to the extraordinary labour of his souldiers fore whereas they were drawn out of their wintering-camps before winter was ended and were carried unseasonably upon a service he rewarded them with the booty and spoil of the enemy contrary to the ordinary course of the Roman warfare which reserved either all or the most part thereof for the publick Treasury and left the souldier to his stipendary entertainment Which is a point very observable in the carriage of a war wherein are required as well eminent and extraordinary attempts as common and usuall duties and in the judgement of a wise Commander are thought worthy their answerable rewards At the siege of Gergovia as it followeth in the seventh Commentary L. Fabius a Centurion told his companions that the booty and pillage which he had got at the taking of Avaricum would not suffer any man to get up upon the wall before himself And so for the most part it falleth out that honourable attempts being honourably rewarded do as seed sown in good ground multiply the increase of like vertuous actions And this was one principall means which he used to give courage and valour to his souldiers as when he went to get Spain from Pompey and that faction he borrowed mony of the Tribunes Centurions gave it in largess to the souldiers whereby he gained as he saith two advantages quod pignore animos Centurionum devinxit largitione redemit militum voluntates for he engaged the Centurions to him whilst he had this pledge from them and by his largesse purchased the good will of the souldiers CHAP. III. Caesar summoneth a generall Councell and carrieth his army against the Senones A Generall Councellor meeting of all the States of Gallia being summoned according to his first resolution in the beginning of the Spring whereas all the rest saving the Senones Carnutes and Treviri made their appearance he conceived of it as the beginning of war and defection and thereupon setting all other things aside he transferred the Councell to the city of Paris in the confines of the Senones which in the time of their fathers had united their State unto them but were held clear of this confederacy This thing being published from the Tribunall the same day he carried the Legions against the Senones and by great journeys came into their country His coming being known Acco the chiefest authour of that rebellion commanded the multitude to go into cities and towns of defence but as they endeavoured before it could be accomplished news was brought that the Romans were already come whereby they necessarily left off their purpose and sent Ambassadours to Caesar to intreat for favour They used the mediation of the Hedui whose State had of old time been in faith and league with the Romans Caesar at the suit of the Hedui did willingly afford them pardon and accepted their excuse forasmuch as he judged the summer time fitter to be spent in the war which was coming on him rather then in matter of question and judgement and having commanded an hundred pledges he delivered them to be kept by the Hedui The Carnutes likewise sent messengers and pledges and by the intreaty of the men of Rhemes whose clients they were received the same answers Caesar ended the Councell and commanded horsemen to be sent him from all the States of Gallia THE FIRST OBSERVATION IT shall not seem impertinent to the Reader that I take occasion here to say somewhat touching the use and benefit of this Parliament or Councell-generall wherein all the states of Gallia or at the least such as did acknowledge the Roman soveraignty presented their fealty and were mutuall witnesses of each others alleageance Concerning which we are to understand that as all naturall bodies have a transitory being depending upon motion and function of parts so specially States and Commonweals as sympathizing with naturall causes have no certain continuance in one and the same being but are subject to the alteration of time and fortune and do passe the ages of a naturall life from infancy growing to better strength untill it come to the best perfection which years can afford it and then decaying again by like degrees even to the period and death of that policy For remedy whereof and for the prevention of any weakening disease which might infect either the whole powers of the body or so possesse any part thereof as it might thereby prove either dangerous or unprofitable amongst other helps these councels and meetings have been thought necessary wherein every particular State and city had some of their society present as well to open their grievances if any were and to seek ease and relief by way of treaty and dispute as also to receive such directions and mandates as the wisdome of the Prince should think meet for their government For as this common councel or generall assembly may well be termed the pulse of a politick body whereby the true state and temperature thereof is discerned so is it also as a treaty or parlee and a renewing of the conditions of peace between the head and the members where sovereignty and obedience being mutually propounded do concurre in the establishing of true and perfect government And this is that which the Politicians of later time do in their writings call the reducing of a common-weal to the first beginning for the noisome and superâ—luous humours being by this means purged and abated the body of the publick weal is refined into such true and naturall elements and setled in that disposition of health as may give great hope of long continuance Besides this use and benefit of these assemblies there were many necessary businesses concluded and many things agreed unto serving to the maintainance of war against parties and factions as namely the leviâ—s and supplies of horse and foot granted by this Councel as a subsidy which in the Roman army received stipend and pay by the name of Auxiliary or associate forces whereof we read in many places of these Commentaries and particularly in this book But the Romans used specially the service of their horsemen as the flower of their strength and far exceeding their foot companies in execution of arms and use of war wherein the Galles have ever chalenged a preeminence before other their neighbour nations and have continued the same reputation even unto this time Whether it be in regard of the nimble and quick motions of their spirits which are better suted with the swift and speedy execution of horse then with any readinesse which their own strength can afford them or what other cause it hath I know not but this I am sure of that as the world taketh notice of their hot phantasies so would the French be reckoned the best horsemen of any other nation The last saying which I observe concerning this councel is the time wherein it was summoned which was the beginning of the Spring rather then any other part of the
