and herons of white crimson and carnation pearching in the riuers side the aire fresh with a gentle Easterly winde and euery stone that we stouped to take vp promised either golde or siluer by his complexion Your Lordship shall see of many sorts and I hope some of them cannot bee bettered vnder the Sunne and yet we had no meanes but with our daggers and fiâ—gers to teare them out here and there the rockes being most hard of that minerall Sparre aforesaide which is like a flint and is altogether as hard or harder and besides the veines lye a fathome or two deepe in the rockes But we wanted all things requisite saue onely our desires and good will to haue performed more if it had pleased God To be short when both our companies returned each of them brought also seuerall sorts of stones that appeared very faire but were such as they found loose on the ground and were for the most part but coloured and had not any golde fired in them yet such as had no iudgement or experience kept al that glistered and would not be perswaded but it was rich because of the lustre and brought of those and of Marquesite with all from Trinidad and haue deliuered of those stones to be tried in many places and haue thereby bred an opinion that all the rest is of the same yet some of these stones I shewed afterward to a Spaniard of the Caracas who tolde mee that it was El Madre del oro that is the mother of gold and that the Mâ—ne was farther in the ground But it shall be found a weake policie in me either to betray my selfe or my countrey with imaginations neither am I so farre in loue with that lodging watching care perill diseases ill sauours bad fare and many other mischiefes that accompany these voyages as to wâ—o my selfe againe into any of them were I not assured that the Sunne couereth not so much riches in any part of the earth Captaine Whiddon and our Chirurgâ—on Nicholas Millechap brought mee a kinde of stones like Saphires what they may proue I know not I shewed tâ—em to some of the Orenoqueponi and they promised to bring mee to a mountaine that had of them very large pieces growing Diamond wise whether it be Christall of the mountaine Bristol-Diamond or Saphire I doe not yet knâ—w but I hope the
thence to another Cape passing the line Equinoctial called Capo de bona speransa and from Portingal to the Cape is 1800 leagues and from this Cape to the Islands of Spicerie of the Emperour is 2500. leagues So that this nauigation amounteth all to 4300. leagues So that as afore is sayd if between our New found lands or Norway or Island the seas toward the North be nauigable we should goe to these Islands a shorter way by more then 2000. leagues And though we went not to the sayd Islandes for that they are the Emperours or kings of Portingal wee shoulde by the way and comming once to the line Equinoctiall finde landes no lesse riche of golde and Spicerie as all other landes are vnder the sayd line Equinoctiall and also should if we may passe vnder the North enioy the nauigation of all Tartarie Which should be no lesse profitable to â—ur commodities of cloth then these Spiceries to the Emperour and king of Portingal But it is a generall opinion of all Cosmographers that passing the seuenth clime the sea is all ice and the colde so much that none can suffer it And hitherto they had all the like opinion that vnder the line Equinoctiall for much heate the land was vnhabitable Yet since by experience is proued no land so much habitable nor more temperate And to conclude I thiuke the same should be found vnder the North if it were experimented For as all iudge Nihil fit vacuum in rerum natura So I iudge there is no land vnhabitable nor Sea innauigable If I should write the reason that presenteth this vnto me I should be too prolixe and it seemeth not requisite for this present matter God knoweth that though by it I should haue no great interest yet I haue had and still haue no litle mind of this businesse So that if I had facultie to my will it should be the first thing that I woulde vnderstand euen to attempt if our Seas Northward be nauigable to the Pole or no. I reason that as some sickenesses are hereditarious and come from the father to the sonne so this inclination or desire of this discouerie I inherited of my father which with another marchant of Bristow named Hugh Eliot were the discouerers of the New found lands of the which there is no doubt as nowe plainely appeareth if the mariners would then haue bene ruled and followed their Pilots minde the lands of the West Indies from whence all the gold commeth had bene ours For all is one coast as by the Carde appeareth and is aforesayd Also in this Carde by the coastes where you see C. your Lordship shall vnderstand it is set for Cape or headland where I. for Iland where P. for Port where R. for Riuer Also in all this little Carde I thinke nothing be erred touching the situation of the land saue onely in these Ilands of Spicerie which for that as afore is sayd eueryone setteth them after his minde there can be no certification how they stand I doe not denie that there lacke many things that a consummate Carde should haue or that a right good demonstration desireth For there should be expressed all the mountaines and Riuers that are principall of name in the earth with the names of Portes of the sea the names of all principall cities which all I might haue set but not in this Carde for the little space would not consent Your Lordship may see that setting the names almost of euery Region and yet not of all the roome is occupied Many Islands are also left out for the said lack of roome the names almost of all Portes put to silence with the roses of the windes or points of the compasse For that this is not for Pilots to sayle by but a summary declaration of that which your Lordship commanded And if by this your Lordship cannot wel perceiue the meaning of this Card of the which I would not marueile by reason of the rude composition of it will it please your Lordship to aduise mee to make a bigger and a better Mappe or els that I may cause one to be made For I know my selfe in this and all other nothing perfect but Licet semper discens nunquam tamen ad perfectam scientiam perueniens Also I know to set the forme Sphericall of the world in Plano after the true rule of Cosmographie it would haue bene made otherwise then this is howbeit the demonstration should not haue bene so plaine And also these degrees of longitude that I set in the lower part of this card should haue bin set along by the line Equinoctiall so then must be imagined For the degrees of longitude neere either of the poles are nothing equall in bignesse to them in the Equinoctiall But these are set so for that setting them along the Equinoctial it would haue made obscure a great part of the map Many other curiosities may be required which for the nonce I did not set downe as well for that the intent I had principally was to satisfie your doubt touching the spicerie as for that I lack leasure and time I trust your Lordship correcting that which is erred will accept my good will which is to doe any thing that I may in your Lordships seruice But from henceforth I knowe your Lordship will rather commaund me to keepe silence then to be large when you shall be wearied with the reading of this discourse Iesus prosper your estate and health Your Lordships Robert Thorne 1527. ALso this Carde and that which I write touching the variance betweene the Emperour and the king of Portingall is not to be shewed or communicated there with many of that court For though there is nothing in it preiudiciall to the Emperour yet it may be a cause of paine to the maker as well for that noue may make these Cardes but certaine appointed and allowed for masters as for that peraduenture it would not sound well to them that a stranger should know or discouer their secretes and would appeare worst of all if they vnderstand that I write touching the short way to the spicerie by our Seas Though peraduenture of troth it is not to be looked to as a thing that by all opinions is vnpossible and I thinke neuer will come to effect and therefore neither here nor else where is it to be spoken of For to moue it amongst wise men it should bee had in derision And therefore to none I would haue written nor spoken of such things but to your Lordship to whom boldly I commit in this all my foolish fantasie as to my self But if it please God that into England I may come with your Lordship I will shew some coniectures of reason though against the generall opinion of Cosmographers by which shall appeare this that I say not to lacke some foundation And till that time I beseeche your Lordship let it be put to silence and in the meane
such good and profitable things as are found in their Countries to remote regions and kingdomes and againe to bring from the same such things as they find there commodious for their owne Countries both aswell that the people to whom they goe may not be destitute of such commodities as their Countries bring not foorth to them as that also they may be partakers of such things whereof they abound For the God of heauen and earth greatly prouiding for mankinde would not that all things should be found in one region to the ende that one should haue neede of another that by this meanes friendship might be established among all men and euery one seeke to gratifie all For the establishing and furtherance of which vniuersall amitie certaine men of our Realme mooued heereunto by the said desire haue instituted and taken vpon them a voyage by sea into farre Countreis to the intent that betweene our people and them a way may bee opened to bring in and cary ouâ— marchandizes desiring vs to further their enterprise Who assenting to their petition haue licensed the right valiant and worthy Sir Hugh Willoughby knight and other our trusty and faithfull seruants which are with him according to their desire to goe to countreis to them heeretofore vnknowen aswell to seeke such things as we lacke as also to cary vnto them from our regions such things as they lacke So that hereby not onely commoditie may ensue both to them and vs but also an indissoluble and perpetuall league of friendship be established betweene vs both while they permit vs to take of their things such whereof they haue abundance in their regions and we againe grant them such things of ours whereof they are destitute We therfore desire you kings princes and al other to whom there is any power on the earth to permit vnto these our seruants free passage by your regions and dominions for they shall not touch any thing of yours vnwilling vnto you Consider you that they also are men If therefore they shall stand in neede of any thing we desire you of all humanitie and for the nobilitie which is in you to ayde and helpe them with such things as they lacke receiuing againe of them such things as they shall bee able to giue you in râ—compense Shew your selues so towards them as you would that we and our subiects should shewe our selues towards your seruants if at any time they shall passe by our regions Thus doing we promise you by the God of all things that are contained in heauen earth and the Sea and by the life and tranquillitie of our kingdomes that we will with like humanitie accept your seruants if at any time they shall come to our kingdomes where they shall as friendly and gently bee entertained as if they were borne in our Dominions that wee may hereby recompence the fauour and benignitie which you haue shewed to our men Thus after we haue desired you Kings and princes c. with all humanity and fauour to entertaine our welbeloued seruants we will pray our Almighty God to graunt you long life and peace which neuer shall haue ende Written in London which is the chiefe Citie of our kingdome in the yeere from the creatâ—on of the world 5515. in the moneth of Iiar the foureteenth day of the moneth and seuenth yeere of our reigne This letter was written also in