Cos which in all were six and at Night took up our lodging at a Town call'd Periab But we rested little because soon after mid-night we put our selves upon the way again Our journey from Surà t to Cambaia was always with our faces towards the North. The next Morning early we made a Collation by the side of a Piscina or Lake which we found by the way of a long and narrow form of which kind there are many in these parts Having travell'd sixteen Cos which was from Surà t in all two and twenty before Evening we arriv'd at the City of Barocci or Behrug as they call it in Persian under the walls whereof on the South side runs a River call'd Nerbeda which we ferri'd over The City is encompass'd with a wall of moderate bigness built high upon a rising hill For the circuit 't is populous enough as generally are all the parts of India 'T is considerable for a very great Trade of fine Cotton Cloth or Callico made more plentifully there then in other places and dispers'd no◠onely through Asia but also into our Europe so that the English and Dutch which two Nations have Houses of constant residence here freight five or six great ships therewith every year and for the better imbarking it make it up in very great balls each as big as Roman Coach and every piece of Cloth little bigger then one of our Towels being carri'd to Aleppo will not be sold for less then three or four Piastre and in Italy at least for six Crowns Whence you may infer what wealth comes out of this small City alone which for compass and buildings is not greater then Siena in Tuscany although 't is above three times as populous and you may also consider to what summ the Prince's Customes arise A few Cos from the City is a Mine of Calcidonies and Agates white and green but these stones are carry'd less into Barocci then to Cambaia although it be further from the Mine because there is a Sea-port and a greater concourse of forreign Merchants and in Cambaia they are wrought into little Globes either round or oval to make Coronets or Neck-laces and also little Cups and divers other curious vessels for ornament The Sea comes not up to Barocci even at the highest tides but is about as many miles distant as 't is from Surà t When we pass'd over the River our Dutch Trumpeter sounding his Instrument gave notice of our coming to his Country men residing in Barocci and they at the Summons came immediatly to the bank-side to meet us from whence we went with them to lodge in the Dutch House there Late in the Evening they carry'd us to see a Patache or small Indian ship which they were building and was not yet finish'd in which they treated us till night drinking of Tari which is a liquor drawn from the Nut-trees of India whitish and a little troubled of taste somewhat sowrish and sweet too not unpleasing to the palate almost like our Poignant or Brisk-wine yet it inebriates as Wine doth if drunk immoderately The next day which was Wednesday Feb. 22. we departed from Barocci late in the Forenoon Six Cos off we made a Collation near a water without lighting out of the Coach having brought provision with us for this purpose from Barocci Afterwards upon the way we met the Wife and Family of the Governour of Cambaia remov'd from that charge by the Rebel Sultan Chorrom who had plac'd another there at his devotion and this being driven from thence return'd to Surà t where his house and usual habitation was His Wife was carry'd upon an Elephant in a cover'd and very convenient litter Three other Elephants follow'd unladen saving with the men upon their necks who guided them then abundance of Coaches partly cover'd and full of women partly uncover'd with men in them then a great number of Souldiers Horse and Foot and in brief a great train suitable to the quality of the person and the custom of India which is to have a very numerous attendance whoever it be After this we foarded a small River which I believe was of salt water which they say is call'd Dilavel and before night having travell'd eighteen Cos we staid to lodge in a great Town call'd Giambuser On Thursday two hours before day we arose to go along with a great Cafila or Caravan which was there united nevertheless we departed not so soon but were fain to wait in the Coach till almost day because the City was lock'd up and none was suffer'd to go forth without paying a Toll as likewise was paid in many other places the same day though of small value The Cafila was so great and the Coaches so many that in certain narrow places we were fain to stay a good while before we could go forwards just as it happens in the streets of Naples and Rome at solemn pomps Having travell'd about five Cos an hour after Sun-rise we came to an arm of the Sea or to speak better to the inmost part of the Gulph of Cambaia directly where the River Mehi falls into the Sea In which place the flux and reflux of the Sea is more impetuous and violent and with a more rapid current then perhaps in any other part of the world at least any whereof I have knowledge But before I proceed further 't is needful here to correct an enormous error of many of our Geographers even Moderns which hath likewise given occasion of mistake to sundry Historians In almost all the Mapps which hitherto I have seen the River Indus is always describ'd falling into the Sea at the inmost recess of the Gulph of Cambaia which is a grievous error and as wide from truth as the whole Country of Guzarat is broad and 't is no narrow one for Indus which is discharg'd into the Sea with two very large mouths sufficiently distant runs not on the East of Guzarat as it should do if it enter'd into the Sea at the Gulph of Cambaia but rather on the West and so far from the Gulph of Cambaia that all Guzarat and perhaps some other Countries lye between Wherefore the River which disembogues in the inmost part of this Gulph is not Indus but this Mehi which I speak of a River of handsome but ordinary greatness and hath not the least correspondence with Indus Now being come to the side of it we were fain to foard over this Water and not without danger For there is a plain of about five Cos which is all over-flow'd at high Tide and when the water is lowest in three or four places there are waters sufficiently broad and deep to be foarded and should the Sea happen to come in whilst a man is in that passage he would infallibly be drown'd And besides even in those places which are always foardable when the Water is a little higher or the current more furious then ordinary for 't is not always equal but more or less
hand to take it up he bows himself three times to the earth doing reverence to it after their manner Moreover I have heard that this Ibrahim Adil-Sciah who now reigns some years ago poyson'd his own eldest Son as suspected of being likely to become one day a disturber of the Common-wealth and the publick quiet being displeas'd with him onely because he once with too much freedom perswaded him to deny the Moghòl the accustom'd Tribute saying that with the Tribute alone which he pay'd voluntarily he durst undertake to make a mighty war upon him and never pay him Tribute more which if true was certainly in this Prince a strange effect of fear This Adil-Sciah hath marry'd one of his Daughters to Cutb-Sciah and with Nizam-Sciah he constantly maintains and frequently renews alliance so that they are all three fast friends and firmly united together I have also heard that Adil-Sciah uses to wear his Beard very long contrary to the other two who are shaven after the mode of Persia and India They say the present Ibrahim Adil-Sciah is infirm by reason of a great hurt receiv'd by a Wolf in his hips so that he cannot ride on Horse-back and hence perhaps it is that he is so peaceable and timerous infirmities undoubtedly much dejecting the spirits of Men. All these three Princes are Moors as I said before although their Countries abound with innumerable Gentiles Cutb-Sciah alone as I have heard is Sciani of the Sect of the Persians but the other two I conceive are Sonni as the Turks and the Moghòl which yet I affirm not because I have not perfect certainty thereof The King of Persia cherishes all these three Princes sufficiently and they have great correspondence by interchangeable Ambassies and Presents all which is onely in reference to make greater opposition to the Moghòl upon whom they border and whose greatness is equally prejudiciall to them all And so much may suffice concerning them April the fifth We set sail again and in the Afternoon pass'd by the City Dabùl which belongs to the Dominions of Adil-Sciah and stands hid amongst Hills in a low Plain so that 't is scarcely seen After which we pass'd within two Leagues of a Point or Promontory which the Portugals call Dabùl falso because it deceives such as come from far by Sea making them take it for the Point of Dabùl to which it resembles At Night we cast Anchor near another shore which they call the Gulph or Bay or as the Portugals speak A Enceada dos Bramanes because the Country thereabouts is inhabited by many Brachmans April the sixth We set sail and first pass'd by Ragiapùr then by Carapetan About two hours before night we cast Anchor in an Enceada or Bay which they call Calosi or Calosci not far from the Point of Carapetan April the seventh In the Morning we pass'd by Tambona which was the â—ountry of the Mariners of our Ship and toward Evening by the Rocks which the Portugals call Los Illeos quemados that is The burnt Rocks because they appear such by their colour and inequality and we continu'd sailing all Night every Ship going as they pleas'd without caring for the company of the Fleet now that by reason of the great nearness of Goa we were in safety April the eighth Arriving before Day at the shore of Goa we began to enter into the salt River or Rio as they speak of salt water which the Portugals call Barra di Goa upon the mouth of which River which is sufficiently broad stand two Forts one on each side with good pieces of Artillery planted upon them to defend the Entrance 'T is to be known that the City of Goa at this day the Head of all the Dominion of the Portugals in India is situate here in one of these Islands of which as I said before there are innumerable upon all the Coast of India made by the several Rivers which divide them from the main-land The City is built in the inmost part of the Island toward the Continent and therefore the whole Island is plentifully inhabited with Towns and places of Recreation and particularly upon the River which is on either side adorn'd with Buildings and Houses surrounded with Groves of Palm-Trees and delightful Gardens The greatest part of the Island is inclos'd with a Wall with Gates at the places for passage continually guarded for security against the attempts of Neighbours and also to prevent the flight of Slaves and Thefts since onely that River being cross'd you enter presently into the Territory of Adil-Sciah and the Moors but 't is otherwise toward the Sea-side for all the Coast which is beset with other small Islands and Pen-insula's for a good space belongs to the Portugals being inhabited with Towns and divers Churches The City which lyes on the right hand of the River as you enter into the inmost recess is sufficiently large built partly on a Plain and partly upon certain pleasant Hills from the tops whereof the whole Island and the Sea are discover'd with a very delightful prospect The buildings of the City are good large and convenient contriv'd for the most part for the benefit of the wind and fresh Air which is very necessary in regard of the great heats and also for reception of the great Rains of the three Moneths of Pausecal which are Iune Iuly and August which not upon account of the heat although it be very great at that time but greatest of all in May when the Sun is in the Zenith but of the great Rain the Portugals call the Winter of the Earth Nevertheless the buildings have not much ornament or exquisiteness of Art but are rather plain and almost all without beautifyings The best are the Churches of which many are held here by several Religions as Augustines Dominicans Franciscans discalceated Carmelites and Iesuits with double and very numerous Covents and indeed half of the Religious that are here would suffice for a City bigger then Goa But besides these there are also many of Secular Priests and Parishes and Chappels and lastly the See or Cathedral which nevertheless is neither the fairest nor the greatest Church of that City there being many others that exceed it The See of Goa at the time of my being there was not finish'd but scarce above half built and thence seem'd to me small and less stately but having since seen the intire design of the structure I conceive that when 't is finish'd 't will be a very goodly Church The people is numerous but the greatest part are slaves a black and lewd generation going naked for the most part or else very ill clad seeming to me rather a disparagement then an ornament to the City Portugals there are not many they us'd to be sufficiently rich but of late by reason of many losses by the incursions of the Dutch and English in these Seas they have not much wealth but are rather poor Nevertheless they live in outward appearance with
marble of divers kinds and colours of which I have seen some very good Vaults and Arches well wrought as in their Mosquits or Churches so in some of their high-erected Tombs of which more afterward and so in some other places likewise For their buildings in Cities and Towns there are some of them handsom others fair such as are inhabited by Merchants and none of them very despicable They build their houses low not above two stories and many of their tops flat and thick which keep off the violence of the heat and those flat tops supported with strong Timber and coated over with a plaster like that we call plaster of Paris keep them dry in the time of the Rains Those broad Tarrases or flat Roofs some of them lofty are places where many people may stand and so they often do early in the morning and in the evening late like Camelions to draw and drink in fresh air and they are made after this fashion for prospect as well as pleasure Those houses of two stories have many of them very large upper rooms which have many double doors in the sides of them like those in our Balconies to open and let in fresh air which is likewise conveyed in unto them by many lesser lights made in the walls of those rooms which are always free and open The use of glass windows or any other shuttings being not known there nor in any other very hot Countreys Neither have they any Chimneys in their buildings because they never wake any use of fire but to dress their food which fire they make against firm wall or without their Tents against some bank of Earth as remote as may be from the places where they use to keep that they may receive no annoyance from the heat thereof It is their manner in many places to plant about and amongst their buildings trees which grow high and broad the shadow whereof keeps their houses by far more cool this I observ'd in a special manner when we were ready to enter Amadavar for it appeared to us as if we had been entring a Wood rather than a City That Amadavar is very large and populous City entred by many fair Gates girt about with an high and thick Wall of Brick which mounts above the tops of their houses without which wall there are no suburbs Most of the houses within the City are of Brick and very many of them ridged and covered with Tiles But for their houses in their Aldeas or Villages which stand very thick in that Country they are generally very poor and base All those Countrey-dwellings are set up close together for I never observed any house there to stand single and alone Some of their houses in those villages are made with earthenwalls mingled with straw set up immediatly after their Rains and having a long season after to dry them throughly stand firm and so continue they are built low and many of them flat but for the generality of those Country-Villages the Cottages in them are miserably poor little and base so that as they are built with a very little charge set up with sticks rather than Timber if they chance to fire as many times they do for a very little they may be re-edified Those who inhabit the Countrey-Villages are called Coolees These till the ground and breed up Cattel and other things for provision as Hens c. these they who plant the Sugar the Cotten-wool and Indico c. for their Trades and Manufactures they are kept in Cities and Towns about which are their choicest fruits planted In their Cities and Towns without their dwellings but fix't to them are pend-houses where they shew and sell their provisions as bread and flower-cakes made up with Sugar and fruits and other things and there they shew their manufactures and other Commodities some of which they carry twice every day to sell in the Bazar or Market I saw two houses of the Mogol's one at Mandoa the other at Amadaver which appeared large stately built of excellent stoné well squared and put together each of them taking up a large compass of ground but we could never see how they were contrived within because there are none admitted strangers or others to have a sight of those houses while the King's wives and women are there which must not be seen by any but by himself and his servants the Eunuchs The Mogol's Palace Royal is at Agra his Metropolis of which more afterward but for the present I shall take a little notice of a very curious Grot I saw belonging to his house at Mandoa which stood a small distance from it for the building of which there was a way made into a firm Rock which shewed it self on the side of an Hill Canopied over with part of that Rock It was a place that had much beauty in it by reason of the curious workmanship bestowed on it and much pleasure by reason of its coolness That City Mandoa I speak of is situated upon a very high mountain the top whereof is flat and plain and spacious From all parts that lie about it but one the ascent is very high and steep and the way to us seemed exceeding long for we were two whole days climbing up the Hill with our Cariages which we got up with very much difficulty not far from the bottom of which Hill we lodged at a great town called Achabar-pore where we ferried over a broad River as we did in other places for I observed no bridges made there over any of their Rivers where their high-ways lie That Hill on which Mandoa stands is stuck round as it were with fair trees that keep their distance so one from and below the other that there is much delight in beholding them either from the bottom or top of that Hill In those vast and far extended Woods there are Lions Tygres and other beasts of Prey and many wild Elephants We lay one night in that wood with our Carriages and those Lions came about us discovering themselves by their Roaring but we keeping a very good fire all night they came not neer enough to hurt either our selves or cattel Those cruel Beasts are night-walkers for in the day they appear not After when through Gods most gracious assistance we had overcome those difficulties and dangers we came into a plain and even Countrey in which travelling a few dayes more we first met with my Lord Ambassador marching towards Mandoa with that great King with whom I then setled and continued with him till he was returned home We were in our journey to the Court from the beginning of Ianuary till the end of March we resting a while at Brampore which is a very spacious and populous City where we had a Factory And after that we were violently detained in our journy by Sultan Caroon the Prince whom we met in his march towards Brampore a very marvelous great retinue with him The reason why he
die into night they fire an innumerable company of lamps and other lights which they hang or fix very thick and set upon the tops of their houses and all other most conspicuous places near their great Tanks that are surrounded with buildings where those lights are doubled by their Reflection upon the water and when they are all burnt out the ceremony is done and the people take food The day after this Ram-jan is fully ended the most devout Mahometans in a solemn manner assemble to their Mosquits where by their Moolaas some selected parts of the Alcoran are publickly read unto them which book the Moolaas never touch without an expression of much outward reverence For their works of charity there are some rich men that build Sarraes in great Cities and Towns spoken of before where passengers may find house-room and that freely without a return of any recompence wherein themselves and goods may be in safety Others make Wells and Tanks for the publick benefit Or maintain servants which continually attend upon road-ways that are much travelled and there offer unto Passengers water for themselves and beasts which water they bring thither in great skins hanging upon the back of their Buttelos which as it is freely given so it must be freely taken by all those who desire to refresh themselves by it There are some which build rich Monuments to preserve the memories of those whom they have esteemed eminent for their austerity and holiness these they call Paeres or Saints amongst whom some of those before-mentioned help to fill their Number who sequester themselves from the world as they think and spend their life alone upon the tops of Hills or in other obscure corners SECTION XVII Of the Marriages of the Mahometans and of their Polygamy c. AMongst many other things that confirm the Mahometans in their irreligion this certainly is not the least the indulgence which Mahomet gives them to take more wives than one for they make take four if they please and that further promise which that monstrous Seducer hath made unto his followers of a fleshly Paradise hereafter wherein he will provide for them all wives which shall have large rowling eyes which they look upon in that sex as a great beauty And it is a very sutable comfort for such as walk so much after the flesh For Polygamy or the having of more wives than one Lamech a great Grand-child of Cain was the first that brought it into the World Gen 4. 19. And it was first brought into the Church by Abraham which act of his as of others after him good men in their generation though it found permission never had approbation from Almighty God And further though under the times of the Law it found some connivence yet since the Gospel there hath been no such custom in any of the Churches of Christ. I remember that my Lord Ambassadour had a Servant of that Nation who desired leave to be absent one day and being asked why he told us that he was then to marry a Wife though he had three living then a Man would think enough for his means but five shillings a Moon the usual pay of Servants there as before I observed to maintain himself and all the rest of his family Often have I heard this Question put How these Mahometans can do with so many Wives some of which they keep pent up in little Cottages or Tents And in other places and parts of the World where mens dwellings are very large and spacious there is scarce room enough to be found for one Wise in a great House The Mahometans who have most Wives and Women are most jealous and their jealousie such as that they will not suffer the Brothers or Fathers of their Wives to come to them or to have any speech with them except it be in their presence And a continued custom by this restraint hath made it odious for such Women as have the reputation of honesty to be seen at any time by any Man besides their own Husbands or by those before named and by them but very seldom But if they dishonour their Husbands beds or being unmarryed are found incontinent and filthy professing Chastity rather than they shall want the severest punishment their own Brothers hands will be first against them to take away their lives and for so doing shall be commended but not questioned The Women there of the greater quality have Eunuchs instead of men to wait upon them who in their minority are deprived of all that might provoke jealousie Here is a free toleration for Harlots who are listed and enrolled as they say before they can have liberty to keep such an open house Which Creatures in general there and so all the World over whosoever they be imbrace those they pretend to love as Monkies and Apes do their little ones for they kill them with kindness Those base Prostitutes are as little asham'd to entertain as others are openly to frequent their houses Other Creatures as they say are there kept for base and abominable ends many of those Nations being deeply engaged in those sins of the Gentiles Rom. 1. in doing things which should not be named and make no scruple at all for their so doing ut honeste peccare videantur as Lactantius speaks as if they might sin honestly Some of the finer sort of those base Strumpets before named at certain Times appear in the presence of the Mogol before whom they sing their wanton Songs playing on their Timbrels The Marriages of all the Mahometans are solemnized with some Pomp for after the Moolaa hath joyned their Hands and performed other Ceremonies and bestowed on the parties some words of Benediction which is done in the Evening immediately after the night coming on they begin their jollity The man on horse-back be he poor or rich with his kindred and friends about him many Lights before him with Drums and Wind-instruments and some mixt pastimes to increase the meâ—riments The Bride she follows with her Women-friends in Coaches covered and after they have thus passed the most eminent places of the City or Town they live in return to the place of the married couples abode where they say if the parties be able they make some slight entertainment for them immediately after which they all disperse and the show is over Women there have a very great happiness above all I have heard of in their easie bringing forth of Children into the world for there it is a thing very common for Women great with Child one day to ride carrying their Infants in their Bodies and the next day to ride again carrying them in their Arms. How those of the greater quality order their little Children when they are very young I could not observe but those of the meaner sort keep them naked for some years after they are born covering them onely and that but sometimes with slight Callico-Mantles The Mohometans as I have before observed who
Coaches to carry us to Surat there being in those Countries subject to the Moghol abundance of Coaches made after their fashion which I formerly describ'd when I saw some of them at Casbin which the Indian Ambassador gave amongst his presents to the King of Persia nor remains any thing more to be said of them but that they are at this day much like the ancient Indian Chariots describ'd by Strabo and are generally cover'd with crimson silk fring'd with yellow round about the roof and the curtains And that the Oxen which also as anciently draw the same are fair large white with two bunches like those of some Camells and run and gallop like Horses they are likewise cover'd with the same stuff but beset with many tufts or tassels and abundance of bells at their necks so that when they run or gallop through the streets they are heard at a sufficient distance and make a very brave show With these kind of Coaches in India they not onely go in Cities but also for the most part travel in the Country To the Sea side came no Coach and therefore the Captain went on foot to a Town a mile off call'd Sohali where he intended to spend the day in recreating himself amongst the Franks who have Houses there for repositing the goods which they continually send to the Sea side to be ship'd but I could not accompany him because of my Ague and therefore staid in a Tent well cover'd with Clothes upon my bed which I caus'd to be laid upon the ground waiting till the Captain sent me a Coach and Carts from the City for my goods Whilst I was lying in this place the violence of my fit was scarce over when I beheld a Cavalier appear on the shore on Horse-back cloth'd and arm'd after the Indian manner with a Scemiter and Target who came towards our Tent and stood still to speak with some person as if he inquir'd for something among us Upon his nearer approach and my better considering him I perceiv'd 't was my great friend Sig Alberto di Scilling who being return'd from Barocci whither the President had told me he was gone and hearing news of us was come from Surat to the Sea side to meet me Whereupon raising my self suddenly from the bed we received one the other with such kindnesses as are usual between two good friends who come from far and have not seen one another a long time after which sitting down together we recounted our adventures one to the other at length he much condoling my misfortunes and regretting to find me sufficiently different from what he had left me in Persia. Towards Evening came two Coaches and a Carr with which we went together to the Town Sohali where we found the two Captains of the ships waiting for us with a Collation ready prepar'd which immediately they gave us entertaining us in conversation till night and certain Indian Women of the Town publick dancers gave us some pastime by dancing to the sound of Drums Bells and other instruments of their fashion which were sounded by their Husbands with very great noise and not without disturbance of my head A little within night the Captains took leave of us and returned to their ships and we betook our selves to rest the remainder of the night in this Town because it was necessary to stay till day before we could enter into Surat the Gates of the City being shut in the night time at least that of the Dogana or Custom-house through which we were to pass They told us the way to the City was seven Cos or Corù for 't is all one and every Cos or Corù is half a Fersegna or league of Persia so that it answers to little less then two English Miles The next Morning very early we put our selves on the way towards Surat and being I conceiv'd my abode there would be but short and that when I should depart thence my way would be by Sea therefore to avoid greater trouble both of conveyance and of the Dogana or Custom-house which is known to be rigorous in Surat I left all my Trunks and gross luggage in the ship and carry'd with me onely such few things as were requisite for daily use The high-way from the Sea side to the City as 't is also generally in this province of Guzarat wherein we were is all very even the soil green all the year and about the Town Sohali grow abundance of Trees of Indian Nuts Tamarinds and other fruits Beyond the Town the Trees are not so plentiful unless near certain houses but the fields are every where either ploughed or full of living creatures feeding in them We arriv'd at the City in good time in the entrance of which there is a River call'd Tapi or Tapti which was to be pass'd over by boat On the other side of which River something on the right hand as you go into the City which hath no walls stands a Castle lately built but very ill design'd Moreover near the place where the boats land stands the Dogana or Custom-house and it took us up some time to dispatch there because they observe very narrowly all goods that are brought in although they be but Clothes for change to see whether there be any thing coming to the Customes nor will they suffer strangers to enter till they be first known and have licence as 't is also practis'd in Venice In all things they proceed with so great wariness and good order that it being known that I conducted with me the Sig ra Mariuccia although a girl very young the Capo or President of the Dogana requir'd likewise to be inform'd of her quality and gave order that she should not be conducted with any violence or other disorder otherwise in lawful things there is no difficulty either through diversity of Religion or upon any other account We were no sooner come to the Dogana but the news of our arrival was I think by Sig Alberto's means carried to the House of the Dutch many of which have Wives there which they married in India purposely to go with them and people a new colony of theirs in Iava Major which they call Batavia Nova where very great priviledges are granted to such of their Country-men as shall go to live there with Wives and Families For which end many of them for want of Europaean have taken Indian Armenian and Syrian Women and of any other race that falls into their hands so they be or can be made Christians Last year the Fleet of the Portugals which went to India was encountred at Sea and partly sunk partly taken by the Hollanders amongst other booty three Maidens were taken of those poor but well descended Orphans which are wont to be sent from Portugal every year at the King's charge with a dowry which the King gives them to the end they may be married in India in order to further the peopling of the Portugal Colonies in those parts
according to the times of the Moon it often carries away people and sometimes with such violence that an Elephant cannot bear up against it but is swept away by the Water Therefore they wait certain fit hours to pass this foard namely when the Sea is at the lowest Ebb which if I mistake not in all other places of the World is wont to be when the Moon is either rising or setting in the Horizon as on the contrary when the Moon is in the middle of Heaven the Tide uses to be at the highest But in the Gulph of Cambaia I know not upon what reason perhaps because 't is much within the Land and far from the great mass of the Ocean it happens at another different hour yet well known to the Country-people The more cautious wait also the most fitting days in the moneth because at the New Moon and Full Moon the Waters are always greater and higher and without comparison highest and most impetuous of all about the Aequinoxes and Solstices In the quarters of the Moon the Tides are moderate and in other intermediate days lower then the rest So that we being come to this place a few days before the New Moon were come in a good time and likewise in a seasonable hour the Cafila or Caravan having set forth from the City in such a moment as was exactly convenient for ordering matters right for the owners of the Coaches and the others imploy'd in this journey are well instructed of every thing and know what they have to do So being united in a great troop the better to break the stream we pass'd over all that space of five Cos which was moist yet firm ground saving that in four places where we foarded the running-water of the River which nevertheless is salt there the great strength of the Sea overcoming that of the River Of the four streams which we waded the first was inconsiderable the other three came higher then the belly of the Oxen which drew the Coaches into which nevertheless the Water enter'd not because their floar and especially the wheels are very high and you sit according to the manner of the East as upon plain ground without hanging the Legs downwards but keeping them bow'd under you For greater security they hir'd sundry men on foot who held the Coaches on either side stedfast with their hands that so in regard of their lightness they might not float and be carry'd away and also to carry our bundles high on their heads that so the same might not be wetted if the Water should come into the body of the Coaches The men who go on foot in this passage either strip themselves naked covering onely their privities with a little cloth or pulling up their coat which as I said is of plain white linnen and serves both for garment and shirt and also tucking up their breeches made of the same they care not for wetting themselves 'T is certainly an odd thing to behold in this passage which is very much frequented abundance of people go every day in this manner some in Coaches and Charriots others on Horseback and a foot men and also women naked without being shie who sees them a spectacle no doubt sufficiently extravagant This wet passage being over there remain two other Cos but of firm and higher ground which is not overflow'd although it be plain and the Sea-shore to arrive at the City of Cambaia whither we came before dinner-time having travell'd that day in all twelve Cos. And here likewise we went to lodge in the House which belongs to the Dutch Merchants by whom we were receiv'd with great kindness and treated continually with exquisite chear for such was the order of the Commendator concerning us in all places Cambaia is a City indifferently large though most of its greatness consists in Suburbs without the walls which are sufficiently spacious 'T is seated on the Sea-shore in a plain almost in the utmost recess of that great Gulph whereunto it gives name The City that is the inner part without the Suburbs is incompass'd with walls built with plain cortines and round battlements The Houses within are brickt with coverings of Tiles and Cisterns which is the custom in India for provision of Water which falls in such plenty during those three moneths of the great Summer rains In our Countries they would be ordinary Houses but in these parts they are counted good and perhaps the best of the whole Province and they are made shady and cool as the heat of the place requires The City hath no form'd Port because it stands in a low Plain but 't is call'd a Port by reason of the great concourse of Vessels thither from several parts which nevertheless for the most part are Frigots Galeots and other small ones of that make which go either by oar or sail because great ones cannot come near the Land by a great way The people of Cambaia are most part Gentiles and here more then elsewhere their vain superstitions are observed with rigor Wherefore we who came particularly to see these things the same day of our arrival after we had din'd and rested a while caus'd our selves to be conducted to see a famous Hospital of Birds of all sorts which for being sick lame depriv'd of their mates or otherwise needing food and cure are kept and tended there with diligence as also the men who take care of them are maintain'd by the publick alms the Indian Gentiles who with Pythagoras and the ancient Aegyptians the first Authors of this opinion according to Herodotus believe the Transmigration of Souls not onely from Man to Man but also from Man to brute beast conceiving it no less a work of Charity to do good to beasts then to Men. The House of this Hospital is small a little room sufficing for many Birds Yet I saw it full of Birds of all sorts which need tendance as Cocks Hens Pigeons Peacocks Ducks and small Birds which during their being lame or sick or mateless are kept here but being recover'd and in good plight if they be wild they are let go at liberty if domestick they are given to some pious person who keeps them in his House The most curious thing I saw in this place were certain little Mice who being found Orphans without Sire or Dam to tend them were put into this Hospital and a venerable Old Man with a white Beard keeping them in a box amongst Cotton very diligently tended them with his spectacles on his nose giving them milk to eat with a Bird's feather because they were so little that as yet they could eat nothing else and as he told us he intended when they were grown up to let them go free whither they pleas'd From this place we went out of the City to the Sea-side to see a Garden sometimes belonging to the Kings of Guzarat 'T is small adorn'd with the same Trees as that which I saw in Surà t with some also