and in every Order there was a Centurion or Captain These Orders were distinguished by the numbers of the first second third and so consequently unto the tenth orders which were the last and lowest of each of these three kinds So that this Q. Fulginius here mentioned was Centurion of the first and prime order of the Hastati and T. Caecilius Centurion of the first order of the Triarii which by excellencie was called Primipilus or the Leader of the first company of a legion Now concerning their imbattelling we are to note that according to this former division of Hastati Principes and Triarii upon occasion of fight they made a triple battell one standing in front to another which we call the vant-gard battell and rere-ward Whereof the Hastati were called Antesignani not for that they had no Ensignes of their own for every Maniple had an Ensign but because they stood imbattelled before the Eagle and other the chief Ensigns of the legion To which purpose is that of Livie Pugnaorta est non illa ordinata per Hastatos Principesque Triarios nec ut pro signis Antesignanus post signa alia pugnaret Acies The fight began not a regular fight by Hastati Principes and Triarii nor in that orderlinesse that the Antesignani fought before the Ensigns and another battell behind the Ensigns And again Cadunt Antesignani ne nudentur propugnatoribus signa sit ex secunda prima Acies The Antesignani were cut down so that lest the Ensigns should be leâ—t naked of defendants the second battell was made the first Whereby it appeareth that most of the chiefest Ensigns were with the Principes which were called Subsignani as the Triarii Post signani Amongst other benefits of these so particular divisions of an Army that is not the least which is noted by Thucydides Ut jussa imperatoris brevi spacio ad singulos milites deferri possent the commands of the generall are thereby suddenly transmitted to every particular souldier CHAP. XVII Caesar brought into great extremity by overflowing of two Rivers THe enemy fortified the Mount for which they contended with great and strong works and there put a Garrison In the space of those two dayes that these things were in doing there fell out upon a suddain a great inconvenience for such a tempest happened that the like waters were never seen in those places And further besides the snow came down so abundantly from the Hills that it overflowed the banks of the River and in one day brake down both the bridges which Fabius had made and thereby brought Caesar into great extremity For as it is formerly related the Camp lay between two Rivers Sicoris and Cinga and within thirty miles neither of these Rivers were passable so that all the Army were of necessity couped up in that straightnesse neither could the Cities which had formerly ranged themselves with Caesar's party furnish any supplies of victuall and provision nor such of the Army as had gone far for forrage being hindred by the rivers could return to the Camp nor yet the great convotes and reenforcements coming to him out of Italy and Gallia could get to the Camp The time of year was very hard for there was neither old corn left of their winter provisions nor that on the ground was as yet ripe The cities and towns near about were all emptied for Afranius before Caesar's coming had caused all the Corn to be brought into Ilerda and that which remained was since Caesar's coming all spent And for Cattell which might have relieved this necessity by reason of the warre they were removed by the bordering towns and carried farther off Such as were gone out to forrage and to seek Corn were by the light-armed Portugalls and the Buckler-bearers of the hither Spain much troubled and molested for these men could easily passe the river forasmuch as none of them used to go to warre without bladders for that purpose On the contrary part Afranius abounded with all necessary provisions great quantity of Corn was formerly provided and stored up much was brought in from all the Provinces round about there was also great plenty of forrage in his Camp for the bridge at Ilerda afforded means of all these things without danger and the Countrey beyond the river was whole and untouched which Caesar could not come unto by any means The waters continued for many dayes together Caesar used all means to re-edifie the Bridges but neither the swelling of the River would permit him nor yet the cohorts of the Enemy placed on the banks of the other side suffer him to go forwards with it which they might easily hinder both in regard of the nature of the river and the greatnesse of the water as also for that they might easily cast their weapons from along the bank unto one place or point Whereby it was very hard at one and the same time the river running so violently as it did to do the work and to shun the weapons THE FIRST OBSERVATION FIrst we may observe that the strength of a multitude is not priviledged from such casualties as betide the weaknesses of particular persons but doth oftentimes undergo extremities which can neither by providence be prevented nor removed by industry and are such as proceed not from the endeavour of an enemy but out of the circumstances of time and place together with such accidents as are interlaced with the same In respect whereof it was that Cambyses told Cyrus That in the course of warre he should meet with some occasions wherein he was not to labour and contend with men but with chances and things which were not to be overcome with lesse difficulty then an enemy and are the more dangerous according as they give way to scarcity and lack of victual For as it is said in the same place Scis brevi finem habiturum imperium si commeatu exercitus careat You know that if your Army be once starved your Empire can be but short-lived The remedies whereof are first Patience which is as requisite in a souldier as either courage or any other ability and in such cases keepeth an Army from discontentment and disorder untill means of better fortune And secondly Good endeavour which availeth much in such chances the effect whereof will appear by that which Caesar wrought to redeem his Army from these inconveniences THE SECOND OBSERVATION COncerning that which is here noted of the Spaniards that made nothing of passing a River with the help of bladders which the Romans were readier to wonder at then to imitate it is observed that as people exquisitely fashioned to a civile life by a firm and settled policie of government are firm and reall in the whole course of their proceedings and accordingly do shew their punctuality as well in their solemnities and private carriages as in their magnificent and stately buildings so on the other
of shipping and Corn to keep the Iland THE FIRST OBSERVATION OBserve first how dangerous it is for such as stand neutrall between two parties bearing no affection but to their own ends to declare themselves upon such apparences as commonly happen in the flux and reflux of a war for if their judgement fail as Varro's did they are then forced to redeem their errour with more offices of partiality then can afterwards be excused and so run into a further degree ofenmitie then the party for whom they suffer And certainly whether it be that neutrality refuseth to take part with the right which in matter of controversie must needs stand on one side or whether it favoureth of an ill nature to shew no sympathising affections with such as otherwise have correspondence with them or for what other cause I know not but sure it is that Neutrals attending nothing but their own advantage are of no better esteem then the bird whereof Leo Africus writeth which when the King of Birds demanded tribute would alwaies rank himself amongst the Fish and when the King of Fishes required his service would alwaies be with the Birds or then the Weather-cock whereof there is no other use then indicare regnantem to shew what wind rules THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe Iland of Gades was known to the Romans by the name of Tartesson Hic Gades urbs est dicta Tartessus prius Here Gades stands of old Tartessus call'd The Town of Gades was indowed as Dion witnesseth by Julius Caesar with the liberties and priviledges of Rome To which effect Plinie writeth Oppidum habet Civium Romanorum quod appellatur Augusta urbs Julia Gaditana This