Greeke and diuers other languages The true copie of a note found written in one of the two ships to wit the Speranza which wintred in Lappia where sir Hugh Willoughby and all his companie died being frozen to death Anno 1553. THe voiage intended for the discouerie of Cathay and diuers other regions dominioâ—s Islands and places vnknowen set forth by the right worshipful master Sebastian Cabota Esquire and Gouernour of the mysterie and company of the Marchants Aduenturers of the citie of London which fleete being furnished did set forth the tenth day of May 1553. and in the seuenth yeere of our most dread Soueraigne Lord and King Edward the sixt The names of the shippes of the fleete and of their burden together with the names of the Captaines and Counsellors Pilot Maior Masters of the ships Marchants with other officers and Mariners as hereafter followeth The Bona Esperanza Admirall of the fleete of 120. tunnes hauing with her a pinnesse and a boate Sir Hugh Willoughby knight Captaine generall of the fleete William Gefferson Master of the shippe Roger Wilson his Mate William Gittons Charles Barret Gabriel Willoughby Iohn Andrews Alexander Woodfoord Ralph Chatterton Marchants Mariners and officers according to the custome and vse of the Seas Iohn Brooke Master Gunner Nicholas Anthony Boateswaine Iohn Web his Mate Christopher Banbrucke Thomas Dauison Robert Rosse Thomas Simpson quarter Masters William White Iames Smith Thomas Painter Iohn Smith their Mates Richard Gwinne George Goiswine Carpenters Robert Gwinne Purser Laurence Edwards his Mate and Couper Richard Morgan Cooke Thomas Nashe his Mate William Light Iohn Brande Cutbert Chelfie George Blage Thomas Walker Thomas Allen Edward Smith Edward Hunt Iohn Fawkner Rowland Brooke Alexander Gardiner Richard Molton Surgeons which two were taken in at Harwich Discharged at Harwich by reason of sicknes George Blake Nicholas Anthony For pickerie ducked at the yards arme and so discharged Thomas Nash. The Edward Bonauenture of 160. tunnes with her a pinnesse and a boate Richard Chancelor Captaine and Pilot maior of the fleete Stephen Borowgh Master of the ship Iohn Buckland his Mate George Burton Arthur Edwards Marchants Iohn Stafford Minister Iames Dallaber Nicholas Newborrow Iohn Segswike Thomas Francis Iohn Hasse Richard Iohnson William Kempe Mariners and officers according to the custome and vse of the Seas Robert Stanton Master Gunner Iohn Walker his Mate Iames Long Iohn Cocks Gunners Thomas Walter Surgeon Peter Palmer Boateswaine Richard Strowde his Mate Iohn Robinson Iohn Carowe Thomas Stone Roger Lishbie quarter Masters Iohn Austen Steward Patricke Steuens his Mate Austen Iacks Cooke William Euery Cowper Griffin Wagham Carpenter Thomas Stelston Thomas Townes Iohn Robinson Iohn White William Laurence Miles Butter Iohn Browne William Morren William Watson Thomas Handcocks Edward Pacie Thomas Browne Arthur Pet George Phibarie Edward Patterson William Beare Iohn Potter Nicholas Lawrence William Burrough Roger Welford Iohn Williams The Bona Confidentia of 90. tunnes hauing with her a pinnesse and a boate Cornelius Durfoorth Master of the shippe Richard Ingram his Mate Thomas Langlie Edward Keuer Henrie Dorset Marchants Mariners and officers according to the vse and custome of the Sea Henrie Tailer Master Gunner George Thurland his Mate Wiliam Hamane Boateswaine Iohn Edwards his Mate Thomas Kirbie Henrie Dickenson Iohn Haye William Shepwash quarter Masters Iohn Reyne Steward Thomas Hante Cooke William Lassie his Mate Nicholas Knight Carpenter Peter Lewike Nicholas Wiggleworth Iohn Moore William Chapman Brian Chester William Barrie Richard Wood Clement Gibson Iohn Clarocke Erasmus Bently Iohn Duriforth The
English knight against the Moores of Alger to Barbary and to Spaine 67 40 The voyage of Henrie Earle of Derby after Duke of Hereford and lastly Henry the fourth king of England with an army of Englishmen to Tunis in Barbary 69 41 The trauailes and memorable victories of Iohn Hawkwood Englishman in diuerse places of Italy in the reigne of Richard the second 70 42 The voyage of Lord Iohn of Holland Earle of Huntington brother by the mother to K. Richard the second to Ierusalem and S. Katherins mount Anno 1394. 70 43 The voyage of Thomas Lord Mowbrey duke of Norfolke to Ierusalem in the yeere of our Lord 1399. 70 44 The voyage of the bishop of Winchester to Ierusalem Anno 1417. 71 45 A voyage intended by king Henry the fourth to the holy land against the Saracens and Infidels Anno 1413. 71. 72 46 A voyage made with two ships called The holy Crosse and The Matthew Gunson to the Isles of Candia and Chio about the yeere 1534. 98 47 Another voyage vnto Candia and Chio made by the foresayd ship called The Matthewâ— Gunson Anno 1535. 98 48 The voyage of the valiant Esquire M. Peter Read to Tunis in Barbarie 1538 recorded in his Epitaph 99 49 The voyage of Sir Thomas Chaloner to Alger with the Emperour Charles the fift Anno 1541. 99 50 The voyage of M. Roger Bodenâ—am with the great barke Aucher to Candia and Chio Anno 1550. 99 51 The voyage of M. Iohn Lok to Ierusalem Anno 1553. 101 52 The voyage of Iohn Foxe to the Streit of Gibraltar in a ship called The three halfe-moones Anno 1563. And his worthy enterprize in deliuering 266 Christians from the captiuitie of the Turkes at Alexandria Anno 1577. 131.132 53 The voyage of M. Laurence Aldersey to the cities of Ierusalem and Tripolis in the yeere 1581. 150 54 The voyage of The Susan of London to Constantinople wherein M. William Hareborne was sent first Ambassadour vnto Zuldan Murad Can the great Turke Anno 1582. 165 55 The voyage of a ship called The Iesus to Tripolis in Barbary Anno 1583. 184 56 The voyage of M. Henry Austel by Venice to Ragusa and thence ouer-land to Constantinople and from thence through Moldauia Polonia Silesia and Germany into England Anno 1586. 194 57 The voyage of Master Cesar Frederick into the east India and beyonde the Indies Anno 1563. 213 58 The long dangerous and memorable voyage of M. Ralph Fitch marchant of London by the way of Tripolis in Syria to Ormuz to Goa in the East India to Cambaia to the riuer of Ganges to Bengala to Bacola to Chonderi to Pegu to Siam c. begunne in the yeere 1583 and ended in the yeere 1591. 250 59 The voyage of M. Iohn Eldred to Tripolis in Syria by sea and from thence by land and riuer to Babylon and Balsara Anno 1583. 268 60 The voyage of M. Iohn Euesham by sea into AEgypt Anno 1586. 281 61 The voyage of M. Laurence Aldersey to the cities of Alexandria and Cairo in Aegypt Anno 1586. 282 62 The voyage of fiue marchants ships of London into Turkie and their valiant fight in their returne with 11 gallies and two frigats of the king of Spaine at Pantalarea within the Streits of Gibraltar Anno 1586. 285 63 The voyage of Master William Hareborne ouer-land from Constantinople to London Anno 1588. 289 64 A description of a voyage to Constantinople and Syria begun the 21 of March 1593 and ended the ninth of August 1595 wherein is shewed the manner of deliuering the second present by M. Edward Barton her Maiesties ambassadour which was sent from her Maiestie to Sultan Murad Can the Emperour of Turkie 33 The Ambassages Letters Priuileges Discourses Aduertisements and other obseruations depending vpon the Voyages contayned in the first part of this second Volume 1 A Testimony that the Britons were in Italy and Greece with the Cimbrians and Gauls before the incarnation of Christ. pag. 1 2 A testimony that certain Englishmen were of the guard of the Emperour of Constantinople in the time of Iohn the sonne of Alexius Comnenus 17 3 A great supply of money sent to the Holy land by King Henry the second 18 4 A letter written from Manuel the Emperour of Constantinople vnto Henry the second King of England Ann. 1177 wherein mention is made that certaine of king Henries noblemen and subiects were present with the sayd Emperour in a battel against the Soldan of Iconium 18 5 A note drawen out of a very auncient booke in the custodie of the right Wor. M. Thomas Tilney Esquire touching Sir Fredericke Tilney his ancester knighted for his valour at Acon in the Holyland by king Richard the first 29 6 A large contribution to the succour of the holy land made by king Iohn king of England Anno 1201. 30 7 The comming of Baldwin the Emperour of Constantinople into England An. 1247. 31 8 A testimony concerning Anthony Beck bishop of Duresme that he was elected Patriarke of Ierusalem and confirmed by Clement the 5 bishop of Rome Anno 1305. 39 9 The comming of Lyon king of Armenia into England Anno 1â—86 to make a treaty of peace betweene Richard the second king of England and the French king 67 10 The comming of the Emperour of Constantinople into England to desire the ayde of king Henry the fourth against the Turkes Anno 1400. 70 11 A relation of the siege and taking of the citie of Rhodes by Sultan Soliman the great Turke Wherein honorable mention is made of diuers valiant English knights Anno 1522. 72 12 An ambassage from Don Ferdinando brother to the Emperour Charles the fift vnto King Henry the eight crauing his ayde against Soliman the great Turke An. 1527. 95 13 The antiquitie of the trade of English marchants vnto the remote parts of the Leuant seas Anno 1511 1512 c. 96 14 A letter of Henry the eight king of England to Iohn the third king of Portugale for a Portugale ship fraighted at Chio with the goods of Iohn Gresham William Lok and others and wrongfully vnladen in Portugale Anno 1531. 96 15 The maner of the entring of Soliman the great Turke with his army into Alepo in Syria as hee was marching toward Persia agaiâ—st the great Sophi Anno 1553. 112 16 A note of the presents that were giuen at the same time in Alepo to the Grand Signor and the names of the presenters 113 17 The safe conduct granted by Sultan Soliman the great Turke to M. Anthony Ienkinson at Alepo in Syria Anno 1553. 114 18 A discourse of the trade to Chio written by Gaspar Campion in the yeere 1569. 114 19 A letter of the sayd Gaspar Campion to M. William Winter in the yeare 1569. 116 20 A briefe description of the Isle of Cyprus 119 21 A report of the siege and taking of Famagusta the strongest citie in al Cyprus by Mustafa Bassa Generall of the great Turkes army Anno 1571. 121 22 The