discovering the Goods and Mony of the Citizens particularly that he had tortur'd and undecently mangled many Women of quality and done other like barbarities whereby he render'd himself very odious to the people Concerning Asaf Chan it was said that he was held in custody by the King as suspected of Rebellion although his affairs were spoken of with much uncertainty and that the King was hastning to come against his Son but was not yet far off and mov'd slowly March the one and twentieth Conceiving the return of the Portugal Cafila from Cambaia to Goa to be near hand and desiring to make a Voyage with the same since in regard of the greatness of my luggage and the length of the way I could not go by Land and 't was not safe going by Sea by reason of the continual incursions of the Mahabar Pirates I dispatch'd a Messenger to Daman a City of the Portugals a little way from Surà t to F. Antonio Albertino Rector of the Colledge of Jesuits with the Letter which their above-mention'd Father had given me in Cambaia and giving him account of my self and my intention I desir'd him to send me from Daman one of those Light Vessels which they call Almadiae and are of that swiftness that they are not at all afraid of Pirates to carry me from Surà t to Daman where I desir'd to meet the Cafila For I could not go by a Boat of Surà t since the Mariners of Surà t would not have taken my Goods aboard which were in the English Ships without first carrying them into the City to make them pay Custom whereby I might have been put to a great deal of trouble of going backward and forward as also upon the account of the Moorish Books which I had with me and reliques of Sig Maani Wherefore to prevent these intricacies I pray'd the Father to send me a Boat from Daman to take me in not at the City but at the Port where the Ships ride and where I intended to be with my Goods ready upon the shore of Sohali And to the end this Portugal Boat might come securely and not fear I sent him two safe Conducts one from the English and the other from the Dutch although there was no necessity of them because Boats come many times secretly from Daman without such safe Conduct to sell Commodities to the English Ships March the fifteenth Was the first day of the Feast of the Indian-Gentiles which they celebrate very solemnly at the entrance of the Spring with dancings through the street and casting Orange Water and red Colours in jest one upon another with other festivities of Songs and Mummeries as I have formerly seen the same in Sphahan where also reside constantly a great number of Banians and Indian-Gentiles Yet the solemnity and concourse of people was greater then in Persia as being in their own Country and a City inhabited in a great part by Gentiles and wealthier persons Otherwise I saw nothing at Surat during these three Festival Days but what I had seen already at Sphahan and have mention'd in my Writings from that place March the eighteenth Being invited to the Dutch House we there saw the Contract of Sig ra Mariam the Daughter of the abovesaid Armenian or Syrian Merchant Resident Ahmedabad with Sig r Guiglielmo a Dutch-man which was follow'd by a sumptuous Dinner at which were all the Christian Dames of Europe that liv'd at Surat to attend upon the Bride namely one Portugal Woman taken in the last Ships which were surpriz'd by the Dutch and married likewise to a Dutch-man Mary Bagdadina Wife to another Hollander and with them also my young Mariam Tinatin and another born in India and contracted to a Dutch-man of which Nation many upon the encouragement of certain priviledges granted them by the State marry Wives in India of any kind either white Women or black and go to people New Batavia which they have built in Iava Major near a place which they call Giacatora and they that cannot light upon Free-women for Marriage buy slaves and make them their lawful Wives to transport thither At this entertainment were present also the President of the English with all those of his Nation all the Dutch Merchants the Brides Brother Sig Alberto Scilling my self and in short all the Europaean Christians that were in Surat March the one and twentieth A Post came to the Dutch Merchants from Agra with fresh News that Sultan Chorròm had besides the former given a new sack to the said City and the Souldiers committing the like and greater Cruelties exasperated perhaps at their being valorously repuls'd in assaulting the Castle with loss of many of their Companions March the two and twentieth This Morning the Messenger whom I had sent to Daman return'd to Surat with the answer which I expected F. Antonio writ me word that there was but one of those Light Vessels belonging to Daman and it was now at Surat being lately come thither the Master of which was one Sebastian Luis wherefore he advis'd me to agree with him for my transportation and in case he were already gone then I should advertise him thereof at Daman and they would speedily send him back for which purpose they kept the safe Conducts which I had sent for security of the Vessel But having presently found the abovesaid Sebastian Luis I have agreed with him to bring his Boat out of the River to the Sea-side and take me in at the Port which is some distance from the mouth of the River where I have appointed to meet him to morrow morning It remains onely that I take leave of the Dutch Commendator and the English President from whom I have receiv'd infinite Obligations during all my residence here particularly to the Sig r Commendator the remembrance whereof shall continue with me during Life I hope God willing to write to you speedily from Goa and in the mean time humbly kiss your Hands LETTER II. From Goa April 27. 1623. I Now salute you my dear Sig Mario from Goa in India indeed I am but no Indian Having pass'd through the Syrian and afterwards the Persian Garb I am again transvested into our Europaean In Turkie and Persia you would not have known me but could not mistake me in India where I have almost resum'd my first shape This is the third transformation which my Beard hath undergone having here met with an odd Barber who hath advanc'd my mustachios according to the Portugal Mode and in the middle of my chin shaven after the Persian Mode he hath left the Europaean tuft But to continue my Diary where I left off in my last Letter which was about my departure from Surà t March the three and twentieth Having taken leave of all Friends a little after Dinner I set forth to depart but met with so many obstacles in the Dogana or Custom-house that they detain'd me till almost night before I could get away The occasion was this In the Pass given me
Companion Sig Alberto Schilling who was aboard there in order to go to the Red Sea intending to pass from thence into Aethiopia to the Court of the Abissins in case he could get Transportation and were not hindred in the Turkish Ports where he was to pass upon account of being a Christian the Turks not willingly granting passage to Christians especially Europaeans towards Hhabese in regard of the suspitions they have of the intelligences and converse with our Compatriots may have to their prejudice with that Prince Wherefore taking leave of Sig Alberto with many embraces of Master Rosel whom I had known in Persia and who being come from thence after me was here shipt for a Trading Voyage and of all my other Friends in the two Ships I came back to sup and lye on Land in the Tent of the President March the twenty fifth Early in the Morning I put my Goods into the Shallop of Sebastian Luis and also going aboard my self whilst the President went to his own Ships to dispatch them set sail for Daman at night we cast Anchor in a narrow arm of the Sea which enters far into the Land of which sort of inlets there are many all along the coast of India which encompassing good portions of Land make many little Islands and because the said arms of the Sea are long and narrow like Rivers and some of them have little Rivers falling into them from the continent although the water is salt and they have no current but the ebbing and flowing of the Sea the Portugals term them in their Language Rios Rivers which I take notice of that it may be understood that all the Rios or Rivers which I shall name in the coast of India and not specifie that they are streams of fresh water are such arms of the Sea as this improperly call'd Rivers This where we staid this night is call'd Rio di Colek or Coleque I have better understood that all the aforesaid inlets are not arms of the Sea but really Rivers of fresh water and the Tide of the Sea at ebbing and flowing being here very strong and overcoming that of the Rivers hence it comes to pass that 't is hardly perceiv'd whether they have any stream or no and the water going far into the Land comes likewise to be salt but indeed they are Rivers and form Islands by their entring into the Sea with many mouths They are almost innumerable upon all the coast of India and the Portugals very truly call them Rios Rivers Wonder not at these doubts and various informations for I could not understand things thoroughly at first for want of converse with intelligent persons nor was it easie for me to judge right in the beginning the first appearance of things oftentimes deceiving even the wisest as the saltness of the water did me in my judgement of these Rivers making me take them for arms of the Sea which mistake was further'd by the affirmation of most of the ignorant Portugals who not knowing more of this coast then the shore where the water is salt think that the Rivers are salt water but Time and better informations assist my diligence in discovering the truth of things March the twenty sixth About noon we arriv'd at Daman but unseasonably the Cafila and Fleet of the Portugals being gone in the Morning and we discern'd them sailing afar off but it was not possible to overtake them I advertis'd F. Antonio Albertino Rector of the Jesuits Colledge of my coming and he very courteously came forthwith to the Sea-side to receive me and carry'd me to lodge in the Colledge which in reference to that small City is large enough and well built He sent Mariam Tenatim in a Palanchino or Indian Litter wherein people are carry'd lying along as 't were in a Couch and those of Women are cover'd to the House of a Portugal Gentlewoman and advis'd me that since the Cafila was departed I should go in the same Vessel to meet it at Bassaim where it was to touch and for that day rest a little in Daman as accordingly I did The City of Daman is small but of good building and hath long large and strait streets It hath no Bishop as neither have the other Cities of the Portugals upon this coast being subject in spirituals to the Arch-Bishop of Goa but in every one of them resides a Vicar whom they call da Vara that is of the Vierge or Mace which is the badg of Authority with supream power Besides the Jesuits and the Church of the See as they call the Duomo or Cathedral here are Dominicans Franciscans and as I remember Augustines too all who have good Churches and Covents The City is environ'd with strong walls of good fortification and hath a large Territory and many Towns under it and because they are frequently at war with Nizamsciah whose State being govern'd at this day by his famous Abissine-Slave Melik Ambar borders upon it by Land therefore the Portugals here are all Horse-men and keep many good Arabian Horses as they are oblig'd to do going frequently out to war in defence of their Territory when occasion requires though during my time here they were at peace In Daman I first tasted at the Father Rector's Table many strange Indian Fruits some of which are describ'd by Carolus Clusius and others not which as I was told were after the writing of his Books brought into East India from Brasil or New Spain namely Papaia Casu or Cagiu Giambo Manga or Amba and Ananas all which seem'd to me passibly good and though of different tasts not inferior to ours of Europe especially Papaia which is little esteem'd in India and if I mistake not is not mention'd by the abovesaid Writer in shape and taste it much resembles our Melons but is sweeter and consequently to me seem'd better Ananas is justly esteem'd being of a laudable taste though something uncouth inclining more to sharpness which with a mixture of sweetness renders it pleasant And because the said Books mention it not I shall briefly add that to the outward view it seems when it is whole to resemble our Pine-Apple both in the divisions and the colour saving that at the top it hath a kind of tuft of long strait leaves between green and white which the Pine-Apple hath not and which render it prety to look upon 't is also different from the Pine-Apple in that the husks are not hard but tender like the common skin of Fruits nor is it needful to take them off one by one neither is any seed eaten as the Pine-Nuts which are within the husks but the whole Fruit is all pulp which is cut with the knife and within 't is of somewhat a greenish colour Of temperament 't is held to be hot and good to promote digestion having in my opinion somewhat of a winish taste and strength which virtue of helping digestion is likewise ascrib'd in a higher degree to Caju whence it
War large and handsome A Market was kept this day in Saghèr as 't is the custom every Sunday and at Ikkeri every Fryday There was a great concourse of people but nothing to sell besides necessaries for food and clothing after their manner The way between Ikkeri and Saghèr is very handsome plain broad almost totally direct here and there beset with great and thick Trees which make a shadow and a delightful verdure As we return'd home at night we met a Woman in the City of Ikkeri who her Husband being dead was resolv'd to burn her self as 't is the custom with many Indian Women She rod on Horse-back about the City with open face holding a Looking-glasse in one hand and a Lemon in the other I know not for what purpose and beholding her self in the Glass with a lamentable tone sufficiently pittiful to hear went along I know not whither speaking or singing certain words which I understood not but they told me they were a kind of Farewell to the World and her self and indeed being utter'd with that passionateness which the Case requir'd and might produce they mov'd pity in all that heard them even in us who understood not the Language She was follow'd by many other Women and Men on foot who perhaps were her Relations they carry'd a great Umbrella over her as all Persons of quality in India are wont to have thereby to keep off the Sun whose heat is hurtful and troublesome Before her certain Drums were sounded whose noise she never ceas'd to accompany with her sad Ditties or Songs yet with a calm and constant Countenance without tears evidencing more grief for her Husband's death then her own and more desire to go to him in the other world than regret for her own departure out of this A Custom indeed cruel and barbarous but withall of great generosity and virtue in such Women and therefore worthy of no small praise They said she was to pass in this manner about the City I know not how many dayes at the end of which she was to go out of the City and be burnt with more company and solemnity If I can know when it will be I will not fail to go to see her and by my presence honor her Funeral with that compassionate affection which so great Conjugal Fidelity and Love seems to me to deserve November the thirteenth I took the Altitude of the Sun at Ikkeri and found it 31. gr 40′ The Sun was now in the 20th degree of Scorpio and declin'd Southwards 17. gr 45′ 40″ which taken from 31. gr 40′ leave 13. gr 54′ 20″ The former time I found Ikkeri to be in 13. gr 30 31″ but now I found it to be in 13. gr 54′ 20″ between which there is onely the difference of 23′ 43″ which is a small matter And therefore I account my observation right for the small variation between the two times is no great matter in regard the declination of the Sun not being punctually known may cause the difference At night walking in the City I saw in the Piazza of the great Temple which I understood was dedicated to an Idol call'd Agore Scuarà who they say is the same with Mahadeù although they represent him not in the same shape with that I saw of Mahadeù in Cambaia but in the shape of a Man with but one Head and Face and sixteen Arms on each side in all thirty two which is not strange since our Antients call'd many of their Idols by names sufficiently different and pourtray'd them in several shapes and wherein also I understood there was an Idol of Parveti who is the Wife of Mahadeù though the Temple be not dedicated to her I saw I say in the Piazza one of their Fryers or Giangami clad all in white sitting in an handsome Palanchino with two great white Umbrellaes held over him one on each side which two were for the more gravity and a Horse led behind being follow'd by a great train of other Giangami clad in their ordinary habits Before the Palanchino march'd a numerous company of Souldiers and other people many Drums and Fifes two strait long Trumpets and such brass Timbrels as are us'd in Persia Bells and divers other Instruments which sounded as loud as possible and amongst them was a troop of Dancing-women adorn'd with Girdles Rings upon their Legs Neck-laces and other ornaments of Gold and with certain Pectorals or Breast-plates almost round in the fashion of a Shield and butting out with a sharp ridg before embroyder'd with Gold and stuck either with Jewels or some such things which reflected the Sun-beams with marvellous splendor as to the rest of their bodies they were uncover'd without any Veil or Head-tire When they came to the Piazza the Palanchino stood still and the multitude having made a ring the Dancing-women fell to dance after their manner which was much like the Moris-dance of Italy onely the Dancers sung as they danc'd which seem'd much better One of them who perhaps was the Mistress of the rest danc'd alone by her self with extravagant and high jumpings but alwayes looking towards the Palanchino Sometimes she cowr'd down with her hanches almost to the ground sometimes leaping up she struck them with her Feet backwards as Coelius Rhodiginus relates of the ancient dance call'd Bibasi continually singing and making several gestures with her Hands but after a barbarous manner and such as amongst us would not be thought handsome The Dance being ended the Palanchino with all the train went forward the Instruments continually playing before them I follow'd to see the end and found that they went into the chief street and so out of the City by the Gate which leads to Saghèr stopping in divers places of the street to act the same or the like dances over again and particularly in the Entrance of the said Gate where amongst many Trees and Indian Canes which make the City-Wall there is a small Piazza very eeven and shaded about like a Pastoral Scene and very handsome At last the Giangamo with his Palanchino and train enter'd into certain Gardens without the Gate where his House stood and after the last Dance he remain'd there and the rest went away They told me this Honor was done him because they had then cast water upon his Head and perform'd some other Ceremony equivalent to our ordaining one in Sacris or creating a Doctor As I was going along the streets to behold this Pomp I saw many persons come with much devotion to kiss the Feet of all those Giangamoes who on Foot follow'd the principal Giangamo who was in the Palanchino and because they were many and it took up much time to kiss the Feet of them all therefore when any one came to do it they stood still all in a rank to give him time and whilst such persons were kissing them and for more reverence touching their Feet with their Fore-heads these Giangamoes stood firm with a seeming
Christendom That Italy was all in wars about the Valtoline which the French had surpriz'd out of the hands of the Pope's Officers wherewith his Holiness was much offended That the Prince of England was to marry a Sister of the King of France That the Dutch had taken an important City from the Portugals in Brasile That Marquiss Spinola had lay'd siege to another considerable one of the Dutch in Flanders that the Emperor's affairs in Germany proceeded very prosperously and other particulars of less moment which for brevity I omit May the twentieth Upon the return of Emir Zambar owner of the House where I liv'd I resign'd the possession to him and withdrew to the Covent of the Carmelites till my departure in which the Capigi intends to accompany me we having provided us arms and resolutions not to fear meeting Arabian Thieves I declin'd the Cafila not only that I might go as I pleas'd but also to avoid prolonging the voyage by the slowness of the Carriages in the Desart which affords nothing but bare earth void of water and grass If it please God I will write to you again at Aleppo from whence you shall receive the next LETTER XI From Aleppo August 5. 1625. HAving obtain'd licence of the Aga to depart on the one and twentieth of May in the Evening I caus'd my goods to be carri'd to a Field without the City call'd Mascraqa where the Camels were to take their burdens and having order'd a little Tent to be pitcht there I repair'd thither with Marian Tinatim and all my servants May the twenty second Having in the day dispatcht some small business which remain'd for me to do in order to my departure and paid a Custom usually demanded of such as go out of Bassora about midnight I departed the City and travell'd all night having presently enter'd into the Desart which is altogether level first in clayie and something dirty ways and afterwards in dry with very little grass for Camels May the twenty third After we had travell'd about six leagues we arriv'd at a Town of the Arabians call'd Cuvebeda where an Arabian Sceich resides who receives a Gabel of the Caravans and Burdens that pass that way at my time he was call'd Sceich Abdullah Here we pitch't a tent in a field without the Town in expectation of our chief Camelier who was to follow us with one of those Capigi's that had been sent from the Serdar to the Basha of Bassora But on May the twenty fifth because he came not and it was tedious to me to abide longer in that place where the wind and the dust much molested us in the Evening I dispatcht my servant Michel to Bassora with Letters to F. Fra Basilio Sig Consalvo Martins de Castelbranco Factor of the Portugals and Chogia Negem earnestly entreating them to procure that the chief Camelier might come away forth-with or in case he must stay yet longer for the Capigi that he would give order to his under-Cameliers to conduct us forwards and I would go without him if not I would return to Bassora Two dayes after my Servant return'd from Bassora with this account That the Capigi would come away the next day without fail and that F. Fra Gregorio Orsino a Dominican formerly known to me and Vicar General at Constantinople ten years before was arriv'd at Bassora from Armenia where he had been Apostolical Visitor in order to go speedily into Italy and hearing of my being upon the way to Aleppo intended to come along with the chief Camelier Which last News was so welcome to me that I accounted all the time of my pass'd and yet future waiting at Cuvebeda well spent for I imagin'd the Capigi would not come so soon as they said because the Moors never speak truth May the thirtieth At dark night the above-said F. Fra Gregorio Orsino arriv'd with the chief Camelier Hhaggi Ahhamed I receiv'd him with such contentment as you may imagine and though he civilly declin'd it caus'd him to lodg with me in my Tent. The Capigi came not and though they said he would come presently after yet I conceiv'd we were to wait for him yet a good while and perhaps till the New Moon it being the custom of the Moors almost ever to begin their journeys at the New Moon Iune the third Early in the Morning the Capigi arriv'd at the place where we waited for him whereupon in order to our further progress we discharg'd such duties of Gabels or Customs as were to be paid at this Town You must know that in the whole way of this Desart we were to pay four Tolls or Customs if he that conducted us did not deceive us namely to Sceich Abdullah Lord of Cuvebeda for every Camels's load of fine Merchandize valu'd at the rate of Indian Cloth five Piastres for every like load of any other Goods whatsoever valu'd at the rate of Tobacco a much lesser summ but I know not how much Another Gabel was to be paid to a Chieftain of the Arabians of the Desart whom they call Ben Chaled he takes for every load be it what it will five Lari which amount to one Piastre and a Sciahi besides of which eight and a third part go for a Piastre at Bassora but at Aleppo onely eight The third Gabel was to be paid to another Head of the Arabians sirnamed il Cieco who takes for every load what-soever six Sciahi and lastly six other Sciahi were in like manner to be paid for every load to another Captain of Arabians Cousin to the fore-said Cieco Scich Abdullah Lord of Cuvebeda said he would take nothing of me in regard of two Letters which I brought him one from the Basha of Bassora and the other from the Factor of the Portugals his Friend both of them having much recommended me to him The other three were not themselves at Cuvebeda but had their Agents or Officers there to whom we paid what they said was due and they gave us an Acquittance for it that it might not be demanded of us again by any other of their Officers in the Desart Iune the fourth Sceich Abdullah it seems alter'd his mind concerning the Gabel which he had remitted and requir'd the same of me taking for my two Trunks ten Piastres which was a most rigorous rate I mention this to give notice of the manner of proceeding and little punctualness observ'd by these Barbarians Iune the fifth We departed very early from Cuvebeda and before noon arriv'd at certain Wells or Pits which they call Ganemiat importing their use for Cattel where we found many Arabians lodg'd At a distant view of them we betook our selves to our Arms against what-ever should happen but upon nearer approach we perceiv'd them to be poor peaceable people whereupon we lodg'd all together in that place Yet here we had News that a band of Arabian Thieves had way-lay'd us at another Pass a little further off with intent to assault us For discovering
be disturb'd I stay'd in the Antichamber till he had done being entertain'd in the mean time by Sig Paolo Faraone his Nephew whom I had seen at Messina in the year 1611 then a very Youth but now grown a compleat young man yet I did not discover my self to him When the Bishop had ended the Office we enter'd to kiss his hands At first view he said he thought he knew me but remember'd not who I was and indeed he knew me not by my voice after I had spoken to him although I knew both his voice and person he seeming to me little or nothing chang'd from what I left him at Rome about twelve years ago when he was an Abbot But when I discover'd my self to him he seem'd amaz'd and with much joy for seeing me here at a time when he thought I was far enough off and perhaps as he said not in this world for 't was four years since he had heard any News of me he receiv'd me with extream kindness and gladness After we had given one another account of many things and I had been complemented by Sig Paolo his Nephew and others that were with him I told him that I had in the Galley Batoni Mariam Tinatin my spiritual Daughter and should be glad that before we departed as I thought to do with the same Gallies for Messina that she saw the Church and something of Syracuse The Bishop presently sent Signora Maria his Brother's Wife and Mother of Sig Paolo with two of her Daughters to fetch my Women from the Galley in a Coach and Sig Paolo the Receiver of Malta and my self went in another Coach to fetch them on Land After these Gentlewomen had receiv'd them with many Complements we all went together to the Nunns Church of S. Lucie where we stay'd till evening the Nunns being much delighted to behold the strange habits of my Women and to discourse with them by Interpreters In the mean time many people flock'd into the Church to see them and several Cavaliers came to complement me and make themselves known to me It being late we were accompani'd by many Gentry and people to the Palace where my Women were receiv'd by the Bishop with much Courtesie And being the Galleys were to depart for Messina this very night I desir'd leave of the Bishop to return aboard again but he would by no means grant it saying that since I was come to see him it was not fit that I should embitter his joy with so sudden a departure much less when S. Lucy's day was so near at hand for which those that are remote use to go to Syracuse and that I was the more oblig'd to stay because I had once promis'd him by a Letter as indeed I had to come to Syracuse and spend a S. Lucy's day with him so that since chance had brought it thus to pass I must needs make my word good I answer'd many things and did all I could to get away but to no purpose for the Bishop sen the Receiver to get all my goods out of the Galley for which end was necessary for the gate of the City to be kept open a good part of the night contrary to custom and besides having caus'd a very noble Apartment to be got ready for me in the new building of his Palace he would by all means have us all lodge there Wherefore seeing his pleasure was such I thought fit to obey him and accept the favour The Gentlemen and Gentlewomen after some discourse departed and we were conducted to our apartment where because the Bishop eats not at night he left us to sup and rest The two Galleys which brought us depart this night for Messina and with them F. Orisno my late Fellow-traveller who will deliver you this Letter which I conclude this Evening not omitting to acquaint you with my tarrying here for some days to the end you may understand my deliverance and the good issue of my health and so praying God for the like to you I very heartily kiss your hands LETTER XV. From Messina January 24. 1626. IN continuation of my last to you concerning the favours I receiv'd from my Lord the Bishop of Syracuse I must tell you in the first place that on the fifth of December we were conducted by a great company of Gentry of both Sexes out of the City to several reliques of ancient Syracuse We saw the Artificial Echo reported to have been made by Dionysius in a Prison where he kept many slaves to hear what they talkt within and if I mistake not Archimedes seems to have been the contriver of the Fabrick 'T is indeed one of the goodliest pieces of Art that I ever saw in the world and perhaps was ever invented imitating nature so exactly that the Echo returns words sentences sounds and songs most intire and perfect as was prov'd in our presence with sundry Instruments If a man strike a thick extended cloth with a wand it renders a sound like the shot of Artillery which to be done so well in a Grotto form'd not by Nature but by Art is indeed a strange thing and shews a prodigious wit in the Contriver I must not omit that the roof of this grotto is hollow'd in the form of a man's ear from which probably the Artificer borrow'd the Invention since just as the voice striking the ears which are so shap'd renders the sound audible so 't is seen by experience that this great artificial Ear cut by hand in hard stone being struck in like manner produces the same effect of augmenting a sound although we know not but other Natural Echoes in Caves are fram'd after the same manner Near the place of the Echo we saw the subterranean Cavities wherein the slaves were imprison'd and over them the place of Dionysius's Palace in a very goodly situation with a Prospect extending far both on Land and Sea And near the Palace we beheld many remainders of his great Theater which was not built up like other Structures but cut and hollow'd out of the hard stone all of a piece very large and of excellent Architecture As we return'd home we saw contiguous to the City on one side the Port which they call'd Marmoreo or the Marble Port from its being built all of Stone and differing from the other great one which lies under the City on the other side for at this day the City stands wholly in the Peninsula Ortygia which is almost surrounded by the Sea saving where it joyns to the Land by a narrow Euripus December 8th I accompani'd the Bp to the Church of S. Francis whither because it was the Feast of the Conception he went to hear Mass being attended by the Senate and all the Nobility of the City After which I went with divers Gentlemen my Friends to see the Church of S. Lucy without the City in the place where she was martyr'd which Church though sometimes it belong'd to Priests yet is now
to say more of this man in some passages of this following Discourse and therefore I shall not wrap all I have to speak of him in this although it be a very long digression Yet because I must now shortly bring you to his journies end I shall take the freedom to enlarge my self a little further concerning him here in this place before I leave him for the present and to give thee Reader a piece of his Character it speaks thus That he was a man of a very coveting Eye that could never be satisfied with seeing as Solomon speaks Eccles. 1. 8. though he had seen very much and I am perswaded that he took as much content in seeing as many others in the enjoying of Great and Rare things He was a man that had got the mastery of many hard Languages as before I observed to the Latine and Greek he brought forth of England with him in which if he had obtained wisdom to husband and manage them as he had skill to speak them he had deserved more Fame in his Generation But his knowledge and high attainments in several Languages made him not a little ignorant of himself he being so covetous so ambitious of praise that he would hear and endure more of it than he could in any measure deserve being like a Ship that hath too much Sail and too little Ballast Yet if he had not faln into the smart hands of the Wits of those Times he might have passed better That itch of Fame which engaged this man to the undertakings of those very hard and long and dangerous Travels hath put thousands more and therefore he was not alone in this into strange attempts onely to be talked of Upon a time one Mr Richard Steel a Merchant and servant to the East-India Company came unto us from Surat to Mandoa the place then of the Mogol's Residence of which place somewhat more hereafter at which time Mr Coryat was there with us This Merchant had not long before travelled over-land from East-India through Persia and so to Constantinople and so for England who in his Travel home-ward had met with Tom Coryat as he was journeying towards East-India Mr Steel then told him that when he was in England King Iames then living enquired after him and when he had certified the King of his meeting him on the way the King replyed Is that Fool yet living which when our Pilgrim heard it seemed to trouble him very much because the King spake no more nor no better of him saying that Kings would speak of poor men what they pleased At another time when he was ready to depart from us my Lord Embassador gave him a Letter and in that a Bill to receive ten pounds at Aleppo when he should return thither The Letter was directed unto Mr Libbaeus Chapman there Consul at that time in which that which concerned our Traveller was thus Mr Chapman when you shall hand these Letters I desire you to receive the Bearer of them Master Thomas Coryat with Courtesie for you shall find him a very honest poor Wretch and further I must entreat you to furnish him with ten pounds which shall be repayed c. Our Pilgrim lik'd the gift well but the Language by which he should have received it did not at all content him telling me That my Lord had even spoyled his Courtesie in the carriage thereof so that if he had been a very Fool indeed he could have said very little less of him than he did Honest poor Wretch And to say no more of him was to say as much as nothing And furthermore he then told me that when he was formerly undertaking his journey to Venice a Person of Honour wrote thus in his behalf unto Sir Henry Wotton then and there Embassador My Lord Good Wine needs no Bush neither a worthy man Letters Commendatory because whithersoever he comes he is his own Epistle c. There said he was some Language on my behalf but now for my Lord to write nothing of me by way of Commendation but Honest poor Wretch is rather to trouble me than to please me with his favour And therefore afterwards his Letter was phras'd up to his mind but he never liv'd to receive the money By which his old acquaintance may see how tender this poor man was to be touched in any thing that might in the least measure disparage him O what pains this poor man took to make himself a Subject for presâ—nt and after Discourse being troubled at nothing for the present unless with the fear of not living to reap that fruit he was so ambitious of in all his undertakings And certainly he was surprized with some such thoughts and fears for so he told us afterwards when upon a time he being at Mandoa with us and there standing in a room against a stone Pillar where the Embassador was and my self present with them upon a sudden he fell into such a swoon that we had very much ado to recover him out of it but at last comn to himself he told us that some sad thoughts had immediately before presented themselves to his Fancy which as he conceived put him into that distemper like Fannius in Martial Ne moriare mori to prevent death by dying For he told us that there was great Expectations in England of the large Accounts he should give of his Travels after his return home and that he was now shortly to leave us and he being at present not very well if he should die in the way toward Surat whither he was now intended to go which place he had not yet seen he might be buryed in Obscurity and none of his Friends ever know what became of him he travelling now as he usually did alone Upon which my Lord willed him to stay longer with us but he thankfully refused that offer and turned his face presently after towards Surat which was then about three hundred miles distant from us and he lived to come safely thither but there being over-kindly used by some of the English who gave him Sack which they had brought from England he calling for it as soon as he first heard of it and crying Sack Sack Is there such a thing as Sack I pray you give me some Sack And drinking of it though I conceive moderately for he was a very temperate man it increased his Flux which he had then upon him and this caused him within a few dayes after his very tedious and troublesome Travels for he went most on foot at this place to come to his journeies end for here he overtook Death Decemb. 1617. and was buried as aforesaid under a little Monument like one of those usually made in our Church-yards I now proceed to our former Discourse of the Description of the Great Mogol's Territories Which I shall digest into several Sections SECTION I. Of the several Provinces the chief Cities the Principal Rivers the extent of this vast Empire THe most spacious