Iland hath a town of Roman Citizens which is called Augusta Julia Gaditana It was a town of great fame as appeareth by that of Juba king of Mauritania who made ambitious sute to have the title of Duumviri or Two-men of the town as Festus noteth in his Description of the Sea-coast At vis in illis tanta vel tantum decus Aetate prisca sub fide rerum fuit Rex ut superbus omniumque praepotens Quos gens habebat forte tum Maurusia Octaviano principi acceptissimus Et literarum semper in studio Iuba Interfluoque separatus aequore Illustriorem semet urbis istius Duumviratu crederet Such was their power such their grace Of old while faith was yet in place King Iuba the most powerfull Prince The Moors had either then or since In favour with Octavian And every way a learned man Divided from this place by Sâ—n Thought it would greater glory be To be Duum-vir of the town In this Iland stood Hercules Temple to which as well Romans as other noble Adventurers of all Nations made often repair to perform their vowes upon atchievements of deeds of Armes which solemnitie was not omitted by Hannibal before his expedition into Italie Amongst other Altars in this Temple there was one dedicated to Penurie and Art signifying that Art driveth away Penurie as Hercules put to flight and subdued Monsters Those of Asia and the Mediterrane parts took this Iland to be the furthest end of navigation for the Atlantick sea admitted no further passage for want of a load-stone to direct them in that vastness And therefore Pindarus saith that it is not lawfull for wise men nor fools to know what is beyond the streight of Gibraltar the way in the Ocean being a thousand leagues abroad In this town of Gades was born L. Cornelius Balbus who at his death gave a legacy to the Roman people twenty five pence per Pole together with Junius Brutus Columella that writ so excellently De re Rustica Et mea quam generat Tartessi littore Gades And which my Gades yields on Tartesse shoar It is now called Cales and was sacked by our English An. 1596. Hispalis surnamed Romulensis from the Roman Colony that was planted there is seated upon the River Baetis in a very pleasant and fertile Countrey and especially for oiles The town is now the Staple for the West Indies and a very Nursery of Merchants Arias Montanus that great Theologian was born in this City THE THIRD OBSERVATION COncerning these hundred and ninety thousand Sesterces the learned cannot satisfie themselves with any congruent interpretation thereof For if we take them in the Neuter for seven pound ten shillings apiece it amounteth to 1492000 pound which is thought too much if in the Masculine it will rise not to above 1400 pound which is deemed too little And therefore the Criticks do mend the place and read H-S centies nonagies a hundred times ninety H-S which bringeth out 142500 pound and is thought agreeable to the meaning of the Authour CHAP. VIII The Province and the legions revolt from Varro Caesar settleth Spain and returneth to Marseilles ALbeit Caesar was called back into Italy for many great and important causes yet he was resolved to leave no spark or appearance of warre remaining behind him in Spain for that he knew Pompey's deserts to be such as had gained him many followers and dependants in the hither Province And therefore having sent two legions into the further Spain under the conduct of Q. Cassius Tribune of the people he himself made forward by great journeys with six hundred horse sending an Edict before him to summon the Magistrates and chief men of the Cities and Towns to appear before him by a day at Corduba Upon publication of which Edict there was no City in all that Province that sent not some of their Senate by the day appointed to Corduba neither was there any Roman Citizen of note that presented not himself there at that time The Princes and States being assembled of their own accord they shut the gates against Varro set watch and ward upon the walls and in the towers and retained with them two cohorts called by the name of Colonicae which came thither by chance for the safe keeping of the town At the self-same time the Inhabitants of Carmona which is the strongest town of all the Province cast out the three cohorts that were by Varro put into their Cittadell and shut them out of their town Whereby Varro was the rather moved to make haste to Gades with his legions lest he should be hindered and cut off either in the way or in his passage over from the Continent such and so favourable was the generall affection of the whole Province towards Caesar And being somewhat advanced on his journey he received Letters from Gades That as soon as it was known there of the Edict which Caesar had published the chiefest of the Gaditans agreed with the Tribunes of the souldiers which were in Garrison to expell Gallonius out of the town and to keep the City and the Iland for Caesar Which being resolved upon they sent him word to leave the town of his own accord while he might do it without danger and if he refused they would then take such
per Cent. Dodrans 9. Bes 8. Septunx usura 7. Semis 6. Quincunx 5. Triens 4. Quadrans 3. Sextans 2. Unciaria one in the hundred Howbeit Cato condemned all kind of usury for being demanded Quid maxime in re familiari expediret respondit bene pascere quid secundum satis bene pascere quid tertium bene vestire quid quartum arare Et cum ille qui quaesierat dixisset Quid foenerari Quid hominem inquit occidere what was the most expedient thing in householdry answered good diet what the second enough good diet what the third good cloaths what the fourth ploughing And when he that question'd him thus said What think you of taking use he replyed What is it to kill a man Allowing as it seemeth no means of getting mony but those which Aristotle took to be most agreeing to Nature which is from the fruits of the earth and the increase of our cattell with such other courses as are answerable thereunto CHAP. II. A particular view of Pompey's forces IN the accomplishing of these things as also celebrating the Latine Holy-daies and holding the Assemblies of the people having spent eleven daies he gave over his Dictatorship left the City and came to Brundusium For he had commanded seven legions and all his Cavalry to repair thither Howbeit he found no more shipping ready then would hardly transport fifteen thousand legionary souldiers and five hundred horse the want of shipping seeming to hinder him from bringing the war to a speedy end Moreover those forces which were shipped were but weak in regard that many of them were lost in the wars of Gallia and lessened likewise by their long journey out of Spain besides that the unwholsome Autumn in Apulia and about Brundusium had made the whole Army ill disposed being newly come out of the sweet air of Gallia and Spain Pompey having had a years space to provide himself of men and munition and neither war nor enemy to trouble him had got together a great Navy out of Asia from the Cyclade Iles Corcyra Athens Pontus Bithynia Syria Cilicia Phoenicia and Egypt and had caused another as great a fleet to be built in all places fit for that purpose had raised great summs of mony out of Asia and Syria and of all the Kings Dynastes Tetrarchs and free States of Achaia and had likewise compelled the Corporations of those Provinces to contribute the like summe He had enrolled nine legions of Roman Citizens five which he had transported out of Italy one old legion out of Sicily which being compounded and made of two he called the â—win one out of Creet and Macedoniaâ—old â—old souldiers who being