sumus Indè archiepiscopi ceterique principes imperij Alemanniam per dextram repetentes nos versùs Franciam ad sinistram declinantes cum inenarrabilibus gratijs osculis ab inuicem discessimus Et tandem de triginta equitibus qui de Normannia pingues exiuimus vix viginti pauperes peregrini omnes pedites macie multa attenuati reuersi sumus The same in English I Ingulphus an humble seruant of reuerend Guthlac and of his monastery of Croiland borne in England and of English parents at the beautifull citie of London was in my youth for the attaining of good letters placed first at Westminster and afterward sent to the Uniuersitie of Oxford And hauing excelled diuers of mine equals in learning of Aristotle I inured my selfe somewhat vnto the first second Rhethorique of Tullie And as I grew in age disdayning my parents meane estate and forsaking mine owne natiue soyle I affected the Courts of kings and princes and was desirous to be clad in silke and to weare braue and costly attire And loe at the same time William our souereigne king now but then Erle of Normandie with a great troup of followers and attendants came vnto London to conferre with king Edward the Counfessour his kinsman Into whose company intruding my selfe and proffering my seruice for the performance of any speedy or weightie affayres in short time after I had done many things with goood successe I was knowen and most entirely beloued by the victorious Erle himselfe and with him I sayled into Normandie And there being made his secretarie I gouerned the Erles Court albeit with the enuie of some as my selfe pleased yea whom I would I abased and preferred whom I thought good When as therefore being carried with a youthfull heat and lustie humour I began to be wearie euen of this place wherein I was aduanced so high aboue my parentage and with an inconstant minde and affection too too ambitious most vehemently aspired at all occasions to climbe higher there went a report throughout all Normandie that diuers Archbishops of the Empire and secular princes were desirous for their soules health and for deuotion sake to goe on pilgrimage to Ierusalem Wherefore out of the family of our lorde the Earle sundry of vs both gentlemen and clerkes principall of whom was my selfe with the licence and good will of our sayd lord the earle sped vs on that voiage and trauailing thirtie horses of vs into high Germanie we ioyned our selues vnto the Archbishop of Mentz And being with the companies of the Bishops seuen thousand persons sufficiently prouided for such an expedition we passed prosperously through many prouinces and at length attained vnto Constantinople Where doing reuerence vnto the Emperour Alexius we sawe the Church of Sancta Sophia and kissed diuers sacred reliques Departing thence through Lycia we fell into the hands of the Arabian theeues and after we had bene robbed of infinite summes of money and had lost many of our people hardly escaping with extreame danger of our liues at length wee ioyfully entered into the most wished citie of Ierusalem Where we were receiued by the most reuerend aged and holy patriarke Sophronius with great melodie of cymbals and with torch-light and were accompanied vnto the most diuine Church of our Sauiour his sepulchre with a solemne procession aswell of Syrians as of Latines Here how many prayers we vttered what abundance of teares we shed what deepe sighs we breathed foorth our Lord Iesus Christ onely knoweth Wherefore being conducted from the most glorious sepulchre of Christ to visite other sacred monuments of the citie we saw with weeping eyes a great number of holy Churches and oratories which Achim the Souldan of Egypt had lately destroyed And so hauing bewailed with sadde teares and most sorowful and bleeding affections all the ruines of that most holy city both within and without and hauing bestowed money for the reedifying of some we desired with most ardent deuotion to go forth into the countrey to wash our selues in the most sacred riuer of Iordan and to kisse all the steppes of Christ. Howbeit the theeuish Arabians lurking vpon euery way would not suffer vs to trauell farre from the city by reason of their huge and furious multitudes Wherefore about the spring there arriued at the port of Ioppa a fleet of ships from Genoa In which fleet when the Christian merchants had exchanged all their wares at the coast townes and had likewise visited the holy plâ—ces wee all of vs embarked committing our selues to the seas and being tossed with many stormes and tempests at length wee arriued at Brundusium and so with a prosperous iourney trauelling thorow Apulia towaâ—ds Rome we there visited the habitations of the holy apostles Peter and Paul and did reuerence vnto diuers monuments of holy martyrs in all places thorowout the city From thence the archbishops and other princes of the empire trauelling towards the right hand for Alemain and we declining towards the left hand for France departed asunder taking our leaues with vnspeakable thankes and courtesies And so at length of thirty horsemen which went out of Normandie fat Iusly and frolique we returned thither skarse twenty poore pilgrims of vs being all footmen and consumed with leannesse to the bare bones ¶ Diuers of the honourable family of the Beauchamps with Robert Curtoys sonne of William the Conqueror made a voyage to Ierusalem 1096. Hol. pag. 22. vol. 2. POpe Vrbane calling a councell at Clermont in Auuergne exhorted the Christian princes so earnestly to make a iourney into the Holy land for the recouery thereof out of the Saracens hands that the saide great and generall iourney was concluded vpon to be taken in hand wherein many noble men of Christendome went vnder the leading of Godfrey of Bouillon others as in the Chronicles of France of Germanie and of the Holy land doeth more plainely appeare There went also among other diuers noble men foorth of this Realme of England specially that worthily bare the surname of Beauchampe ¶ The voyage of Gutuere an English Lady maried to Balduine brother of Godfreide duke of Bouillon toward Ierusalem about 1097. And the 11. yeere of William Rufus King of England THe Christian armie of Godfrie of Bouillon passing the citie of Iconium alias Agogna in the countrey of Licaonia and from thence by the city of Heraclia came at length vnto the citie of Marasia where they encamped and soiourned there three whole dayes because of the wife of Balduine brother germane of the duke of Loraigne Which Lady being long time vexed with a grieuous malady was in extremitie where at length paying the debt due to nature she changed this transitorie lite for life eternall Who in her life time was a very worthy and vertuous Lady borne in England and descended of most noble parentage named Gutuere Which according to her degree was there most honourably enterred to the great griefe of all the whole armie As reporteth William
aliue which being once knowen in the citie of Achon as it was a great discomfort to them so it was a great helpe to the Christians for winning the citie The next day aster which was the seuenth of Iune king Richard came to Achon which at that time had bene long besieged by the Christians After whose comming it was not long but the Pagans within the citie seeing their wals to be vndermined and towers ouerthrowen were driuen by composition to escape with life and limme to surrender the citie to the two kings Another great helpe to the Christians in winning the citie was this In the said city of Achon there was a secret Christian among the Saracens who in time of the siege thereof vsed at sundry times to cast ouer the wals into the campe of the Christians certaine bils written in Hebrue Greeke and Latine wherein he disclosed to the Christians from time to time the doings and counsels of the enemies aduertising them how and what way they should worke and what to beware and alwayes his letters began thus In nomine Patris Filij Spiritus sancti Amen By reason whereof the Christians were much aduantaged in their proceedings but this was a great heauines vnto them that neither he would vtter his name nor when the citie was got did they euer vnderstand who he was To make of a long siege a short narration Upon the twelfth day of Iuly the yeere aforesaid the Princes and Captaines of the Pagans vpon agreement resorted to the tent of the Templaries to commune with the two kings touching peace and giuing vp of their citie the forme of which peace was thus 1 That the Kings should haue the citie of Achon freely and fully deliuered vnto them with all which was therein 2 That 500. captiues of the Christians should be restored to them which were in Achon 3 That the holy crosse should be to them rendred and a thousand Christian captiues with two hundreth horsemen whosoeuer they themselues would chose out of all them which were in the power of the Saladine 4 That they would giue vnto the Kings two hundreth thousand Bysants so that they themselues should remaine as pledges in the Kings hands for the performance hereof that if in fortie daies the aforesayd couenauts were not accomplished they should abide the Kings mercie touching life and limme These couenants being agreed vpon the Kings sent their souldiers and seruants into the citie to take a hundreth of the richest best of the city to close them vp in towers vnder strong keeping the residue they committed to be kept in houses and in streetes ministring vnto them according to their necessities to whom notwithstanding this they premitted that so many of them as would be baptized and receiue the faith of Christ should be free to goe whither they would wherupon many there were of the Pagans which for feare of death pretended to be baptized but afterward so soone as they could reuolted againe to the Saladine for the which it was afterward commauded by the Kings that none of them should be baptized against their wils The thirteenth day of the said moneth of Iuly King Philip of France and king Richard after they had obteined the possession of Achon deuided betweene them all things therein conteined as well the people as golde and siluer with all other furniture whatsoeuer was remaining in the citie who in deuiding the spoyle were so good caruers to themselues that the Knights and Barons had but litle to their share whereupon they began to shâ—w themselues somewhat discontented which being knowen of the kings they sent them answere that their wils should be satisfied The twentieth day of Iuly king Richard speaking with the French King desired him that they two with their armies would binde themselues by othe to remaine there stil in the land of Ierusalem the space of 3. yeeres for the winning and recouering againe of those countreys but he sayd he would sweare no such othe and so the next day after king Richard with his wife and sister entred into the citie of Achon and there placed himselfe in the kings pallace The French king remayning in the houses of the Templaries where he continued till the end of that moneth About the beginning of the moneth of August Philip the French king after that he and King Richard had made agreement betweene Guido Conradus the Marques about the kingdome of Ierusalem went from Achon to Tyrus notwithstanding king Richard all the Princes of the Christian armie with great intreatie desired him to tary shewing what a shame it were for him to come so farre and now to leaue vndone that for which he came and on the 3. day of August departed from Tyrus leauing the halfe part of the Citie of Achon in the hands of the aforesayd Conradus Marques After his departure the Pagans refused to keepe their couenants made who neither would restore the holy Crosse nor the money nor their captiues sending word to king Richard that if he beheaded the pledges left with him at Achon they would choppe off the heads of such captiues of the Christians as were in their hands Shortly after this the Saladine sending great gifts to king Richard requested the time limited for beheading of the captiues to be proroged but the king refused to take his gifts and to graunt his request whereupon the Saladine caused all the Christian captiues within his possession forthwith to be beheaded which was the 28. of August which albeit king Richard vnderstood yet would not he preuent the time before limitted for the execution of his prisoners being the 20. day of August vpon which day he caused the prisoners of the Saracens openly in the sight of the Saladines armie to loose their heads the number of whom came to two thousand and fiue hundreth saue onely that certaine of the principal of them he reserued for purposes and considerations especially to make exchange for the holy Crosse and certaine other of the Christian captiues After this king Richard purposed to besâ—â—ge the Citie of Ioppe where by the way betwene Achon and Ioppe neere to a towne called Assur Saladine with a great multitude of his Saracens came fiercely against the kings rereward but through Gods mercifull grace in the same battell the kings warriers acquited themselues so well that the Saladine was put to flight whom the Christians pursued the space of 3. miles he lost that same day many of his Nobles Captaines in such sort as it was thought that the Saladine was not put to such confusion 40. yeres before and but one Christian Captaine called Iames Auernus in that conâ—lict was ouerthrowen From thence king Richard proceeding further went to Ioppe and then to Ascalon where he found first the citie of Ioppe forsaken of the Saracens who durst not abide the kings comming Ascalon the Saladine threw downe to the ground likewise forsooke the whole land