into a mortal flux of blood which in few dayes put an end to his life in his City Lahore Neque enim lex justior ulla est Quam necis artifices arte perire sua Achabar Sha thus dead Sultan Coobsurroo his Grand-Child then aged about twenty years took his opportunity at the first bound and ascended the Regal Throne at Lahore where by a general Acclamation of that very great and populous City he was pronounced and acknowledged King His Father the late Mogol was thus acknowledged at Agra Two great Armies were presently levied and met together to decide the Controversie and the generality of the people within that Empire thinking it meet that the Father should be King before the Son clave by far more to him then to his Son by which means Sultan Coobsurroo was defeated and taken Prisoner and a very great many of young Gallants with him whereof his Father immediately after caused to be impaled or put upon Stakes that most cruel and tormenting death eight hundred in two several ranks in one day without the City Lahore and then carried his Son most disgracefully through them bidding him to behold the men in whom he trusted His Son told him that he should have serv'd him so and spared the other who did nothing in that action but upon his Command his Father replyed that he could serve him so presently if he so pleased his Son will'd and desired him so to do telling his Father that he had no joy at all to live after the beholding of so many gallant men dead Notwithstanding the King spared his Life casting him into Prison where his Eyes were sealed up by something put before them which might not be taken of for the space of three years after which time that seal was taken away that he might with freedom enjoy the Light though not his Liberty And after his Father had taken him out of Prison he kept him alwayes near about him but with a very strong Guard upon him so that he following the King his Father in his Progresses we sometimes saw him And once he called my Lord Ambassadour to him as we passed by him asking him many Questions as how far distant our Country was from them and what we brought thither and what we carryed thence and how the King his Father had used him since his arrive there whether or no he had not bestowed upon him some great gifts The Ambassadour told him that his business there was to obtain a free Trade for his Nation the English and that being granted him he had reward enough The Prince replyed that this could not be denyed us we coming so far to trade there with him and the Prince further asked him How long he had been there the Ambassadour told him About two years the Prince replyed again that it was a very great shame for the Successor of Tamberlane who had such infinite Riches to suffer a Man of his quality to come so far unto him and to live so long about him and not to give him some Royal Gift and he further added that for himself he was a Prisoner and therefore could do him no good but would pray for him and so he departed For that Prince he was a Gentleman of a very lovely presence and fine carriage so exceedingly beloved of the common people that as Suetonius writes of Titus he was Amor Deliciae c. the very love and delight of them Aged then about thirty and five years He was a Man who contented himself with one Wife which with all love and care accompanied him in all his streights and therefore he would never take any Wife but her self though the Liberty of his Religion did admit of Plurality It was generally believed to be the intent of his Father for he would often presage so to make this Prince his first-born his Successor though for the present out of some jealousie he being so much beloved of the people he denyed him his Libeâ—ty His Father's Love brings upon him the extream hatred of his Brother Caroom the Mogol's third Son who then lived in very great Pomp and Splendor at that Court aiming at that Empire to which end he put many jealousies into his Father's Head now grown in years concerning his Brother Coobsurroo and that his Father might live more secure and out of all present fear of him if he so pleased upon which insinuations partly by force as I observed before and partly by intreaty of Friends about the King he was by the King put into the Cruel Hand of his Brother Caroom who told his Father that he would have both his Eyes upon him and further so provide that he should never have cause to fear him any more and he was as good as his word for presently after he had gotten possession of him though his Father had given him as great a charge as possibly he could to use him well and to keep him honourably and by no means to hurt him which was all promised by Caroom to be faithfully observed he caused his Second Brother Sultan Parveen to be poysoned and not long after that strangled that most gallant Prince his eldest Brother which did so trouble his Father that the grief thereof as it was strongly believed shortned his dayes who not long after this much against his mind made room for that Murderer to succeed him in that Empire who lay'd the foundation of his high Advancement in the Blood of his Brothers and rather then he would have missed it would certainly have made a way through the Blood of his Father likewise All Laws of honesty and of Nature were by him thrown down trampled under foot forgotten and made void to compass and gain his most unjust ends as if he resolved to practise that Language which Polynices out of the height of Ambition spake in the Tragedy Pro Regno velim Patriam Penates Conjugem flammis dare Imperia Precio quolibet constant bene Sen. Trag. Fire on my Gods Wife Country for a Crown An Empire can the dearest price weigh down I shall add but a few things more to this Relation before I conclude it And one shall be to give my Reader a taste but very briefly SECTION XXIX Of the manner of the style or writing of that Court. WHich I shall here insert and in some measure shew by the Copy of a Letter written by the Great Mogol unto King Iames in the Persian Tongue here faithfully translated which was as follows UNto a King rightly descended from his Anceâ—tors bred in Military Affairs clothed with Honour and Justice a Commander worthy of all Command strong and constant in the Religion which the great Prophet Christ did teach King Iames whose Love hath bred such an impression in my thoughts as shall never be forgotten but as the smell of Amber or as a Garden of fragrant flowers whose Beauty and Odour is still increasing so be assured my Love shall still grow and increase
pleas'd me most and which I thought worthy of great praise and imitation there was no day but at that hour twenty or thirty mariners masters boys young men and of all sorts came upon the deck to make the same observation some with Astrolabes others with Cross-staffs and others with several other instruments particularly with one which they told me was lately invented by one David and from his name call'd David's-staff This Instrument consists of two Triangles united together one longer then the other both having their base arch'd and between them in the circle of their bases containing an intire quadrant of ninty degrees But whereas the shortest Triangle whose Angles are less acute contains sixty degrees divided by tens according to custom in the circle of its base which are two thirds of a quadrant the other longer and of acuter Angles which extends much backward and opens in a wider circle at the base comprehends no more then thirty which make the remainder of the quadrant so that the longer Triangle contains fewer degrees by half then the shorter and he that would have the degrees larger for the better subdividing them into minutes may make the circle or base of the lesser Triangle take up seventy degrees and so there will remain to the longer no more then twenty for the complement of the quadrant According to this distribution the degrees in the longer Triangle will come to be so large as to be capable of the smallest division of minutes a thing very important Besides it hath two Fanes or Sights in each Triangle one which are to be mov'd backward and forward and with these that is with that of the long Triangle the level of the Horizon is taken and with the other of the short Triangle that of the Sun with this further conveniency that the Sights being sufficiently large are therefore very expedient for performing the operation with speed notwithstanding the dancing of the ship when the Sea is rough in which case if the Sights be too small 't is hard to make any observation With this Instrument and several others many of the English perform'd their operations every day such as knew not how to do them well were instructed and if any one err'd in computation or otherwise his error was shew'd him and the reason told him that so he might be train'd to work exactly The opinion of the skilful was heard and taken notice of and at length all the observations being compar'd together the Pilot and the Captain resolv'd and with mature counsel determin'd of all by which means their voyages are very well manag'd and almost always succeed prosperously to them In the Portugal ships I hear the contrary comes to pass because the Pilots being extremely jealous of their affairs an habitual humour of that Nation will be alone to make their observations and for the most part perform them in secret without any Associate to see them Should any other person in the ship offer to take the altitude of the Sun or look upon the Map or Compass or do any thing that relates to the well guiding of the Vessel and knowing its course they would quarrel with him and by no means suffer him to do it being averse that any other should meddle with what they say is their office and belongs to them alone From their being so little communicative and very averse to teach others it happens that few amongst them understand any thing of the Art of Navigation there being none that will teach it experimentally and they understand little enough because they have no conference about the practical part and learn much less of the Theory This is the reason that their ships frequently miscarry to the incredible detriment both of particular persons and of the Kingdom And which is worse 't is said that not onely many of them are lost through the ignorance or negligence of those that guide them but also sometime by malice For the Portugal Pilots have got a custom when they are to make a Voyage to take up great sums of money at Lisbon upon interest the most they can get to trade withall and they take the same by way of Venture upon the ships which they guide Now when by the way any small disaster befalls them they not onely avoid it not as many times they might do but if they be of evil intention they cunningly run the ships aground either in these Coasts of Africa or elsewhere so that though oftentimes the people and also the arms goods especially of the greatest value be sav'd yet so it is that sometimes many perish or suffer excessive loss and this onely to the end that the shipwrack may be the occasion of their remaining gainers of the monies taken up at interest upon the hazard aforesaid which monies they carry not with them to trade withall but leave all at home in Portugal A practice indeed very pernicious and which ought to be most rigorously punish'd but the Portugals have now no King in their Country to mind their affairs and the government depends upon Madrid where perhaps they that administer it being more intent upon their private interests then the publick these and infinite other disorders pass unredress'd The English on the contrary and other Europaeans which sail upon the Ocean are most diligent and strict observers of all exact discipline and of what concernes the good conduct of their ships and because they well understand all the most exquisite points of Navigation and are extremely curious as well in the Practice as in the Theory they spare no pains and neglect not the doing of any thing whereby they may render their Navigations in all places more easie and secure Insomuch that Captain Woodcock upon occasion of his having staid a year and odd moneths with his ship in the Persian Gulph shew'd me a Chart or Plat-form of the whole Streight of Ormuz made by himself during that time with the highest exactness for he had not onely taken the most just measures and distances of all the adjacent places but also sounded all the Coast with a plummet to find all the convenient places where great ships such as theirs might ride and cast anchor when occasion should require On the Third of February conceiving by our reckoning that we were near India in the Evening we let down the plummet into the Sea as we us'd often to do and found it not above seventeen fathom whereby 't was concluded that we were little more then six leagues distant from land although by reason of the darkness of the Air none could be yet discern'd because that precise depth of water uses to be found in those Seas at that distance from land The Captain who by well observing the Sun and the Winds had every day diligently noted the ships way in the Map as the custom is hop'd that we might be near the City of Daman which lies within the Gulph of Cambaia on the right hand as
of the Idol Before whom upon a little hillock stands continually one of their Gioghi who among the Indians are a sort of Hermits and sometimes I have seen a Woman too standing there On high there hangs a Bell which those that come to make their foolish devotions first of all ring out as if thereby to call the Idol to hear them then they fall to their adoration which is commonly to extend both hands downwards as much as possible being joyn'd together in a praying posture which lifting up again by little and little they bring to their mouths as if to kiss them And lastly extend them so joyn'd together as high as they can over their heads Which gesticulation is us'd onely to Idols and sacred things for to men even to Kings themselves they make the same Salutation which in the Persian-Tongue they call Testim and in their Indian Sumbaia only with the right hand This ceremony being perform'd some make their prayers onely standing others prostrate themselves with their whole body groveling upon the earth and then rise again others onely touch the ground with the head and fore-head and perform other like acts of Humility After which they go about the Tree some once others oftner and then sprinkle before the Idol either Rice or Oyle or Milk or other such things which are their Offerings and Sacrifices without blood for to shed blood even for Sacrifice is not their custome but to kill any sort of Animal is counted a great sin Such as are of ability give moreover some Almes to the person attending the service of the Idol from whom in requital they receive the flowers and leaves which are about the Idol and that with great devotion kissing them and in token of reverence laying them upon their heads A-side of this Tree stands a very small Cupola or Chappel with a very narrow window for entrance I saw not what was within it but I was inform'd that Women who have no Children go in there sometimes and after they have been there become fruitful by the virtue of the place but as in false Religions every thing is imposture so 't is the opinion here that the attendants of the Idol play fine pranks in this particular either beguiling simple young Women or satisfying the more crafty whom indeed they sometimes cause to become pregnant but 't is by natural means without miracle the Priests within the Chappel supplying the defects of their Husbands Moreover on another side of this Tree stands a square low Post on which certain figures of Idols are engraven and at the foot thereof there is a little kind of trench or hole where also they pour Milk and Oyle and make divers other Oblations They are very solicitous in keeping the Tree with every bough and leaf of it not suffering it to be injur'd by animals or men nor in any wise violated and profan'd They tell a story of an Elephant who one day by chance eat but one single leaf of this Tree for which being punish'd by the Idol he dy'd within three dayes Which story I understood to be thus far true namely that the event was in this manner but 't was thought that for the reputation of the place the attendants of the Idol either poyson'd or knock'd the Elephant on the head in which Arts the Gioghi and Priests of the Gentiles use to be very dextrous The Commendator of the Dutch came one day to give me a visit and after a competent conversation carried me in his Coach a little out of the City to see one of the fairest and famousest gardens of Surà t The plot was level well contriv'd and divided with handsome streight Walks on either side whereof were planted rowes of sundry Trees of this Climate namely Ambe or as others speak Manghe before describ'd by me in my last Letters from Persia in the maritine parts whereof I saw some Trees of this kind Foufel whose leaves are like those of the Palm-tree but of a livelier and fairer green Narghil like the Palm in the leaves also and is that which we call Nux Indica and others different from what are found in our parts The plots between the several walks was full of herbs and flowers partly such as we have and partly not amongst the rest they shew'd me a Flower for bigness and form not unlike our Gillyflower but of a whitish yellow having a very sweet and vigorous scent and they call it Ciampà In a convenient place there is a square place rais'd somewhat from the ground and cover'd with large sheds to sit there in the shade after the manner of the East and here we entertain'd our selves a while and had a Collation other things in the garden worthy of remark I saw none As for the plants and strange simples of India and the whole Torrid Zone in these things very different from ours I shall say briefly once for all that they are such and so many that to write fully of them would require express volumes and make as big as those of Dioscorides and Pliny all of things unknown to us Nevertheless the curiosity of the Portugals and other Europeans who trade in these parts hath hitherto been so small that I know not any that have spoken and observ'd any thing in this kind besides the three Authors above mention'd And they have written of very few things although of those few they have written faithfully and well and I who have read them all with diligence have made some not unprofitable Notes upon them which I keep in Manuscript by me and you may see one day when it shall please God to bring us together As for the Dutch Commendator and the English President also who came frequently in this manner to carry me abroad I must not forbear to say that both of them live in sufficient splendor and after the manner of the greatest persons of the Country They go abroad with a great train sometimes also of their own men on Horse-back but especially with a great number of Indian servants on foot arm'd according to the mode with Sword Buckler Bows and Arrows For 't is the custome of servants in India whether Mahometans or Gentiles to go alwayes arm'd not onely upon a journey but also in the City and to serve in the house all day with the same weapons by their sides and never to lay them off saving at night when they go to sleep Moreover these Governours of the two Frank or Christian Nations which reside in Surà t use to have carry'd before their Coach or Horse when they ride a very high Bannerol or Streamer by a man on foot which likewise is the custome of all men of quality here and likewise to have a sadled Horse lead by hand before them And not onely they who are publick persons but any private person whatever of whatever Country or Religion may in these parts live with as much grandeur and equipage as he pleases and such is the
Knight-hood although it be that Cross than which there cannot be a greater Cognizance of Christian Religion albeit 't is worn by those Knights as a token of Nobility too 'T is enough that the Jesuits think their opinion abundantly confirm'd by the two abovesaid Reasons namely that it is rather a sign of Nobility then a Cognizance of Religion And although the same is conferr'd with many superstitious Ceremonies yet they will not have it taken away alledging for example that the Crosses of our Knights however Ensignes of Nobility are given with many Ceremonies and Rites of our sacred Religion the more to authorize them Whence it appears that the use of this Ribban may be without scruple permitted to the Indians provided these superstitious Ceremonies be lay'd aside and especially the End in which alone consists the sin changing it in that manner as the ancient Christians chang'd many Festivals and superstitions of the Gentiles into Festivals of Martyrs and other pious Commemorations And this may be done by applying e. g. the signification of the three Braids to the most Holy Trinity or in some such manner turning it to a pious and lawful use Nevertheless those of the contrary party impugn this opinion with no bad Reasons they say 't is a thing in it self of its own nature wholly unlawful to Christians as being perfectly a Gentile-superstition which is prov'd by the Ceremonies and words us'd in conferring it and that for the three Braids 't is well known they hold and wear them in honour of three of their chief false Gods and that although they be Ensigns of Nobility in the wearer yet they are withall and principally a manifest Cognizance of their Religion as Crosses are amongst our Knights wherewith who ever hath the same on his breast not onely ostentates his Nobility but also firmly profess the Christian Faith That the Gentile-Kings having honour'd with this Ensign some Mahometan their Vassal and remaining a Mahometan is no more then as if in our Countries we should grant to some Jew the priviledge of wearing a black Hat without becoming a Christian which may be done by way of dispensation and yet it cannot be deny'd but that the wearing a black one or a yellow is besides the matter of credit a Cognizance also of the Religion or Sect which a man professes Many other Reasons they alledge which I do not well remember and which no doubt will be narrowly examin'd at Rome What the determination will be I shall know more certainly at Goa and for the present thus much may suffice concerning the Opinions and Rites of the Indian-Gentiles Now in pursuance of the Narration of my Travells I am to tell you that after the seeing of the Temple and visiting the Brachman abovesaid the same day which was Saturday the 25th of February upon occasion of a Cafila or Caravan which was setting forth from Cambaia to Ahmedabà d which is the Royal Seat and Head of the whole Kingdom of Guzarà t we namely Sig Alberto Scilling and my self with our attendants were desirous to see that City and since the insecurity of the wayes allow'd us not to go alone we resolv'd to go with the Cafila And because at the same time another Cafila was setting forth for Surà t in which some of the Hollanders residing at Cambaia went with their goods which they carry'd thither in order to be shipt we all went out of the Town together and in a place without the Gate and the Suburbs were the wayes divided under the shade of certain great Trees of Tamarinds which the Indians call Hambelè where also are certain Sepulchres and a Mahometan Meschita or Temple unroof'd and without walls about saving a little wall at the front and a place markt where prayers are to be made of which sort of Meschita's many are seen in India especially in the Country we entertain'd our selves a good while with the Dutch being diverted with Musick singing and dancing by the same Women which we had the night before at our house At length taking leave they took their way towards Surà t and Sig Alberto and I with our company towards Ahmedabà d going a little out of the way to see another very famous Temple of Mahadeù The Fabrick is small and inconsiderable within there is no other Idol but that of Mahadeù which is no other but a little column or pillar of stone thicker below then at top and which diminishing by degrees ends at the top in a round Whatever 't is that would signifie thereby the name of Mahadeù they in their language is properly interpreted Great God But we had enough to laugh at when we heard that this Idol was held by the Country people for a worker of miracles and amongst other of his miracles they relate that he grows every day and becomes bigger hourly affirming that many years since he was no higher then a span or little more and now he is above two and perhaps three and thus he continues increasing every day a folly not to be believ'd but by such fools as themselves Having seen this Temple we overtook our Cafila at a Town call'd Saimà three miles distant from Cambaia where we all lodg'd that night The next Morning being Sunday the Cafila which consisted of above a hundred Coaches besides foot-men and horse-men and great loaden Wagons set forth three hours before day and staying not to rest any where according to the custom of the East which is to make but one bout of a days journey having travell'd fifteen Cos by noon or little later we lodg'd at a Town call'd Mà ter where we saw an infinite number of Squirrels leaping amongst the trees every where they were small white and with a tail less and not so fair as those of our Countries On Monday about two hours before day we resum'd our Voyage When it was day we saw upon the way every where abundance of wild Monkies of which almost all the Trees were full They put me in mind of that Army of Monkies which the Souldiers of Alexander the Great beholding upon certain Hills a far off and taking to be Menintended to have charg'd had not Taxilus inform'd them what they were as Strabo relates We found abundance of people too upon the way begging alms with the sound of a Trumpet which almost every one had and sounded and most of them were arm'd with Bows and Arrows two things sufficiently uncouth for beggars and indeed not be suffer'd by Governours since these Ruffians under pretext of begging rob frequently upon the way when they meet persons alone and unarm'd which having weapons themselves they may easily do This County was almost all woody the ground unmeasurably dusty to the great trouble of Travellers the High-ways were all enclos'd on the sides with high hedges of a plant always green and unfruitful not known in Europe and having no leaves but instead thereof cover'd with certain long and slender branches almost like our Sparagus but bigger
but ill cut as well as the rest of the figure which for its bigness hath a very great Belly I know not whether through the Artificers fault who seems to have been little skilful or else because the Indians as I have also heard of the people of Sumatra account it a great Beauty and perfection to have a great Belly This figure of Brahma stands upright and at his Feet two other less carv'd figures which as they say are his two Sons Sunnet and Sunnatan On each side of Brahma stand likewise two Statues of Women somewhat less then Brahma himself and they call them his Wives Savetri and Gavetri On the left side of this narrow Temple stand two other figures of the same bigness being two naked Men with long Beards whom they pretend to have been two religious persons I know not whether Doctors or Disciples of Brahma or Pythagoras one is call'd Chescuèr the other Ciavan de Chescuèr On the same side downwards are many other Idolets as one with an Elephants Head and divers others formerly by me mention'd All which Idols are serv'd ador'd perfum'd offer'd to and wash'd every day as for delight for the Indians account it delight to wash often by the Brachmans who assist at their service with much diligence I must not forget that the Banians say this Town Naghera was the King's Seat and principal City anciently the Head of the whole Kingdom of Cambaia and that the City now properly call'd Cambaia and rais'd to greatness by the ruine of this old is a modern thing whence I have sometimes suspected that the Indian Character call'd Naghra us'd by the learned was denominated from this City wherein it was anciently us'd but 't is onely a Conjecture and I have learnt by long and much experience that in the derivation and interpretation of Names especially of Places there is no trusting to the resemblance of Words because by reason of the diversity of Languages and the casual Conformity of Words which signifie things sufficiently different according to the variety of Places gross errors are easily admitted Nagher in the Indian Language signifies a Great City Coming from Naghra I saw some naked and besmeared Men of deportment almost like the incinerated Gioghi who were of a Race of Indians accounted by themselves the most sordid and vile Race of all in India because they eat every thing even the uncleannest Animals as Rats and the like whence they are call'd in Persian Hhalal-chor which signifies a Man that accounts it lawful to eat any thing the Indians call them Der and all people in general abhor not onely to converse with but even to touch them Concerning Religion I have heard nothing particular of them but believe them Gentiles as the rest or perhaps Atheists who may possibly hold every thing for lawful as well in believing as in eating They are all sufficiently poor and live for the most part by begging or exercising the most sordid Trades in the Common-wealth which others disdain to meddle with but they either because their Rite teaches them so or necessity inforces them are not at all shie of March the fifth We visited the King's Garden again and many other Gardens where we tasted divers fruits and beheld several Flowers of India unknown in Europe amongst the rest one very odoriferous which I kept in a Paper which they call Ciompa Without the City we saw the Saltpits and also the Field by the Sea-side where the Indians are wont to burn the bodies of their dead which may be known by the reliques of many fires and pieces of bones not wholly burnt which are seen scatter'd about the same The next Morning early we return'd to this Field and saw several Bodies burnt and particularly observ'd the Funeral of one Woman from the beginning to the end They carry the Corps wrapt in a cloth of Cit of a red colour for the most part and much in use among the Indians for other purposes They carry it not upon a Biere as we do but ty'd to and hanging down like a sack from a staff lay'd cross two Men's shoulders They make the funeral pile of wood lay'd together in form of a bed of equal length and breadth and sufficient to receive the Body upon which beginning then to lament with a loud voice they lay the carkass naked and supine with the Face and Feet towards the Sea which I believe is likewise observ'd where the Sea is not towards Rivers Lakes and Cisterns the Indians having a particular devotion to the Water nor do I know that herein they have respect to any Region of Heaven They cover the privities with a piece of wood anoint the Hands and Feet put a coal of fire in the Mouth and then all things being prepar'd they set fire first at the Throat and afterwards to the whole pile round about beginning first at the Head but with their Faces turn'd another way as Virgil saith our Ancestors did Then sprinkle Water on the ground round about the pile which they continually stir up with staves in their Hands and blow with the motion of a cloth to the end the flame may not spread but burn more speedily The body being consum'd by degrees they reduce the fire into a round form and when all is burnt they leave the ashes and sometimes a piece of a bone not wholly consum'd there in the same place The cloth wherein the body was wrapt before it was committed to the pile they give in Charity to some poor person present Such as have where withall are burnt with odoriferous and precious wood in which the rich spend much but they that cannot reach so high use ordinary wood Children under two years of age are not burnt but buried as we saw some in the same Field Nor let the Reader wonder that in the same day and hour we hapned to see so many dead persons for besides that Cambaia is a large City and very populous as all the Cities and Lands of India are the Gentiles are wont to perform this Ceremony of the dead onely in the Morning at a set hour and in that place so that all that dye in the whole City during the twenty four hours of the day are brought to that place at the same hour The same day we had News of a Jesuit's coming to Cambaia from Goa with a Cafila of Portugal Frigats which was going for Agrà Whereupon in the Evening Sig Alberto Scilling and I in company of a Venetian Merchant went to visit him at the house where he lodged and having told him that we were to go the next day for Surà t I desir'd him to give a letter to the Jesuits of Daman and Bassaim where I hop'd to touch upon the way to Goa which he very courteously condescending to do we went again the next Morning to see him before we departed March the seventh In the Morning we visited the Father Jesuit who was not a Priest but one of those whom
without which none can depart the Governour three times expresly prohibited my Persian Servant Cacciatùr to go with me and this for no other cause but for that himself foolishly or rather cunningly as appear'd afterwards out of a pretended vain fear as he said when we came first to Surà t lest he should be known what he was by some of the Persians who are there in the service of the Great Moghòl and not knowing that in India there is Liberty of Conscience and that a Man may hold or change what Faith he pleases not the least trouble being given to any person touching Religion in the Dominions of the Moghòl not knowing these things I say and fearing to confess himself a Christian before any that might know him in Persia for a Moor had declar'd in the Dogana when he was examin'd thereupon that he was a Musliman which they interpret a Moor although the word properly signifies safe or saved that is of the right Faith and therefore by Christians understanding it in their own sense when considerable respects oblige them to conceal themselves perhaps is not unlawful to be assum'd Now Cacciatùr being hereupon taken for a Moor and not daring to deny it or discover himself more clearly but as I believe intending to be a Moor really and to do what afterwards he did they would not suffer that he should go along with me into the jurisdiction of Christians where they conceiv'd he would be in danger of being perverted And although innumerable Moors go daily into the neighbouring Territories of the Portugals nor are they wont to be forbidden yet my Cacciatùr I know not upon what account they prohibited very strictly I believe by his own procurement When I had read this prohibition in my Pass I sent him out of the City before-hand with order to cross the River at another place a good way off and meet me at the Sea-side where being among the English he would be out of all all danger but through the negligence of a Man of the Country whom he took to direct him either by his own will as 't is most likely because he knew not the way or else not having found Boats to pass the River elsewhere as he said he was directed to cross it at the same place near the Custom-house where we did whereupon being seen by the Officers he was seiz'd upon and they would not suffer him to come by any means I us'd much instance and try'd divers wayes alledging by a writing that he was bound to serve me longer and was to go to Goa to be paid his wages there according to agreement But all to no purpose they still answering though with great courtesie indeed that the accord was good and that Cacciatùr did not break it being for his part ready to go but that they made him stay by force as in zeal for Religon 't was reasonable for them to do that had I been going into some Territory of Moors as I was of Christians they should not have kept him from me and therefore in short I must be contented to leave him behind and pay him for his service done in Surà t otherwise they could not give a Pass to my self Perceiving there was no remedy I return'd to the Dutch-House and having consulted with the Commendator what to do I agreed with Cacciatùr who was willing not to be left at Surà t after I had threatned to cause him to be slain there in case he stay'd to turn Moor that he should shew himself desirous to stay at Surà t and in the Governour 's own House too if he pleas'd assuring him under his Hand that I had fully satisfi'd him that so my journey might not be stopt and after I was gone without him the Dutch Commendator who took this care upon him should procure his escape and send him by another way to the Sea-side where I took Boat or if he could not be sent timely enough to find me there then he should come to Daman by Land where he should certainly find me Upon this agreement we went before the Governour with the discharges of his Arrears in writing and the Governour was contented to let me go after he had narrowly examin'd whether it was true that he was pay'd by me and that his agreeing to stay in Surà t was not a fiction But we had laid all things so together that he did not discover the truth or perhaps did not care much to find it out Wherefore leaving Cacciatùr in the Governours House where he caus'd him to stay with sundry promises about night I departed the City and cross'd the River with Sebastian Luis in my company who having sent his Vessel down the River went along with me by Land On the other side of the River we waited some hours for Coaches to carry us to the Sea-side which we were fain to hire at a Town some distance off and were slow in coming But as soon as they came we got into them and travell'd the rest of the night to the Sea-side March the four and twentieth At Day-break we got to the shore side where we found the English President attended with all the Merchants of his Nations who were giving order for dispatching their Ships which were ready to set sail to Muchà or Muchà r in the Red Sea namely the two Ships the Whale and Dolphin wherewith I came into India for of the other three which I left in Bender of Kombrù they had sold the little Frigat which was in ill plight to the Persians who design'd to make use of her in the enterprize of Arabia whither they had determin'd to pass alone now the English plainly refus'd to joyn with them in the War and the other two great Ships having put in likewise at Surà t were soon after sent out again with Master Thompson who came with them from Persia it not being known in Surà t whither I was receiv'd by the President in his Tent together with my Mary Tinatim and soon after came Cacciatùr my Servant and two Moors of Surà t by the favour of the Commendator of the Dutch but I know not whether it were with his own good liking though to us he pretended that it was After my departure the Commendator went to visit the Governour and since I was gone and as he said could not carry Cacciatùr out of Surà t he desir'd that he would give him to him to the end he might live in his House with other Friends which the Governour readily granting the same night by the help of certain persons purposely disguis'd in Indian Habit he sent him by a secure way to the Sea-side where he found me in the Tent of the English President The same Morning I went aboard the Ship call the Whale wherein I came to visit the Captain and take leave of my Friends with whom also I din'd afterwards I went aboard the Dolphin to visit not onely the Captain who was my Friend but especially my good
always uses to be eaten with fish but of this and the rest because I suppose others have written of them I shall forbear further to speak In Daman I had from the Jesuits two considerable pieces of News First that the two English Ships which as I said were sent from Surà t before my departure thence upon some unknown design went to Dabul under pretext of Peace and Friendship as if to traffick in that Port and that the Moors of Dabul had spread Carpets and prepar'd a handsome entertainment for the principals upon shore but the English having fairly landed suddenly got to certain pieces of Ordnance which were there and nail'd them up then putting their hands to their Arms began to fall upon the people of the City who upon this sudden unexpected onset betook themselves to flight and were likely to receive great dammage but at length a Portugal Factor and some few others making head against the English and animating the Citizens to do the like turn'd the scale of the victory and in a short time beat out all the English killing many of them and constraining the rest to fly away with their Ships who nevertheless in their flight took two Vessels of Dabul which were in the Port richly laden but unprovided as in a secure place which was no small dammage to the City and afforded a rich booty to the English This action I conceive was done by the English out of some old grudge against the City of Dabul or perhaps onely to force it to permit them free Trade and they use deal to thus with such ports as will not admit them thereunto The other News was that Prete Ianni King of Aethiopia and the Abissins was by means of the Jesuits reconcil'd to the Roman Church and become a good Catholick intending that his whole Country should do the same which if true is indeed a thing of great consequence March the seven and twentieth About noon we departed from Daman towards Bassaim in the same Barque or Almadia and sail'd all the day at night in regard of the contrary current and danger of Pirats who cannot easily be seen and avoided in the dark we cast Anchor under a place call'd Daniè March the eight and twentieth Continuing our course in the Morning we espy'd some Ships which we suspected to be Pirats of Malabar and therefore fetching a compass we made but little way forwards At night we cast Anchor in a Bay call'd Kielme-Mahi from two Towns situate upon it one call'd Kielme the other Mahi On the nine and twentieth of the same moneth we sail'd forward again but the Tide turning contrary we cast Anchor about noon and stay'd a while in a little Island near the Continent The sails being mended and the current become favourable we set forward again and having pass'd by some Vessels which we doubted to be Pirats of Malabar about night we arriv'd at Bassaim But lest the people of the Fleet which we found there with the Cafila should molest our Boat as sometimes 't is usual and take away the Sea-men for the service of the Navy we stay'd a while without the City casting Anchor a little wide of the shore and in the mean time I sent notice to F. Diego Rodriguez Rector of the Colledge of Jesuits at Bassaim for whom I had Letters from the Father Rector of their Colledge at Daman and some also for others from the Brother of theirs whom I saw in Cambaia The F. Rector sent presently to the Sea-side where I was F. Gaspar di Govea their Procurator who because 't was said the Fleet would depart that very night with the Cafila for Goa immediately without entring into the City procur'd me passage in a Merchants Frigat as more commodious for passengers in regard 't was free from the trouble of Souldiers which went in the Men of War appointed to convoy the Merchants Ships The Captain of the Vessel wherein I embark'd was call'd Diego Carvaglio with whom having agreed for my passage I presently put my Goods aboard his Ship together with Mariam Tinatin in the most convenient Cabin and Cacciatùr to take care of them It being now night I went alone with F. Govea to their Colledge to visit and thank the F. Rector and the other Fathers who very courteously retain'd me at Supper which ended to avoid the danger of being left behind I forthwith return'd to repose in the Ship Of the City Bassaim I cannot say any thing because it was night both at my entrance stay and coming away I can onely intimate that it is wholly surrounded with strong walls and if I took good notice seems to me greater then Daman but of late years many buildings were destroy'd by a horrible tempest and are not yet re-edifi'd I found in the Colledge of Bassaim F. Paolo Giovio an Italian March the thirtieth In the Morning the Fleet set sail and going off the shore we came to the Island where they take in fresh water over against a City in view at a little distance which they call Salsette and the place where we stay'd being a large and populous Island is call'd in the Portugal Tongue L' Aguada and here we stay'd all day because the wind was so contrary that we could not get off that point of Land and for that divers of the Galeots and new Frigats built to be sent and arm'd in Goa were not in order to depart and we were forc'd to stay their preparation March the one and thirtieth At Sun-rise we put to Sea for Goa but were slow in getting forth to the Main before we could set sail because the Tide was still going out and there was so little water left that our Frigat run a ground At length the Tide turning we row'd out of the streit between the City and the Island and being come into the broad Sea hoiâ—'d all our sails About mid-night following we arriv'd at Ciaùl but enter'd not into the Port because it stands much within Land upon a precipice where the Sea entring far into the Bay between the Hills and the low Shore into which also is descharg'd the mouth of a River makes an ample and secure harbour wherefore by reason of the darkness of the night which in this place is no seasonable time the Fleet would not enter but we rode at the Rivers mouth till break of day April the first Entring into the Port in the Morning we cast Anchor under the City upon the shore where nevertheless the water is so deep and our Galeots came so near the bank that we went ashore by a bridge In the entrance of the City and Haven on the right hand almost Southwards we saw that famous Hill which the Portugals call Morro di Ciaùl commanding the Harbour and all the adjacent City on the top of it stands a strong Castle which was sometimes possess'd by the Moors of Dacà n namely by Nizam-Schiah to whom also the whole Territory about it belongs and when