discharged by 〈…〉 those Provinces and 〈…〉 of Asia which Lentulus the Consul had caused to be enrolled Besides he had distributed amongst those legions under the 〈…〉 supply a great number of Thessaly 〈…〉 and Epirus Amongst these he had mingled Antonie's souldiers and besides these he expected to be brought by Scipio out of Syria two legions Of Archers out of Crete Lacedaemon Pontus and Syria and the rest of the Cities he had 3000 six cohorts of Slingers two Mercenary 7000 horse Whereof Deiotarus had brought 600 Galles Ariobarzanes 500 out of Cappadocia Cotus out of Thracia had sent the like number under the leading of his son Sadalis From Macedonia came 200 commanded by Rascipolis a Captain of great fame and vertue From Alexandria came 500 part Galles and part Germans which A. Gabinius had left there with King Ptolemy to defend the Town Pompey the son had brought with the Navy 800 of his shepheards and servants Tarcondarius Castor and Donilaus had sent three hundred out of Gallograecia of whom one came himself and the other sent his son Two hundred were sent out of Syria by Comagenus of Antioch whom Pompey had presented with great gifts most of which were Arbalestriers on horseback To these were added Dardans and Bessi partly for pay and entertainment and partly got by command or favour besides Macedonians Thessalians and of divers other Nations and Cities insomuch as he filled up the number formerly spoken of He provided great quantity of Corn out of Thessaly Asia Crete Cyrene and the rest of those Regions He determined to winter at Dyrrachium Apollonia and all the maritime towns to keep Caesar from passing the Sea and to that end he had laid and disposed his Navie all along the Sea-coast Pompey the son was Admirall of the Aegyptian ships D. Laelius and C. Triarius of those that came out of Asia C. Cassius commanded them of Syria and C. Marcellus with C. Pomponius the ships of Rhodes Scribonius Libo and M. Octavius had charge of the Liburnian and Achaian Navie Howbeit M. Bibulus commanded in chief in all sea causes and to him was left the superintendency of the Admiralty THE FIRST OBSERVATION COncerning these Latinae Feriae it is to be noted that the Romans had two sorts of Feriae or Holy-daies the one called Annales which came alwaies to be kept on a certain day and thereupon were called Anniversarii or yearly the other Conceptivae which were arbitrary and solemnized upon such daies as the Magistrates and Priests thought most expedient whereof these Latinae Feriae were chief and were kept on Mount Albane to Jupiter Latiar or Latialis for the health and preservation of all the Latine people in league and confederacy with the people of Rome and were solemnized in remembrance of the truce between those two Nations during which feast the Romans held it unlawfull to make any war The sacrifice was a white Bull kill'd and offered by the Consuls and the flesh distributed to the inhabitants of Latium according to an ancient Treaty of alliance between them engraven for a perpetuall memory in a Column of brasse The particulars whereof are expressed at large by Dionysius Halicarnasseus THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe second thing coming to be noted is the view taken of Pompey's forces which are nine compleat legions besides the supplies here particularly mentioned sent from such as bare affection to that Party and by indifferent calculation might amount in all to near about threescore thousand men together with the favour of the Countrey where the triall was to be made by the stroke of War In which Muster were the souldiers of C. Antonius whose misfortune these Commentaries have either willingly forgot or some other chance hath wip't it clean out Howbeit Florus hath it recorded that Caesar having sent Dolabella and Antonius to seize upon the Streights and entrance of the Adriatick sea the one took hold of the coast of Sclavonia and the other near unto Corfu when upon a suddain came Octavius and Pompey's Lieutenants and with great forces they had aboard their ships surprized both the one and the other whereby Antonius was constrained to yield up fifteen Companies which were these souldiers of Antonius hear mentioned Rascipolis or Rascupolis was a Thracian of great fame that
made use of a Iavelin or Pike as well as Mars but it is to be conceived this was more for the convenience of his travelling which was afoot and that many times in the winter haply over the Alpes according to the custome of most of the great Captains and Generalls of Rome as Livy and Plutarch abundantly attest The tenth Medall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cai Iulii Caesaris Imperatoris Dictatoris The effigies of Caesar crowned with a thick crown of Laurell which closed before the better to cover his baldnesse the hair being thrust forward to help it The reverse hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iliensium bis Neocororum Aeneas carrying his Father and the Palladium at their quitting of Troy the little Iulus going before with his hat in his hand That which in this falls under question is First to know the situation of this Ilium wherein Strabo hath spent more sweat then all the Geographers affirming it was not the Ilium of his time a town well known nor any thing built upon the ruines of the old one so ill-entreated by the Greeks as being distant from this thirty stadia that in that place there was only a small village bearing up the name that it was built up by Alexander from a small town that it was before having a little Temple of Minerva much ruin'd and received from him divers priviledges and immunities with a promise after his Victory over Darius of a magnificent Temple and the toleration and setting up of Games and exercises This was partly executed after his death by Lysimachus who enlarged the City by a wall of forty stadia disposing thither many out of the neighbouring Cities that were ruin'd After which it was ruined and restored diverse times but lastly it received great favours from Sylla which is conceived to be the reason that it declared against Caesar in the Civile warres whence it may be inferred that those of that City knew not at that time that Caesar pretended to be of the race of Venus and Anchises which was only found out after his Victory But at length Caesar receives them into favour restores and confirmes their ancient priviledges and immunities and imitating Alexander did them many courtesies In the second place the understanding of these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iliensium Neocororum The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is translated commonly Aedituorum which we cannot render properly in English but by Overseers Supervisors and those that are entrusted with the charge of the Temples and dispose of all things sacred or in some sort they were such as we call Church-wardens in our Churches But they are not those Neocori of the Temples that this Medall and divers others represent unto us but the word was analogically applyed to whole Nations as also to Cities and Bodies corporate to whom the Kings and afterwards the Emperours gave Commissions to make Panegyricks and Encomiastick Orations upon their Statues Pomps religious worships publick recreations and exercises to the honour of their Gods and Princes which was done out of the publick stock or by the contribution of the Corporations As therefore the Neocori that belonged to the Temples were disposers and guardians of the things sacred that were in their Sanctuaries nay haply entertained the people or strangers