stout readinesse of the Souldiours our wine and flesh as well powdered as vnpowdered was spent nor there was any Cheese to be gotten but vpon an vnreasonable price our company hauing eaten vp their Horses Asses and Cats for lacke of other victualls there was nothing left to be eaten but a small quantitie of Bread and Beanes and we dranke water and Uineger together whereof was not much left When that we perceiued that our enemies had digged and cast vp three mines in the Commander of the gate they labouring in all places more diligently then euer they did before bringing into the ditch ouer against the battery of the Cortaine a hill of earth as high as the wall and already they came to the wall aboue the Counterscharfe ouer against the Turrion of the Arsenall and had made one Commander complete fenced with shares like vnto plough shares in proportion and height correspondent to ours Within the Citie were remaining but fiue hundreth Italian Souldiours who were not hurt yet very faint and weary by their long watching and paines in fighting in those feruent and burning heates which are in those parts And the greater and better part also of the Grecians were by this time slaine whenas the chiefe of those Citizens remaining did fully resolue themselues the which was about the twentieth day of Iuly to present a supplication in writing to that noble gentleman Bragadino Proueditore desiring and beseeching him that seeing their Citie and Fortresse was thus battered and brought to extremitie without â—ufficient ayde to defend the same without substance or sustenance hauing no hope of succour or any newe supply they hauing spent and consumed not onely their goods but also their liues for the defence of them and in testifying of their dutifull seruice towardes the noble and royall state of the Segniorie of Venice that it might nowe please him and the rest of the honourable Gouernours that were present and put in trust hauing a carefull eye vnto some honourable conditions to haue now at the last a respect to the credit and honour of their long trauelled wiues and the safegard of their poore children which otherwise were shortly very like to be a pray to their bloudthirsting and rauening enemies To the which letter or supplication speedy answere was made by the forenamed honourable Bragadino comforting them that they should by no meanes abate their courage and that shortly he looked for succour from the Segniorie diminishing as much as hee might the feare which they had conceiued in their hearts dispatching and sending away suddenly from Cyprus into Candia a Pinnesse to certifie the duke and gouernours there in what extremitie they were The Turkes by this time had ended their mines and set them on fire the 29. of Iuly in the which space our men according as they were woont to doe renued and made vp againe the vaimures ruined before by the Ordinance and hauing no other stuffe left to aduaunce them with made sackes of Kersie vnto the which the noble Tiepolo diligently looked The three mines of the Commander did great damage to vs hauing throwen downe the greater part of the earth whereas the gouernour Randacchi was slaine The mine of the Arsenall ouerthrew all the rest of the Turrion hauing smoldered and choked one whole garrison of our souldiers the two flanckers onely still remaining The fift Assault THe enemies trauelled much to become masters of those foresayd flankers and to sally foorth by the other batteries and this assault lasted from three of the clocke in the after noone vntil night where and at what time were slaine very many of our enemies In this assault Sig. Giacomo Strambali amongst the rest shewed much worthinesse as hee had done before in other conflictes The sixt and last assault THe next morning following at the breake of the day they assailed all places the which assault continued more then sixe houres with very little hurt on our side because our enemies fought more coldly then they were wont to doe annoying of vs continually on the Sea side with their Gallies shooting in all their assaults and batteries continually Cannon shot in all parts of the Citie as neere as they might After we had defended and repulsed this assault and perceiued things brought to a narrower straite then they were wont to be at wee hauing left in all the whole Citie but seuen barrels of pouder the gouernours of the Citie fully determined to yeelde vp themselues and the Citie with honourable conditions Wherefore the first of August in the after noone they tooke a truce one being come for that purpose from Mustafa the Generall with whom they concluded the next morning following to giue two hostages a piece vntill such time as both armies were agreed For our hostages by the appointment of the right honourable Bragadino were sent foorth the earle Hercole Martinengo and Signior Matteo Colsi a Citizen of Famagusta and from our enemies came into the Citie the Lieutenant of Mustafa and the Aga of the Giannizzers the which were met euen vnto the gate of the Citie of Signiour Baglione with two hundreth harquebusers ours also were met in like maner with great pompe with horsemen and harquebusers with the sonne also of Mustafa in person who made very much of them The Lord Baglione imparld with these hostages which were then come for that purpose of the articles of peace requiring by them of their Generall their liâ—es armour and goods fiâ—e peeces of Ordinance three of the best horses and safe passage from thence vnto Candia accompanied with their Gallies and last of all that the Grecians inhabiting the Island might dwell there still quietly and enioy peaceably their owne goods and possessions liuing still Christians hereafter as they had done before All the which requests and articles were agreed vpon granted and subscribed vnto by the hand of Mustafa Foorthwith were sent Gallies and other vessels into the hauen so that our souldiers immediatly began to imbarke themselues of the which the greater part were already gone aboorde the Nobilitie and our chiefe Captaines also being likewise very desirous to depart The 15. of August in the morning the worthy Bragadino sent me with a letter vnto Mustafa by the which hee signified that the same night hee would come vnto him to deliuer vp the keyes of the Citie and that he would leaue in the holde the honourable gentleman Tiepolo praying him therefore that whilest hee should haue iust cause thus to bee abroad that there might be no harme done at home and in the Citie The Turkes from our truce taking vntill that time practised with vs all familiarly and without any suspition of sinister or double dealing they hauing shewed vs much courtesie both in word and deede Mustafa himselfe by worde of mouth presently answered me to this letter in this sort that I should returne and make relation to this noble man Bragadino who had sent mee that he
that way that they were now in a newe maze thinking that God had forsaken them and left them to a greater danger And forasmuch as there were no victuals now left in the gally it might haue beene a cause to them if they had beene the Israelites to haue murmured against their God but they knew how that their God who had deliuered them out of AEgypt was such a louing and mercifull God as that hee would not suffer them to be conformded in whom he had wrought so great a wonder but what calamitie soeuer they sustained they knew it was but for their further triall and also in putting them in mind of their farther miserie to cause them not to triumph and glory in themselues therefore Hauing I say no victuals in the gally it might seeme that one miserie continually fel vpon an others neck but to be briefe the famine grew to be so great that in 28 dayes wherein they were on the sea there died eight persons to the astonishment of all the rest So it fell out that vpon the 29 day after they set from Alexandria they fell on the Isle of Candie and landed at Gallipoli where they were made much of by the Abbot and Monks there who caused them to stay there while they were well refreshed and eased They kept there the sworde wherewith Iohn Fox had killed the keeper esteeming it as a most precious iewell and hung it vp for a monument When they thought good hauing leaue to depart from thence they sayled along the coast till they arriued at Tarento where they solde their gallie and deuided it euery man hauing a part thereof The Turkes receiuing so shamefull a foile at their hand pursued the Christians and scoured the seas where they could imagine that they had bent their course And the Christians had departed from thence on the one day in the morning and seuen gallies of the Turkes came thither that night as it was certified by those who followed Fox and his companie fearing least they should haue bene met with And then they came a foote to Naples where they departed a sunder euery man taking him to his next way home From whence Iohn Fox tooke his iourney vnto Rome where he was well entertayned of an Englishman who presented his worthy deede vnto the Pope who rewarded him liberally and gaue him his letters vnto the king of Spaine where he was very well entertained of him there who for this his most worthy enterprise gaue him in fee twentie pence a day From whence being desirous to come into his owne countrie he came thither at such time as he conueniently could which was in the yeere of our Lorde God 1579. Who being come into England went vnto the Court and shewed all his trauell vnto the Councell who considering of the state of this man in that hee had spent and lost a great part of his youth in thraldome and bondage extended to him their liberalitie to helpe to maintaine him now in age to their right honour and to the incouragement of all true hearted Christians The copie of the certificate for Iohn Fox and his companie made by the Prior and the brethren of Gallipoli where they first landed VVE the Prior and Fathers of the Couent of the Amerciates of the city of Gallipoli of the order of Preachers doe testifie that vpon the 29 of Ianuary last past 1577 there came in to the said citie a certaine gally from Alexandria taken from the Turkes with two hundreth fiftie and eight Christians whereof was principal Master Iohn Fox an Englishman a gunner and one of the chiefest that did accomplish that great worke whereby so many Christians haue recouered their liberties In token and remembrance whereof vpon our earnest request to the same Iohn Fox he hath left here an olde sworde wherewith he slewe the keeper of the prison which sword we doe as a monument and memoriall of so worthy a deede hang vp in the chiefe place of our Couent house And for because all things aforesaid are such as we will testifie to be true as they are orderly passed and haue therefore good credite that so much as is aboue expressed is true and for the more faith thereof we the Prior and Fathers aforesaide haue ratified and subscribed these presents Geuen in Gallipoly the third of Februarie 1577. I Frier Vincent Barba Prior of the same place confirme the premisses as they are aboue written I Frier Albert Damaro of Gallipoly Subprior confirme as much I Frier Anthony Celleler of Gallipoly confirme as aforesaid I Frier Bartlemew of Gallipoly confirme as aboue said I Frier Francis of Gallipoly confirme as much The Bishop of Rome his letters in the behalfe of Iohn Fox BE it knowen vnto all men to whom this writing shall come that the bringer hereof Iohn Fox Englishman a Gunner after he had serued captiue in the Turkes gallies by the space of foureteene yeeres at length thorough God his helpe taking good oportunitie the third of Ianuarie last past slew the keeper of the prison whom he first stroke on the face together with foure and twentie other Turkes by the assistance of his fellow prisoners and with 266. Christians of whose libertie he was the author launched from Alexandria and from thence arriued first at Gallipoly in Candie and afterwardes at Tarento in Apulia the written testimony and credite of which things as also of others the same Iohn Fox hath in publike tables from Naples Vpon Easter eue he came to Rome and is now determined to take his iourney to the Spanish Court hoping there to obtaine some reliefe toward his liuing wherefore the poore distressed man humbly beseecheth and we in his behalfe do in the bowels of Christ desire you that taking compassion of his former captiuitie and present penurie you doe not onely suffer him freely to passe throughout all your cities and townes but also succour him with your charitable almes the reward whereof you shall hereafter most assuredly receiue which we hope you will afford to him whom with tender affection of pitie wee commende vnto you At Rome the 20 of Aprill 1577. Thomas Grolos Englishman Bishop of Astraphen Richard Silleum Prior Angliae Andreas Ludouicus Register to our Soueraigne Lord the Pope which for the greater credit of the premises haue set my seale to these presents At Rome the day and yeere aboue written Mauricius Clement the gouernour and keeper of the English Hospitall in the citie The King of Spaine his letters to the Lieutenant for the placing of Iohn Fox in the office of a Gunner TO the illustrious Prince Vespasian Gonsaga Colonna our Lieutenant and Captaine Generall of our Realme of Valentia Hauing consideration that Iohn Fox Englishman hath serued vs and was one of the most principall which tooke away from the Turkes a certaine gallie which they haue brought to Tarento wherein were two hundred fiftie and eight Christian captiues we licence him to practise and giue him