the right day of the Feast falls in the Moneths of great Rain so that at that time the Procession cannot be perform'd and therefore they anticipate it in this manner The Procession was made by the whole Clergy with a greater shew of green boughs then clothes and with many representations of mysteries by persons disguis'd fictitious animals dances and maskerades things which in our Countries would more sute with Villages then great Cities Two Ships are now departing by the way of Persias and therefore I have made use of this opportunity favour me to kiss the hands of all my Friends in my Name amongst which I reckon in the first place with the Signori Spina Sig r Andrea Sig Dottore and Sig Coletta upon whom and your self I pray Heaven for all felicity recommending my self to your prayers also for my safety From Goa April 27. 1623. LETTER III. From Goa Octob. 10. 1623. HAving a sit opportunity according to my desire to make an excursion from Goa farther into India more Southwards to Canarà upon occasion of this Vice-Roy's dispatching Sig Gio Fernandez Leiton Ambassador to Vanktapà Niekà a Gentile-Prince of that Province and conceiving that my journey will begin within three or four days I have therefore determin'd to write this Letter to you that it may be convey'd by the first occasion of the Ships which are now preparing for a Voyage from India into Europe for I know not certainly how far I shall tarvel nor how long I shall stay out before my return to Goa whether moneths or years As little do I know what other opportunity or convenient place I shall meet withall to write to you nevertheless I shall omit none that offers it self and in the mean time present you with the continuation of my Diary Having been here in Goa too much shut up in the House of the Jesuits On the first of May I parted from them after many civil treatments and favours receiv'd of them according to their most affectionate hospitality and went to the House prepar'd for me right over against that of Sig ra Lena da Cugna which stands between the Covents of the Bare-footed Carmelites and the Converted Nunns of S. Mary Magdalene in a remote but not inconvenient place nor far from the commerce of the City and the more acceptable to me because near the residence of Marià m Tinatin May the third The City of Goa lying as they say in the Altitude of fifteen degrees and forty minutes agreeably to the good Rule of Astronomy and the Tables of Tycho according to which F. Christoforo Brono told me this City is in a Meridian different from that of Francfurt about four hours more Eastward yet the Sun came to be in the Zenith of Goa that is in the declination of the Zenith at eleven a clock of the night following the said day speaking sutably to the Spanish and Portugal Clocks Yet at this time it was the height of Summer and the greatest heat of the year as we found by experience For there may be said to be two Summers and Winters every year in Goa and these adjacent Regions because the Sun passes over their heads and departs from them twice a year once toward the North and once towards the South May the eleventh A Portugal Gentleman coming from the Court of Spain by Land to wit by the way of Turkie and as they said in a very short time and with Letters from the Court dated in the end of the last October brought news amongst other things of the Canonization of five Saints made together in one day namely of S. Ignatio the Founder of the Jesuits S. Francesco Xaverio a Jesuit and the Apostle of the East-India S. Philippo Neri Founder of the Congregation della Vallicella whom I remember to have seen and spoken to in my Child-hood and whose Image is still so impress'd in my memory that I should know him if I saw him S. Teresia Foundress of the Bare-footed Carmelites and S. Isidoro a Country-man of Madrid We had also news of the death of the Duke of Parma Ranuccio Farnese and how the Cardinal his Brother was gone to the Government of that State during the minority of the succeeding Duke The Currier who went into Spain with the tidings of the loss of Ormùz this Portugal Gentleman said he met him at Marseilles and concerning the Marriage between Spain and England he brought no intelligence of any conclusion so that I belive the news of Ormùz lost chiefly by the fault of the English will occasion much difficulty in the Treaty of that Marriage May the seventeenth Four Italian Bare-footed Carmelites arriv'd in Goa being sent by their Fathers at Rome into Persia but having heard at Aleppo how the Fathers of Persia were troubled by the fate of those new Christians who were discover'd and slain the year before and especially that they had nothing to live upon they not knowing what to do and being terrifi'd with the Relations of divers Merchants who aggravated things sufficiently and being so advis'd by some who perhaps like not the coming of such Fathers into Persia resolv'd to come into India and to Goa to the Vicar Provincial whither they brought no fresh News from Rome having departed from thence Eleven Moneths before They came almost all sick having suffer'd much in the Desarts of Arabia and other places of the journey where they had felt great scarcity and for all this they would needs observe their Lent and Fasts by the way sustaining themselves almost solely with Dates which is a very hot food and withall the alteration of the Air very hot too and unusual to them in the hight of Summer was the occasion of their being all sick Two of them arriv'd this day and the two others the day after because they came from Mascà t in several Ships Of these four Bare-footed Carmelites within a few days three dyed and one alone after a long and dangerous sickness escap'd May the eighteenth The Bells of all the Churches of Goa rung out with a great noise and they said it was for the News of the King's Health then brought from Spain but I said I wish'd they had first recover'd Ormùz and then rung the Bells with joy for both A vain people May the twentieth The Bare-footed Carmelites would needs make particular rejoycing for the Canonization of their S. Teresia and not confound the same in one day with that of the Jesuits they sent two Portugal Children on Horse-back richly clad in riding habit as Curriers to declare with certain Verses to the Vice-Roy of Goa the Canonization of the She-Saint after which the same Boys went up and down the City with a Trumpet before them scattering other Verses to the people with the same tidings the Bells of theirs and all other Churches of the City ringing in the mean time for joy being injoyn'd thereunto by the Bishop's Order At night themselves and divers of their Friends made
Fire-works throughout the City And in favour of them the chief Portugals went the same night up and down the streets in a great Troop clad in several disguises after the manner of a Mascherade I also bore a part in the solemnity out of my devotion to the new Saint and according to the liberty which every one took of habiting himself as he pleas'd I put my self into the garb of an Arabian Gentleman of the Desart which was accounted very brave and gallant I accompany'd with Sig Antonino Son of Sig Antonio Paraccio my friend a youth of about twelve years old who was one of those who went in the day time to the Vice-Roy and I cloth'd him in a Persian Habit of mine which I had brought from Persia or rather like a noble Chizilbase Souldier very odd and brave so that we two were a sufficiently delightful spectacle to the whole City May the one and twentieth In the Morning the Bare-footed Fathers sung in their Church a solemn Mass in gratiarum actionem for the above-said Canonization of Santa Teresia upon whose praises an Augustine Father made an eloquent Sermon the Vice-Roy and a multitude of people being present thereat May the three and twentieth The Sun entring into Gemini I observ'd that the Rain begun in Goa and it happens not alike in all the Coast of India for it begins first in the more Southerly parts of Capo Comorni and follows afterwards by degrees according as places extend more to the North so that in Cambaia and other more northern parts it begins later then in Goa and the further any place lyes North the later it begins there Whence it comes to pass that in the Persian Ephemerides or Almanacks they use to set down the beginning of Parscecal or the time of Rain in India at the fifteenth of their third moneth call'd Cordad which falls upon the third of our Iune because they have observ'd it in the more Northern parts of India as in Cambaia Surà t and the like where the Persians have more commerce then in other more Southern places In Goa likewise for the most part the beginning of the Rain is in the first days of Iune yet sometimes it anticipates and sometimes falls something later with little difference 'T is observ'd by long experience that this Rain in India after having lasted some days at first ceases and there return I know not how many days of fair weather but those being pass'd it begins again more violent then ever and continues for a long time together By this Rain as I observ'd the heat diminisheth and the Earth which before was very dry and all naked becomes cloth'd with new verdure and various colours of pleasant flowers and especially the Air becomes more healthful sweet and more benigne both to sound and infirm The arm of the Sea or River which encompasses the Island of Goa and is ordinarily salt notwithstanding the falling of the other little fresh Rivers into it with the inundation of great streams which through the great Rain flow from the circumjacent Land is made likewise wholly fresh whence the Country-people who wait for this time derive water out of it for their Fields of Rice in the Island of Goa and the neighbouring parts which being temper'd with this sweet moisture on a suddain become all green Iune the first I spoke first to the Vice-Roy of Goa Don Francesco da Gama Count of Bidigucira Admiral of the Indian Sea and Grand-son of that D. Vasco de Gama who discover'd East-India in which this Don Francesco was sometimes Vice-Roy and was once taken captive in Africa with King Sebastian I delay'd seeing him so long because I was busi'd for a Moneth after my arrival in changing my Habit and providing a House so that I went not abroad besides that the Vice-Roy was likewise employ'd many days after in dispatching the Fleets which went to China and Zeilan and after they were gone he retir'd to a place out of Goa to recreate himself for many days so that I had no opportunity sooner I presented to him two Letters from Rome which I brought directed to his Predecessor in my recommendation one from Sig Cardinal Crescentio and the other from the Duke of Albaquerque then Ambassador at Rome for the Catholick King and he without reading them in my presence said that without that recommendation he should have express'd all fiting Civilities to me and that he was glad to see and know me with many other Complements and courteous offers He had no long discourse with me because many other Portugal Gentlemen of the Council and other persons of the Government expected to have Audience but when I went away he told F. Morigad the Jesuit his Confessor who introduc'd me that at a more convenient opportunity he desir'd to talk with me more at length of the things of Persia and that he would send for me and in the mean time desir'd a writing in discourse which I had made a few days before concerning the Warrs of Persia of which his said Confessor who had seen it had given him notice wherefore I gave it to him with my own hand as I had written it in my Native Tuscan Tongue and F. Morigad gave him the Translation of it made by himself into the Portugal Tongue being the Vice-Roy did not understand the Italian Iune the ninth In the Colledge of the Jesuits was pronounc'd as 't is the custom every year a Latin Oration for the Inchoation of the Readings which the vacations being ended with the hot weather begin again with the Rain and cool weather Letters from some Banians were brought to Goa signifying that the Moghòl had enounter'd with his Rebel Sultà n Chorròm and routed him and that Sultà n Chorròm after his defeat was retir'd to a strong hold in the top of a Mountain which they call Mandâ— and that his Father had besieg'd them there Iune the four and twentieth being the Feast of Saint Iohn Baptist The Vice-Roy with many other Portugal persons of quality as 't is the yearly custom in Goa rode through the City in Habits of Masquert but without Vizards two and two alike or three and three and having heard Mass in the Church of Saint Iohn he came into the street of Saint Paul which they are wont to call La Carriera de' Cavalli and is the best place in Goa Here after many Companies of Canarine Christians of the Country had march'd by with their Ensignes Drums and Arms leaping and playing along the streets with their naked Swords in their Hands for they are all Foot at length all the Cavaliers run two carriers on Horse-back one downwards from the Church of Saint Paul towards the City and the other upwards running matches of two to two or three to three according as their attire agreed with their Morisco Cymiters and at last they came all down marching together in order â—â—d so went to the Piazza of the Vice-Roys Palace and so the solemnity ended
I stood to see this shew in the same street of Saint Paul in the House of one whom they call King of the Islands of Maldiva or Maladiva which are an innumerable company of small Islands almost all united together lying in a long square form towards the West not far from the Coast of India of which Islands one of this Man's Ancestors was really King but being driven out of his Dominion by his own people fled to the Portugals and turn'd Christian with hopes of recovering his Kingdom by their help Yet the Portugals never attempted any thing in his behalf and so he and his descendents remain depriv'd of the Kingdom enjoying onely the naked Title which the Portugals being now ally'd to him still give him and because many Merchants Ships come from those Islands to trade in the Ports of the Portugals they force the said Ships to pay a small matter of Tribute to him as their lawful Sovereign of which though the Governours of Ports to whom upon necessity he must entrust purloin above half from him nevertheless he gets at this day by it about three thousand Crowns yearly and therewith supports himself The like Fates have befallen many other Princes in India who hoping in the Portugals have found themselves deluded Wherein Reason of State is but ill observ'd by the Portugals because by this proceeding they have discourag'd all others from having confidence in them whereas had they assisted and protected them as they ought and might easily and with small charge have done upon sundry fair occasions they would by this time have got the love of all India and themselves would by the strength and help of their Friends undoubtedly have become more potent as also without comparison more fear'd by their Enemies Iune the nine and twentieth This year the Moors began their Ramadhan according to the Rules of my Calculation Iuly the five and twentieth being the Feast of Saint Iames the Protector of Spain was solemnis'd with the same gallantry of Cariers and Dresses as are above describ'd saving that the Vice-Roy heard Mass in the Church of St. Iames. In the Evening I went with Sig Ruy Gomez Boraccio a Priest and Brother of Sig Antonio Baroccio to the Church of Saint Iames which stands somewhat distant without the City upon the edge of the Island towards the main Land of Adil-Scià h which is on the other side of a little River or Arm of the Sea For which reason the Island is in this as well as many other dangerous places fortifi'd with strong walls and here there is a Gate upon the pass which is almost full of people going and coming from the main Land and is call'd by the Indians Benastarni by which name some of our Historians mention it in their writings concerning these parts as Osorius Maffaeus c. which Gate as likewise many others which are upon divers places of passage about the Island is guarded continually with Souldiers commanded by a Captain who hath the care thereof and for whom there is built a fine House upon the walls of the Island which in this place are very high forming a kind of Bastion or rather a Cavaliero or mount for Ordnance not very well design'd but sufficiently strong wherein are kept pieces of Artillery for defence of the place We went to visit the said Captain who was then Sig Manoel Pereira de la Gerda and from the high Balconies of his House and the Bastion we enjoy'd the goodly prospect of the Fields round about both of the Island and the Continent being discernable to a great distance The Captain entertain'd us with the Musick of his three Daughters who sung and play'd very well after the Portugal manner upon the Lute after which we return'd home About the Church of Saint Iames are some few habitations in form of a little Town which is also call'd Santiago and the way from thence to the City is a very fine walk the Country being all green and the way-sides beset with Indian Nut-trees which the Portugals call Palms and their fruit Cocco the Gardens and Houses of Pleasure on either side contributing to the delightfulness thereof being full of sundry fruit-trees unknown to us as also because in Winter-time the very walls of the Gardens are all green with moss and other herbs growing there which indeed is one of the pleasantest sights that I have seen in my days and the rather because 't is natural and without artifice The same happens I believe not in this Island onely but in all the Region round about In the field adjoyning to the City near the ruines of a deserted building once intended for a Church but never finish'd is a work of the Gentiles sometimes Lords of this Country namely one of the greatest Wells that ever I beheld round and about twenty of my Paces in Diametre and very deep it hath Parapets or Walls breast-high round about with two Gates at one of which is a double pair of stairs leading two ways to the bottom to fetch water when it is very low Iuly the six and twentieth I went out of the City to a place of pleasure in the Island where was a Church of Saint Anna to which there was a great concourse of people because it was her Festival This Church stands very low built amongst many Country dwellings partly of the Islanders who live there and partly of the Portugals who have Houses of Pleasure there to spend a moneth for recreation The place is very delightful amongst Palmetoes and Groves of other Trees and the way leading to it is extreamly pleasant all cover'd with green After I had heard Mass here Sig Giovanni da Costa de Menecas a Friend of mine whom I found there carry'd me to dine with him at the House of a Vicar or Parish-Priest of another Church not far distant and of small Building which they call Santa Maria di Loreto where we spent the whole day in conversation with the said Vicar and other Friends At night because it rain'd I caus'd my self to be carry'd home in one of those Carriages which the Portugals call Rete being nothing else but a net of cords ty'd at the head and feet and hanging down from a great Indian Cane in which Net which is of the length of a Man and so wide that opening in the middle for the two ends are ty'd fast to the Cane 't is capable of one person a Man lyes along very conveniently with a cushion under his head although somewhat crooked to wit with the feet and head advanc'd towards the Ligatures and the middle part of the body more pendulous under the Cane which is carry'd upon the shoulders of two men before and two behind if the person be light or the way short two Men onely bear it one before and the other behind These Nets are different from the Palanchini and the Andòr for in these from the Cane hang not nets but litters like little beds upon
things which the Vice-Roy sent for a Present to Venk-tapà Naieka and other Horses which I know not who carry'd thither to sell and the five Ships of War whereof Sig Hettor Fernandez was Chief Captain or General Nevertheless we departed from Goa the aforesaid Evening onely with our own Ship the rest being already fallen down lower toward the Sea and the Ambassador Vitulà was above a day at Pangi expecting us where we arriving the abovesaid night did not land because it was late but slept in the Vessel October the fourteenth We went a shore in the Morning at Pangi and the two Ambassadors saw one another upon the Sea-side where I being present with them Sig Gio Fernandez told the Brachman Ambassador who I was and that I went with them out of curiosity to see his King wherewith he testified great contentment but was much more pleas'd with the Pendant which I wore at my left ear as I have us'd to do for many years past for remedy of my weak sight because wearing Pendants at the ears is a particular custom of the Indians especially of the Gentiles who all wear them in both ears And because this is among the Portugals a thing not onely unusual but ignorantly by some of the ruder sort of them held for unlawful onely because 't is us'd by Gentiles therefore the Ambassador marvelled that I being of the Portugals Religion nevertheless us'd it but being told that it was not forbidden us by our Law but onely customarily disus'd and that in Europe it was us'd by many he commended the custom and bid the Portugals see how well I shew'd with that Pendant and better then they who wore none so powerful is use to endear things to the eye and make that fancy'd and esteem'd by some which others through want of custom dislike or value not This day we departed not because one of the Frigats of the Armado which was to accompany us was unprovided with Sea-men for which we were fain to stay till the day following and then were not very well provided The cause whereof was for that there was at this time a great scarcity of Mariners in Goa because the Governours of the maritime parts of the Continent subject to Idal-Scià h would not permit their Ships to come as they were wont to supply Mariners for the Portugal Armado which seem'd an argument of some ill will of that King against the Portugals of which were there nothing else theirs being weaker and more confus'd in their Government then ever and all things in bad order was a sufficient ground for remedy of which they took no other course but daily loaded themselves with nâ—w unusual and most heavy Impositions to the manifest ruine of the State taking no care to prevent the hourly exorbitant defraudations of the publick Incomes which otherwise would be sufficient to maintain the charge without new Gabels but if such thefts continue both the publick Incomes and the new Gabels and as many as they can invent will be all swallow'd up Nevertheless the Portugals are heedless according to their custom and out of a fatal blindness making no reckoning of these signs which shew the evil mind of their Neighbour Adil-Scià h think he knows nothing of these disorders and that this with-holding of his Subjects is onely an impentinence of his Officers What the event will be Time will shew But to return to my purpose Not being to depart this day we went to dine and pass the time with intention also to lodg the following night in the house of Sig Baldassar d' Azevedo who liv'd constantly in a fair House there by the Sea-side a little distant from the Villa or Fort where the Vice-Roys lodg in Pangi Whilst we were recreating our selves Sig Fernandez bethinking himself of what perhaps he had not thought of before ask'd me whether I had the Vice-Roy's Licence to go with him this Voyage and I telling him that I had not because I did not think it needful he reply'd that it was needful to be had by any means if I intended to go otherwise he could not venture to carry me for fear of giving malevolous persons occasion to criminate him by saying that he had carry'd me a stranger and without the Vice-Roy's Licence into suspected places where matters of State were to be handled in brief knowing the matter blameable and the wonted Cavils of many of his own Nation and being admonish'd by many and great troubles befallen others and particularly a Kinsman of his very innocently for very slight causes and much inferior to this he told me resolutely that without the Vice-Roy's Licence it was no-wise good either for him or me that I should go Wherefore being we were not to depart that day he advis'd me to return to the City and procured the said Licence if I intended to go and he would stay for me till the next Morning but without the Licence I must not return to take Ship nor would he by any means venture to carry me I who well understood the procedures of the Portugals and what rigor they use in their Government and to what suspitions and malevolences they are prone which cause a thousand ill usages and injustices was sensible that Sig Fernandez had reason and that the not having gotten this Licence was an inadvertency because I accounted it not necessary but to obtain it of the Vice-Roy who knew me well and had shewn himself courteous to me I look'd upon as not difficult Wherefore being loath to lose my intended Voyage as soon as I had din'd with these Gentlemen I went by boat to the City and having first given account of my business to Sig Antonio and Sig Ruy Gomez his Brother to whose House I repair'd having left that which I had hir'd and remov'd my goods to that of the said Sig ri Barocci I went with the same Sig Ruy Gomez to speak to F. Marejao a Jesuit and the Vice-Roy's Confessor and my Friend whom I desir'd as the fittest person to do it in the short time left me to get me a Licence from the Vice-Roy He went immediately to speak to the Vice-Roy about it and had the fortune to find him before he enter'd into a Congregation or Council which was to sit till night and the Vice-Roy presently writ a Licence for him with his own hand directed to the Ambassador Gio Fernandez wherein he told him that whereas I desir'd to go along with him he might carry me and shew me all kind of Civility and Honour as a deserving person with other like courteous and high expressions Having gotten my Licence I went with F. Ruy Gomez Baraccio to visit the Bishop of Coeni who in the vacancy of the See administred the Arch-bishoprick of Goa and whom I had not yet visited and understanding that he was desirous to know me and was a Prelate of great merit not onely as to Ecclesiastick matters but also in point of Government and Warr for he
themselves to him with this Embassie which they sent to him and the disgrace of their pass'd defeat 't was no strange thing that being become insolent thereupon as 't is the manner of the Barbarians and designing to carry it high over them he not only shew'd no great liking of the Embassie but made little account of it and in a manner despis'd it that so he might keep himself and his affairs in greater reputation October the thirtieth Sig Gio Fernandez being resolv'd to depart the next day sent some Horses before upon this with some of his Family The same Evening one from Goa brought News of the arrival there of some Portugals of the Fleet which came this year from Portugal consisting of four great trading Ships two Shallops and four Galeons of Warr which last come in order to be consign'd to Ruy Freira for the War of Ormùz the loss of which place and the deliverance of Ruy Freira out of prison being already known at the Court of Spain but not the loss of the Ships of the Fleet the last year The Portugals arriv'd in Goa according to the abovesaid intelligence came in one of the Galeons of the Fleet which is coming which being separated from the rest toucht at Mozambique and there being old and shatter'd was lost onely all the People and Goods were sav'd and came in other Ships to Goa and being the rest of the Fleet delayes so long 't is conceiv'd to have held a course without the Island of Saint Lorenzo which uses to take up more time They relate also that the Marriage between Spain and England is concluded and that the Prince of England is now in Spain being come thither incognito before the conclusion of the Marriage which was shortly expected It being already very late I shall not longer deferr concluding this Letter because it is requisite for me to go and take a little rest that I be may fit for my journey to morrow Morning if it please God to whom I heartily commend you and with my accustomed affection kiss your Hands From Onòr October 30. 1623. LETTER V. From Ikkeri Novemb. 22. 1623. I Write to you from Ikkeri the Royal City and Seat of Venk-tapà Naieka whither I am come and where I am at present I shall give you an account of the Audience which our Ambassador hath had of this King who in my judgment should rather be call'd a Regulus or Royolet although the Portugals and Indians give him the honor of a Royal Title being he hath in effect neither State Court nor appearance befitting a true King I shall describe to you every particular that is not unworthy your Curiosity and adjoyn some other of my Relations and Descriptions of the Idolatrous Gentiles their vain Superstitions and Ceremonies about their Idols Temples Pagods What I shall now set down mine own Eyes have witness'd to and I shall not fear being too tedious in describing things perhaps over minutely in these Letters since I know you are delighted therewith and out of your great erudition can make reflections upon the Rites us'd in these parts of the world which in many things are not unlike the ancient Aegyptian Idolatry For I am perswaded to believe not without the authority of ancient Authors that the worship of Isis and Osiris was common to Aegypt and this Region as in Philostratus I find Apollonius affirming that in India he saw the Statues not onely of the Aegyptians but also of the Grecian gods as of Apollo Bacchus and Minerva But to return to the particulars of my journey October the one and thirtieth After one a clock in the Afternoon we departed from Onò with Sig Gio Fernandez in a Mancion or Barge and the rest of the Family in a less Boat Vitulà Sinay who was to go with us we left in a readiness to set forth after us I know not whether by water or by Land We row'd up the River which runs Southward to Onòr against the stream making use both of Sail and Oars and a little before night having gone about three Leagues we came to Garsopà and there lodg'd This place was sometimes a famous City Metropolis of the Province and Seat of a Queen in which State as likewise in many others upon the Coast of India to this day a Woman frequently hath the sovereignty Daughters or other nearest Kinswomen begotten by what ever Father succeeding the Mothers these Gentiles having an opinion as 't is indeed that the Issue by the Woman-side is much more sure of the blood and lineage of the Ancestors then that by the Man-side The last Queen of Garsopà fell in Love with a mean Man and a stranger into whose power she resign'd her self together with her whole Kingdom In which act setting aside her choosing a Lover of base blood upon which account she was blam'd and hated by the Indians who are most rigorous observers of Nobility and maintainers of the dignity of their ancestors in all points as to giving her self up as a prey to her lover she committed no fault against her honor for in these Countries 't is lawful for such Queens to choose to themselves Lovers or Husbands one or more according as they please But this Man who was so favour'd by the Queen of Garsopà having thoughts as ignoble as his blood in stead of corresponding with gratitude to the Queens courtesie design'd to rebell against her and take the Kingdom from her which for a while he executed having in process of time gain'd the affection of most of her most eminent Vassals The Queen seeing her self oppress'd by the Traytor had recourse to the Portugals offering them her whole State on condition they would free her from imminent ruine But the Portugals according as they had alwayes in India done by their friends whereby they have been many times the ruine of others and themselves too did not succour her till it was too late and then very coldly On the other side the Traytor as his ill Fate or rather God's just anger would have it call'd to his assistance against the Queen and the Portugals his Neighbour Venk-tapà Naieka now Master of those Countries Venk-tapà Naieka taking advantage of the occasion enter'd suddenly into the Kingdom of Garsopà with great diligence and force so that shortly becoming Master of the whole Country and the City Royal having driven out the Portugals who came to defend it he took the Queen Prisoner and carry'd her to his own Court where being kept although honourably she ended her dayes afterwards in an honourable prison But the Traytor under-went the punishment of his crime for Venk-tapà Naieka caus'd him to be slain and for more secure keeping that State in his power caus'd the City and Royal Palace of Garsopà to be destroy'd so that at this day that lately flourishing City is become nothing but a Wood Trees being already grown above the ruines of the Houses and the place scarcely inhabited by four
Father to bring Horses and shewing himself very friendly to him Nor did the Ambassadar lose the occasion of desiring him that he would favor him with his Letters to the King of Spain pretending to hope for much upon account of them a thing which I should not commend in an Ambassador because he may thereby come to be thought by his natural Prince too partial to and too intimate with the Prince with whom he treats and also by this means disparages himself as if he need to beg the mediation of foreign Princes to his natural Lord and of such Princes too with whom he negotiates in behalf of his own which by no means seems handsome Then Venk-tapà Naieka inquir'd concerning the rest of us and Vitulà Sinay answer'd his Questions telling him of me that I was a Roman and that I travell'd over so great a part of the World out of Curiosity and that I writ down what I saw with other things of the same nature Venk-tapà Naieka ask'd me Whether I understood the Language of the Moors I answer'd that I did together with the Turkish and Persian but I mention'd not the Arabick because I have it not so ready as the other two to be able to make use of it before every body He seem'd sufficiently pleas'd in seeing me and understanding that I was born at Rome and came thither so great a Traveller highly esteeming the ancient fame of Rome and the Empire and its new Grandeur and Pontificate of the Christians These and other Discourses which I omit for brevity lasting for some time he caus'd to be brought to him a piece of Silk embroider'd with Gold such as the Indians wear cross their shoulders but with us may serve to cover a Table or such like use and calling the Ambassador before him whither we accompany'd him gave it to him and caus'd it to be put upon his shoulders whereupon we were dismiss'd and so going out to Horse again we were reconducted home with the same solemnity and company After this as we were walking through the City late in the Evening without the Ambassador we saw going along the streets several companies of young girls well cloth'd after their manner namely with some of the above-mention'd wrought and figur'd Silk from the girdle downwards and from thence upward either naked or else with very pure linnen either of one colour or strip'd and wrought with several besides a scarf of the same work cast over the shoulder Their heads were deck'd with yellow and white flowers form'd into a high and large Diadem with some sticking out like Sun-beams and others twisted together and hangingd own in several fashions which made a prety sight All of them carry'd in each hand a little round painted Stick about a span long or little more which striking together after a musical measure besides the sounds of Drums and other instruments one of the skilfullest of the company sung one verse of a song at once at the end of which they all reply'd seven or eight times in number of their meter this word Colè Colè Colè which I know not what it signifies but I believe 't is a word of joy Singing in this manner they went along the street eight or ten together being either friends or neighbours follow'd by many other women not dress'd in the same fashion but who were either their Mothers or their Kins-women I imagin'd it was for some extraordinary Festival and I was willing to have follow'd them to see whither they went and what they did but being in the company of others I could not handsomely do it nor had my Companions the same Curiosity as indeed the Portugals are not at all curious I understood afterwards that they went to the Piazza of the great Temple which is moderately large and there danc'd in circles singing their songs till it was late and that this was a Festival which they keep three dayes together at the end of a certain Fast in Honor of Gauri one of their Goddesses Wife of Mohedaca and therefore 't is celebrated by girls November the ninth Walking about the City I saw a beam rais'd a good height where in certain of their Holy-dayes some devout people are wont to hang themselves by the flesh upon hooks fastned to the top of it and remain a good while so hanging the blood running down in the mean time and they flourishing their Sword and Buckler in the Air and singing verses in Honor of their Gods Moreover in a close place opposite to the Temple I saw one of those very great Carrs or Charriots wherein upon certain Feasts they carry their Idols in Procession with many people besides and Dancing-women who play on musical instruments sing and dance The four wheels of this Carr were fourteen of my spans in diameter and the wood of the sides was one span thick At the end of it were two great wooden Statues painted with natural colours one of a Man the other of a Woman naked in dishonest postures and upon the Carr which was very high was room for abundance of people to stand and in brief it was so large that scarce any but the widest streets in Rome as Strada Giulia or Babuino would be capable for it to pass in I saw also certain Indian Fryers whom in their Language they call Giangà ma and perhaps are the same with the Sages seen by me elsewhere but they have Wives and go with their faces smear'd with ashes yet not naked but clad in certain extravagant habits and a kind of picked hood or cowl upon their heads of dy'd linnen of that colour which is generally us'd amongst them namely a reddish brick-colour with many bracelets upon their arms and legs fill'd with something within that makes a jangling as they walk But the pretiest and oddest thing was to see certain Souldiers on Horse-back and considerable Captains too as I was inform'd who for ornament of their Horses wore hanging behind the saddle-bow two very large tassels of certain white long and fine skins they told me they were the tails of certain wild Oxen found in India and highly esteem'd which tassels were about two yards in compass and so long as to reach from the saddle-bow to the ground two I say hung behind the saddle-bow and two before of equal height and two others higher at the head stall so that there were six in all between which the Horse-man was seen upon the saddle half naked and riding upon a Horse which leap'd and curvetted all the way by which motion those six great tassels of skin being very light and not at all troublesome but flying up and down seem'd so many great wings which indeed was a prety odd spectacle and made me think I saw so many Bellerophons upon severall Pegasus's The same Evening I saw the companies of girls again and following them I found that they did not go into the Piazza of the Temple as they had done the two nights