with the rarities and antiquities of their worships and mysteries so these Nationall Neocori had the superintendency over the Pomps and Solemnities panegyricall celebrations exercises sacrifices and ceremonies which were to be observed upon the more festivall dayes whereof they had the absolute disposall This I build upon the conjecture of the Great and Learned SELDEN who was the first cut this Gordian knot upon a passage of the Acts of the Apostles chap. 19. There we have Demetrius and those of his profession raising a Tumult and accusing St. Paul and others for preaching that the Statues made with the hands of men were not Gods The Town-Clark or the Church-warden having appeased the Tumult tells them that it was wellknown that the City of Ephesus was then Neocore in the English Translation worshipper of the great Goddesse Diana and of the Image fallen from Iupiter and that therefore there being no contradiction in that they ought not to do any thing rashly For these men faith he are neither sacrilegious nor blasphemous persons and therefore have done nothing against the Majesty of Diana But if they had any matter against any man the Law was open but in case it were something else relating to their Goddesse whether by Blasphemy impiety or sacriledge the cognizance whereof did of right belong to the Ephesians in body as being then Neocori they should have satisfaction in a full assembly convocated for things of that nature Now those silver shrines which Demetrius is said to make are conceived to have been Modells of that magnificent Temple which the Ephesians being Neocori caused out of magnifice to be made of that rich Metall Had this controversy between the Apostles and the Goldsmiths come to a decision they had proceeded thus They would have had some to make publick panegyricks of their Goddesse in the first place then if Paul and his companions should not rest satisfied this Neocorean people would have punished them according to their manner Now that the Neocori of the Temples were used to commend to all comers especially Travellers the greatnesse and power of their Gods and that the Neocori of Cities imitated them but did it with great Pomp employing persons eminent for Learning and Eloquence as Poets and Orators for the honour of their Gods as also their Kings Monarchs Emperours Founders and that upon dayes in stituted and ordain'd for that purpose may be learn'd from Horace who lib. 2. Ep. 1. writing to Augustus call's those Poets Aidituos who should immortalize the Vertue of that Emperour or rather those who were charg'd to chose such as should do it in these verses Sed tamen est operae pretium cognoscere quale is Aedituos habeat belli spectata domique Virtus indigno non committenda Poetae But besides Selden hath well observed that there were none of these Medalls in the time of the Common-wealth for that the Cities of Greece were not yet arrived to that esteem of the Roman greatnesse by the fabrick of their monies and other signes of veneration which they have come to since it became a Monarchy This is the opinion of that great judicious man which yet is not absolutely true for there were found the marks of this magnificence under the title of Neocori abundantly among the Medalls of Alexander the Great whereof Goltzius reckons above 20. with this inscriptionâ— KOINON MAKE 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Whence may be observ'd that the people of Macâ—donia being generally Neocori had caused these Coins to be stamp'd in the honour of Alexander having upon the reverse the figures of statues chariots temples columns c. Nay the Maroneans in
the Helvetians had matched his sister by his Mother and others of his kâ— into other States For that affiâ—ty he favoured and wished well to the Helvetians and on the other side hated the Romans and specially Caesar of all others for that by their coming into Gallia his power was weakened and Divitiacus his brother restored to his ancient honour and dignitie If any miscasualtie happened to the Romansâ—is â—is hope was to obtain the Principalitie by the favour of the Helvetians whereas the soveraigntie of the Romans made him not onely despair of the kingdom but also of the favour or what other thing soever he now injoyed And Caesar had found out by inquirie that the beginning of the slight when the Cavalrie was routed came from Dumnorix and his horsemen for he commanded those troups which the Heduans had sent to aide Caesar and out of that disorder the rest of the Cavalrie took a fright Which things being discovered forasmuch as these suspicions were seconded with matters of certainty in that he had brought the Helvetians through the confines of the Sequans had caused hostages to be given on either side and done all those things not onely without warrant from the State but without acquainting them therewith and lastly in that he was accused by the Magistrate of the Heduans he thought it cause sufficient for him to punish him or to command the State to do justice upon him One thing there was which might seem too oppugne all this the singular affection of Divitiacus his brother to the people of Rome the great love he bare particularly to Caesar his loyaltie justice and temperance and therefore he feared least his punishment might any way alienate or offend Divitiacus sincere affection And therefore before he did any thing he called Divitiacus and putting aside â—he ordinarie Interpreters he spake to him by M. Valerius Procillus one of the principall men of the Province of Gallia his familiar friend whom he specially trusted in matters of importance and took notice what Dumnorix had uttered in his presence at a Councell of the Galles shewing also what informations he had privately received concerning him and therefore by way of advice desired that without any offence to him either he himself might call him in question or the State take some course in the same Divitiacus imbracing Caesar with many tears besought him not to take any severe course with his brother he knew well that all those things were true neither was there any man more grieved thereat then himself For whereas he had credit and reputation both at home and amongst other States of Gallia and his brother being of small power by reason of his youth was by his aide and assistance grown into favour and authoritie he used those meanes as an advantage not onely to weaken his authoritie but to bring him to ruine And yet neverthelesse he found himself overruled through brotherly affection and the opinion of the common people And if Caesar should take any strict account of these offences there was no man but would think it was done with his privitie considering the place he held in his favour whereupon would consequently follow on his behalf a generall alienation and distaste of all Gallia As he uttered these things with many other words accompanied with tears Caesar taking his right hand comforted him and desired him to intreat no further for such was the respect he had unto him that for his sake and at his request he forgave both the injurie done to the Commonwealth and the displeasure which he had justly conceived for the same And thereupon called Dumnorix before him and in the presence of his brother shewed him wherein he had deserved much blame and reproof told him what he had understood and what the State complained on advised him to avoid all occasions of mislike for the future that which was past he had forgiven him at Divitiacus his brothers intreaty Howbeit he set espials upon him to observe his courses that he might be informed what he