the Queenes Maiestie my Mistresse and that hee had sent them to attend vpon me it being his pleasure that I should tarie there on shoare fiue or sixe dayes for my refreshing So being mounted vpon the Iennet they conducted mee through the Towne into a faire fielde vpon the Sea-side where was a tent prouided for mee and all the ground spread wâ—th Turkie carpets and the Castle discharged a peale of ordinance and all things necessarie were brought into my tent where I both tooâ—e my table and lodging and had other conuenient tents for my seruants The souldiers enuironed the tents and watched about vs day and night as long as I lay there although I sought my speedier dispatch On the Wednesday towards night I tooke my horse and traueiled ten miles to the first place of water that we could finde and there pitched our tents till the next morning and so traueiled till ten of the clocke and then pitched our tents till foure and so traueiled as long as day light would suffer about 26 miles that day The next day being Friday I traueiled in like order but eight and twentie miles at the most and by a Riuer being about sixe miles within sight of the Citie of Marocco we pitched our tents Immediatly after came all our English marchants and the French on horsebacke to meete me and before night there came an Alcayde from the king with fiftie men diuers mules laden with victuall and banker for my supperâ— declaring vnto me how glad the king shewed himsâ—lfe to heare of the Queenes Maiestie and that his pleasure was I should be receiued into his countrey as neuer any Christian the like and desired to knowe what time the next day I would come into his citie because he would that all the Christians as also his nobilitie should meete me and willed Iohn Bampton to be with him early in the morning which he did About seuen of the clocke being accompanied with the French and English marchants and a great number of souldiers I passâ—d towards the citie and by that time I had traueiled 2 miles there met me all the Christians of the Spaniards and Portugals to receiue me which I knowe was more by the kings commandement then of any good wils of themselues for some of them although they speake me faire hung downe their heads like dogs and especially the Portugales and I countenanced them accordingly So I passed on till I came within two English miles of the Citie and then Iohn Bampton returned shewing me that the king was so glad of my comming that hee could not deuise to doe too much to shewe the good will that hee did owe to the Queenes Maiestie and her Realme His counsellers met me without the gates and at the entrie of the gates his footmen guard were placed on both sides of my horse and so brought me to the kings palace The king sate in his chaire with his Counsell about him as well the Moores as the Elchies and according to his order giuen vnto me before I there declared my message in Spanish and made deliuerie of the Queenes Maiesties letters and all that I spake at that present in Spanish hee caused one of his Elâ—hies to declare the same to the Moores present in the Larbe tongue Which done he answered me againe in Spanish yeelding to the Queenes Maiestie great thankes and offering himselfe and his countrey to bee at her Graces commaundâ—ment and then commaunded certaine of his Counsellers to conduct mee to my lodging not being farre from the Court. The house was faire after the fashion of that countrey being daily well furnished with al kind of victuall at the kings charge The same night he sent for mee to the Court and I had conference with him about the space of two houres where I throughly declared the charge committed vnto mee from her Maiestie finding him conformable willing to pleasure and not to vrge her Maiestie with any demaundes more then conueniently shee might willingly consent vnto hee knowing that out of his countrey the Realme of England might be better serued with lackes then hee in comparison from vs. Further he gaue me to vnderstand that the king of Spaine had sent vnto him for a licence that an Ambassadour of his might come into his countrey and had made great meanes that if the Queenes maiesty of England sent any vnto him that he would not giue him any credit or intertainment albeit said he I know what the king of Spaine is and what the Queene of England and her Realme is for I neither like of him nor of his religion being so gouerned by the Inquisition that he can doe nothing of himselfe Therefore when he commeth vpon the licence which I haue granted he shall well see how litle account I will make of him and Spaine and how greatly I will extoll you for the Queenes maiestie of England He shall not come to my presence as you haue done and shall dayly for I minde to accept of you as my companion and one of my house whereas he shall attend twentie dayes after he hath done his message After the end of this speech I deliuered Sir Thomas Greshams letters when as he tooke me by the hand and led me downe a long court to a palace where there ranne a faire fountaine of water and there sitting himselfe in a chaire he commanded me to sit downe in another and there called for such simple Musicians as he had Then I presented him with a great base Lute which he most thankfully accepted and then he was desirous to heare of the Musicians and I tolde him that there was great care had to prouide them and that I did not doubt but vpon my returne they should come with the first ship He is willing to giue them good intertainment with prouision of victuall and to let them liue according to their law and conscience wherein he vrgeth none to the contrary I finde him to be one that liâ—eth greatly in the feare of God being well exercised in the Scriptures as well in the olde Testament as also in the New and he beareth a greater affection to our Nation then to others because of our religion which forbiddeth worship of Idols and the Moores called him the Christian king The same night being the first of Iune I continued with him till twelue of the clocke and he seemed to haue so good liking of me that he tooke from his girdle a short dagger being set with 200 stones rubies and turkies and did bestow it vpon me and so I being conducted returned to my lodging for that time The next day because he knew it to be Sunday our Sabboth day he did let me rest But on the munday in the afternoone he sent for me and I had conference with him againe and musicke Likewise on the tuesday by three of the clocke he sent for me into his garden finding him layd vpon a
father shewing him all the courtesies they could possibly I cannot send you nor describe vnto you his entrance among them better then I haue done in all my relations which I wrote in my letters from Composteila and I signified vnto you all things to the full from the citie of S. Michael and though there be but the tenth part of these things it is a great matter Herewithall I haue sent your Lordship a Letter which I receiued from the said father the Indians tell me that all the people of the countrey doe greatly reuerence him and I beleeue he may trauel many leagues farther in that sort He saith that if he finde any good countrey he will write to me thereof I will not goe thither without informing your Lordship of my iourney I hope in God that by one way or other wee shall discouer some good thing A Letter written by the most honourable Lord Don Antonio de Mendoça Vice-roy of Nueua Espanna to the Emperors Maiestie Of certaine Noblemen which sought to discouer the end of the firme land of Nueua Espanna toward the North. The arriuall of Vazquez de Coronado with Frier Marco at S. Michael of Culiacan with commission to the Gouernors of those partes to pacific the Indians and not to make them slaues any more IN the ships that went last from hence whereof Michael de Vsnago was Admiral I wrote vnto your Maiestie how I had sent two Franciscan Friers to discouer the end of this firme land which stretcheth to the North. And because their iourney fell out to greater purpose then was looked for I wâ—l declare the whole matter from the beginning It may please your Maiestie to call to mind how often I wrote vnto your Highnesse that I desired to know the ende of this Prouince of Nueua Espanna because it is so great a countrey and that we haue yet no knowledge thereof Neither had I onely this desire for Nunno de Guzman departed out of this city of Mexico with 400. horsemen and 14000. Indians footemen borne in these Indias being the best men the best furnished which haue bene seene in these parts and he did so litle with them that the most part of them were consumed in the enterprize could not enter nor discouer any more then already was discouered After this the saide Nunno Guzman beeing Gouernour of Nueua Galicia sent Captaines and Horsemen foorth diuers times which sped no better then he had done Likewise the Marques de valle Hernando Cortez sent a captaine with 2. ships to discouer the coast which 2â— ships and the captaine perished After that he sent againe 2. other ships one of the which was diuided from her consore and the Master and certaine mariners slue the captaine vsurped ouer the ship After this they came to an Island where the Master with certaine mariners going on land the Indians of the country slew them and tooke their boat and the ship with those that were in it returned to the coast of Nueua Galicia where it ran on ground By the men which came home in this ship the Marques had knowledge of the countrey which they had discouered and then either for the discontentment which hee had with the bishop of Saint Domingo and with the Iudges of this royal audience in Mexico or rather because of his so prosperous successe in all things here in Nueua Espanna without seeking any farther intelligence of the state of that Island he set forward on that voyage with 3. Ships and with certaine footemen and horsemen not throughly furnished with things necessary which fell câ—t so contrary to his expectation that the most part of the people which he carryed with him dyed of hunger And although he had ships and a Countrey very neere him abounding with victuals yet could hee neuer finde meanes to conquer it but rather it seemed that God miraculously did hide it from him and so he returned home without atchieuing ought else of moment After this hauing heere in my company Andrew Dorantez which is one of those who were in the voyage of Panphilo Naruaâ—ez I often was in hand with him