Antonio Borges a former acquaintance who came from Goa to Onòr together with us and to whom the Ambassador at Ikkeri had recommended me I found sitting before his House in the streets the Captain of Barselòr call'd Sig Luis Mendes Vas Conti. We discours'd together for a good while and he seem'd a gallant man though but young Here was an Armado and a Cafila of Ships which came from Goa and went to Mangalòr and Cocin or further they were to depart the next day and therefore I prepar'd my self to go with them to Mangalòr This night I supp'd at the House of Sig Antonio Borges with some other Portugals who came in the Fleet and went to lodg by his direction in another good House together with some Souldiers of the same November the seven and twentieth That I might not go alone without any body to serve me in the Ship I took into my service a Christian of Barselòr recommended to me by Sig Antonio and nam'd Manoel de Matos with whom alone I went aboard about noon having first din'd with many Portugals of the Fleet in the House of Sig Rocco Gomes the chief Portugal in Barselòr who entertain'd us at his Gate in the street very well Among others that din'd with us there was one Sig Neittor Fernandez by me elsewhere mention'd who came from Goa to Onòr with us the Captain Major of the whole Armado Sig Francesco de Lobo Faria who commanded a Galley and six other Ships besides the Cafila of Merchants I imbarqu'd in the Ship of Sig Neittor Fernandez who in the street express'd much courtesie to me Being gone a good way upon the Sea and it being now night the Captain Major of the Galleys sent our Ship back to fetch certain of his Men and the other Ships which were not yet got out of the Port of Barselòr whereinto we designing to enter in the dark and not hitting the narrow channel which was to be kept struck upon land and the wind growing prety stiff were in great danger of being over-set and lost and the more for that when we perceiv'd it and went to strike fail we could not for a good while because the ropes either through moistness or some other fault would not slip so that the Ship being driven forceably against the ground not onely became very leaky but gave two or three such violent knocks that had she not been new without doubt she had been split The Sea-men were not onely confounded but all amaz'd nothing was heard but disorderly cryes the voice of him that commanded could not be heard every one was more intent upon his own then the common safety many of the Souldiers had already strip'd themselves to leap into the Sea some ty'd their Money at their backs to endeavour to save the same together with their lives making little account of their other goods divers made vows and promises of Alms all heartily recommended themselves to God one embrac'd the Image of our Lady and plac'd his hope in that alone I could not induce my self to believe that God had reserv'd me after so many dangers to such a wretched and ignoble end so that I had I know not what secure confidence in my heart nevertheless seeing the danger extream great I fail'd'not â—o commend my self to God his most Holy Mother and all the Saints By whose favour at length the sail being let down by the cutting of the rope and the Sea not rough for if it had it would have done us greater mischief the Mariners freed the Ship having cast themselves into the Sea and drawn her off from the ground by strength of Arm the remainder of the night we spent in the mouth of the Haven soliciting the other Ships out and mending our own The whole Fleet being set forth before day we return'd where the Captain General with the Galley and the rest of the Ships stay'd at Anchor for us and thence we set sail all together November the eight and twentieth We sail'd constantly Southwards coasting along the Land which lay on the left hand of us Half way to Mangalòr to wit six Leagues from Barselòr we found certain Rocks or little desart Islands which the Portugals call Scogli di Santa Maria one of which we approach'd with our Ship and many of our Men landed upon it to take wild Pigeons of whose nests there is great abundance wherewith we made a good supper Afterwards continuing our course we pass'd by Carnate and at night safely enter'd the Port of Mangalòr This Port is in the mouth of two Rivers one more Northern runs from the Lands of Banghel the other more Southern from those of Olaza which stands beyond the River Southwards or rather beyond the bay of salt-water which is form'd round and large like a great Haven by the two Rivers before their entrance into the Sea whose flowing fills the same with salt water Mangalòr stands between Olaza and Banghel and in the middle of the bay right against the Mouth of the Harbor into which the Fort extends it self being almost encompass'd with water on three sides 'T is but small the worst built of any I have seen in India and as the Captain told me one day when I visited him may rather be term'd the House of a Gentleman than a Fort. The City is but little neither contiguous to the Fort and encompass'd with weak walls within which the Houses of the inhabitants are inclos'd There are three Churches namely the See or Cathedral within the Fort our Lady Del Rosario La Misericordia and San Francesco without Yet in Mangalòr there are but three Ecclesiastical Persons in all two Franciscan Fryers and one Vicar Priest to whose charge with very small revenews belong all the other Churches I went not ashore because it was night but slept in the Ship November the nine and twentieth Early in the Morning I landed at Mangalòr and went together with Sig Neittor Fernandez and others of our Ship to dine in the House of Sig Ascentio Veira a Notary of the City After which I was provided of an empty House belonging to a Kins-man of his by Sig Paolo Sodrino who was married in Mangalòr and came for Goa in our Ship The next night the Fleet departed from Cocin but I remain'd in Mangalòr with intention to go and see the Queen of Olaza November the thirtieth After hearing of Mass in the Church Del Rosario I visited the Captain of Mangalòr not in the Fort but in a cover'd place without the Gate which is built to receive the cool Air of the Sea and where he was then in conversation He was an old Man all gray by Name Sig Pero Gonies Pasagna The first of December in the Morning I went to see Banghel by the Indians more correctly call'd Bangher or Banghervari 't is a mile or little more distant from Mangalòr towards the South and upon the Sea and the King that rul'd there and in the circumjacent lands being at
once a year which would cause a great destruction of both sides They call this term of time or manner of revenge Amocò so that they say the Amocò of the Samori lasts one day the Amocò of the King of Cocin lasts all the life and so of others Of the Malabars who live mixt with the Nairi in the Maritime Parts and are Moors in Religion and all other Customs I heard onely this Remarkable That by a receiv'd and universal practise amongst the Women they will never lie under the Men in the Act of Coition which because a thing extraordinary I would not omit to mention December the twenty third A good while after Sun-rise we departed from Calecut but had the wind all day against us and made but little way At night we cast Anchor because there is seldom wind enough for sailing in the night time and being we coasted along the shore we might cast Anchor at any time we pleas'd December the twenty fourth We had the wind contrary again making very little way so that we cast Anchor many times and in the Evening because it was Christmass-Eve the Litanies were sung in all the Ships and afterwards we had Collations of Sweet-meats and celebrated the Feast as well as the place afforded In our Ship some Souldiers who were employ'd to make a sort of sweet fritters of Sugar for sport put into many of them certain powders which caused giddiness so that almost all the Souldiers that ate of them after the Collation seem'd drunk and were constrain'd to betake themselves to sleep which they did all night much more then that time and place requir'd for had Enemies come the greatest part of the Souldiers being in this manner I know not how we should have done December the twenty fifth By break of day we arriv'd at Cananòr where we presently landed to hear the divine Offices Cananòr is a little place upon the shore but near a Promontory which makes a kind of Haven The City is surrounded with walls not very strong and well made but in some places I know not by what negligence decay'd It hath four Churches to wit La Sede or the Cathedral La Misericordia which is a Confraternity and much like our Monte della Pieta Santo Spirito and other such it hath correspondence with an other There are of them in all the Plantations of the Portugals and they do many good works for almost all the pious works which amongst us are done by divers Houses and Societies this one place of La Misericordia do's amongst the Portugals as keeping of things Deposited transmitting Bils of Exchange safe relieving the poor the sick and imprisoned maintaining expos'd Children marrying young Maids keeping Women of ill Lives when converted redeeming Slaves and in short all works of Mercy whereof a City or Country can have need A pious thing indeed and of infinite benefit to the Publick the rather because they are in all Territories of the Portugals and hold correspondence together even those of India with those of Portugal so that they all seem but one body extending its members and influences incredibly profitable to several Countries This pious Place is govern'd by Secular Confreres to which Confraternity none are admitted but worthy Persons upon certain decent Conditions and to a set number So that the good Works which they do and the great sums expended therein every year accrew to the benefit not only of the Confreres but of the Publick in general with much Charity so that I do not account my time lost in making this little Digression The third Church of Cananòr is San Francesco where the Fryers of that Order reside and the fourth if I remember right is Santa Maria della Vittorià Without Cananòr is an entrench'd Fort contiguous to the walls of the City and under the Portugals jurisdiction But about a musket-shot distant or more is a great Village which they call the Bazà r where all sorts of Provisions and other Merchandizes are sold the Building is like that of Calecut and perhaps better yet this is under the jurisdiction of the Gentiles though the Inhabitants are in great part Malabar-Moors and by derivative Authority from a King of this Country whom they call the King of Cananòr and who resides far from the Sea 't is govern'd by a famous Malabar-Moor nam'd Agà Begel whose House I saw but not himself having spent this whole day in walking up and down Cananòr and the Bazar of the Gentiles for I dined with our Captain on shore in the House of a Portugal married there At night having viewed all and bought abundance of dried Indian Figgs and many Vessels of Conserves of the Pulp of young Indian Cane or Bambù which is very good to eat after this manner of green Pepper Cittrons and other Fruits wont to be pickled by them in Vineger and vendible here very good and in great plenty at length we returned a Ship-board December the twenty sixth We set sail from Cananòr but for three dayes together sailed but little by reason of the accustom'd contrary wind and our casting Anchor frequently as well in the day time as the night December the twenty ninth We passed before Cagnarotto whence some Men came in a Boat from the King of Banghel who lives there in Sanctuary with the King of that place his Friend and Kinsman to visit and present our General in the Name of their Lord. December the thirtieth About noon we entred the Port of Mangalòr I had a desire to go to Carnate to see that Queen and had already given Money for a Boat to carry me thither being I might sooner and better go so then with a Palanchino but this journey was disappointed as well as my former I know not by what unhappy destiny for I understood that the Fleet was by all means to depart from Mangalòr the next day so that I could not have time to go and return and if I lost the opportunity of this Fleet God knows when I should have another of passing to Goa whither other considerations of my business required me to repair as soon as might be So I deferr'd my going to Carnate but with no small regret for being deprived of the knowledge of that Queen who was reported to me for a Lady of great Worth and Valour Whilest we stayed ashore I went to the Church of San Francesco to visit those Fathers where I found the General of our Fleet Sig Luis de Mendoza whom I had never seen before I found him a very compleat and gallant Cavalier and having been bred in the Court of Spain the Queens Page a much better Courtier then other Portugal Cavaliers of India who have not seen other Countries are wont to be December the one and thirtieth I heard Mass in the fore-noon and dined a shore with the Brother of Signor Tomè de Barrios my Friend in Goa at the House of the Padre Vicario of Mangalòr named and known to
held wholly desperate although to encourage others to the expedition he still kept up the report The same Ship brought news how Ruy Freira whilst he was at the Siege of Ormùz with his few Ships sent two to the streight of Mecha to see whether they could get any booty which might serve to support his forces another to Sindi to fetch provisions and advertise the Mogul's Ministers there not to send any Ships into Persia otherwise he should take them yet neither those of Mecha nor this of Sindi ever return'd to him neither did this Captain send him any thing from Maschà t so that he was constrain'd to remove his quarters Besides during his being before Ormùz he had sent some other Ships to fall upon the Country of those Arabians whom they call Nactrilù living upon the Coasts of Persia in the gulf above Mogostà n and that this enterprize succeeded well enough they having made great destruction and taken much spoil but afterwards the Captains of the same Ships being greedy of prey contrary to the order of Ruy Freira and against the judgment of one of them who was the head of all the rest little obedience is an ordinary thing among the Portugals and causes infinite disorders design'd to set upon another place whose Governour who was an Arabian Sceich at first attempted to make them forbear with good words saying that he was their Vassal c. but when he saw that courtesie prevail'd not against their rapacity he got his men together and made head against them so that assaulting them in a convenient place as they were out of order he defeated them killing many and amongst those divers Captains and Soldiers of valour which was no small loss It was further related that during the Siege of Ormùz the besieg'd being in great streights for all other things and which was most important of water also which within fail'd them and was corrupted yet Ruy Freira could not hinder them from ferching plenty of very good water as often as they pleas'd at a place of the Island without the Garrison which they call Trumbà k where not through want of Soldiers for he might have had Arabians enough and others of those Countries but for want of money to pay and support them he could never place a guard to prevent the enemies from fetching as much water as they pleas'd They said lastly that Ruy Freira was at Massà t soliciting for aid and preparing to return to Ormùz as soon as he should be provided of what was needful By the same Ship a Jew came from Sindi who had lately dwelt in Ormùz and came to Sindi by sea from Guadèl which is a Port of the Kingdom of Kic and Macran and was come to Guadal by land from Sphahà n He was a sagacious person and affirmed to me for certain that the Prince of Kic and Macran was a friend and obedient to the Persians and that there passed through his Country infinite Cafila's of Merchandize which came from India to Guadèl by Sea and from thence were transported into Persia upon Camels and that this way was not only frequented since the taking of Ormùz which was declined during that War but was also very secure and afforded much profit to the said Prince of Macran because at Guadèl he received divers Customs of the abovesaid Merchandizes and before this pass was open he had no profit at all Yet this Jew could not tell me whether this friendship and obedience of the Macranite to the Persian was because the Prince who raigned there was dead and succeeded by his younger Brother who many years ago had fled into Persia to this Scià h as I have elsewhere mentioned in this Diary or else because the two Brothers ne'r agreed together and that he who raigned still either for his own interest upon account of the said pass of the Cafila's or through fear since the taking of Ormùz or perhaps forced by War or other like Accidents had disposed himself to be friendly and obedient to the Persian Ianuary the twenty fifth The Jesuits of the Colledge of Saint Paul this day being the Feast of their Colledge began to make part of their Solemnities which were to be made for joy of the Canonization of their Saints Ignatio and Sciavier the Celebration of which was deferred till now that more time might be allotted for preparation They came forth with a Cavalcade of all their Collegians divided into three Squadrons under three Banners one of which represented the Asiaticks one the Africans and another the Europaeans those of each Squadron being clothed after the manner of their respective Countries Before the Cavalcade went a Chariot of Clouds with Fame on the top who sounding her Trumpet with the adjunction of Musick published the News of the said Canonization Two other Chariots accompany'd the Cavalcade the hindermost of which represented Faith or the Church the other in the middle was a Mount Parnassus with Apollo and the Muses representing the Sciences professed in the said Colledge both which Chariots were also full of very good Musick and many people Moreover they remov'd from place to place amongst the Cavalcade five great Pyramids upon wheels drawn by Men on foot well cloth'd after the Indian fashion Upon the first were painted all the Martyrs of the Order of Jesuits upon another all the Doctors and Writers of Books upon another figures of Men of all such Nations in their proper habits where the said Order hath foundations to represent the Languages in which the Fathers of it preach Another had abundance of Devises relating to all the Provinces of the said Religion and lastly another had all the Miracles both of Sant ' Ignatio and San Francesco Sciavier All of these Pyramids had Epitaphs Statues and other Ornaments both at the pedestal and at the top so that passing in this manner through the principal streets of the City they planted and left the said Pyramids in several places one before the See or Archiepiscopal Church one before the profess'd House of Giesù one before the Church of San Paolo where at first they kept the Colledge but by reason of the badness of the Air remov'd it from thence yet the Church remaining to them which was sometimes much frequented and magnificent but at this day is but meanly provided for so that they are still in contest with the City about it who unwillingly consent to this changing of the Colledge The last they left before the new Colledge the Church whereof they are wont to call San Rocco and by the other Name also but the Jesuts resolute to keep their Colledge by reason of the fairness of the place notwithstanding the opposition of the Augustine Fryers who by long and intricate suits use their utmost endeavor to hinder them from it onely to the end not to have them Neighbours under pretext that they deprive them of the fresh Air and the prospect of the Sea The Jesuits I say resolute to abide there prevailing
hitherto both against the City which re-calls them back to Sà n Paolo Vecchio for greater convenience of the Students and against the Augustines and against the King himself who hath many times ordained their removal and the destruction of their new Colledge nevertheless maintain themselves in possession of their new and sumptuous Fabrick which also they daily inlarge and nominate San Paolo Nuovo for in India they will have all their Colledges dedicated to Saint Paul the Doctor of the Gentiles Ianuary the nine and twentieth I went together with the Signori Baracci my entertainers and other friends to see and spend a day at Guadalupe which is a place of Recreation in the Island of Goa distant from the City about two leagues populous and full of Houses and Gardens of several Portugal Signori who for pleasure go to dwell there some time of the year as you at Rome do to Frascati which is the ancient Tusculanum Guadulupe lies at the foot of a certain Precipice in a plain soil upon a spatious Lake which at one time of the year is quite dry'd up and sown with Rice so that the prospect is always very lovely because the Lake is either full of water in which grow abundance of pretty Flowers and aquatick Plants or else 't is all green with Rice which is sown before the Lake is totally dry and grows up to maturity before the Water return so that it makes a very pretty Shew and the more because this Water being collected in great rain is fed also by a small but constantly running River and though so kept there for many months yet causes not any bad affection of the Air but through the ' goodness of the Climate the Air is always better here then any where else Nor is the Sea far distant to wit the shore of the other more Southern River which forms the Island of Goa on the other side opposite to the City and the mouth of that River which makes a secure and spacious Harbour where sometimes even the greatest Portugal Shipsride and in old time the City stood there so that they call the place at this day Goa Vecchia or old Goa As we return'd we saw abundance of Villages and Palmeta's full of all sort of fruits and many fair and well-kept Churches as San Lorenzo and others within a small distance so that I had reason to judge this place to be held the most delicious of Goa Ianuary the thirtieth Being in Guadalupe in the Garden of the House where we were which belong'd to Signor Simon Gomes our Friend and Kinsman to the Sigg Baracci I saw a Canella or Cinamon Tree of which some are found in Goa but strangers 'T is as big a Tree as any not a shrub as I imagin'd some of the leaves which have a taste of Cinamon and are pleasant to be masticated I keep among my baggage to shew the same in Italy as also some of the Tree Trisoe with its odoriferous Flowers which blow every day and night and fall at the approach of day as I my self saw and observ'd of one that was planted before the Gate of our House This Flower is very like the Iasmin of Catalonia but the Canella hath a yellow one which is us'd by the Country-people instead of Saffron with their meats and upon other occasions Moreover I saw and observ'd in the Lake two sorts of Flowers one great the other very small both white with something of yellow in the midst the lesser hath no green leaves on the stalk to be seen and the inner part of the white leaves is full of thick and long Doun The greater Flower hath smooth long and strait leaves and grows on a Plant whose leaves are large and almost perfectly round swimming on the surface of the water totally expanded almost like those of a Gourd Both these Flowers have a strange property in the night they are alwayes clos'd in the day alwayes open displaying themselves at the rising and closing at the setting of the Sun besides that they are of a very excellent fragrant smell I could not keep any to shew because they are so tender and so full of moisture especially the lesser sort which is the fairest that they fade presently upon being kept in papers as the Custom is The Indians call them and tell a Fable of Brahma's being born of one of these Flowers and afterwards re-entring into one again wherein he hath spent ten-thousand years You see what fine Stories we have here I leave them with you and kiss your Hands LETTER VIII From Goa Novemb. 4. 1624. MY last I writ to you by the Ship which departed from Goa to Portugal the first of February and was the only Ship of that Kingdom that was sent hither this year On which Day the Bells rung at Goa and many rejoycings were made particularly in the Churches of the Jesuits the Augustines the Dominicans upon News brought of many Martyrs lately Martyred in Iapan amongst which were many Religious of the abovesaid Orders and particularly of Jesuits were Martyred three Italians to wit F. Carlo Spinola a Genouese of principal quality F. Camillo Costanzo a Calabrese or rather a Neapolitan of a Family whose Estate lyes in Calabria And F. Pietro Paolo a Neapolitan likewise if I mistake not February the eighth A Council of State was held concerning the Vice-Roys going to Ormùz in which I know not what was resolved because some talked one thing and some another but as for the Souldiers it was determined that all should go and he that refused was imprisoned as some were to my knowledge February the tenth As a beginning of the solemnities for the Canonization the Jesuits sung a Vespers in the Church of the Profest-house of Giesù The night following they caused a numerous Maskerade of young Students not Collegians but Out-liers to pass through the streets on Horse-back cloth'd in several rich habits and following a Standard whereon was pourtrayed the Effigies of the Saints The next day there was a solemn Mass in the same Church and a Sermon made by the F. Visitor Andrea Palmuro at which the Vice-Roy was present In the Evening upon a very great Theatre erected without the Church in the Piazza for representing many dayes together the Life of San Francesco Sciavier they caused a Squadron of young men mask'd in the habits of Peasants to dance many gallant Balls with Musick On the twelfth of February in the presence of the Vice-Roy and of all the Nobility and People of the City for whose conveniency scaffolds and seats were erected in the Piazza round about the Theatre both for Men and Women the first Act of the above-said Comedy or Tragedy as they said of the Life of Santo Sciavier was represented Of which Tragedy which was represented by about thirty persons all very richly clothed and decked with Jewels the vast and no less extravagant Machin whereinto they entered to act the rare Musick gallant Dances and various
wounded Body at which sight the devout People utter prodigious Cryes and the Women force themselves to shreek out and the Signore or Gentlewomen are so zealous that they not onely cry out themselves but make their Maids do so too and beat them even in the Church if they do not and that very lowdly whether they have a will to it or no. Strange devotion indeed March the third Ten Ships of Warr were at length sent from Goa to the barr or mouth of the Sea in order to depart as they did within two or three dayes towards Ormùz to Ruy Freira the General of which was Sig Sancho de Toar Brother to Veedor da Fazenda who was Treasurer and Captain of one of the Ships Our Friend Sig Michel Pereira Boralho who was sometimes Captain of the Galeons went also his Brother Giovan Boralho was kill'd under Ruy Freira in the battle with the English at Già sk last year being Admiral of that Fleet which next the General is the prime charge having been many times before Capitan Maggiore as they speak or General in the Streight of Ormùz I make particular mention of him upon account of his relation to Sig Michel our Friend But such a succour for Ormuz after so long a time is indeed a very inconsiderable matter Yet they say other Ships are preparing to be sent after these March the one and twentieth I took the Altitude of the Sun at Goa with my Astrolabe and found him decline at noon from the Zenith towards the South fourteen degrees and forty minutes He was this day in the thirtieth degree of Pisces and consequently in the Aequinoctial without any Declination so that without making any Substraction or Addition to this number Goa that is the City will lye just so many degrees 14. gr 40′ from the Aequinoctial towards the North and also have the Northern Pole elevated as many March the eight and twentieth News was brought to Goa how the great Moghòl had caus'd all the English that were at his Court to be slain and imprisoned all the rest that were at Surà t As for those that were slain some say it was by the Moghòl's Order in way of punishment and that they were hang'd and otherwise executed Others say it was by chance as they endeavour'd to defend themselves by Arms when he sent onely to arrest them prisoners as he did those of Surà t and this seems most likely Be it as it will this Accident may easily disturb their Commere something in that Country The occasion is reported thus A few dayes or moneths agoe the English in Surà t apprehending themselves aggriev'd to a considerable summ by the Mogòl's Ministers whether by exaction of Customs or in Accounts I know not to repair the loss by force since otherwise they could not made reprisal of some of the Moghol's ships which were come abroad full laden and being the Mogòl's people were not able to deal with the English at Sea they were constrain'd for recovering their surpris'd Vessels to grant the English every thing demanded and satisfie them so far as they pretended to be aggrieved Which thing coming afterwards to the King's knowledge he caus'd all of that Nation to be apprehended where-ever found in his Dominions hereupon hapned the slaughter above-mention'd For my part I think the English have not manag'd their business discreetly in this case for how is it possible for a few strangers and inmates to contestwith and get the better of a great King in his own Country And upon rising of the like differences I should account it the best course to accord them with good words and amicably with the said King by complaining of his Ministers and procuring him to provide in such cases as well as may be and this course may succeed happily Otherwise if redress can be obtain'd then before a manifest feud 't were best to get out of his power and warr upon him securely not in his own Country where there are so many people and the King undoubtedly hath more power then any other I believe the English made this attempt upon supposition that the Moghòl hath great need of the Sea and that to the end his Ships might have free passage therein without being molested by the English he would suffer what they pleas'd But herein in my opinion they are grosly mistaken because the Moghòl is a very great and wealthy King whose Revenews arise from his own Lands and not from the Sea and to whom that little which is to be had from the Sea how great soever it may be is nothing and nothing he accounts it because it accrues rather to some small Captain of his as the Governour of Surà t and the like then to the King himself So that What is he concern'd for it But indeed he will be concern'd for such an injury done to him in his own jurisdiction as the English have done by making reprisal of Ships which Princes much inferior to the Moghòl would not have suffer'd from any admitted as Friends into their Countries Besides the grievances alledg'd by the English were but pretences and the Moghòl's Ministers had their Reasons for them wherefore the case ought to have been heard before falling to violence and let the matter be how it will 't was just for him to be Judge in his own Country and that this respect should be shewn him if the English would have taken this course if not or if he would not do them Justice they were alwayes at liberty to go out of his power and so make Warr against him by Sea upon better terms Concerning the Affairs of the Moghòl with his Son they said that Sultà n Chorròm having been twice routed was at last retreated with some few followers into the Dominions of Cutab-Scià h and that his Father had given over pursuing him and being retir'd to his own Court left him there in quiet that Cutab-Scià h did not assist him out of awe to the Father nor yet drive him out of his Territories out of respect to himself but let him enjoy the possession of a certain small circuit in his Country to which he had retir'd Concerning Persian affairs we heard a while since and it was verifi'd that not only the English Ships were gone thither according to their custom for the Trade of Silk but also those of the Hollanders which come to Surà t perhaps because the Hollanders are minded to set up a Traffick thither too as I understood from a good hand last year at Surà t In the mean time other Ships and Galeons are preparing at Goa to be sent to Ormùz April the tenth Three Galeons fraighted with Victual departed from Goa to Ruy Freira for the war of Ormùz as two other Ships had done a few days before besides the above-mention'd ten and order was given for three other Galeons to go from Mozambique with people sufficient to arm all the six because the former three of Goa carri'd no Soldiers but only Sea-men They carri'd
also from Goa a Petard wherewith they said they intended to attempt the little false Gate of Ormùz which stands towards the Sea and several other preparations of War On the twenty ninth of the same month being the day of S. Pietro Martire who they say was the Founder of the Inquisition against Hereticks the Inquisitors of Goa made a Solemnity before their House of the Inquisition which is in the Piazza of the Cathedral and was sometimes the Palace of Sabaio Prince of Goa when the Portugals took it whence it is still call'd la Piazza di Sabaio After solemn Mass had been sung in the Church of San Dominico as Vespers had been the day before in presence of the Inquisitors who coming to fetch the Fryers in Procession repair'd thereunto in Pontificalibus in the evening many carreers were run on hors-back by the Portugal-Gentry invited purposely by the Inquisitors and a day or two after for this Evening was not sufficient for so many things there was in the same Piazza a Hunting or Baiting of Bulls after the Spanish fashion but the Beasts being tame and spiritless afforded little sport so that I had not the curiosity to be present at it This is a new Festival lately instituted by the present Inquisitors who I believe will continue it yearly hereafter May the tenth a Packet-boat from Mascà t arriv'd at Goa with Letters dated April the twenty fourth confirming what had some dayes before been rumor'd that the King of Persia had taken Baghdà d and the Persians were about to go against Bassorà by Sea but were diverted from their design by the Portugal Fleet which they heard was preparing to succour that City besides some Ships of theirs which they continually keep there in favour of the Turks against the Persians to guard the Mouth of the River which is Euphrates and Tigris joyn'd together The same Boat brought news also that twelve Ships were already departed from Mascà t under the conduct of my friend Sig. Michele Pereira to begin a new Siege of Ormùz and that Ruy Freira waited for the Galeons that he might go thither too with the greater Fleet. If it be true that Sciah-Abbas ha's taken Baghdà d I am confident that at the long run Bassorà will fall into his hands too if the Portugals may hinder him by sea they cannot by land and 't is a clear case that if he hath Baghdà d he intends also to have the port of Bassorà which is of great importance That he ha's taken Baghdà d may very well be true during the present ill State of the Turkish Affairs after the late tumults in that Court and the death of Sultà n Suleiman who was lately murder'd and his formerly depos'd Uncle Sultà n Mustafà restor'd to the Empire as I was lately assur'd here by an Armenian who told me that he was at Constantinople in the time of these Revolutions and that Sultà n Mustafà was very loth to re-assume the Government by reason of the ill deportment of the Ministers and that he would have no more Women or Concubines but had married and dismiss'd all that were in the Seraglio that if any woman came into his presence he ran at her with his Ponyard professing to lead a chast and religious life not meaning to have other Successors then his Brother's two Sons the elder of which is Sultà n Mahomad Son of Sultanà Kiosmè who I alwayes believ'd would by his Mother's Arts one day come to rule and now without doubt whether she be living or not if the abovesaid relations be true will at least reign after his Uncle Mustafà Now forasmuch as in these violent mutations of Empires the Government alwayes suffers deterioration because without some evil disposition of the Government such violences in Royal Families cannot arise therefore I say perhaps this ill posture of affairs hath afforded the Scià h occasions making himself Master of Baghdà d especially if the Tyrant Bechir Subasci who had in a manner usurp'd it to himself have given it into his power which is an easie thing even in the good State of the Turkish Affairs being perhaps afraid of Sultan Mustafà who they say is very prudent and wholly intent to reform the Disorders of the Empire without caring to attend forreign enterprises whence perhaps having an eye too upon the Disorders of Baghdà d he was about to raise a strong Army for removing the said Tyrant who by this means became necessitated to yield it to the Scià h Nevertheless in these matters I have some doubt because the same Armenian told me that Sultan Mustafa had made peace with the Persian for twenty years and if the taking of Baghdà d be true it is a breaking of the peace which amongst the Moors and considering the Customs of Scià h Abbas is not impossible At present I suspend my belief and desire to have more certain and particular informations of these matters of which in Goa there is little plenty By the same Vessel came a Letter from Sig. Nicolao de Silva Veador da Iazenda or Treasurer at Mascà t to one of the Inquisitors wherein he signifi'd to him that he understood by the Letters of the French Consul at Aleppo that at Rome Gregory XV. was dead and a new Pope already chosen Card. Masseo Barberini about fifty four years old who had assumed the name of Urban VIII The same Letter further advertis'd that in Spain the Marriage between the Prince of England and the Infanta was celebrated upon the day of our Ladie 's Nativity in September and that the Infante Don Carlo was to accompany her into England and from thence pass to his Government of Flanders that in England the Catholicks had publick Churches open and enjoy'd Liberty of Conscience That in Italy the business of the Valtolin had been referr'd to his Holiness but Pope Gregory dy'd without determining it That the King of Spain kept a great Army ready in Milan about it and that a League was made against him in Italy by other Princes that some said Don Carlo of Spain was to marry the Heiress of Lorrain and other like news which being of things either uncertain or future I makesmall account of till I see the issue May the seventeenth By a Merchants Ship from Bassora we had more certain intelligence by Luigi Medices of Ramiro the Venetian Consul at Aleppo that Pope Gregory X V. dy'd on the twenty ninth of Iuly 1623. having been sick only five dayes The Relation of the Conclave saith that the Pope dy'd on the eight of Iuly the Cardinals enter'd into the Conclave on the nineteenth and that on the sixth of August Urban VIII was created Pope That Card. Montato dy'd a little before the Pope and Card. Ludovisio was made Vice-Chancellor in his stead and the Chamberlainship being vacant by the death of Aldobrandino was conferr'd upon the young Cardinal of the same name That the new Pope Urban was sick for some dayes after his Election but afterwards recovering was crown'd upon the day of S.