did and with whom he conversed The same day understanding by the Discoverers that the Enemy was lodged under a Hill about eight miles from his Camp he sent some to take a view of the Hill and of the ascent from about the same Which was found accordingly reported unto him to be very easie In the third watch of the night he sent away T. Labienus the Legat with two legions and those Guides that knew the way commanding him to possesse himself of the top of that Hill Himself about the fourth watch marched on after the Enemy the same way they had gone sending all his horsemen before P. Causidius that was held for a great souldier first in the Army of L. Sylla and afterwards with M. Crassus was sent before with the Discoverers At the breaking of the day when Labienus had got the top of the Hill and himself was come within a mile and a half of the Helvetian Camp without any notice to the Enemy either of his or Labienus approach as was afterwards found by the Captives Causidius came running as fast as his horse could drive and told him that the Hill which Labienus should have taken was held by the Galles which he perceived plainly by the Armes and Ensignes of the Helvetians Whereupon Caesar drew his forces to the next Hill and imbattelled the Army Labienus according to the directions he had from Caesar not to fight unlesse he saw his forces near the Enemies Camp that they might both at the same time assault them from divers parts at once when he had took the Hill kept his men from battel expecting our Army At length when it was farre in the day Caesar understood by the Discoverers that the Hill was possessed by his Party as also that the enemy was dislodged and that Causidius was so astonished with fear that he reported to have seen that which he saw not The same day he followed the Enemy at the distance he had formerly used and incamped himself three miles from them The day following forasmuch as the Army was to be paid in Corn within two days next after and that he was but eighteen miles distant from Bibract a great and opulent City of the Heduans he turned aside from the Helvetians and made towards Bibract THE FIRST OBSERVATION THe getting of this hill as a place of advantage was marvellous important to the happy successe of the battel for the advantage of the place is not only noted as an especiall cause of easy victory throughout this history but in all their wars from the very cradle of their Empire it cleared their Armies from all difficulties to what extremities soever they were put The first reason may be in regard of their Darts and Slings and especially their Piles which being a heavy deadly weapon could not any way be so availeable being cast countermont or in a plain levell as when the deâ—livity and downfall of a swelling
Princes and Senate would swear faith and safe continuance unto their people neither would they require more then three dayes to negotiate this businesse Caesar conceived this intreaty to import nothing else then the return of their horsemen that were absent in pillage whom they expected within three dayes notwithstanding he promised them to march but four miles further that day to a convenient watring-place and bade that a considerable number of them should come thither to him next day that he might know what they desired in the mean time he sent to the Commanders of the horse that were before not to provoke the Enemy to fight and if they were set upon to sustain the charge untill he came nearer with the Army THE FIRST OBSERVATION FIrst we may observe his dissembling of the practice of the Galles with the Germans and the incouragement which he gave them in a faithfull and loyall affection to the people of Rome when he himself knew they had started from that duty which both their honour and a good respect of their friends required for he well understood that his presence did take away all scruple of any further motion in that kind and therefore to have objected unto them their errours had not been to heal but to discover their wound Only he took the way to cut off their hopes of any practices which they might attempt against the Roman people and held them in the mean time in the apparance of faithfull friends that they might not be discouraged by the detection of their revolt THE SECOND OBSERVATION SEcondly upon this resolution that there was no league to be made with the Germans if they continued on this side the Rhene we may observe how he entertained a treaty of peace with such consents and denials as might manifest his readinesse to further what he made shew of and not weaken the means of his best advantage For as he was content they should take a quiet farewell of Gallia and plant themselves in the possessions of the Ubii so was he loath to yield to any condition which might disadvantage his forcible constraint or weaken his command if perswasion failed for he well knew that powerfull means to effect that which he required would further the course of a peaceable conclusion and carry more authority in a parlee then any other motive how reasonable soever Moreover we may observe how carefull he was not to impose upon the Germans a necessity of fighting but opened a passage by propounding unto them the association of the Ubii by which they might avoyd the hazard of battel Which thing was alwayes observed by Commanders of ancient times who diligently searching into the nature of things found that neither of those noble instruments whereby man worketh such wonders I mean the hand and the tongue had ever brought so many excellent works to that type of perfection unlesse they had been forced thereunto by necessity and therefore we are wisely to handle the course of our actions least while we stand too strict upon a violent guard we give occasion to the Enemy by the way of Antiperistasis to redouble his strength and so furnish him with that powerfull engine which Vetius Mescius calleth ultimum and maximum telum the last and greatest weapon the force whereof shall better appear by these examples Some few of the Samnites contrary to the articles of peace between them and the Romans having made incursions into the territories of the Roman confederats the Senate of that State sent to Rome to excuse the fact and to make offer of satisfaction But being rejected Claudius Pontius Generall of their forces in an excellent Oration which he made shewed how the Romans would not hearken to peace but chose rather to be revenged by war and therefore necessity constrained them to put on Arms Justum est bellum saith he quibus necessarium pia arma quibus nulla nisi in Armis spes est That war is just which is necessary and it is piety in those men to take up arms who have no hope but in taking up arms The issue thereof was that the Samnites intrapped the Romans in a place of advantage so that they were forced upon dishonourable terms to save their lives as it is at large in the ninth book of Livie Caius Manlius conducting the Roman legions against the Veii part of the Veian Army had entred the Roman Camp which Manlius perceiving he hasted with a band of men to keep the breach and to shut in the Veii which they no sooner perceived but they fought with that rage and fury that they slew Manlius and had overthrown the whole Camp had not a Tribune opened them a passage by which they fled away In like manner Camillus the wisest of the Roman Captains being entered into the City of the Veii that he might take it with greater facility and disarme the Enemy of that terrible weapon of necessity he caused it to be proclaimed that no Veian should be hurt that was found