supposing that he was able to doe your Maiestie great seruice to imploy him with fortie or fiftie horses to search out the secret of those parts and hauing prouided all things necessary for his iourney and spent much money in that behalfe the matter was broken off I wot not how and that enterprise was giuen 〈◊〉 Yet of the things which were prouided for that purpose I had left mee a Negro which returned from the foresayde voyage of Naruaez with Dorantez and certaine slaues which I had bought and certaine Indians which I had gathered together who were borne in those North partes whome I sent with Frier Marco de Niça and his companion a Franciscan Frier because they had bene long trauelled and exercised those partes and had great experience in the affaires of the Indies and were men of good life and conscience for whom I obtained leaue of their superiours and so they went with Francis Vazquez de Coronado gouernour of Nueua Galicia vnto the Citie of Saint Michael of Culiacan which is the last Prouince subdued by the Spaniards towarde that quarter being two hundred leagues distant from this Citie of Mexico Assoone as the gouernour and the Friers were come vnto that Citie hee sent certaine of those Indians which I had giuen him home into their Countrey to signifie and declare to the people of the same That they were to vnderstand that your Maiestie had commaunded they should not hereafter â—eâ— made slaues and that they should not be afrayd and more but might returne vnto their houses and liue peaceably in them for before that time they had bin greatly troubled by the euil dealings which were vsed toward them and that your Maiestie would cause them to be chastened which were the causes of their veration With these Indians about twentie dayes after returned about 400. men which comming before the gouernour said vnto him that they came on the behalfe of al their Countrey-men to tell him that they desired to see and know those men which did them so great a pleasure as to suffer them to returne to their houses and to sow Maiz for their sustenance for by the space of many yeres they were driuen to flee into the mountaines hiding themselues like wild beasts for feare left they should be made slaues and that they and all the rest of their people were ready to doe whatsoeuer should bee commaunded them Whom the gouernour comforted with good wordes and gaue them victuals and stayed them with him three or foure dayes wherein the Friers taught them to make the signe of the Crosse and to learne the name of our Lorde Iesus Christ and they with great diligence sought to learne the same After these dayes hee sent them home againe willing them not to be afraid but to be quiet giuing them apparel beades kniues and other such
victorious voyage of Captaine Amias Preston now knight and Captaine George Sommers to the West India begun in March 1595. Wherein the yle of Puerâ—o Santo the yle of Coche neere Margarita the fort and towne of Coro the stately city of S. Iago de Leon were taken sacked and burned and the towne of Cumana ransomed Iamaica enâ—red Written by Robert Dauie one of the company CAptaine Amias Preston and captaine Sommers both valiant gentlemen discreet commanders lying ready with two call ships the Ascension and the Giâ—â— and a small pinnesse at Plimmouth for the space of a moneth attending the comming of captaine Iones their consort which in al that time through the bad dealing of those which he put in trust could not makâ— his sâ—ip in readines according to his appointment the 12. of March â—595 set forward on their voyage for the West Indies We with captaine Iones in the Derling and Captaine Prowse in the Angel followed after them the 19. of the said moneth The last of March captaine Preston by giuing chase to a saile was separated from captaine Sommers and his pinnesse so that they vtterly lost sight ech of other whereupon capâ—ain Preston in his ship alone resolued to surprise the yle of Puerto santo and shortly after came before the same This yland standeth in the Northerly latitude of 33. degrees and lieth to the Northward of the yle of Madera and is inhabited by old souldiers which the kings of Portugal were wont to reward for their former olde seruices by placing of them there This yland is rich in coâ—â—e wine oile and hath good store of sheep asses goats kine they haue also plenty of foules fishes fruits Captaine Preston coÌ„ming before this yland with one ship only sought with 2. long boats to land his men to force the same but the people were on shore in warlike array with baricados trenches made ready to withstand them Wherupon considering the great danger and disaduantage of the place he caused his people to returne abord againe And the next morning 3 or 4 houres before day he landed in a place of greater security with 60 men onely who lay closely in a chapel to defend themselues from the raine til break of the day and so marched forward vpon the backs of their enemies which kept their baricados vpon the shore By this time the enemie was 500 strong But being so suddenly surprised after some resistance of our muskets when they saw our pikes approch and had tasted somewhat of their force they began to flee into certaine thickets shrubs thinking from thence to gall our men but with very litle or no losse at all our men dillodged them of that place also Hereupon they all fled toward the chiefe towne of the yland but once againe they thought to make a new stand at a certaine house by the way from whence they were repulsed by captaine Roberts So in the flight part of them were slaine and an ensigne which one captaine Haruey an English man had lost not long before was recouered and the chiefe towne it selfe was by our men wholly woon and possessed But before the entrance of our men they had conueighed their wiues their children and the rest of their goods into an exceeding high hil which standeth neere the towne and could not be conquered but with exceeding losse Although they sent diuers times to redeeme their towne which was very faire and large yet in regard of their crueltic and treachery which they vsed towards captaine Haruey and his people captaine Preston would shew them no fauour but vtterly burnt their towne to ashes and sent his men to wast the rest of their villages of the yland preferring the honour iust reuenge of his country men before his owne priuate gaine commodity And so with small pillage and great honour he retired in safetie and all his small company with him from the conquered yland vnto his ship But we in our ship met not with him vntil the 12. of April following We therefore in the Derling pursuing our voiage had sight of the yles of the Canaries the 6 of April and the 8 of the same we watered on the Southeastside of the grand Canaria There we met with capt Sommers his pinnesse 3 ships of Hampton in one whereof was cap. Willis The 9 of April we al departed for Tenerif to seeke captaine Preston and standing ouer towards Tenerif the 9 day at night I came into captaine Sommers ship The 10 in the morning we brake our maine yard yet we recouered Tenerif the same day towards night we ankered vnder the southside of the same There I wenâ— a land in our boat found 3 or 4 fisherboats and brought one of them off The rest bulged themselues Here we rode to mend our yard til the 11 at night then we set saile to find captaine Amias Preston and standing towards Gomera the 12 in the morning we had sight of him Then we thought to haue landed in Gomera but the wind blew so much that we could not So we departed altogether with ioy the 13 of April set our course for the West Indieâ— And the 8 of May next ensuing we arriued at the yland of Dominica In all which time nothing happened vnto vs sauing this that the 18 day of April at midnight our admiral lost her long boat in towing We slaied at Dominica til the 14 of May to refresh our sicke men Here the Indians â—ame vnto vs in canoas made of an whole tree in some wherof were 3 men in some 4 or 6 in others â—2 or 14 brought in them plantans pinos and potatos and trucked with vs for hatchets kniues smal beadstones Here in refreshing of our men we found an hot bath hard ioyning to a cold riuer side wherein our sick men bathed themselues and were soone recouered of their sicknesses This is a goodly yland and something high land but al ouergrowen with woods The 14 we departed from thence the 16 sâ—iling Southwestward we had sight of Granada but landed not there The 17 we arriued at the Testigos ankered there and consorted with the 3 ships of Hampton wherin captaine Willis was The 18 we landed our men tooke view and â—uster of all the same night set saile away The 19 we had sight of Margarita where the Spaniards by their Indians fish for pearle we stood in very neere the rode but saw nothing there Therefore we went no further in but stood from it againe The same day toward night we had sight of a litlâ— yland betweene Margarita the maineâ— called Coche We came neer it in the night with our ships within some 3 leagues there ankered vnder the maine side and about midnight we manned our pinnesses â—oats and in the morning about breake of day we landed on the yland wherin are few or none inhabitants but
which M. Robert Duddeley tolde me he had seene Upon this sight and for the abundance of golde which he saw in the city the images of golde in their temples the plates armours and shields of gold which they vse in the warres he called it El Dorado After the death of Ordas and Martinez and after Orellana who was imployed by Gonzalo Piçarro one Pedro de Osua a knight of Nauarre attempted Guiana taking his way from Peru and built his brigandines vpon a riuer called Oia which riseth to the Southward of Quito and is very great This riuer falleth into Amazones by which Osua with his companies descended and came out of that prouince which is called Mutylonez and it seemeth to mee that this empire is resâ—rued for her Maiesty and the English nation by reasâ—n of the hard succese which all these and other Spanyards found in attempting the same whereof I will speake briefly though impertinent in some â—ort to my purpose This Pedro de Osua had among his troups a Biscain called Agiri a man meanly borne who bare no other office then a sergeant or alferez but after câ—rteine moneths when the souldiers were grieued with trauels and consumed with famine and that no entrance could be found by the branches or body of Amazones this Agiri raised a mutiny of which hee made himselfe the head and so preuailed as he put Osua to the sword and all his followers taking on him the whole charge and commandement with a purpose not onely to make himselfe emperour of Guiana but also of Peru of all that side of the West Indies he had of his party seuen hundred souldiers and of those many promised to draw in other captaines companies to deliuer vp townes and forts in Peruâ— but neither finding by y e said riuer any passage into Guiana nor any possibility to returne towards Peru by the same Amazones by reason that y e descent of the riuer made so great a current he was inforced to disemboque at the mouth of the sayd Amazones which can not be lesse then a thousand leagues from the place where they imbarked from thence he coastâ—d the land till he arriued at Margarita to the North of Mompatar which is at this day called Puerto de Tyranno for that he there slew Don Iuan de villa Andreda gouernour of Margarita who was father to Don Iuan Sarmiento gouernor of Margarita when sir Iohn Burgh landed there and attempted the Island Agiri put to the sword all other in the Island that refused to be of his party and tooke with him certeine Simerones and other desperate companions From thence he went to Cumana and there slew the gouernour and dealt in all as at Margarita hee spoiled all the coast of Caracas and the prouince of Venezuela and of Rio de la hacha and as I remember it was the same yere that sir Iohn Hawkins sailed to Saint Iuan de Vllua in the Iesus of Lubeck