in matters of Religion but who is the Author of it I know not They speak a harsh Chaldee besides Arabick which is generally in use which Language of theirs they call Mendai as also for the most part amongst themselves they are styl'd Mendai besides the two other names of Christians of S. Iohn and Sabeans by the first of which they are known to us Europaeans and by the latter to the Moors What Mendai signifies and whence it is deriv'd I could not learn They have also particular Characters different from the ordinary Chaldaick and Syrian both ancient and modern wherewith they transcribe their sacred Books but commonly none can either read or write this character besides the Priest who byan Arabick word is usually styl'd Sceich that is Old Man I could not learn any thing more concerning them because they are few and very Idiots only I think they may be those Sabean Heretick mention'd in Histories and particularly in the Elenchus Alphabeticus Haereticorum of Gabriel Prateolus who relates their Original and Rites Besides these of Bassora there are other at Hbaveiza which is neer Bassora at Durec Sciuscter and many other places of Persia amounting as they say to many thousand Families yet in Hhaveiza there are more then in any place else where they have a place inhabited only by themselves call'd Kiumalava or as themselve pronounce it Chiumalava reading the Letter K with the sound of Ch. Here live certain of their chief Priests Monks and Bishops whom they all Chanzaba and by whom they are govern'd in Religion I believe they have there some kind of Church Sacrifice and all other things better then at Bassora yet because I cannot speak either upon my own knowledg or any sufficient credible information I shall not relate any thing more of them although I had once a servant of the same Nation born in Kiumalava near Hhaveiza who amongst them was call'd Roheh but being afterwards re-baptiz'd by our Religious was nam'd Giovanni Robeh I shall only add concerning Bassora that of late dayes the City hath been more frequented with the trade of the Portugals of India to wit since the loss of Ormuz five of whose Ships at my being there continually rode in the River to defend the place from the attempts 〈◊〉 the common enemy the Persian Upon the conflux of many Europaean Christians hither the bare-footed Carmelite-Fathers of Persia first and afterwards the Portugal Augustines of Goa have built two Churches either Order one wherein the Catholick and Roman Rite is publickly observ'd That of the Carmelites the Seat whereof was partly given them by the Bâ—sha and partly bought by themselves I found already finish't with a small Cloister and some Cells for the Fathers that live there of its Dedication which hapned in my time I shall speak below The Church of the Augustines had not its foundation yet fully laid and they were in suspense whether to go on with the building or no for fear lest the Persians should one day take Bassora in these wars which were on foot So that in my time the said Fathers lived in an hired house which the Basha paid for yet they had a Church or rather an Oratory there wherein Mass and all Divine Offices were publickly celebrated Of Augustines there were two at Bassora one with the Title of Prior was also Vicar to the Archbishop of Goa likewise an Augustine Fryer who for the sake of the Portugals that resort to the City of Arabia pretends to a Jurisdiction which he usurps not without some intrusion upon the Bare-footed Carmelites notwithstanding the Briefs of most ample Authority which they have obtain'd of the Pope for that purpose insomuch that in my time the said Augustine-Vicar publish't an Excommunication against all such as should not confess at Easter in their Church although they did it in that of the Carmelites and publish'd his Church to be the Parish-Church and not the other besides other like contentions between them not without some prejudice to the Affairs of Religion The Basha who for the assistance which he had of the Portugals in the war us'd not only them but all Europaeans that came thither very well gave a Pension or Alms to either Church every Month sufficient for Provision and he also well paid the five Portugal Ships which lay at Bassora for his service in the War Having entred the above-mention'd Like and cast anchor for fear of being carri'd back again by the violence of the ebbing water we met with two of the said Portugal Ships at anchor in one of which was the General himself the other three were abroad in the great River near the place where the Basha had pitch't his camp to make head against the Persian Army which was upon the Confines and was rumor'd to intend an attempt against Bassora Marcch the twelfth Early in the morning before we stir'd I was visited in the Ship by F. Basilio a Bare-footed Carmelite and by F. Fra. Paolo di Giesu an Italian Franciscan whom I had known at Goa and who was now in his passage to Italy lodg'd at Bassora by the Carmelites At night upon the coming in of the Tide we tow'd the Ship up to the City On either side of the Dike were abundance of Houses and Gardens which render the passage very delightful Having cast anchor within the City near the Southern bank which is most inhabited I went ashore after dinner to seek a House but not finding one to my mind return'd back to rest all night in the Ship March the thirteenth Not finding a House to my content upon further search I got one to speak to Chogia Negem the chiefest Christian of S. Iohn then amongst them being also Scibender of the Dogana who as a Christian and a Person of much humanity contracting an intimate friendship with me did me a thousand courtesies whilst I staid at Bassora In the morning his Wife in person went about seeking a House for us and at night I accompanied her to see one adjoyning to her own which for that reason and because it was somewhat better then the rest although far from good I made choice of and she promis'd to get it prepar'd for me against the next day whereupon I return'd aboard this night also This day Proclamation was made in Bassora for every house to send out a man with Arms to the camp to aid the Basha in the War against the Persians who were said to approach March the fourteenth I took possession of the House prepar'd for me and afterwards visited Sig. Consalvo Martino da Castelbranco chief of the Portugals in Bassora to deliver him a Letter which I had brought from the Viceroy of Goa the effect whereof was only an earnest recommendation of me upon which and other letters of friends which inform'd him of me he very courteously offer'd me all his service He told me good news being one that might well know the same of the affairs of Bassora Persia
and â—haveiza namely that Mansur Brother to the deceased Mubarek being some years ago sent by Sciah-Abbas to Hhaveiza as Prince thereof after he was well possess'd of the State became not well affected to the King of Persia though his Benefactor and indeed the Arabians cannot indure to be subject but desire liberty above all things Now in order to recovering his Liberty he held much correspondence with the neighboring Basha of Bassora the Turk's Vassal and of a contrary faction to the Persian who was then Efrasiab Basha who from Aga of Segmeni as he was at first in the same City his native place had made himself Basha by force and endeavour'd to establish the dominion of that State in his own House being tolerated and indeed favour'd by the Turk although half a Rebel both because he carry'd himself well in the Government and because he might not proceed to deny him that little obedience which he gave him in words Nor was it easie to chastise him in these Confines of the Enemies at such a distance from Constantinople or to make any other change in the City of Bassora where he was so powerful The Persian understanding the friendship which Mansur held with him contrary to the custom of the other Princes of Haveiza who us'd to make war against Bassora and that in short Mansur was not obsequious and devoted to him as he desir'd when he went upon the Expedition of Baghdad he sent for him to come with his people to the Persian Camp to that war and appointed Imamculi Chan Sciraz to march to Baghdad by Hhaveiza and by all means to bring Mansur with him The Chan perform'd the command of the Sciah and coming near Hhaveiza stay'd many dayes for Mansur importuning him frequently to come forth and go along with him Mansur put him off so long with words and promises that at length the Chan thought good to go away without him yet arriv'd at Baghdad so late that the Sciah had taken the City before but in conclusion Mansur stirr'd not Thereupon the Sciah after his return from the enterprize of Baghdad to Sphahan sent several Messengers to Mansur to come to his Court to all which Mansur answer'd that he would go speedily but never went Wherefore the Sciah being incens'd against him sent him word to come speedily by all means otherwise he would send to take off his Head To which Mansur answer'd that if the Sciah were minded to cut off his Head he might come in person to do it That he knew very well how to defend it with his sword That he was resolv'd not to go into Persia and That if the Sciah was King in Persia himself was King in Hhaveiza and that he did not value him Hereupon the Sciah commanded the said Imamculi Chan to march into Hhaveiza with a great power taking with him Mubhammed the Son of Mubarek who had been educated in the Persian Court and establishing him Prince there either to bring away Mansur Prisoner or else to kill him Accordingly a little before our arrival at Bassora the Chan enter'd Hhaveiza with an Army and the said Muhhammed Mansur apprehending that most of the Grandees and the People would obey the Sciah and accept of Muhhamed for their Prince to avoid being taken or slain fled with about 500 that were faithful to him to Bassora where Ali Basha the Son of Esrasiab who had succeeded his dead Father or rather intruded into the Government by force before his Father expir'd receiv'd him courteously and gave him a piece of Territory belonging to the jurisdiction of Bassora in the Confines of Hhaveiza where he might live with his followers The people of Hhaveiza in the mean time agreed with the Chan and receiv'd Muhhamed for their Prince being ready to obey the Chan in this and what-ever else he should command yet upon condition that no Qizilbasci should enter into Hhaveiza whereunto the Chan assented Concerning Occurrences since our arrival at Bassora News came that the Chan after he had established Muhhamed in Hhaveiza was advanc'd forwards with his Army towards Bassora and was already enter'd into the State by a place which they call Qarna intending perhaps to take certain Garrisons in those borders and also to make further progress Whereupon the Basha went out against him with all his Forces and three of the five Portugal Ships which as I said he kept in Pay the City of Bassora in the mean while being in great fear of the Persian Army As for other things more particularly pertaining to the State of this City he told me that after the taking of Ormuz the Sciah sent an Embassage to the then Basha of Bassora Esrasiab to tell him that he requir'd no more from Bassora but onely to have his Coyn stamp'd there his Name us'd in the Acclamations of the People and in the Prayers of the Meschita's as King of the Country instead of that of the Great Turk and that the People of Bassora should wear their Turbants after the Persian manner that as for the rest he should leave Esrasiab to rule in that State as absolute Lord have the same confirm'd to his Issue and be protected against the Turk or any other without paying any Tribute but remaining in perfect Liberty Esrasiab who was a prudent man well knowing the wayes of the King of Persia made no account of these offers and thought not fit to adventure the safety of the State which he possess'd upon uncertain hopes but trusting in the aid of the Portugals whose Ships might be of great use to him in that place which the Persians in order to offend Bassora must pass by force namely either the Sea or at least the great River the Persians having no Vessels fit to contest with such Ships he rejected the Proposition of the Sciah and presently re-manded the Ambassador with a strict Order immediately to depart both the City and the State lest he should secretly corrupt some of the Grandees who might afterwards pervert the people who are half Sciani's of the sect of the Sciah telling him in brief that he was the Great Turk's Vassal and so would die and that he was prepar'd for War is the Sciah pretended any thing from him The Sciah finding he could do nothing upon Bassora by fair means commanded the Chan of Sciraz as his nearest Minister to that Country and the most potent to march thither with an Army and attempt to take the same by force Accordingly the Chan's Army came in which I know not whether himself was in person or some other General and by the way of Sciuscter and other places belonging to the Sciah near Hhaveiza enter'd into the State of Bassora which entrance was the year before my arrival there to wit 1624. Yet he did not besiege the City as it was reported at Goa nor yet come near it but only besieg'd a Garrison in the Frontiers call'd Qaban which was in danger of being lost to the great hazard
at the taking of Bagdad he sided with the Sciah for some end of his own yet I believe that as an Arabian and a free Prince he is not so devoted to the Sciah as to serve him with the prejudice of his proper interests and the rather because at the same time he keeps some Agents and Ministers at Bassora to receive the said Imposts and without the Emir's assistance the Sciah can do nothing in those Desarts Moreover this Emir Nasir hath lately been much mortifi'd by the losses he receiv'd from Emir Aburisc and 't is likely would rather endeavour to re-ingratiate with Aburisc and the Turk from whom he may suffer much for avoiding a total ' ruine than expose himself to new dangers for the Sciah from whom he can hope little good or hurt so long as he is not Master of all as far as Aleppo which is not a thing to be brought to pass suddenly or easily But of this also time will show the truth May the ninth Another Capigi arriv'd at Bassora from the Serdar and was receiv'd with great solemnity and salutations of Artillery He brought a Robe to the Basha and intelligence that he had left the Serdar at Mardin which lies within a few dayes journey of Baghdad confirming the recovery of Mousul and Kierkuc whereof supposing the Serdar at Mardin I made no scruple and adding that the Serdar was then upon removing from Mardin and by this time had march't much forwards This is what was given out for more intrinsick and secret news I could not know having no acquaintance with any considerable Turk from whom to learn the same nor was any more then this signifi'd to the chief Commander of the Portugal Ships Only I judg'd that the Turks well considering the danger wherein Bassora was of being lost might possibly by these successive Messengers and good tidings endeavour to confirm the minds of the Basha and the people as much as they could May the eleventh The Cafila design'd for Aleppo which had many days waited some leagues without the City at length set forth and departed either because they had receiv'd a good answer from Emir Nasir or rather as I believe because they rely'd upon other fresh tidings how that Emir Nasir was reconcil'd to Emir Aburisc and return'd into the favour and devotion of the Great Turk so that the Desart was all in peace and perhaps also they trusted to the common report of the nearness of the Turkish Army I purposed to depart from Bassora the same way and upon the same day though alone and not with the Cafila having hired Camels and certain Beduni Arabians to conduct me But Ali Aga the chief Captain of the Militia gave notice to my Camelier that I must not depart within three days Whereupon being desirous to go with all speed by reason that the hot weather came on I got Sig. Consalvo Martins a Portugal Father to speak to the said Aga to know wherefore he detain'd us and if there were no cause to dispatch us and let us go The Aga answer'd that I must by all means have patience for this week that so the Cafila might have time to get a little more onwards and that he did this because he mistrusted my Camelier as a Beduin Arabian although he had a House and Wife at Bassora lest for some interest of his own departing at the same time with the Cafila he should out-go it and by other ways of the Desart wherein he was well skil'd give notice thereof to Emir Nasir or else to some other Beduin Arabians who might rob it or perhaps also to the Qizilbasci themselves Wherefore since my going so soon might prove to my own damage he desir'd for my security and the publick good of the Cafila that I would stay those few days to the end that the Cafila advancing before out of all suspected places my Camelier might not have time to do any villany either to it or to me The truth is I did not conceive my Camelier likely to do any such thing having had good information and assurance of him from Chogia Negem to whom he was well known and who recommended him to me Nevertheless since he that govern'd would have it so I had patience to wait as long as he desir'd Yet from hence I gather'd that the above-mention'd news now that the Persians and Emir Nasir conspir'd against the Cafila was not altogether vain being Ali Aga a man of so great place in Bassora had such apprehensions about it And it might consist well enough with the Cafila's departing for perhaps it went out upon a venture the Merchants being unwilling to suffer longer delay for it was above eight months since this Cafila began to unite I say at a venture because the Desart is like the Sea where 't is a chance to meet or not meet enemies and as men forbear not to sail upon the Sea through fear of Pirats or Enemies so neither do they cease to pass through the Desart The F. Provincial of Maniglia with his Companion a Castilian too but not a Fryer of his Order Marc ' Antonio Lanza a Venetian who came with me from Goa to Bassora and I know not how many other Europaeans went along with the Cafila I alone would not but staid with my Servants to go by my self and to travel more hazardously indeed but yet with more speed and undoubtedly with more convenience then they May the thirteenth Another Capigi sent from the Serdar to the Basha arriv'd at Bassora bringing a Robe and a Scimiter as Presents and the confirmation of the Government of Bassora in his person which hitherto he had not had As for news 't was dispers'd amongst the people that the Turkish Army was very neer and almost upon Baghdad yet Letters from our Aleppo Merchants to the Carmelites brought by a Moor of the company of the said Capigi inform'd us for certain that according to my above-mention'd Prophecy the Serdar was not yet come to Aleppo 'T is true they writ that perhaps to make his voyage more compendious he would not come to Aleppo but march directly to Mesopotamia and Baghdad by another way which yet was uncertain when the said Letters were written whence 't is clear that one way or other he could not be further then Aleppo and perhaps according to my opinion was scarce departed from Constantinople So that it was not possible for Baghdad and Persia to have wars this current year 1625 since it would have been no small Summer's work to have march't to the Frontiers yet that war will follow the next year unless some other chance intervene I no-wise doubt The said Letters further told us news from Turkie mamely that the Emir of Saida anew rebelling against the Turk had taken and sackt Tripoli driving away the Basha that was there but afterwards the Basha of Aleppo marching out with his people had recover'd Tripoli and restor'd the said expell'd Basha to the government From
Countries and they told me that no Tartars are call'd Uzbeghi but those of the Countries of Balch Buchara and Sarmacand who at this day are divided under two Princes Brethren one whereof hath his Seat at Balch and is call'd Nedhir Muhhammed Chan on whom depends an inferior Prince nam'd Bahadar which signifies Gallant or Stout and sirnam'd Ielan Tusc from his spoyling and killing his Enemies in war for in their Language Ielan signifies to Spoil and Tusc to Kill The other Brother nam'd Imanculi Chan hath under him Buchera Sarmacand Tosc-Kiend Endigian or Endigan with other Territories and both of them border upon those of the Persian Empire and reign in the Countries anciently call'd Sogdiana Bactriana and perhaps also Hircania but by the Moderns Giagata Maurenucher and Turkistan The same day after dinner I took leave of the Consul with all my other Friends and was by his Servants and many others of the Italian Nation accompany'd out of the City Before we mounted our Camels I was desirous to see in the Suburbs of Aleppo the Churches of the Oriental Christians which stand in a Street call'd Giudeida not from the Jews as some who skill not of Languages erroneously imagine but from the Arabick word Gedida which signifies New perhaps because this place of he Suburbs was built more lately then others Here a little out of the Street on the right hand I found four Churches all together led unto by one Gate onely from the Street but the place being spacious enough within conveniently divided and separated about the Court or Yard Two of them belong'd to the Armenians the greater a fair one indeed call'd Santi Quaranta or the forty Saints and the less Della Madonna or our Lady One of the other two call'd San Nicolo belong'd to the Greeks and the other which is the least of all to the Maronite Catholicks call'd Sant ' Elia. In another place a good distant from this I saw alone by it self another Church hansome and large for the Country built after our manner with three Naves or Ifles upon Pillars it belong'd to the Syrian Jacobites and was call'd Sitaa Assedi or Santa Maria. This Church hath adjoyning to it a good House with a little Garden and other conveniences according to the use of the Country wherein lives the Patriarch of the Jacobits calld Heda for whom I had brought from Bassora a Letter of F. Basilio di San Francesco a discalciated Carmelite wherein he invited him to a mutual friendship and correspondence from which he might draw some benefit to the service of God by reason of his skill in the Arabick and his residence here in behalf of the Christians of the Country This Letter I had gotten presented to the Patriarch and transmitted his answer to F. Basilio but had never visited him as the Father desir'd me in order to second his Letter and settle a friendship between them because he liv'd far from the Venetian Consul's House where I resided and all the while I remain'd in Aleppo I was lame of one foot by a hurt caus'd by walking in ill shoos that day when we were in danger of being assaulted by thievs so that I could not walk and was not wholly cur'd when I departed Nevertheless hapning to be so near his Church now I would not omit to visit him I found him a very compleat civil and courtly man according to the mode of the Country he had not the fame of being learned but yet was accounted wise and generous He told me he was glad of F. Basilio's Letter and residing at Bassora and building a Church there so peaceably and with so much favour of the Turks as he advertis'd him and that he would continue correspondence with him He also shew'd me two fair Books of the Gospels written in large Parchment-sheets with excellent Syrian Characters one of them as I remember written four hundred years ago the Letters whereof were all either of Gold or Silver and this Book they say was found by the Turks in Cyprus when they took the Island and carri'd to Constantinople from whence it was afterwards redeem'd with money and brought hither Indeed no Manuscript could be more goodly or rich with gold and miniature it had also a velvet Cover adorn'd with Silver gilt but made by themselves the ancient Cover which they said was set with jewels of great value being taken away by the Turks 'T is the custom of the Orientals to make great account of Books so fairly written and richly adorned as likewise S. Ierom reports they us'd to do in his time though himself being a Scholar was better contented as he saith with his schedules of a less fair Character but correct The other Gospel which the Patriarch shew'd me was more ancient namely four hundred and fifty years old but written with ordinary ink and few miniated Figures this he told me they bought lately at Cyprus for two hundred Piastres He added that the Church of Aleppo was not his Patriarchal See although under his jurisdiction but it was near the City of Mousul which is in the place of the ancient Niniveh After much more discourse he caus'd very good Sherbets of Sugar with snow to be given us to drink as the custom is and offer'd us a Collation of fruits which we receiv'd not because it was already late and time to be gone At last at my taking leave he pray'd me to do reverence to his Holiness in his name and so when he had given me many benedictions as their manner is I left him and departed Being come to the place where the Camels with the Women waited for me I took leave of all those friends that had accompani'd me thither and chose not the direct way to Alexandretta which the Caravans commonly use but one somewhat longer hard by Antioch out of a desire to see the remains of that ancient City which I had not yet seen After a short travel we rested till the Moon arose and then proceeded all the remainder of the night in bad and uneven ways August the twenty fourth We pass'd by some Villages and places cultivated with Olive-trees which I was joyful to see not having beheld any for many years About Noon we rested amongst certain ruins of Stone-buildings which had once been very magnificent and seem'd to be the remains of some noble City in ancient times Here the Archbishop Isciva-jahab's men the one nam'd Abdisciva and the other Hendi overtook me with his Letter I receiv'd them and carri'd them with me as I had promis'd The said place is call'd Hhalqa which signifies a Circle because 't is a great Plain almost surrounded with Hills Three hours after Noon we set forth again we pass'd by another Village belonging to the Territory of Hhalqa and at night took up our Quarters near a running Water under another Village call'd Harta At midnight the Moon rising we set forth again and travell'd all the remainder of the night
we alighted at the Consul's House And because it was yet early after a little repose we went to the Franciscan's Church call'd Santa Maria and there heard Mass which was sung with the Office pro mortuis for the Soul of Sig Giovan Maria Parente Brother to Sig Francesco who the day before pass'd to a better Life In the Evening I visited Sig Dimitrio Todorini in his own House and lodg'd in that of the Consul I will not omit that the Venetians have alwayes a Consul at Cyprus who is not of the Nobility but of the Order of Eminent Citizens whereof many Secretaries of the Republick use to be so that though the Consul of Cyprus be not dependent upon him of Aleppo as Vice-Consuls are yet he of Aleppo as noble and a more principal Minister in these parts hath something of superiority over this of Cyprus September the sixth This Morning I am return'd a Ship-board where I conclude this Letter and commit it to F. Fra Giovanni di Segovia a Spanish reform'd Franciscan who came hither in the same Ship with us from Alexandretta and is the same Person who disguis'd in a secular and Souldier-like garb for fear of being hindred in his passage by the Portugal Ministers came in company of F. Fra Roderigo di San Michele a Discalceated Augustine and Provincial of Manila in the same Ship with us from Mascat to Bassora passing under the name of l' Alfiere or Ensign till he arriv'd safe at Aleppo where laying off his disguise he resum'd his proper name and Fryer's habit and because the Provincial of Manila with whom he came into India could not dispatch his affairs but stay'd behind at Aleppo therefore he being desirous to arrive speedily at Rome and Spain in order to the affairs of his Religion is just now departing and hath promis'd me to deliver this to you and to salute you in my name as I do most heartily LETTER XIII From Malta November 4. 1625. WHen I was thinking of finishing the small remainder of my Travels with the same Prosperity which God had hitherto afforded me and speedily arriving at those desired shores I have been here arrested at Malta by a little kind of misadventure sufficient to temper the course of so many good Fortunes In regard of the formidable Pestilence still continuing in Constantinople and other places of Turkie we have not been able to get admittance to anchor and land in this Island without undergoing a Quarantine Wherefore finding my self at leisure enough here in a House assign'd me as a favour by the Lords of the Council and separated from the little Island whither all the rest are sent I have thought fit to pass my time in writing to you what Adventures have befallen me since my last which was dated from a Ship-board at Cyprus September the sixth Be pleas'd therefore to know that on September the seventh I went ashore again to hear Mass after which I return'd a visit to Sig Rocco Andreani a Venetian Merchant in whose House I saw a live Camelion which a Boy of the family kept very tame ty'd with a little string for his Recreation They are frequent in India and are seen leaping amongst the Trees but I never saw any but at distance and so did not well observe them Here therefore holding it in my hand for 't is a gentle and pleasing Animal I observ'd it to be as big as a Lizard and almost of the same shape but more unhandsom to behold having an ill shapen head divided feet and two paws in the middle whereof the leg ariseth each of which paws is divided into two toes or nails yet so as the fissure is very small It s colour was grey but with some variety like a dapple They told me that it sometimes chang'd colour not as is vulgarly reported according to that which is lay'd before it but according as it hath more heat or cold takes pains or reposes with other like Accidents Which event I saw not though I try'd several wayes to procure it September the eighth The Consul carry'd me to another Village about two leagues or six miles distant from Larnaca and call'd to this day Kiti and Citium anciently a City and Bishoprick but is now all destroy'd saving a few Cottages We went particularly to visit a Greek Doctor nam'd Sig Aluise Cucci who liv'd there and had the fame of much knowledg and spoke Italian well as also to see his Garden which though half ruin'd as all things are in the Island since it fell into the Turk's hands is yet one of the goodliest places in those parts Here dy'd Cimon the most valorous and vertuous Athenian Captain Son of the no less famous Captain Miltiades You may see Aemilius Probus in the Life of the said Cimon where he saith In Oppido Citio est mortuus after he had conquer'd most part of the Island Cyprus Two or three hours before noon we pass'd by the place where the Salt-work is which though through the negligence of the Turks who do not cleanse and empty it well it decayes and fills up every day yet in my time it yielded yearly about 10000 Piasters and almost all Ships make ballast of Salt particularly those of Venice are all oblig'd to take as much as will serve for that purpose and many times they take more which at Venice is a good commodity and a Trade reserv'd to the Prince Then we pass'd through a Village call'd Bromolaxaia and at length arriving at Kiti which lyes a little distant from the Sea the Coast of the Island running West-ward from the Saline we visited Sig Aluise Cucci whom indeed like a Philosopher as he professes to be we found living in a House which had sometimes been great and fair but was now half ruin'd the Garden had a small Brook with structures of Fountains and such like things but all out of order and reserving no other beauty besides a great number of Orange-Trees planted regularly and of equal height and making a goodly and delicious Grove I discours'd with the said Sig Aluise and he seem'd an intelligent Person but because he was sick or at least recovering and so weak that he could scarce speak I could not benefit by him as I desir'd I ask'd him concerning Cadmia and its species and other Minerals which you writ me word that you desir'd from Cyprus and I accordingly sent to Nicosia the chief City of the Island and the place of the Basha's residence as also concerning the Book of Galen He told me there was some at this day but 't was hard to meet with any that knew it or could tell where to find it the people being very Ideots and the Mines intermitted heretofore by the Christians for fear of alluring the Turks thereby to invade the Island as also since by the Turks through ignorance After this and such other Discourse we return'd to Larnaca by a different road about the midst whereof we found another
possess'd by reform'd Franciscan Fryers Under the Church we saw certain grottoes extending to a great distance every way under ground and made I know not whether for Sepulchres of the Ancients or for places of Refuge in times of danger December 9th Two Galleys of Malta which came from Messina with Provisions for the Iland enter'd the Port in one of which was their present General Sig Don Francesco Caraffa Prior della Roccella and Son of the Prince della Roccella who had lately founded this Priorate della Roccella at his own charge always to remain in his own Family though after his death if I am rightly inform'd it shall be no longer a Priorate or Grand Cross but only a Commendum December the tenth Accompani'd by Sig. Paolo Faraone I visited the said Prior della Roccella in his own Galley having seen him several times and contracted Friendship with him whilst I was at Malta in which time he was created General of the Gallies upon the vacancy of the charge by the death of the former General December the twelfth Being S. Lucie's Eve Solemn Vespers were sung in her Church whither the Bishop with the Senate and all the Nobility repair'd At night bone-fires were made and a Cavalcade of many Cavaliers rode about with Torches but cloth'd in their ordinary habits after whom follow'd the Senate likewise on Horse-back December the thirteenth Being the day of S. Lucie the Patroness of Syracuse a solemn Procession was made wherein the Images of the Saint in Silver as big or bigger then the life were carry'd through the chief streets upon a goodly Pedestal of silver all the Clergy and Nobility accompanying the same The Procession set forth from the Cathedral and as the H. Image came out of the Church-Gate a certain man plac'd purposely on the top of the Steeple came flying down as they speak upon a rope and fell in the midst of the Piazza which was throng'd with people assembled to see the Shew The Procession ended at the Church of S. Lucie without the City where a solemn Mass was sung after which in a little Chappel hard by call'd Sant ' Agata I saw under ground the Sepulchre of S. Lucie where She was buried first for now her Body is not here but was translated to some other place long agoe December the fourteenth Many Races were run both by Footmen Mules ordinary Horses and Barb or Ginets as they call them in Syracuse with the usual circumstances of throngs of people Ladies at the windows Gentlemen on Horse-back and in Coaches about the streets December the fifteenth A Mascherade of twelve Cavaliers on Horse-back cloth'd by couples after several fashions went about the City In the Piazza before the Bishops Palace they ran al Saraceno i. e. at a wooden stock made like a Man we call it a Turk and at the Ring making many Caracols or quick Turns at the end Which divertisement continu'd till night when the Maskers were entertain'd with a sumptuous Supper by the Bishop together with the Senate and other Cavaliers December the sixteenth In the Morning I went to view the Fountain Arethusa which I had seen imperfectly many years before at my first being in Sicily 'T is in a Grove within the walls of the City where issuing out of a cavern of a Hill it descends to the Sea-side forming an indifferent Pool before its going out of the walls where the Syracusian Women use to go to wash their Clothes In the afternoon going out of the City to see many courses at the Ring in the field of S. Lucie we went to hear an excellent natural Echo between the Sea and the Walls which returned the sound of a Trumpet once or twice very pleasantly December the eighteenth The General of the Maltese-Gallies set sail for Malta and the next Morning two other Gallies of Malta arriv'd from Messina in the Port of Syracuse This day we went to see the Capuchins Covent without the City in whose Gardens are seen extream deep cavities and precipices for the Soil being all stony was in ancient times dig'd in that manner for stones and one may see where goodly Pillars have been cut out all of a piece as others might still be nevertheless in those dark vallies and cavities there are Gardens and Trees planted which bring forth goodly fruit at which I wonder'd the more because some of them are never seen by the Sun the Soil is so low and closely surrounded with high Rocks These are Lapidicinae or Stone-Quarries where the Athenian Prisoners were put who after the loss of many battels both by Land and Sea at last yielded at Syracuse as Thucydides relates December the twentieth The Bishop made an Ordination according the custom of Four times of the year and this Morning ordain'd above two hundred persons of several Orders for this Diocess is sufficiently populous and many to avoid the numerous grievances impos'd upon the King's people willingly put themselves into the Church December the one twentieth Another Procession like the former was made in the Evening wherein the sacred Image of S. Lucie was carry'd from her own Church where it had been till now to the Cathedral in which it is usually kept in a little Chappel well guarded and lock'd with many keyes When the Image was come thither and the Bishop standing at the Altar first shew'd the Magistrate and then the People the Reliques of the Saint to wit a dark blew Mantle and a Slipper like that of the Pope holding the same to them to kiss and distributing Cotton to them which the said Reliques had touch'd After which the Bishop entertain'd the Senate with a Supper December the two and twentieth The two Maltese-Gallies departed for Malta and the next Evening the General of Malta return'd to Syracuse for more provision the Island of Malta being in great want thereof December the four and twentieth The said General ship'd all the Corn he could possibly as well by stealth as openly because he had not Licence for so much and in the Evening set sail for Malta He inform'd us that the Prior of the Church was coming Ambassador extraordinary to the Pope in order to pacifie his Holiness who was much offended at certain things which they had lately done ill at Malta Whereof I shall give you this brief account A while since two or three Commendams of Malta becoming void by the death of a Commendator who held them all together the Pope joyn'd them into a new Priorate and gave the same to Sig Don Antonio Barberino his Nephew Hereupon the Order took distast that the Pope should give these Commendams to his Nephew in prejudice of the Ancients who pretended to them and making a great stir as if the Pope were not Patron of their goods as well as those of all other Orders they tumultuously resolv'd to send Ambassadors to the Emperor and to the Kings of France and Spain to complain thereof and to intreat the said Princes
to undertake their Protection that the Pope might not do them such Prejudices This coming to the Pope's Ears he commanded Monsig Visconti his Inquisitor at Malta to endeavor the hindring of those Embassies and in case of obstinacy to prohibit them by a Publick Act in the Name of his Holiness admonishing the Order that they had no other Superior besides the Pope and ought not to recurr to any about their affairs but to him The Inquisitor us'd his utmost diligence but seeing it prevail'd not he caus'd the Pope's Prohibition to be signifi'd to the Ambassador's Elect by a fit Minister One or two of them made no stir but another fell into such a rage that he drew a Ponyard to assault the Inquisitor's Officer that gave him the Intimation After which all the Knights banded together and went tumultuously to the Grand Master who was then in the Church at Vespers and by furious menaces of a notable sedition caus'd him to send some Grand Crosses to desire the Inquisitor to revoke the said Prohibition otherwise a very great tumult and the ruine of the Order would ensue The Inquisitor mov'd with this and other effectual Instances which they made to him not without tumult said He had no Authority re-call a Prohibition made by the Pope but to prevent further mischiefs he condescended to revoke the said Order so far as his own Authority which he judg'd none at all in this matter could extend Whereupon the Ambassadors presently departed The Pope understanding this sequel gave the Maltese-Ambassador residing at Rome a great check and testifi'd so great displeasure with the Order that the Ambassador himself who perhaps had been the first cause of these Tumults at Malta by writing to the Knights there to defend their causes resolutely that he now writ after a different manner and so represented both to the Grand Master and the Order the Pope's displeasure and what mischief he might do them That being terrify'd there-with they sent Posts after their Ambassadors to return without negotiating at all with the said Princes Some of them who were not yet arriv'd at the places whither they were sent upon this Order return'd back without doing any thing others who were arriv'd at the Courts of the design'd Princes obtain'd their Letters of recommendation to the Pope which were of little moment but ever since this business the Pope hath had but little good will towards the Order and hath frequently declar'd a purpose to reform it in sundry things As that no Women should live in the new City call'd il Convento their Simoniacal Elections of Grand Masters and other things of which the Knights were much afraid To these old disgusts another hath lately been added Upon the loss of their Gallies taken by the Turks a while agoe with the slaughter of many Knights the Order for repairing the same thought and I believe had already resolv'd to lay a Gabel whether perpetual or temporal I know not upon the Commendams and Possessions of the Order which without the Pope's leave could not be done The Pope extreamly dislik'd this course conceiving no necessity of attempting it for that loss since they had lost nothing but two pieces of wood and as for the Knights they might be recruited by the income of moneys which are paid upon the admittance of others to take the Cross besides that as to interest they had rather gain'd then lost having by the death of so many Knights gotten spoyls enough to pay the charge pretended without burdening the possessions of the Order with any imposition All which Reasons consider'd the Pope hearing that they were resolv'd to impose the said Gabel without addressing to him became extreamly displeas'd with the Knights threatning them with Excomunications and other punishments Whereupon the Order dispatch'd this Prior of the Church who is also a Grand Cross and a Priest Ambassador extraordinary to his Holiness to pacifie him December the twenty sixth We had news at Syracuse that an English Fleet had landed some Forces at Cadiz upon the Coast of Spain which were valorously repuls'd by the Spaniards They are great amplifiers of their own Exploits and writ word that the said Fleet consisted of eighty Ships and landed twelve thousand men December the twenty ninth Being desirous to visit some Cavaliers of the Family of la Valle in the City of Catania where there lives many by all circumstances deriv'd from the same Root with us of Rome I set forth thither this Morning in the Bishop's Coach accompani'd by Sig Paolo Satalia a Syracusian We travell'd not far from the Sea-side leaving on the right hand a little fruitful Island near the Continent of Sicily now call'd Manghesi but by Virgil with good reason Tapsumque jacentem for it is all plain and very low A little further we left on the right hand also towards the Sea the City Augusta sometimes call'd Megara whence Virgil making mention of it saith Megarosque Sinus In the Evening we pass'd through Carlo Lentini built upon high clifts and so call'd as if it were Lentini di Carlo because Charles the Fifth Emperor built it with intent perhaps to transfer the City of Lentini which lies hard by thither for better air At length having travell'd twenty four miles from Syracuse we took up our Lodging in Lentini at the house of Sig Flaminio Mollica Baron of Bagnara who a few days before had sent to visit me in Syracuse and receiv'd me here with extraordinary civility December the thirtieth Having heard Mass in Santa Maria di Giesu a little without the City we went to the Church of the Saints Alfio Philadelfo and Cirino three French Brethren Martyrs and Protectors of Lentini which City is styl'd Faecundissima Lentinorum Urbs and gives for its Arms a Lion Rampant the ancient badg of the Leontines as appears by their ancient Medals and I observ'd by the Bill of Health which they gave us for by reason of the Contagion at Palermo without taking a Bill of Health at every place c. After dinner we departed and not far from Lentini pass'd over a little River which they call il fiume di Lentini and probably is the Pantagia of Virgil. Before night we arriv'd at Catania which lies but eighteen miles from Lentini and lodg'd in the house of Sig Don Angelo Campochiano di Calatagironi who was then Vicar General to the Bishop of Catania and upon the recommendation of the Bishop of Syracuse receiv'd and treated us here with much respect being also something alli'd to the Sig della Valle of Catania December the thirty first I was visited by all the Sig della Valle and many other Eminent Gentlemen of several Families their Alliances They were so many that I shall not particularly name them only I shall intimate that at this day there are in Catania five Chiefs of the Family of la Valle all deriv'd from the same stock namely first Sig Don Franc. della Valle Baron of Miraglia