unarmed Whereupon every man cast away his weapon and so the town was taken without bloudshed Let a souldier therefore take such hold of occasions and opportunities as are offered unto him that in time of battel he may seem to cast necessity upon his own cause and retain it in his pay considering how the power thereof altereth the works of Nature and changeth their effects into contrary operations being never subject to any ordinance or law and yet making that lawfull which procedeth from it CHAP. IIII. The Germans contrary to their own request made to Caesar set upon the Roman horsemen and overthrow them NOtwithstanding the Germans request concerning the truce assoon as they saw the Roman horsemen which were in number five thousand whereas the Germans had not above eight hundred horse those that went over the Mosa to forrage not being yet returned they charged upon the Romans not expecting any hostile incounter inasmuch as their Embassadours were newly departed from Caesar and had obtained that day of truce but being set upon they made what resistance they could The Germans according to their usuall custom for sook their horse and fighting on foot ran our horses into the bellies and overthrew many of our men so that they easily put the Romans to flight who never looked back untill they came into the sight of the legions In that battel were slain 74 Roman horsemen amongst the rest Piso an Aquitane a valiant man and born of noble parentage whose grandfather was the chief ruler in his city and called friend by the Roman Senate This Piso seeing his brother compassed about by the enemy brake in upon them and rescued him but having his horse wounded under him in the action and being dismounted he fought stoutly on foot till such time as the enemy hemm'd him in and gave him in and gave him severall wounds then he fell down Which his brother seeing afarre off for he had
They having consulted of the matter made an answer in writing and returned it by them to Caesar whereof this was the effect That he should return into Gallia quit Ariminum and dismisse his Army which if he did Pompey would then go into Spain In the mean time untill assurance were given that Caesar would perform as much as he promised the Consuls and Pompey would not forbear to levy souldiers The condition was too unequall to require Caesar to leave Ariminum and to return into his Province and Pompey to hold Provinces and legions belonging to other men to have Caesar dismisse his Army and he to raise new troups to promise simply to go to his government but to assigne no day for his departure insomuch that if he had not gone untill Caesar's time of government had expired he could not have been blamed for falsifying his promise But forasmuch as they appointed no time for a conference nor made any shew of coming nearer there could no hope be conceived of peace THE FIRST OBSERVATION CAesar lying at Ravenna within his government of Gallia and understanding how matters past at Rome according as Plutarch reporteth commanded divers of his Centurions to go before to Ariminum without any other armour then their swords and to possesse themselves thereof with as little tumult as they could And then leaving the troups about him to be commanded by Hortensius he continued a whole day together in publick sight of all men to behold the fencing of the Sword-players At night he bathed his body and then kept company with such as he had bidden to supper and after a while rose from the table wishing every man to keep his place for he would instantly come again Howbeit having secretly commanded some of his followers to attend him in such manner as might give least suspicion he himself took a Coach which he had hired and making shew of going a contrary way turned suddenly towards Ariminum When he came to the little river Rubicon which divided his government from the rest of Italy he stood confounded through remose of his desperate design and wist not whether it were better to return or go on but in the end laying aside all doubtfull cogitations he resolved upon a desperate Adage importing as much as Fall back fall edge and passing over the River never stayed running with his Coach untill he came within the City of Ariminum where he met Curio and Antonius Tribunes of the people and shewed them to the souldiers as they were driven to fly out of Rome disguised like slaves in a Carriers cart It is said that the night before he passed over this River he dreamed that he lay with his Mother in an unnaturall sense but of that he himself maketh no mention This City of Ariminum is now called Râ—mini and standeth in Romania upon the Adriatâ—ck sea in the Popes dominion The River Rubâ—con was anciently the bounds of Gallia over which Augustus caused a fair bridge to be built with this inscription JUSSU MANDATU-VE P. R. COS. IMP. MILI TIRO COMMILITO MANIPULARIS-VE CENT TURMAE-VE LEGIONARI-VE ARMAT QUISQUIS ES. HIC SISTITO VEXILLUM SINITO NEC CITRA HUNC AMNEM RUBICONEM DUCTUM COMMEATUM EXERCITUM-VE TRADUCITO SI QUIS HUJUSCE JUSSIONIS ERGO ADVERSUS FECIT FECERIT-VE ADJUDICATUS ESTO HOSTIS P. R. AC SI CONTRA PATRIAM ARMA TULERIT SACROSQUE PENATES E. PENETRALIBUS ASPORTAVERIT SANCIO PLEBISCI SENATUS-VE CONSULT ULTRA HOS FINES ARMA PROFERRE LICEAT NEMINI S. P. Q. R. The substance whereof is That it should be unlawfull for any man to come over the said River armed under penalty of being adjudged an enemy to the Commonwealth and an invader of his own Countrey THE SECOND OBSERVATION IF this manner of proceeding be brought into dispute and the reason required why Caesar kept not himself in the province of Gallia where he might have held his government according to his own desire or otherwise have drawn his adversaries to buckle with the strength of those conquering Legions and so brought the businesse to a short end with as great probability of good successe as by any hazard of undertaking It is to be understood that in cases of this nature which seldome admit any treaty of accord he that striketh first and hath the advantage of the forehand is well entred into the way of victory For the rule is of old That if an enemy hath a design in hand it is farre more safe to begin first and by way of prevention to give the onset on him rather then to shew a readinesse of resisting his assaults For if blows of necessity must be way-makers to peace it were a mistaking to be either wanting or behind-hand therein besides the gain which attendeth this advantage For he that stands affected to deny what is just and of right due doth neverthelesse grant all things which the sword requireth and will not stick to supply all unjust refusals with as great an over-plus of what may be demanded For which cause Caesar staid not the coming of his whole Army but began with those forces which were ready at hand and so preventing all intendments he put his adversaries to such a streight that they quitted Italy for fear and left Rome with whatsoever was sacred or precious therein to the mercy of them whom they had adjudged enemies to their Countrey CHAP. VI. Caesar taketh divers Municipall Towns FOr which regard he sent M. Antonius with five cohorts to Aretium but he himself stayed at Ariminum with two legions and there intended to inroll new troups and with severall cohorts took Pisaurum Fanum and Ancona In the mean while being advertised that Thermus the Praetor did hold Tignium with five cohorts and fortified the place and that all the inhabitants were well inclined towards him he sent Curio thither with three cohorts which he had at Pisaurum and Ariminum Upon notice of whose coming Thermus doubting of the affection of the town drew his cohorts forth of the City and fled The souldiers by the way went from him and repaired homeward Curio was there received with the great contentment and satisfaction of all men Upon notice whereof Caesar conceiving hope of the favourable affections of the Municipall towns brought the cohorts of the thirteenth legion out of their garrisons and marched towards Auximum a town held by Actius with certain cohorts which he had brought thither with him who having sent out divers Senatours made a levie of men throughout all the Countrey of Picenum Caesar's coming being known the Decuriones of Auximum repaired to Actius Varus accompanied with great troups of people and told him that the matter concerned not him at all for neither themselves nor the rest of the Municipall towns would shut their gates against such a Commander as Caesar was that by great and worthy service had so well deserved of the Commonwealth and therefore advised him