for himselfe tolde me that he met with such a one vpon the coast that rebelled and had sailed downe all the riuer of Amazones Agiri from thence landed about Sancta Marta and sacked it also putting to death so many as refused to be his followers purposing to inuade Nueuo reyno de Granada and to sacke Pamplon Merida Lagrita Tunxa and the rest of the cities of Nueuo reyno and frâ—m thence againe to enter Peru but in a fight in the sayd Nueuo reyno he was ouerthrâ—wen and finding no way to escape he first put to the sword his owne children foretelling them that they should not to liue to be defamed or vpbraided by the Spanyards after his death who would haue termed them the children of a traitour or tyrant and that sithence hee could not make them princes hee would yet deliuer them from shame and reproch These were the ends and tragedies of Ordas Martinez Orellana Ozua and Agiri Also soone after Ordas followed Ieronimo Ortal de Saragosa with 130 souldiers who failing his entrance by sea was cast with the current on the coast of Paria peopled about S. Miguel de Neueri It was then attempted by Don Pedro de Silua a Portugues of the family of Ruigomes de Silua and by the fauour which Ruigomes had with the king he was set out but he also shot wide of the marke for being departed from Spaine with his fleet he entered by Marannon and Amazones where by the nations of the riuer and by the Amazones hee was vtterly ouerthrowen and himselfe and all his armie defeated onely seuen escaped and of those but two returned After him came Pedro Hernandez de Serpa and landed at Cumaná in the West Indies taking his iourney by land towards Orenoque which may be some 120 leagues but yeâ— he came to the borders of the sayd riuer hee was set vpon by a nation of the Indians called Wikiri and ouerthrowen in such sort that of 300 souldiers horsemen many Indians and Negros there returned but 18. Others affirme that he was defeated in the very entrance of Guiana at the first ciuill towne of the empire called Macureguarai Captaine Preston in taking S. Iago de Leon which was by him and his companies very resolutely performed being a great towne and farre within the land held a gentleman prisoner who died in his ship that was one of the company of Hernandez de Serpa and saued among those that escaped who witnessed what opinion is held among the Spanyards thereabouts of the great riches of Guiana and El Dorado the city of Inga Another Spanyard was brought aboord me by captaine Preston who told me in the hearing of himselfe aâ—d diuers other gentlemen that he met with Berreos campe-master at Caracas when he came â—rom the borders of Guiana and that he saw with him forty of most pure plates of golde curiously wrought and swords of Guiana decked and inlayed with gold feathers garnished with golde and diuers rarities which he caried to the Spanish king After Hernandez de Serpa it was vndertaken by the Adelantado Don Gonzales Ximenes de Casada who was one of the chiefest in the conquest of Nueuo reino whose daughter and heire Don Antonio de Berreo marâ—ed Gonzales sought the passage also by the riuer called Papamene which riseth by Quito in Peru runneth Southeast 100 leagues and then falleth into Amazones but he also failing the entrance returned with the losse of much labour and cost I tooke one captaine George a Spanyard that followed Gonzales in this enterprise Gonzales gaue his daughter to Berreo taking his oth honour to follow the enterprise to the last of his substance and life who since as he hath sworne to me hath spent 300000 ducats in the same yet neuer could enter so far into the land as my selfe with that poore troupe or rather a handfull of men being in all about 100 gentlemen souldiers rewers boat-keepers boyes of all sorts neither could any of the forepassed
descended from the middle land valley which lieth betweene the easter prouince of Peru and Guiana and it falles into the sea betweene Marannon and Trinidad in two degrees and a halfe all which your Honours shall bettâ—r perceiue in the general description of Guiana Peru Nueuo reyno the kingdome of Popayan and Roidas with the prouince of Veneçuela to the bay of Vraba behind Cartagena Westward and to Amazones Southward While we lay at ankor on the coast of Canuri and had taken knowledge of all the nations vpon the head and branches of this riuer and had found out so many seueral people which were enemies to the Epuremei and the new conquerours I thought it time lost to linger any longer in that place especially for that the fury of Orenoque began dayly to threaten vs with dangers in our returne for no halfe day passed but the riuer began to rage and ouerflowe very fearefully and the raines came downe in terrible showers and gustes in great abundance and withall our men began to crie out for want of shift for no man had place to bestowe any other apparell then that which he ware on his backe and that was throughly washt on his body for the most part tenne times in one day and we had now bene wel neere a moneth euery day passing to the Westward farther and farther from our shippes Wee therefore turned towards the East and spent the rest of the time in discouering the riuer towards the sea which we had not viewed and which was most materiall The next day following we left the mouth of Caroli and arriued againe at the port of Morequito where we were before for passing downe the streame we went without labour and against the winde little lesse then a hundreth miles a day Assoone as I came to ankor I sent away one for olde Topiawari with whom I much desired to haue further conference and also to deale with him for some one of his countrey to bring with vs into England as well to learne the language as to conferre withall by the way the time being nowe spent of any longer slay there Within three houres after my messenger came to him he arriued also and with him such a rabble of all sorts of people and euery one loden with somewhat as if it had beene a great market or faire in England and our hungry companies clustered thicke and threefold among their baskets euery one laying hand on what he liked After he had rested a while in my tent I shut out all but our selues and my interpreter and told him that I knew that both the Epuremei and the Spaniards were enemies to him his countrey and nations that the one had conquered Guiana already and the other sought to regaine the same from them both and therefore I desired him to instruct me what he could both of the passage into the golden parts of Guiana and to the ciuill townes and apparelled people of Inga Hee gaue mee an answere to this effect first that hee could not perceiue that I meant to goe onward towards the citie of Manoa for neither the time of the yeere serued neither could hee perceiue any sufficient numbers for such an enterprize and if I did I was sure with all my company to bee buried there for the Emperour was of that strength as that many times so many men more were too fewe besides hee gaue mee this good counsell and aduised mee to holde it in minde as for himselfe hee knewe hee could not liue till my returne that I should not offer by any meanes hereafter to inuade the strong parts of Guiana without the helpe of all those nations which were also their enemies for that it was impossible without those either to bee conducted to be victualled or to haue ought caried with vs our people not being able to indure the march in so great heate and trauell vnlesse the borderers gaue them helpe to carie with them both their meate and furniture For hee remembred that in the plaines of Macureguarai three hundreth Spaniards were ouerthrowen who were tired out and had none of the borderers to their friendes but meeting their enemies as they passed the frontier were enuironed on all sides and the people setting the long drie grasse on fire smoothered them so as they had no breath to fight nor could discerne their enemies for the great smoke He told me farther that 4 daies iourney from his towne was Macureguarai and that those were the next and neerest of the subiects of Inga and of the Epuremei and the first towne of apparelled and rich people and that all those plates of gold which were scattered among the borderers and caried to other nations farre and neere came from the sâ—yd Macureguarai and were there made but that those of the land within were farre finer and were fashioned after the images of men beastes birds and fishes I asked him whether-hee thought that those companies that I had there with me were sufficient to take that towne or no He told me that he thought they were I then asked him whether he would assist me with guides and some companies of his people to ioyne with vs He answered that he would go himselfe with al the borderers if the riuers did remaine foordable vpon this condition that I would leaue with him til my return againe fifty souldiers which hee vndertooke to victuall I answered that I had not aboue fiftie good men in all there the rest were labourers and rowers that I had no prouision to leaue with them of powder shot apparell or ought else and that without those things necessary for their defence they should bee in danger of the Spaniards in my absence who I knewe would vse the same measure towards mine that I offered them at Trinidad And although vpon the motion Captaine Calfeild Captaine Greenuile my nephew Iohn Gilbert and diuers others were desirous to stay yet I was resolued that they must needes haue perished for Berreo expected daylie a supply out of Spaine and looked also hourely for his sonne to come downe from Nueuo reyno de Granada with many horse and foote and had also in Valencia in the Caracas two hundreth horse ready to march and I could not haue spared aboue fortie and had not any store at all of powder leade or match to haue left with them nor any other prouision either spade pickeaxe or ought else to haue fortified withall When I had giuen him reason that I could not at this time leaue him such a companie he then desired mee to forbeare him and his countrey for that time for he assured mee that I should bee no sooner three dayes from the coast but those Epuremei would inuade him and destroy all the remaine of his people and friendes if hee should any way either guide vs or assist vs against them He further alleaged that the Spaniards sought his death and as they had already murthered his Nephew