in such occasions and to complain of his shooting with a bullet in that manner The Governor answer'd courteously yet like a Spaniard held his point and advis'd the Galleys to have patience thereby implying that if they would ride in that Port they must salute the Royal Standards otherwise they should be sunk Ianuary the fourteenth The weather proving foul our Galleys made into the Port of Augusta where we saluted the Block-houses and receiv'd the like salutations from them again There are three Block-houses or Forts at Augusta one within the City upon a high situation another upon the mouth of the Port which is very large within and another also within the Port divided into two and standing upon two little rocks Divers of our people went ashore the same day but I did not till the next when after I had heard Mass said by the F. Provincial of the Jesuits in Sicily in a Church call'd Our Lady delle Gratie I went to see the Capuchins Church the Streets of the City the Castle and whatever was remarkable which was very little Ianuary the sixteenth The weather continuing foul with snow the Captains upon consultation resolv'd to return back to Syracuse because the Galleys had not provision enough for a longer stay Wherefore after dinner we set sail back again and arriv'd before night at Syracuse whereof the Bishop being advertis'd sent Sig Paolo Faraone to fetch me and Sig Maria to conduct my women to his House Ianuary the nineteenth The weather becoming good the General sent us sudden notice that he would depart immediately as accordingly we did and at night enter'd the Port of Augusta because it was again become somewhat tempestuous The next Evening we departed from Augusta and sail'd all night with a bad wind which forc't us to make use of our Oars Ianuary the twenty first At day-break we came before Capo grosso about twenty miles from Messina and continuing our course arriv'd at Messina before Noon At the mouth of the Port we were question'd by the Commissioners of Health who were very rigorous here and indeed were to be commended for it since had it not been for the exact diligence of Messina in this matter the present Pestilence of Sicily might easily have infected all Italy for Card. Dona and others that govern'd at Palermo to avoid damnifying that City by loss of Trade have hazarded the safety not only of the whole Kingdom as is manifestly seen but also of all Italy by concealing the Plague of Palermo as much as they could instead of remedying the Infection by such severe and rigorous courses as was fit namely by burning infected Goods and the like yea they rather maintain'd that the Plague was not there when it was there and requir'd prattick to be given them everywhere procuring Orders from Spain for that purpose by which means many other places of Sicily are become infected and the Plague which had fit means been us'd perhaps would soon have been extinguisht hath continu'd above two years and continues still the Orders of the Viceroy and the Court of Spain promoting the spreading thereof in despight of all Only the City of Messina hath the glory of withstanding so great mischief for the publick safety Whilst we were under examination expecting Bills for Prattick against night I advertis'd Sig Francesco Faraone and Sig Don Palmieri di Giovanni my ancient Friends of my coming who in the Evening when Prattick was granted us came with other Gentlemen and Gentlewomen in Coaches to the shore-side to receive me and Sig Maria. After I had taken leave of the General and all the Knights of the Gallies I went ashore and was accompany'd by the said Gentlemen to the House of Sig Francesco Faraone where taking up my Residence I have been visited by most Persons of quality in the City as also Sig Maria hath been by many Ladies we also returning visits to all to whom we owed them Ianuary the five and twentieth Sig Don Giov. Bisogni a Cavalier of Messina Cousin to the Bishop of Syracuse and Husband of Donna Margarita Faraone whom I left at Catania with three of her Sons dying at Messina his Son Don Francesco who alone was here at his Father's death according to the custom of this City as soon as his Father expir'd went out of the House leaving it and the Body yet unburi'd to the care of other kinred and retyr'd to the House of Sig Franc. Faraone wherein I lodg as his nearest Kinsman and here he receives condoling visits and remaines till his Father's Body be buri'd and the House purifi'd and fitted with mourning which I mention as a custom not practis'd by us at Rome We have been to see the Bodies of San Placido and other Saints with all the other Reliques of Messina which were shewn us near the High Altar where they are kept very conveniently I have also heard one of the Moral Lectures of Sig Antonio Mazzapinta a Famous Philosopher and Publick Reader in Messina Which Lecture as also many others he read in his Extraordinary House for his own pleasure and that of the Curious Here I arrest my Pen this Letter being the last of my Oriental Voyages If it please God I shall shortly entertain you viva voce in the mean time I commit you to his Providence and kiss your Hands An account of my Arrival and Residence at Naples in the House of Sig Maria Schipano JAnuary the thirtieth Having hir'd two Felluca's for Naples and embarqu'd all our goods with good Bills of Health which in regard of Maani's Body which I carry'd with me were more then necessary and my Friends at Messiua had procur'd to my satisfaction in the Morning we set sail from Messina with a good wind being accompany'd to the boat by many Persons of quality of both Sexes from whom we separated with much tenderness We pass'd the Pharo between Caribdis and Scilla the Sea being sufficiently rough though the wind favorable On the left hand at a good distance we left the Island of Strongile Vulcano and other places at night arriving at Trupia where because they refus'd to give us Prattick alledging that this was no Landing-place in these infectious times and that certain Landing-places were appointed for Passage-Vessels upon the Coast of Calabria where alone Prattick was to be had we kept out at Sea all night and pass'd il Pizzo Ianuary the one and thirtieth We pass'd by Mantea and other places at noon arriving at Paola where I went ashore A little without the City amongst the little Hills we saw the Church of S. Francis of Paola which is delicately seated amongst goodly Trees and Brooks which run between the Hills We saw the Reliques the Chappel of the Marquis Lord of the place and his Sepulchres the Lime-kiln where S. Francis did a miracle the Fountain and the Grotto wherein he lived with all other things remarkable after which we lodg'd in an Hostery or Inn upon the shore February the
first Having heard Mass in a little Church there we left Paola and passing by Scoglio del Marchese and other Islands in the Evening we supp'd at Sea under Belvedere and sailing all night the next day we din'd on Land at Camerota from whence we sail'd and came to an Anchor in the Port of Palinuro which place I beheld with pleasure through the delightfull remembrance of Virgil's Verses which relate the misfortune of the Pilot Palniurus and with-all give immortal fame to the place February the fourth We departed from Palinuro and lodg'd on shore at Acciaruolo where Passengers are notoriously abus'd by being constrain'd to lodg in a lewd Inn there and pay the Host what he pleases to demand who is also to pay the Lord of the place what Rent he desires The next day we pass'd the Gulph of Salerno and bocche di Capri arriving late in the Port of Naples under the Dogana of Corn but because it was so late that we could not get Prattick we slept all night in the Felluca's February the sixth Sig Andrea Pulice my Comrade being by me advertis'd of my coming brought Sig Mario Schipano and many other Friends to visit me in my Felluca which interview after so many years was as pleasant as can be imagin'd As soon as the Officers negotiated for Prattick they obtain'd it but for less trouble and because I intended to stay little at Naples I dispatch'd one of my Felluca's wherein was the Body of Sitti Maani and other goods immediately to Rome Upon Sig Schipano's invitation I lodg'd in his House together with all my people At Naples I receiv'd the first Letters from Rome after above four years wherein I had not receiv'd any nor heard any certain tidings of my Relations These advertis'd me of the death of Sig Vallerio della Valle which hapned four years before and also of that of Sig Tomasso della Valle my Uncle which fell out about a year before my arrival At whose deaths I also being no longer accounted living certain Pious Places seis'd upon part of my goods and revenues and would have gotten all the rest with the writings as they attempted to do had not my kinred and particularly Sig ra Laura Gaetana stoutly with-stood them making it apparent that I was alive by shewing some of my Letters which she had lately receiv'd whereto nevertheless they would by no means give credit I found entertainment for many dayes in reading abundance of Letters from Rome which almost all my kindred and friends writ to me and in answering the same as also in receiving and returning the visits of many Neapolitan Cavaliers and Titolado's and indeed I am much oblig'd to all the Nobility of that City for the Civilities they shew'd me in this my Return February the tenth I sent to Rome authentical Certificates of my survivance attested by many Persons of Naples who acknowledg'd me for what I was twelve years before when I departed thence as also Letters of Attorney and other writings to the end my Relations might make use thereof to my benefit against who-ever at Rome attempted to molest my Estate February the three and twentieth A brave Tournement was publickly made at Naples with great splendor in the Piazza of the Palace for the Birth of the Princess of Spain the King 's first-born Daughter to behold which there interven'd with the Duke of Alva the Vice-Roy the Duke of Alcala newly arriv'd from Rome where he had been extraordinary Ambassador about the troubles of Italy The Tourneyment was gallant consisting of abundance of Squadrons and Cavaliers but without any Inventions and nothing near so brave as that which I saw here in the year 1612. upon the Marriage of France and Spain February the four and twentieth Which was the day of Carnival a Mascherade was made in Naples and Balls in the Palace for an entertainment to the Duke of Alcala as also the next day although it was Lent another Mascherade was made on Horseback with a Tilting and at night Balls in the Palace March the ninth About seven a clock at night a very great Earth-quake hapned in Naples which shook the strongest walls as if they had been but of paper but it lasted little and was very short so that God be prais'd it did no considerable hurt although for the small time it continu'd it was sufficiently dreadful March the tenth The Abbess and other Nunns of San Marcellino and particularly Donna Feliciana and Donna Beatrice d' Avalos to whom I have always had great respect did me the favor to cause a Mass to be sung in their Church whilst I was present in thanks to God for my safe return into Italy where twelve years before I had begun and took the Ensignes of my Peregrination March the thirteenth The fit time for my departure by Sea to Rome being come I took leave of Sig Mario Schipano who had entertain'd us nobly all the time of my stay at Naples during which we frequently review'd our Letters and Travels with much Curiosity and Pleasure and also of all other Friends and after due thanks to Sig Angelo Crescentio and Sig Andrea Pulice who accompani'd us to the Scoglio di Euplea vulgarly call'd Gaiola I went aboard and departed LETTER XVI From Rome April 4. 1626. AT length I am come to Rome the place of my Nativity but though I walk upon the banks of Tyber and the seven Hills yet my mind runs wandring through Turkie and Persia hoises sail again to the wind and roams as far as the Indian shores reviewing Ikkeri Manel and Calecut Whence embarquing again in the great Dolphin it reconducts me over Seas and Lands to my recent and late Peregrinations and even to the Rock of Euplea whither now I return both with my Thought and Pen. Being divided there from Sig Angelo Sig Andrea and the rest with expressions of much affection whilst they in another boat return'd towards Naples I with my Felluca's set sail and Post varios casus post tot discrimina rerum Tendimus in Latium In a few hours I came to Procida where I was entertain'd by Sig Antonio d' Antonii in his Garden and not onely din'd there but in expectation of a fit hour to depart because I would not touch at Gaeta but intended to go directly to Terracina I also lodg'd there all night The Judge of Procida being inform'd whether by the Mariners or others I know not of the Coffin of Sitti Maani which I had according to the cheating tricks us'd in the Kingdom of Naples thought to get something from me upon this occasion and to make the case more heinous he waited till mid-night when we were all asleep notwithstanding he might have done it in the day-time when I walkt up and down the whole Island with the Women and at that unseasonable time came with many armed people to disquiet us in the House where I was saying that he would see my goods and stop the Coffin
and the Mogol's Stamp which is his Name and Titles in Persian Characters put upon it The Coyn there is more pure than in any other part of the world being as they report made of pure Silver without any Allay so that in the Spanish Money the purest of all Europe there is some dross They call their pieces of Money Roopees of which there are some of divers values the meanest worth two shillings and three pence and the best two shillings and nine pence sterling By these they count their Estates and Payments They have another Coyn of inferiour value in Guzarat called Mamoodies about twelve pence sterling both the former and these are made in halfs and some few in quarters so that three pence is the least piece of silver current in those Countries and very few of them to be seen That which passeth up and down for exchange under this rate is Brass or Copper Money which they call Pices whereof three or thereabouts countervail a Penny Those Pices are made so massie and thick as that the baser metal of which they are made put to other uses is well-nigh worth the Silver they are rated at Their Silver Coyn is made either round or square but so thick as that it never breaks nor wears out They have pure Gold-Coyn likewise some pieces of great value but these are not very ordinarily seen amongst them I have now done with this Section wherein I have related much of the Commodities and Riches as before of the Provisions and Pleasures which are to be found in that vast Monarchy and I conceive nothing but what Truth will justifie And now lest that place I have describ'd should seem to be an earthly Paradise I must acquaint my Reader that the Contents there found by such as have lived in those parts are sour'd and sauc'd with many unpleasing things which he must needs know when he takes notice SECTION IV. Of the Discommodities Inconveniences and Annoyances that are to be found or met withall in this Empire AS the Poets feigned that the Garden of the Hesperides wherein were Trees that bare Golden Apples was guarded by a Serpent So there are stings here as well as fruits all considered together may not unfitly be resembled by those Locusts mention'd Rev. 9. 7 8 10. verses Who had the Faces of Men and the Hair of Women and Crowns as of Gold on their Heads but they had too the Teeth of Lyons and the tayls of Scorpions and there were stings in those tayls Here are many things to content and please the enjoyers of them to make their life more comfortable but withall here are Teeth to tear and stings to kill All put together are nothing but a mixture made up as indeed all earthly things are of good and bad of bitter and sweet of what contents and of what contents not The Annoyances of these Countries are first many harmfull beasts of prey as Lyons Tygers Wolves Jackalls with others those Jackalls seem to be wild Doggs who in great companies run up and down in the silent night much disquieting the peace thereof by their most hideous noyse Those most ravenous Creatures will not suffer a Man to rest quietly in his Grave for if his Body be not buryed very deep they will dig him thence and bury as much of him again as they can consume in their hungry bellies In their Rivers are many Crocodiles and Latet anguis in herba on the Land not a few over-grown Snakes with other venemous and pernicious Creatures In our Houses there we often see Lizards shaped like unto Crocodiles of a sad green colour and but little Creatures the fear of whom presents its self most to the Eye for I do not know that they are hurtful There are many Scorpions to be seen which are oftentimes felt which creep into their houses especially in that time of the Rains whose stinging is most sensible and deadly if the Patient have not presently some oyl that is made of Scorpions to annoint the part affected which is a sudden and a certain cure But if the man can get the Scorpion that stung him as sometimes they do the oylie substance it affords being beaten in pieces suddenly applyed is a present help The sting of the Scorpion may be a very fit resemblance of the sting of Death the bitterness and anguish whereof nothing can asswage and cure so well as a serious consideration and a continual application of the thoughts of dying Facilè contemnit omnia qui cogitat se semper moriturum that man may trample upon every thing whose meditations are taken up with the thoughts of his Change He cannot dye but well who dyes daily daily in his preparations for death though he dye not presently The Scorpions are in shape like unto our Cra-fishes and not bigger and look black like them before they are boyled They have a little round tayl which turns up and lyes usuallyupon their backs at the end whereof is their sting which they do not put in and let out of their bodies as other venemous creatures do but it alwayes appears in their tayls ready to strike it is very sharp and hard and not long but crooked like the talon of an Hawk The abundance of Flyes like those swarms in Egypt Exod. 8. 21. in those parts did likewise very much annoy us for in the heat of the day their numberless number was such as that we could not be quiet in any place for them they being ready to fly into our Cupps and to cover our Meat as soon as it was placed on the Table and therefore we had alwayes some of the Natives we kept there who were our Servants to stand round about us on pupose while we were eating with Napkins to fright them away And as in the day one kind of ordinary Flyes troubled us so in the night we were likewise very much disquieted with another sort called Musqueetoes like our Gnats but some-what less and in that season we were very much troubled with Chinches another sort of little troublesome and offensive creatures like little Tikes and these annoyed us two wayes as first by their biting and stinging and then by their stink From all which we were by far more free when we lodged in Tents as there we did much than when we abode in Houses where in great Cities and Towns to add unto the disquiets I before named there were such an abundance of large hungry Ratts that some of us were bitten in the night as we lay in our beds either on our Toes or Fingers or on the tips of our Ears or on the tops of our Noses or in any part of our Bodies besides which they could get into their Mouths The winds in those parts as I observed before which they call the Mont soone blow constantly one way altering but few points six months Southerly and six months Northerly The months of April May and the beginning of Iune till the Rain falls
cover the wood first being handsomly turn'd with a thick Gum then put their Paint on most artificially made of liquid silver or gold or other lively colours which they use and after make it much more beautiful with a very clear varnish put upon it They are excellent at Limning and will coppy out any Picture they see to the life for confirmation of which take this instance It happened that my Lord Embassadour visiting the Mogol on a time as he did often presented him with a curious neat small oval Picture done to the life in England The Mogol was much pleased with it but told the Embassadour withall that haply he supposed that there was never a one in his Country that could do so well in that curious Art and then offered to wager with him a Leck of Roopees a sum which amounted to no less then 10000 l. sterl that in a few days he would have two Copies made by that presented to him so like that the Embassadour should not know his own He refused the great wager but told the King he would adventure his judgment on it Two Copies taken from that Original were within few days after made and brought and laid before the Embassadour in the presence of the King the Embassadour viewing them long either out of Courtship to please the King or else unable to make a difference 'twixt the Pictures being all exquisitly done took one of them which was new made for that which he had formerly presented and did after profess that he did not flatter but mistake in that choice The truth is that the Natives of that Monarchy are the best Apâ—s for imitation in the world so full of ingenuity that they will make any new thing by pattern how hard soever it seem to be done and therefore it is no marvel if the Natives there make Shooes and Boots and Clothes and Linen and Bands and Cuffs of our English Fashion which are all of them very much different from their Fashions and Habits and yet make them all exceeding neatly They have Markets which they call Bazars to sell and buy their Commodities in all their great Towns twice every day a little before and an hour after Sun-rising in the morning and so a little before and a little after Sun-set at night The other parts of the day being too hot for those great confluences of people to meet together and those are the seasons we English-men there make use of to ride abroad and take the air the rest of the day we usually spend in our houses The people there sell almost all their Provisions as very many other things by weight For the foreign Trade of this people it is usually once a year into the Red Sea to a City called Moha in Arabia the happy about thirty leagues from the mouth of it It is a principal Mart for all Indian Commodities but the Staple and most principal there vented is their Cotten-cloth either white or stained and their Cotten-wooll Hither they come from Grand Cairo in Egypt as from many other parts of the Turks Dominions to trafique hither they come from Prester Iohns Country which lyes on the other side of the Arabian Gulf for so the Red Sea is there called and not above fourteen leagues over at the City Moha The Ship or Iunk for so it is called that usually goes from Surat to Moha is of an exceeding great burden some of them I believe fourteen or fifteen hundred Tuns or more but those huge Vessels are very ill built like an over-grown Liter broad and short but made exceeding big on purpose to waff Passengers forward and backward which are Mahometans who go on purpose to visit Mahomets Sepulchre at Medina neer Mecha but many miles beyond Moha The Passengers and others in that most capacious Vessel that went and returned that year I left India as we were credibly told amounted to the number of seventeen hundred Those Mahumetans that have visited Mahomets Sepulchre are ever after called Hoggees or holy men This Iunk bound from Surat to the Red-Sea as she hath many people in her so hath she good Ordnance but those Navigators know not well how to use them for their defence She begins her Voyage about the twentieth of March and finisheth it about the end of September following The Voyage is but short and might easily be made in less than three moneths but the Ship is very slow and ill-built to abide foul weather and in the long season of the rain and a little before and after it the winds upon those Coasts are commonly so violent that there is no coming but with much hazard into the Indian Sea This Ship returning is usually worth as I have heard it faithfully reported and if my credit given to that report make me not to abuse my Readers two hundred thousand pounds Sterling and most of it brought back in good Gold and Silver some fine Chamlets they bring with them home likewise But that huge mass of wealth thus brought home into India is another especial thing and might have been added to that I spake of before towards the continual enriching of this great Monarchy where in the next place I shall speak SECTION VI. Of the care and skill of this people in keeping and managing their excellent good Horses Of their Elephants and their ordering and managing them And how the people ride and are carried up and down from place to place THe Souldiery here and so many of the Gentry and better sort of the people who live at Court shew excellent good skill in riding and managing of their well turn'd high metal'd choice Horses which are excellent good at mounting up bounding and curvetting and when they run them at their full swiftest speed will stop them at a foots breadth for the scantling of those creatures they are in proportion like ours but excellently well eyed headed limn'd for their colours there are some of them Raven-black but many more of them white curiously Dapled and a very great number Pied and spotted all over and there are some of other bright colours But it is a usual custom there amongst Gallants who ride upon the bright-coloured horses to have their legs and lower parts of their bellies and breasts died into a Saffron colour of which they have much there which makes them look as if they had stood in some Dyars Vatt just to such an height of their bodies The hair upon their Horses whom they keep plump and fat is very short soft and lyes sleek upon them and I wonder not at it they are kept so daintily every Horse being allowed a man to dress and feed him and to run by him when he is rode forth and this is all his work They tye not down their horse-heads when they stand still as we do with halters but secure each horse by two ropes fastned to their hind-feet which ropes are somwhat long to be staked down behind them in Tents or other
as much freedom and safety in our Journies and Tents when we travel in our Houses when we are most fix'd as if we were in an Army of Banners appointed for our Guard or as if the Vines and Fig-trees under which we there sit were our own But there are Spoilers sometimes met with-all in those Provinces that live by their Swords and Bows having nothing for their subsistance because they will take no other course but what they get by rapine and spoil of whom some-what more afterward And now by the way for those Villains who thus live where-ever they be and those sturdy Rogues who are next to them in guilt by eating up the Bread of the Poor having able limbs to carry them that they may beg from House to House and Hands to receive Alms but none to labour both these being the very vermin of those Common-wealths wherein they are suffered to breathe it were very well if such of these as have not deserved to be cut off by the Hand of Justice were all served as Philip King of Macedon dealt with two Rogues alterum è Macedonia fugere alterum persequi jussit He made one of them to whip the other out of his Country and so he was rid of both of them But to return to the place from whence I am now digressed I travelled from Surat with four English-men more and about twenty of the Natives in our Company we beginning our journey the first of Ian. towards Sir Thomas Row at the Mogol's Court then above four hundred miles distant from Surat We had six Wagons drawn with Oxen in our Company laden with rich English Goods the principal part whereof was English broad Cloth assign'd to an English Merchant at the Court and some other Carriages we had of all which we made a ring every night near some large Town or Village where we resolved to stay and pitched our Huts within that Circle some of us watching and the Natives with us every night we went on that long journey very safely only in some places where there was any suspicion of danger we had a Guard of Horse appointed to go with us for our defence by the Command of Sultan Caroon then Prince and now King who had his Revenew out of those parts we then travelled thorough who sent a Foot-man that continually kept us company with his Letters to command a Company of Souldiers that were Horse-men to guard us where he thought good who as they did not expect so they would take no recompence for their pains though we freely offered it them But the Providence of God did so order it that though we had their Company in several places we never had need of their help for our defence The truth is that the People there in general are very civil and we never had any affronts or ill usage from them if we did not first provoke them But if we did they would not well bear it for twice in one Week â—t my first coming to Surat the whole Town in general wer◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 uproar and surrounded our House there both times some of our English provok'd those Natives to stir against us but by our speedy Addresses unto the Governour of that place we excusing the fault of those that ministred the occasion of their discontent they being newly come thither and altogether unacquainted with their customs he presently commanded that wild Assembly to depart from our House and so immediately they did we receiving no hurt at all from any of them When my Lord Ambassadour at first arrived at Surat so it was that an English Cook he carryed with him the very first day of his coming thither found a way to an Armenian Christians House who sold Wine which in that place they call Armenian Wine But by the way I do believe that there was scarce another in that populous City of that Trade the greater shame for those whosoever they be that suffer so many unnecessary Tipling Houses in the places where they have power to restrain them which are the Devils nursery the very Tents wherein Sathan dwells where Almighty God receives abundance of dishonour Drunkenness being a sin which hath Hands and Fingers to draw all other sins unto it For a Drunkard can do any thing or be any thing but good That Armenian Wine I speak of is made of Raisons of the Sun and Sugar with some other things put and boyl'd in water which Wine when it is ripe and clear is in Colour like to our Muscadels pleasant enough to the taste but heavy and heady The Cook had his Head quickly over-fraighted with it and then staggering home-ward in his way met the Governours Brother of Surat as he was riding to his House the Cook made a stand staying himself up upon his Sword and Scabbard and cry'd out to the Governours Brother Now thou Heathen Dog He not understanding his foul Language replyed civilly in his own Ca-ca-ta which signifies What sayest thou the Cook answered him with his Sword and Scabbard with which he strook at him but was immediately seized on by his followers and by them disarm'd and carryed to Prison the Ambassadour had present intelligence of the misbehaviour of his drunken servant and immediately sent word unto the Governour 's Brother that he was not come thither to patronize any disorderly person and therefore desir'd him to do with him what he pleased upon which he presently sent him home not doing him the least hurt But before I leave this Story it will not be amiss to enquire who was the Heathen Dog at this time whether the debaucht drunken Cook who call'd himself a Christian or that sober and temperate Mahometan who was thus affronted In our journey towards the Court after we had been in our way about seven dayes from Surat we rested at a place called Ditat where many of the Inhabitants offered to guard us and our goods though we observing there no danger desired it not but they would do it and in the Morning expected and asked something of us by way of recompence One of our Company who had been in East-India a year or two before told them that what they had done they did without our desire and theresore they should have nothing from us but some ill Language which he then gave them We set forward in the Morning according to our wonted custom they followed after us to the number at the least of three hundred Men for the place was great and populous and when we were gone about a mile from that Town stopped our carriages he of our Company who told them they should have no recompence was presently ready to shoot at them with his Musket which made them all to bend their Bows at us but I happily and suddenly stepping in prevented his firing at them and their shooting at us which if I had not by Gods good Providence done but we had madly engaged a great multitude there could not have been less
heard from them is Mor mor mor that is Kill kill kill which they all speak out as loud as they can We were often told of them as we travelled sometimes in the night by reason of the extream heat of the day after we had taken leave of the King and so were journeying towards Surat that we should meet with those cruel villains but through Gods mercy we were never in danger of them but once and that was about midnight neer a large City called Brodera but we being a competent number of English-men together about twenty and all of us resolved to sell our lives at as dear a rate as we could and having twice so many Indian servants with us which are very nimble with their Bows and Arrows we with our Pistols and Carbins which we presently discharged amongst them and our Indians plying them with their Arrows made them suddenly to retreat we receiving little hurt from them but after this we made no more night-marches Those Indians I named before are so faithful to their trusts unto whomsoever they engage to the English as well as to any other that if they be at any time assaulted they will rather dye in their defence than forsake them at their need So that I am very confident if an English Merchant should travel alone with a very great treasure in Gold and Jewels both or either from Surat to Lahor which is more than one thousand English miles and take those Indian servants only for his company and guard and all they knew what he carried with him He paying them their Wages they would be so far from injuring him of the least peny of his wealth that whosoever besides should attempt his spoiling must make a way through their blood before they should be able to do it Here is a great and good example of faithfulness and it is very true But I much doubt that if a great Indian Merchant I mean a Native of that Countrey should come for England with like treasure with a desire to pass through this whole Nation and should for his more safe passage take a guard of Sword-men here and pay them well for their service they might lye under such a strong tentation as might make them to spoil the Egyptian by shortning his journey dividing his substance and by disposing so of his person that it should never tell tales But for that people as their faithfulness is very remarkable so is their diligence very exemplary likewise for they keep continually within the call of their Masters and will not at any time depart thence without special leave And the plenty of all Provisions being very great throughout the whole Monarchy they serve at very low rates which I never knew them to raise not requiring more than five shillings Sterling every new Moon paid the next day after its Change which is all the recompence they do desire or expect from their Masters to provide themselves with all necessaries quibus hinc Toga Calceus hinc est Et Panis fumusque Domi. Juven Sat. 1. Their coat their shooes their bread their fire And all besides bought with this hire and for this do as good service as if they had ten times as much wages They stand to be hired in the Bazar or Market-place an ancient custom as may appear Mat. 20. 3. where some of them may be at all times had But it is their manner when they are hired to receive advance-money that is one moneths pay before hand and to have their pay thus in hand every moneth so long as they serve and so honest they are that if they be bidden to provide themselves of other Masters they will serve out the time for which they have received pay to an hour before they depart Now these who are so exact in performing their duty by their faithfulness and diligence must be exactly paid their Salary at the time they expect it otherwise they will be ready to quit their service as one of them whom we thus hired left us as we were travelling up to the Court the reason because our money was almost quite gone though we were supplied again a day or two after and we could not punctually pay him at his day as we had formerly done This fellow led one of our Camels and had been with us two moneths before but upon this little failing him would needs leave us but before he departed he made a speech to his Camel telling him that he had led him thus long and had during that time lived by him but now our money as he supposed quite failing he told him that he must be gone desiring God to bless him and that he might have some other to lead him that might not be less careful of him than he had been So he took leave of his Camel though not of us and departed All the rest of his company were perswaded to continue with us and had their pay a day or two after and so we proceeded on our journey and so shall I further in this Discourse And now I have spoken somthing of the people I shall speak SECTION IX Of their buildings in Villages Towns and Cities How their Houses are furnished Of their Sarra's or Houses for the entertainment of Passengers Of their Tents Wells and of their places of pleasure c. I Observed before the richness of their Soil and how those Provinces are watered by many goodly Rivers fed with abundance of Springs and how their Fields are clothed with very much plenty of Corn of divers kind sold there at such low rates that every one may there eat bread without scarceness Now I come to take notice of their Buildings and here I must tell my Reader that this People are not much taken or infected with that plague of Building as the Italians call it wishing the love of it as a Curse to possess the thoughts of them they most hate and therefore as the stones in India are not all precious so the Houses there are not at all Palaces the poor there cannot erect for their dwellings fair Piles and the Grandees do not cover their heads under such curious Roofs as many of the Europeans do The reason first because all the great men there live a great part of the year in which their Moneths are more temperate as from the middle of September to the middest of April in Tents Pavilions or moveable habitations which according to their fancies changing they remove from place to place changing their air as often as they please And secondly because all the great men there have their Pensions and whole subsistence from the King which they hold upon very sickle and uncertain terms for as they are setled upon and continued unto them by the King's favour so are they forfeited and lost by his frown Of which more afterward Yet though they make not much use of them they have in plenty excellent good materials for building as Timber Bricks stone and