of the Reader to the end it might most manifestly and at large appeare to all such as are not acquainted with the histories how the king of Portugall whose Countrey for popularity and number of people is scarce comparable to some three shires of England and the king of Spaine likewise whose natural Conntrey doth not greatly abound with people both which princes by means of their discoueries within lesse then 90. yeeres post haue as it appeareth both mightily and marueilously enlarged their territories and dominions through their owne industrie by the assistance of the omnipotent whose aid we shall not need to doubt seeing the cause and quarell which we take in hand tendeth to his honour and glory by the enlargement of the Christian faith To conclude since by Christian dutie we stand bound chiefly to further all such acts as do tend to the encreasing the true flock of Christ by reducing into the right way those lost sheepe which are yet astray And that we shall therein follow the example of our right vertuous predecessors of renowmed memorie and leaue vnto our posteritie a deuine memoriall of so godly an enterprise Let vs I say for the considerations alledged enter into iudgement with our selues whether this action may belong to vs or no the rather for that this voyage through the mighty assistance of the omnipotent God shall take our desired effect whereof there is no iust cause of doubt Then shal her Maiesties dominions be enlarged her highnesse antient titles iustly confirmed all odiâ—us idlenesse from this our Realme vtterly banished diuers decayed townes repaired and many poore and needy persons relieued and estates of such as now liue in want shall be embettered the ignorant and barbarous idolaters taught to know Christ the innocent defended from their bloodie tyrannicall neighbours the diabolicall custome of sacrificing humane creatures abolished All which no man doubteth are things gratefull in the sight of our Sauiour Christ and tending to the honour and glory of the Trinitie Bee of good cheere therefore for hee that cannot erre hath sayd That before the ende of the world his word shall bee preached to all nations Which good worke I trust is reserued for our nation to accomplish in these parts Wherefore my deere countreymen be not dismayed for the power of God is nothing diminished nor the loue that he hath to the preaching and planting of the Gospell any whit abated Shall wee then doubt he will be lesse ready most mightily and miraculously to assist our nation in this quarell which is chiefly and principally vndertaken for the enlargement of the Christian faith abroad and the banishment of idlenes at home then he was to Columbus Vasques Nunnes Hernando Cortes and Francis Pizaâ—ro in the West and Vasques de Gama Peter Aluares Alonso de Albuquerque in the East Let vs therefore with cheerefull minds and couragious hearts giue the attempt and leaue the sequell to almightie God for if he be on our part what forceth it who bee against vs Thus leauing the correction and reformation vnto the gentle Reader whatsoeuer is in this treatise too much or too little otherwise vnperfect I take leaue and so end A letter of Sir Francis VValsingham to M. Richard Hakluyt then of Christchurch in Oxford incouraging him in the study of Cosmographie and of furthering new discoueries c. I Understand aswel by a letter I long since receiued from the Maior of Bristoll as by conference with sir George Peknam that you haue endeuoured giuen much light for the discouery of the Westerne partes yet vnknowen as your studie in these things is very coÌ„mendable so I thanke you much for the same wishing you do continue your trauell in these and like matters which are like to turne not only to your owne good in priuate but to the publike benefite of this Realme And so I bid you farewell From the Court the 11. of March 1582. Your louing Friend FRANCIS WALSINGHAM A letter of Sir Francis VValsingham to Master Thomas Aldworth merchant and at that time Maior of the Citie of Bristoll concerning their aduenture in the Westerne discouerie AFter my heartie commendations I haue for certaine causes deferred the answere of your letter of Nouember last till now which I hope commeth all in good time Your good inclination to the Westerne discouerie I cannot but much commend And for that sir Humfrey Gilbert as you haue heard long since hath bene preparing into those parts being readie to imbarke within these 10. dayes who needeth some further supply of shipping then yet he hath I am of opinion that you shall do well if the ship or 2. barkes you write of be put in a readinesse to goe alongst with him or so soone after as you may I hope this trauell wil proue profitable to the Aduenturers and generally beneficiall to the whole realme herein I pray you conferre with these bearers M. Richard Hackluyt and M. Thomas Steuenton to whome I referre you And so bid you heartily farewell Richmond the 11. of March 1582. Your louing Friend FRANCIS WALSINGHAM A letter written from M. Thomas Aldworth merchant and Maior of the Citie of Bristoll to the right honourable Sir Francis Walsingham principall Secretary to her Maiestie concerning a Westerne voyage intended for the discouery of the coast of America lying to the Southwest of Cape Briton RIght honourable vpon the â—eceit of your letters directed vnto me and deliuered by the bearers hereof M. Richard Hakluyt and M. Steuenton bearing date the 11. of March I presently conferred with my friends in priuate whom I know most affectionate to this godly enterprise especially with M. William Salterne deputie of our company of merchants whereupon my selfe being as then sicke with as conuenient speede as he could hee caused an assembly of the merchants to be gathered where after dutifull mention of your honourable disposition for the benefite of this citie he by my appointment caused your letters being directed vnto me piruatly to be read in publike and after some good light giuen by M. Hakluyt vnto them that were ignorant of the Countrey and enterpriseâ— and were desirous to be resolued the motion grew generally so well to be liked that there was eftsoones set downe by mens owne hands then present apparently knowen by their own speach and very willing offer the summe of 1000. markes and vpward which summe if it should not suffice we doubt not but otherwise to furnish out for this Westerne discouery a ship of threescore and a barke of 40. tunne to bee left in the countrey vnder the direction and gouernment of your sonne in law M. Carlilâ— of whom we haue heard much good if it shall stand with your honors good liking and his acceptation In one of which barks we are also willing to haue M. Steuenton your honours messenger and one well knowen to vs as captains And here in humble maner desiring your honour to vouchsafe vs of your further direction by a generall
letter to my selfe my brethren and the rest of the merchants of this city at your honors best and most conuenient leisure because we meane not to deferre the finall proceeding in this voyage any â—urther then to the end of April next comming I cease beseeching God long to blesse and prosper your honourable estate Bristoll March 27. 1583. A briefe and summary discourse vpon the intended voyage to the hithermost parts of America written by Captaine Carlile in April 1583. for the better inducement to satisfie such Merchants of the Moscouian companie and others as in disbursing their money towards the furniture of the present charge doe demand forthwith a present returne of game albeit their said particular disbursements are required but in very slender summes the highest being 25. li. the second at 12. li. 10. s. and the lowest at 6. pound fiue sâ—illings WHen the Goldsmith desireth to â—inde the certaine goodnesse of a piece of golde which is newly offered vnto him he presently bringeth the same to the Touchstone where by comparing the shewe or touch of this new piece with the touch or shew of that which he knoweth of old he foorth with is able to iudge what the value is of that which is newly offered vnto him After the example whereof I haue thought it good to make some briefe repetition of the particular estate of many other forren voyages and trades already frequented and knowen vnto vs whereby we may be the better able to conceiue and iudge what certaine likelihood of good there is to be expected in the voyage which is presently recommended vnto your knowledge and resolution And first to lay downe that of Moscouia whose beginning is yet in the remembrance of many It is well knowen that what by the charges of the first discouery and by the great gifts bestowed on the Emperour and his Nobilitie togither with the leud dealing of some of their seruants who thought themselues safe enough from orderly punishment it cost the company aboue fourescore thousand pounds before it could be brought to any profitable reckoning And now that after so long a patience and so great a burthen of expences the same began to frame to some good course and commoditie It falleth to very ticklish termes and to as slender likelihood of any further goodnesse as any other trade that may be named For first the estate of those Countreys and the Emperours dealings are things more fickle then are by euery body vnderstood Next the Dutchmen are there so crept in as they daily augment their trade thither which may well confirme that vncertainty of the Emperorâ— disposition to keepe promise with our nation Thirdly the qualitie of the voyage such as may not be performed but once the yeere Fourthly the charges of all Ambassadours betweene that Prince and her Maiesty are alwayes borne by the merchants stocke And lastly the danger of the king of Denmarke who besides that presently he is like to enforce a tribute on vs hath likewise an aduantage vpon the ships in their voyage either homewards or outwards whensoeuer he listeth to take the opportunitie The badde dealings of the Easterlings are sufficiently knowen to be such towards our merchants of that trade as they doe not onely offer them many iniuries ouerlong to bee written but doe seeke all the meanes they can to depriue them wholy of their occupying that way and to the same purpose haue of late cleane debarred them their accustomed and ancient priuiledges in all their great townes The traffique into Turkie besides that by some it is thought a hard point to haue so much familiaritie with the professed and obstinate enemie of Christ It is likewise a voyage which can not be made but at the deuotion and as it were in the danger of many states who for sundry respects are apt to quarell with vs vpon sudden occasions and the presents to be giuen away in Turkie this yeere cost little lesse then two thousand pounds As for the trades into all the partes of Italie it may easily be considered by euery one of iudgement that the same stand in the like termes touching the passages as that of Turkie and that many times our shippes being taken in the way by the Gallies of Alger our poore Mariners after the losse of their goods and trauellâ— are set at such excessiue ransoms before they can bee freed of their slauerie as for the most part they are no way able to discharge As for example at this instant there are some prisoners poore ordinarie Mariners for whose releasing there must be payed two hundred Duckets the man for some three hundred yea foure or fiue hundred Duckets the man for some of them And how enuiously the Uenetians doe already oppose themselues against our frequenting into their parts may appeare by the late customs which they haue imposed as well vpon our English merchandize which we bring them as also vpon such their merchandize which we fetch from them The trade into Barbarie groweth likewise to worse termes then before times and when it was at the best our merchants haue bene in danger of all their goods they had there whensoeuer it happened the king to die For vntill a new were chosen the libertie of all disordered persons is such as they spoile and wrong whom they list without any redresse at all Touching Spaine and Portugall with whom wee haue very great trade and much the greater by meanes of their benting a good part of our wares in their Indies as also of the prouision they haue from the same wherewith are made many of our returnes from them againe It falleth out that twise the yeere ordinarily we send our Fleetes into those parts So that whensoeuer the king of Spaine listeth to take the opportunitie hee may at these seasons depriue vs not onely of a great number of our very good ships but also of our honestest and ablest sort of Mariners that are to bee found in our whole Realme againe which is a matter of no small consequence for it is to be noted that when hee shall take a quarell in hand though it be but his owne particularly yet hath he the meanes to put in hazard as well those our shippes which are in his owne Countreys of Spaine and Portugall as also all others which shall bee bound to any the partes of all Italie or of Turkie either And further whosoeuer hee bee that is but meanely affected in Religion as of necessitie becommeth euery ordinarie man and good Christian to be cannot but be agrieued in his heart to consider that his children and seruants whom hee desireth to haue well brought vp are in these trades of Spaine and Portugall and all Italie forced to denie their owne profession and made to acquaint themselues with that which the Parents and Masters doe vtterly deny and refuse yea which many of them doe in their owne hearts abhorre as a detestable and most