name of our blessed Saviour called there Hazaret Eesa the Lord Christ but he makes mention of it with high reverence and respect For they say of Christ that he was a good man and a just that he lived without sin that he did greater miracles then ever any before or since him nay further they call him Rha-how-Alla the breath of God but how he should be the Son of God they cannot conceive and therefore cannot believe Perhaps the Socinians first took that their opinion from these which bids them to have every thing they receive as truth to be cleared up unto them by the strength of Reason as if there were no need of the exercise of Faith And truly I must needs confess that to believe the Incarnation of the Son of God is one of the hardest and greatest tasks for Faith to encounter withall that God should be made a Man that this Man Christ should be born of a Virgin that Life should spring from Death and that from Contempt and Scorn Triumph and Victory should come c. But Christians must bind up all their thoughts as to these in that excellent meditation of Picus Mirandula saying Mirandam Dei Incarnatinem c. concerning that admirable and wonderful Incarnation of Christ the Son of God I shall not say much it being sufficient for me as for all others that look for benefit by Christ to believe that he was begotten and that he was born These are Articles of our Faith and we are not Christians if we believe them not I may seem very strange therefore that the Mahometans who understand themselves better should have such a very high esteem of our Blessed Saviour Christ and yet think us who profess our selves Christians to be so unworthy or so unclean as that they will not eat with us any thing that is of our dressing nor yet of any thing that is dressed in our vessels There are more particulars which challenge a room in this Section as their proper place but because I would not have it swell too big I shall here part it and speak further SECTION XVI Of their Votaries where of the voluntary and sharp Penances that people undergo Of their Lent and of their Fasts and Feasts c. AMong the Mahometans there are many Votaries they call Derveeses who relinquish the world and spend all their days following in solitude and retiredness expecting a recompence as they say and are very well content to suffer and wait for it in that better life Those very sharp and very strict Penances which many of this people for the present voluntarily undergo far exceed all those the Romanists boast of for instance there are some who live alone upon the tops of Hills which are clothed or covered with trees and stand remote from any Company and there spend the whole time of their following lives in Contemplation stirring not at all from the places they first fix on but ad requisita naturae crying out continually in these or the like expressions Alla Achabar c. that is God Almighty look upon me I love thee I love not the world but I love thee and I do all this for thy sake look upon me God Almighty These after they thus retire never suffer the Razer or Scissers to come again upon their heads and they let their Nails grow like unto Birds Claws As it was written of Nebuchadnezzar Dan. 4. when he was driven out from the society of men This people after their retirement will chuse rather to famish then to stir from their Cells and therefore they are relieved by the Charity of others who take care to send them some very mean covering for their bodies for it must be such otherwise they will not accept of it when they stand in need thereof and something for their bodily sustenance which must be of their coarser food otherwise they will not take it and no more of that at one time then what is sufficient for the present support of nature Some again impose long times of Fasting upon themselves and will take no food at all till the strength of Nature in them be almost quite spent And others there are amongst them they call Religious men who wear nothing about them but to hide their shame and these like the mendicant Friars beg for all they eat They usually live in the skirts or out-sides of great Cities or Towns and are like the man our blessed Saviour mentions Luk. 8. 27. about the City of the Gadarens which had Devils and wore no clothes neither abode in any house but in the Tombs And so do these making little fires in the day sleeping at nights in the warm ashes thereof with which they besmear and discolour their bodies These Ash-men will sometimes take intoxicating things which make them to talk wildly and strangely as some of our Quakers do in their strange distempers and then the foolish common people will flock about them and believing they then Prophesie hearken unto them with all attention A very great difference 'twixt that people and ours for there they call mad-men Prophets and amongst us there are many Prophets which are accounted but mad-men There are another sort among them called Mendee carried on likewise meerly by miss-takes and mis-conceivings in Religion who like the Priests of Baal mentioned 1 King 18. often cut their flesh with knives and launcers Others again I have thereseen who meerly out of Devotion put such massie Fetters of Iron upon their legs as that they can scarce stir with them and then covered with blew mantles the colour of mourners in those parts as fast as they are able go many miles in Pilgrimage bare-foot upon the hot parching ground to visit the sepulchres of their deluding Saints thus putting themselves upon very great Hardships and submitting unto extreme sharp penances and all to no purpose But to return again to those Indian Votaries who undergo such hard things and out of this mistake that they do God good service in the things they do Concerning which actings Lucretius though accounted an Epicurean and an Atheist in his first book speaks to purpose about the Error of Religion Saepius olim Religio peperit scelerosa atque impia facta oft of old Religion bred acts impiously bold The Mahometans keep a solemn Lent they call the Ramjan or Ramdam which begins the first New-moon which happens in September and so continues during that whole Moon And all that time those that are strict in their Religion forbear their Women and will not take either Meat or Drink any day during that time so long as the Sun is above their Horizon but after the Sun is set they eat at pleasure The last day of their Ram-jan they consecrate as a day of mourning to the memory of their deceased friends when I have observed many of the meanner sort seem to make most bitter lamentation But when that day of their general mourning is ended and begins to
Relion yet all agreed in the story and in all the circumstances thereof Now for the disposition of that King it ever seemed unto me to be composed of extreams for sometimes he was barbarously cruel andat other times he would seem to be exceeding fair and gentle For his cruelties he put one of his women to a miserable death one of his women he had formerly touched and kept Company withall but now she was superannuated for neither himself nor Nobles as they say come near their wives or women after they exceed the age of thirty years though they keep them and allow them some maintenance The fault of that woman this the Mogol upon a time found her one of his Eunuchs kissing one another and for this very thing the King presently gave command that a round hole should be made in the earth and that her body should be put into that hole where she should stand with her head only above ground and the earth to be put in again unto her close round about her that so she might stand in the parching Sun till the extream hot beams thereof did kill her in which torment she lived one whole day and the night following and almost till the next noon crying out most lamentably while she was able to speak in her language as the Shunamits Child did in his 2 King 4. Ah my head my head Which horrid execution or rather murder was acted near our house where the Eunuch by the command of the said King was brought very near the place where this poor Creature was thus buried alive and there in her sight cut all into pieces That great King would be often overcome by Wine yet as if he meant to appropriate that sin to himself would punish others with very much severity who were thus distempered Sometimes for little or no faults the Mogol would cause men to be most severely whipt till they were almost ready to die under the rod which after they must kiss in thankfulness He caused one of his servants of the higher rank to be very much whipt for breaking a China-Cup he was commanded to keep safe and then sent him into China which is a marvellous distance from thence to buy another Sometimes in other of his mad distempers he would condemn men to servitude or dismember or else put them to death as sacrifices to his will and passion not Justice So that it might be said of him quando male nemo pejus that when he did wickedly none could do worse as if it had been true of him which was spoken of that monster Nero observed before who was called Lutum sanguine maceratum Dirt soaked in blood For his good actions he did relieve continually many poor people and not seldom would shew many expressions of duty and strong affection to his Mother then living so that he who esteemed the whole-world as his Vassals would help to carry her in a Palankee upon his shoulders The Mogol would often visit the Cells of those he esteemed religious men whose Persons he esteemed sacred as if they had been Demigods And he would speak most respectively of our blessed Saviour Christ but his Parentage his poverty and his cross did so confound his thoughts that he knew not what to think of them Lastly the Mogol is very free and noble unto all those which fall into and abide in his affection which brings me now to speak SECTION XXVI Of the exceeding great Pensions the Mogol gives unto his Subjects how they are raised and how long they are continued c. WHich great revenues that many of them do enjoy makes them to live like great Princes rather than other men Now for those Pensions which are so exceeding great the Mogol in his far extended Monarchy allows yearly pay for one Million of Horse and for every Horse and Man about eighteen pounds sterling per annum which is exactly paid every year raised from Land and other Commodities which that Empire affords and appointed for that purpose Now some of the Mogol's most beloved Nobles have the pay of six thousand horse and there are others at the least twenty in his Empire which have the pay of 5000 horse exceeding large Pensions above the revenue of any other Subjects in the whole World they amounting unto more than one hundred thousand pounds yearly unto a particular man Now others have the pay of four thousand horse others of three or two or one thousand horse and so downward and these by their proportions are appointed to have horses always in readiness well mann'd and otherwise appointed for the Kings service so that he who hath the pay of five or six thousand must always have one thousand in readiness or more according to the Kings need of them and so in proportion all the rest which enables them on a sudden to make up the number at the least of two hundred thousand horse of which number they have always at hand one hundred thousand to wait upon the King wheresoever he is There are very many private men in Cities and Towns who are Merchants or Trades-men that are very rich but it is not safe for them that are so so to appear lest that they should be used as fill'd Sponges But there is never a Subject in that Empire who hath Land of inheritance which he may call his own but they are all Tenants at the will of their King having no other title to that they enjoy besides the Kings favour which is by far more easily lost than gotten It is true that the King advanceth many there unto many great honours and allows them as before marvellous great revenues but no Son there enjoys either the Titles or Means of his Father that hath had Pensions from that King for the King takes possession of all when they are dead appointing their Children some competent means for their subsistence which they shall not exceed if they fall not into the Kings affection as their Fathers did wherefore many great men in this Empire live up to the height of their means and therefore have a very numerous train a very great retinue to attend upon them which makes them to appear like Princes rather than Subjects Yet this their necessary dependance on their King binds them unto such base subjection as that they will yield with readiness unto any of his unreasonable and willful commands As Plutarch writes of the Souldiers of Scipio Nullus est horum qui non conscensa turri semet in mare praecipaturus sit si jussero There was never a one in his Army by his own report that would not for a word of his mouth have gone up into a Tower and cast himself thence head-long into the Sea and thus the people here will do any thing the King commands them to do so that if he bid the Father to lay hands of violence upon his Son or the Son upon his Father they will do it rather than the will
follow'd him in the war to be cruelly slain and shewing them so slain to Chosrou as in his return with Triumph he made pass along with himself in the middle of a long row of them barbarously mangled in several manners and to behold some of his faithfullest Confidents sew'd up in beasts skins and be so left miserably to rot he bad him see in what sort of people he had confided Moreover he suffer'd him no longer to live freely but committed him to the safe but Honourable custody of certain Grandees of his Court And which was worse he caus'd his eyes to be sew'd up as 't is sometimes the custom here to the end to deprive him of sight without excaecating him that so he might be unfit to cause any more commotions which sewing if it continue long they say it wholly causes loss of Sight but after a while the Father caus'd this Prince's eyes to be unrip'd again so that he was not blinded but saw again and it was only a temporal pennance Yet he was not deliver'd from prison in which he lived so closely for two years that onely one person was suffer'd to be with him in the prison to serve him Nurmahà l who had apprehended that Sultan Chosrou would succeed his Father in the Kingdom and desir'd to establish her self well had frequently offer'd her Daughter to Sultà n Chosrou before she married her to Sultan Scehrià r but he either for that he had another Wife he lov'd sufficiently and would not wrong her or because he scorn'd Nurmahal's Daughter would never consent Insomuch that whilst he was in prison and was told by reiterated messages that if he would marry Nurmahal's Daughter he should be immediately set free nevertheless he would not be brought to do it His Wife on the contrary who lov'd him as well as he lov'd her obtain'd to be the person allotted to serve him in the prison and accordingly went thither and liv'd with him so long as he was there never ceasing to perswade him to marry Nurmahal's Daughter that so he might be deliver'd from those troubles that for her part she was content to live with him as a slave provided she saw him free and in a good condition but he could never be prevail'd with Thus he liv'd in prison with his faithful and dear Wife till the malice of his persecutors and his Father's anger being wearied about two years after he was taken out of prison but still held in a more honourable custody For these things Sultan Chosrou remain'd always much in the hatred of Nurmahal who despairing to marry her Daughter to him gave her to Sultan Scehriar as is abovesaid Sultan Peruiz the second Son is now Governour of the Kingdom of Bengala at the mouth of Ganges and lives peaceably nor is any news heard of him Sultan Chorrom the third Son had and hath under his Government that part of Dacan which is subject to the Moghol but now is about to usurp the Kingdom of Guzarat where I writ these things Sultan Scehriar hath no Government yet but 't is said that he is lately made Captain of eight thousand Horse Now touching the rebellion and the beginning of it Sultan Chorròm after the alliance that he made with Asaf Chan so wrought by the means of his Father in law and Numerhal his Aunt that the King granted him the prisoner Sultan Chosrou into his own power taking him out of the hands of him that kept him and committing him to him to keep yet with order to use him very well and have great care of him And this because Chorrom refus'd to go to his government and to the war whereunto they sent him unless he carried Sultan Chosrou with him alledging that it was not convenient that he should be absent from the Court whilst Sultan Chosrou his competitor and back-friend stai'd there when he had got him into his hands he went to his goverment and there kept and treated him honourably a year or two but afterwards out of the intention which he always had to remove him out of his way to the succession of the Kingdom he being absent as some say sent him poyson'd meats appointing certain of his Captains who kept him to make him eat those meats by any means either fair or foul The Captains punctually executed this order but because Sultan Chosrou becomming suspicious by their importunity to have him eat would by no means taste of those meats saying plainly that they intended to poyson him the Captains since there was no other remedy and perhaps having order leap'd all upon him and he defended himself bravely till at length having fell'd him to the ground they strangled him with a Bow-string Others say that Sultan Chorròm himself slew him with his own hand publickly Be it as it will Sultan Chosrou dy'd of a violent death and Sultan Chorròm was either by himself or by mediation of others the Mutherer Sciah Selim upon hearing this news being highly displeas'd with Sultan Chorrom calls him to Court to give account of the fact Sultan Chorrom would not obey the Summons but gathering together his Forces which nevertheless are not great to withstand his Father and raising not onely those of his own jurisdiction but also divers other neighbouring Cities not comprehended therein as Cambaia and other such from which he hath remov'd the Governours plac'd there by his Father and appointed others at his own devotion with the assistance and counsel of some pety Gentile Princes he remov'd his Camp towards Agra as is above intimated In which commotions and the death of Sultan Chosrou 't is not onely suspected that there is some conspiracy of Asaf Chan and Nurmahal his ancient enemies in secret but also that the King of Persia is of intelligence with them who about the same time or a little before on his side made the warr of Candahar in which the coldness which the Moghol shew'd proceeded no doubt either from his not being well inform'd because perhaps Nurmahal and Asaf Chan who were his chief Counsellors suffering not true intelligence to be signifi'd to him or perhaps because the evil carriage of Sultan Chorrom hath hitherto necessitated him to stand in suspence 'T is true the last Advertisements from Agra that the King as I said sent Asaf Chan to remove the treasure from thence argue that the King still entrusts him and consequently either that he is not in fault or that his fault is not yet known The doubt will be best clear'd by Time Sultan Chosrou left a little Son behind him whose name is Sultan Bulachi But my journey now calls me elsewhere The Commendator having read the Letters from Agra and communicated to me all the News it being now Evening I took leave of him and after sundry volleys of muskets he return'd to the City and I with my company of five Coaches took the way of Cambaia Having travell'd two Cos we ferri'd over the same River of Surà t and then proceeded four other
splendor enough which they may easily do both in regard of the plentifulness of the Country and because they make a shew of all that they have however in secret they indure many hardships and some there are who to avoid submitting to such Employments as they judge unbecomming their gravity being all desirous to be accounted Gentlemen here lead very wretched lives undergoing much distress and being put to beg every Day in the Evening a thing which in other Countries would be accounted unhappy and more indecent not to say shameful then to undertake any laudable profession of a Mechanick Art They all profess Arms and are Souldiers although marry'd and few except Priests and Doctors of Law and Physick are seen without a Sword even so the Artificers and meanest Plebeians as also silk clothes are the general wear almost of every body Which I take notice of because to see a Merchant and a Mechanick in a dress fit for an Amorato is a very extravagant thing yet amongst them very ordinary the sole dignity of being Portugals sufficing them as they say to value themselves as much as Kings and more But returning to my purpose whilst we were coming to the City by the River betimes in the Morning we met the Vice-Roy who was going to the mouth of the Barra to dispatch away Ruy Freira de Andrada whom with five or six Ships a small preparation indeed he sent to the relief of Mascà t and to make war against the Persians having likewise appointed divers other Ships to be sent after him from Ciaùl Dio and other Ports of the Portugals which if they go may be sufficient for some considerable exploit but the Orders of the Vice-Roy in other places God knows how they will be executed in his absence The sudden departure of Ruy Freira made me sorry that I had not the opportunity to see him and speak with him as I extreamly desir'd and perhaps it would not have been unacceptable to him Arriving at the City we cast Anchor under the Dogana or Custom-house where all Ships commonly ride to wit such as are not very great for these stay either at the barr in the mouth of the River or in some other place thereof where they have the deepest water Being come thither I presently gave notice of my arrival to F. Fra Leandro of the Anuntiation whom I had known in Persia and who was here Provincial Vicar of the discalceated Carmelites of India and Persia. I also advertis'd the Fathers Jesuits thereof for whom I brought sundry of their Generals Letters from Rome written affectionately to recommend me to them F. Fra Leandro came forth-with to visit me in the Ship where after some discourse for a while together he undertook to procure us a House and so departed having also offer'd me his own Covent with that same courtesie and confidence as was formerly between us A little after it was very great contentment to me to see and know F. Antonio Schipano your Kinsman now a very old man who was saluted by me upon your account and so for this time I gave him a succinct Relation of you puting him in mind of your Child-hood He came to visit me with F. Vincenzo Sorrentino of Ischia whom I had formerly seen in Persia and who not living then with the Jesuits came with the Spanish Ambassador as his Chaplain in that Voyage These two Fathers being Italians were sent by F. Andrea Palmeiro Visitor of the Jesuits and then their Superior in Goa both to complement me in his Name and to give him more exact information of me whom he had never seen nor so much as known by Fame saving what his General 's Letters signifi'd to him Wherefore after they had visited me and understood what was my intention to do they went to give account thereof to the Father Visitor saying that they would return again as accordingly they did a good while after offering me in the Name of the F. Visitor their Covent of Profess'd House where they pray'd me to go and lodge at least till I were provided of a House adding that they would also provide a convenient residence for Mariam Tinatin who was with me I thank'd them and accepted the favour as to my self and this with the approbation also of F. Frà Leandro whom I acquainted therewith But because it was late that day and there was not time to dispatch my Goods at the Dogana I did not land but remain'd in the Ship with intention to do so the next day April the ninth Early in the Morning F. Frà Leandro sent a Palanchino or Sedan to fetch Mariam Tinatin that she might go to Mass at his Church and afterwards repair to the House of a Portugal Gentlewoman call'd Sig ra Lena da Cugna living near the discalceated Carmelites and much devoted to them whose House also stood right over against that which he intended to take for me And this was done because the Portugals who in matter of Goverment look with great diligence upon the least motes without making much reckoning afterwards of great beams held it inconvenient for the said Mariam Tinatin to live with me in the same House although she had been brought up always in our House from a very little Child and as our own Daughter For being themselves in these matters very unrestrain'd not sparing their nearest Kindred nor as I have heard their own Sisters much less Foster-children in their Houses they conceive that all other Nations are like themselves wherefore in conformity to the use of the Country and not to give offence it was necessary for us to be separated the rather too because strangers who amongst the Portugals are not very well look'd upon and through their ignorance held worse then in our Countries Hereticks are may easily expect that all evil is thought of them and that all evil may easily befall them in these parts so that 't is requisite to live with circumspection And this may serve for advice to whoever shall travel into these Regions F. Fra Leandro sent also to invite me to Mass at his Church and being it was a Holy Day and the Jesuits were not yet come to fetch me as they said they would I determin'd to go thither leaving Cacciatùr in the Ship to look to the goods I was no sooner landed but I met F. Sorrentino who in the Name of his Jesuits was coming to fetch me and also with a Palanchino to carry Mariam Tinatin I know not whither She was gone already and so I made an excuse for her and likewise for my self to the Jesuits onely for that day being I was upon the way with the Carmelites and although it somewhat troubled them yet I went to F. Leandro having agreed to return to the Ship and the next day after my Goods were dispatch'd at the Dogana which could not be done now because it was Sunday I should then go to receive the favour of the Jesuits as they commanded
me Wherefore proceeding to the Church of the Carmelites which stands at the edge of the City upon a pleasant Hill with a very delightful prospect I heard Mass there and stay'd both to dine sup and lodg with them April the tenth Early in the Morning I went to the Ship landed my Goods dispatch'd them at the Custom-house and having carry'd them to the House of Sig ra Lena da Cugna where Mariam Tinatin was I went to quarter till the House taken for me were emptied clean'd and prepar'd in the Covent of the Profess'd House of the Jesuits where I was receiv'd by the Visitor the Provincial the Provost and the rest with much courtesie and with their accustomed Charity and Civility I found there many Italian Fathers of which Nation the Society makes frequent use especially in the Missions of China Iapan India and many other places of the East besides the two above-nam'd I found of Italians F. Christoforo Boro a Milanese call'd Brono in India not to offend the Portugal's ears with the word Boro which in their Language do's not sound well a great Mathematician and another young Father who was afterwards my Confessor F. Giuliano Baldinotti of Pistoia design'd for Iapan whither he went afterwards Moreover in the Colledge which is another Church and a distinct Covent F. Alessandro Leni an ancient Roman and Friend of my Uncles with whom especially with Sig Alessandro he had studied in our Casa Instituta or Academy F. Giacinto Franceschi a Florentine all who with infinite others of several Nations Portugals Castilians and others were all my Friends and particularly F. Pantaleon Vincislao a German well skill'd in Mathematicks and a great wit Procurator of China F. Per Moryad the Vice-Roy's Confessor and F. Francesco Vergara both Castilians F. Christoforo di Giavanni a Portugal learned in Greek and Arabick F. Flaminio Carlo of Otranto Master in Divinity Of Fryers I also found many Italians namely in the Colledge of Fryer Ioseph Masagna a famous Spicerer and a Man of much business in the Profess'd House a Neapolitan a Venetian and a Thuscan call'd Fryer Bartolomeo Pontebuoni a good Painter and also a Man of much employment who were all my great Friends April the eleventh my Birth-day The Jesuits shew'd me all their Covent which is indeed a large and goodly Building and though not much adorn'd according to our custom yet perhaps is the best thing that is in Goa as also the front of their Church April the fourteenth which was Holy Fryday Being present at Holy Service in the Quire of the Jesuits because I was still in my Persian Habit the Portugal Clothes which I had bespoken being not yet made and therefore I appear'd not in publick Sig Constantino da SÃ a Portugal Cavalier or Hidalgo design'd General for the Island of Zeilan whither he was preparing to go speedily with his Fleet coming also to hear the Office in the Quire saw me there and understanding who I was was pleas'd to take notice of me and after the Office was ended came together with the Fathers very courteously to complement me offering himself to serve me as he said in the Island of Zeiland if I pleas'd to go thither Whereunto I also answer'd with the best and most courteous words I could This Sig Constantino had been sent with an Armado of many Ships to relieve Ormuz when it was besiedg'd but not arriving there till after the place was taken he return'd back with his Fleet to Goa April the sixteenth being Easter-Day I first resum'd an Europaean to wit a Portugal Habit as 't is the fashion at Goa amongst the graver sort after I had worn strange garbs for many years together and ever since the death of my Sig ra Sitti Maani cloath'd my self and my servant in mourning April the seventeenth F. Vincislao Pantaleon my Friend above-nam'd who was skill'd in the China Language having been many years in these parts and intended to return thither shew'd me the Geographical Description of all China written very small or rather printed in a China Character after their way very handsomely On which occasion I must not omit to note that the Chineses as the said Father shew'd me in their Books are wont in writing to draw the line or verse of their writing not as we and the Hebrews do cross the paper but contrary to both from the top to the bottom beginning to write at the right side of the paper and ending at the left which to all other Nations seems a very strange way Moreover their Letters are not properly Letters but great Characters each of which denotes an intire word whence the Characters are as many as there are words in the Language and they reckon to the number of eighty thousand a thing indeed not onely strange and superfluous but also in my opinion unprofitable yea disadvantageous and onely for vain pomp for in learning these Characters they spend many years unprofitably which might be imploy'd in the acquisition of other better Sciences without being always Children as Hermes Trismegistus said of the Greeks yea in their whole life they cannot learn them all so that there are none among themselves or if any they are very rare and miraculous who can write and read all the words and know all the Characters of their own Tongue which is certainly a great imperfection although they say that he who knows four thousand Characters may speak and write well enough and he that knows six or eight thousand may pass for eloquent The Iaponeses seem to me more judicious in this point having for ordinary and more facile use invented an Alphabet of few Letters written likewise from the top downwards wherewith they write all words and all their own Language and also that of China But in the Sciences and more weighty matters the learned amongst them most commonly make use of the China-Characters which as mysterious and sacred are venerable to all these Nations and although they have all several Languages yet they do and can make use of the same writing because being the said Characters are not Letters but significative of words and the words although different in sound yet in all these Languages are of the same signification and number it comes to pass that divers Nations adjacent to China as these of Iapan Cauchin-China and other although different in Language yet in writing making use of the China-Characters at least in matters of greatest moment understand one another when they read these Characters each in their own Tongue with the different words of their proper Language which indeed in reference to the commerce and communication of Nations is a great convenience April the seven and twentieth This Morning being the first Thursday after the Dominica in Albis there was a solemn Procession at Goa of the most Holy Sacrament for the Annual Feast of Corpus Christi as the custom is But in Goa it is kept out of the right time upon such a day because
who being newly come from abroad was put upon his Quarantine in a Church without the City secondly Sig Don Gutteres della Valle Brother of the above-said Baron who was absent at Palermo thirdly Sig Don Diego della Valle whom I knew many years ago at Messina fourthly Sig Don Vincenzo della Valle Baron of Schisi which they hold to be the ancient Naxus and fifthly Don Franc. della Valle who was in an Ecclesiastical Habit with many of these Gentlemen who did me the honour to accompany me I went this morning to see the Mother-Church where in a close Chappel the body of S. Agatha is kept After which I was conducted to see the Benedictine's Monastery of S. Nicolas which is a handsom building and the Reliques kept there in the Sacristie amongst which was shewn me a Nail of our Saviour's Cross an Arrow of S. Sebastian's a piece of S. George's Coat of Mail some of S. Peter the Apostle's beard and some of the beard of S. Zaccharias Father of S. Iohn Baptist. I saw also the ruins of the Amphitheater and the Cirque the Fountains without the Walls of the City by the Sea-side which being so many Spouts on a row make a pretty sight near the place where S. Agatha was put into the fire Ianuary the first 1626. Accompani'd by the same Gentlemen who did me that honour at all hours I went to see the prison of S. Agatha underground and her Sepulchre where there is also another Church and in that the place where S. Lucy appear'd to her and a little further a little Chappel apart where her breasts were cut off After which I spent the day in visiting such Gentlemen as had visited me as also such Gentlewomen of the Family of la Valle as had sent to visit me The next day I went to S. Francis's Church to see the Chappel and Tombs of the Family of la Valle in whose arms I found some difference from my own as to the colours which was only the Error of the Painter they giving the Lions and Stars Or in a field gules but we at Rome the Lions azure and Stars gules in a field Or. And being Arms are commonly taken from old Stone-monuments which have no colours 't was no hard matter for some Modern Painter to mistake and put one for another In the Evening I was visited by the Magistrates of Catania whom they call Guirati Jurats and news came that a Proclamation was publish'd at Palermo whereby as many as were oblig'd either by Tenure or otherwise to military service in Sicily in in times of need were commanded to appear forthwith in the field in order to a General Muster and then be distributed into several places for fear of an invasion by the English Fleet which they said was enter'd into the Mediterranean upon designs of mischief Ianuary the third I return'd the Visit to the Magistrates in the City-Palace being receiv'd by them with much honour and at my departure accompani'd almost to the Gate After dinner having visited Sig Don Francesco della Valle Baron of Miraglia who was upon his Quarantine in the Church of the Infirm without the City I took leave of all my honourable Friends and departed from Catania towards Syracuse arriving at Lentini two hours after Sun-set where I lodg'd in the House of the Baron of Bagnara Ianuary the fourth Having heard Mass in the Church of the Saints Alfio and his Brethren and din'd early we departed from Lentini and at night arriv'd at S. Cosmano a place twelve miles from Syracuse famous for making Sugar It being late we took up our Quarters in a House where we saw the Machins Furnaces and other contrivances for that Work Ianuary the fifth About Noon we arriv'd at Syracuse being met without the Gate in a Coach by Sig Paolo Faraone Sig Don Diego Landolnia his Couzen Sig Don Gasparo Diamante and others of the Bishop's House Ianuary 10th We went abroad a shooting in a boat upon the famous River Alfeo which falls into the Port of Syracuse just opposite to the walls of the City passing first under a bridge of one arch exactly according to the printed figure of the Pastoral of Cavalier Guarini call'd il Pastor fido wherein the River Alfeo speaks the Prologue Ianuary the eleventh I saw the subterraneous Grottoes of S. Iohn's Church without the City they are many great and handsom contriv'd almost like a Labyrinth and appear to have been intended for Sepulchres in some places the light is admitted a little by Cupola's which probably serv'd for the people to assemble in either to the Obsequies or Funeral-suppers Yet certain Figures of ancient Saints and other Tokens argue them to have been us'd by Christians 't is a goodly Fabrick for a work under-ground being all cut out of the natural stone by hand Ianuary the thirteenth Four Maltese-Galleys arriv'd at Syracuse and because they intended for Messina and one of them for Naples and perhaps further to carry the Prior of the Church who as I said was going extraordinary Ambassador to Rome and was here imbarqu'd I desir'd to take the opportunity of these Galleys to Messina and accordingly went to speak with the General who was gone a hunting with the Prior of the Church near the River Alfeo The General courteously granted me passage in his own Ship to Messina but as for going to Naples in the Galley with the said Prior I could not obtain this favour from him and though his excuse was that but one Galley went thither and that with many Passengers and my people and goods were not few yet I perceiv'd that the Prior on whom the courtesie depended although he had been my Friend at Malta and shew'd himself such here also was unwilling to grant me the same because I lodg'd in the house of the Bishop with whom the Prior was displeas'd because the Bishop had neither visited him nor yet the General of the Galleys as they pretended he ought to have done but the Bishop pretended the contrary namely that they ought to have visited him first so that between the punctilio's of both sides I was fain to suffer an inconvenience as it commonly happens in such cases However I resolv'd not to decline the General 's offer of passing to Messina in these Galleys and accordingly taking leave of the Bishop and all other Friends after supper I went aboard of the General 's Galley with my people and at the second watch we set sail The winds being contrary we could not pass further then Augusta where we anchor'd a little without the Port but because we did not salute the City in regard we stood off from it and were upon departing a great Gun was discharg'd from thence against us with a bullet Which though the General was offended at yet because there was nothing else to be done he sent a Spanish Gentleman of his Order to make excuse to the Governor for not having saluted him as not being the custom
Monarchy under the subjection of the Great Mogol divides it self into thirty and seven several and large Provinces which anciently were particular Kingdoms whose true Names which we there had out of the Mogol's own Records with their Principal Cities and Rivers their Situation and Borders their Extent in length and breath I shall first set down very briefly beginning at the North-West Yet as I name these several Provinces I shall by the way take notice of some particulars in them which are most Remarkable 1. Candahore the chief City so called it lyes from the heart of the Mogol's Territories North-West it confines with the King of Persia and was anciently a Province belonging to him 2. Cabut the chief City so called the extreamest part North of this Emperours Dominions it confineth with Tartaria the River Nilob hath its beginning in it whose Current is Southerly till it dischargeth it self into Indus 3. Multan the chief City so called it lyeth South from Cabut and Candahore and to the West joynes with Persia. This Province is fam'd for many excellent Bows and Arrows made in it The Bows made of Horn excellently glued and put together the Arrows of small Canes or Reeds both of them curiously set off by rich Paint and Varnish They which are made here are near and good than in any part of East-India besides 4. Haiacan the Province of the Balocbes who are a very stout and war-like people that dare fight I insert this because there are infinite multitudes of people in the Mogol's Territories who appear as likely as these but so low-spirited as I shall after observe that they dare not fight This Province hath no renowned City The famous River Indus call'd by the Inhabitants Skind borders it on the East and Lar a Province belonging to the King of Persia meets it on the West 5. Buckor the chief City called Buckor-Succor that famous River Indus makes its way through it and gently enricheth it 6. Tarta the chief City so called the River Indus makes many Islands in it exceeding fruitful and pleasant the Main Current whereof meets with the Sea at Sindee a place very famous for many curious Handicrafts 7. Soret the chief City is called Ianagar it is but a little Province yet very rich it lyes upon Guzarat it hath the Ocean to the South 8. Iesselmure the chief City so called it joyneth with Soret but Buckor and Tatta lye to the West thereof 9. Attack the chief City so called it lyeth on the East side of Indus which parts it from Haiacan 10. Peniab which signifieth five Waters for that it is seated amongst five Rivers all Tributaries to Indus which somewhat South of Lahore make but one Current It is a large Province and most fruitful Lahore is the chief City thereof built very large and abounds both in people and riches one of the most principal Cities for Trade in all India 11. Chishmeere the chief City called Siranakar the River Bhat finds a way through it though it be very mountainous and so creeps to the Sea 12. Banchish the chief City is called Bishur it lyeth East somewhat Southerly from Chishmeere from which it is divided by the River Indus 13. Iangapore the chief City so called it lyeth upon the River Kaul one of those five Rivers which water Peniab 14. Ienba the chief City so called it lyeth East of Peniab 15. Dellee which signifies an Heart and is seated in the heart of the Mogol's Territories the chief City so called it lyeth between Ienba and Agra the River Iemni which runneth through Agra and after falleth into Ganges begins in it This Dellee is both an ancient and a great City the Seat of the Mogol's Ancestors where most of them lyeinterred It was once the City and Seat of King Porus who was conquered about this place by Alexander the Great and here he encountring with huge Elephants as well as with a mighty Ho ast of Men said as Curtius reports Tandem par animo meo inveni periculum That he had met with dangers to equal his great mind I was told by Tom Coryat who took special notice of this place that he being in the City of Delle observed a very great Pillar of Marble with a Greek inscription upon it which time hath almost quite worn out erected as he supposed there and then by Great Alexander to preserve the memory of that famous Victory 16. Bando the chief City so called it confineth Agra to the West 17. Malway a very fruitful Province Rantipore is its chief City 18. Chitor an ancient great Kingdom the chief City so called which standeth upon a mighty high Hill flat on the top walled about at the least ten English miles There appear to this day above an hundred ruined Churches and divers fair Palaces which are lodged in like manner among their Ruines besides many exquisite Pillars of Carved Stone and the Ruines likewise at the least of an hundred thousand Stone-Houses as many English by their observation have ghessed There is but one ascent unto it cut out of a firm Rock to which a man must pass through four sometimes very magnificent Gates It s chief inhabitants at this day are Ziim and Ohim Birds and Wild Beasts but the stately Ruines thereof give a shadow of its Beauty while it flourished in its Pride It was won from Ranas an ancient Indian Prince who was forc'd to live himself ever after in high mountainous places adjoyning to that Province and his Posterity to live there ever since Taken from him it was by Achabar Padsha the Father of that King who lived and reigned when I was in those parts after a very long siege which famished the besieged without which it could never have been gotten 19. Guzarat a very goodly and large and an exceeding rich Province it encloseth the Bay of Cambaya its chief City is Amadavaz besides it hath in it Cambaya Brodera Baroch and Surat fair Cities but the first of those I named more spacious and populous and rich then any of the other It is watered with many goodly Rivers as that of Cambaya falsly supposed to be Indus with the River Narbodah passing by Baroch and so to the Sea with the River Taplee which watereth Surat The Merchants which are the Natives of this Province trade to the Red Sea to Achin and to divers other places 20. Chandis the chief City called Brampore which is very great and rich and full of people Adjoyning to this Province lived a petty Prince called Partapsha tributary to the Mogol and this is the most Southernmost part of all his Territories 21. Berar the chief City is called Shapore the Southernmost part whereof doth likewise bound this Empire 22. Narvar the chief City is called Gehad it is watered by a fair River that much enricheth it and dischargeth it self into Ganges 23. Gwalier the chief City so called where the Mogol hath a very rich Treasury of Gold and Silver kept in this City within an