their ancient liberty but sought rather pretexts of good meaning to colour his designe of making Rome his servant Howsoever we may not omit what is reported to have happened between him and Metellus more then he himself speaketh of For going about to take Money out of the Treasurie he was there stoutly resisted by this Metellus of whom he complaineth alleadging the Lawes and Acts of the State forbidding any man to touch that Money but in such times of extremitie as were therein expressed To which Caesar answered That those Lawes were onely made for time of peace but now Armes and warre required another course of proceeding Neverthelesse Metellus would not suffer him to break open the doors untill Caesar advised him to be gone if he loved his life for it was easier for him to dispatch him then to speak it and so entered and carried away the Treasure Whereupon groweth that of Florus Censum patrimonium populi Romani ante rapuit quam Imperium He carried away the treasure and patrimony of the people of Rome before he got the Empire And Appian deriding the scrupulositie of the ancient Romans that would not touch that Treasure but in extremitie of warre against the Celiae or Galles saith that Caesar might lawfully take it for that he had vanquished and subdued the Galles whereby the Romans had no further cause to fear them CHAP. XIII Caesar leaveth the Citie goeth into Gallia and treateth with the Marseillians CAesar perceiving their resolution after he had spent there in vain some few daies that he might not lose any more time and leave those things undone which he purposely intended he left the Citie and went into the further Gallia Upon his arrivall there he understood that Pompey had sent into Spain Vibullius Rufus whom Caesar had a little before taken at Corfinium and dâ—smissed him and that Domitius likewise was gone to take Marseilles with eight Gallies which he set out from Sicilia and Sardinia and manned them with slaves men infranchised and his own husbandmen sending as messengers before certain young noble-men of Marseilles with whom Pompey upon his departure from the City had earnestly dealt that Caesar's new favours might not put out of their remembrance the old benefits which he had done unto them Those of Marseilles having received this message shut their gates against Caesar called into the Citie the Albicans barbarous and mountainous people who of ancient time had held amitie with them and dwelt upon the hills above Marseilles brought Corn from all the adjacent Regions and castles into the town set up offices and forges to make Armes repaired both their walls their navie and their gates Caesar called out unto him some fifteen of the chiefest men of Marseilles treated with them that the beginning of the warre might not grow from that town who should rather follow the example of all Italie then apply themselves to the will of any one man not omitting such other perswasions as he thought pertinent to a sound resolution These men reported at Marseilles what Caesar had delivered and by the common consent of the town returned this answer That they understood that the people of Rome was divided into two parts neither was it in them to judge or could they discern which of the two was in the right The Leaders of these two factions were Pompey and Caesar both speciall Patrons and Benefactours to their Citie of whom one had augmented the publick revenues of the State and endowed it with the lands and territories of the Volcae Arecâ—mici and the Helvij the other having conquered and subdued Gallias gave it unto them whereby their tributarie In-comes were much augmented and therefore as they were equally bound to both for their favours so would they carrie to both an equall respect not ayding either of them against the other or receiving them within their gates Whilest these things were in handling Domitius arrived at Marseilles with his shipping and being received in was made Governour of the City and had the whole direction of the warre committed unto him By his appointment the â—leet was sent out into all Coasts and such ships of burthen as they found they brought in the nails timber and tackling whereof they took to mend and rigge out other ships What Corn soever was found in the City was brought in publick keeping reserving the surplus of victuall and provision for a siege as occasion should require Caâ—sar provoked with these injuries brought three legions to Marseilles determined to make towers and mantelets ready for an assault and to build twelve new Gallies at Arles which were armed rigged finished and brought to Marseilles within thirty dayes after the timber was cut down Of these he made D. Brutus Admirall and left C. Trebonius to follow the siege OBSERVATIONS FRom the Marseillians we may learn that it is farre easier to say well then to do well for howsoever they were able to discern the truth and to give an answer to Caesar well-beseeming the fame and opinion of their literature and knowledge being an Academie little inferiour to the best and in later times more frequented by the Romans for the studie of Oratorie and Philosophy then Athens or any other such chief seat of the Muses yet in their actions they disavowed all taking upon them most unseasonably to arbitrate those differences and to shew their opinion of the quarrell by taking part with one faction Wherein their errour the more appeared in that the party grieved was not liable to their award but rather had occasion to gain thereby a double honour to himself first by forcing them and then by pardoning their rashness And yet some Writers do think they did no more then they were tied unto by former treaties and leagues with the Empire which they took to consist in Pompey's partie whereof they were loyall and zealous confederates as appeareth by their love when Rome was taken by the Galles for having news thereof and understanding of the composition which was to be made to raise the siege from the Capitoll they provided all the gold and silver they could get and sent it to Rome for that service In regard whereof they were endowed with many Priviledges and Immunities both in the City and elsewhere in the Empire Howsoever their hap being to respect more an exact observance of what had passed then the fatall succeeding course of things drew upon them a sharp and bitter warre whereof they could not be freed but by submitting themselves to his mercy whom they had rejected And thus we see verified that of the Poet Quicquid delirant Reges plectuntur Achivi Kings play the fools and the poor people suffer Which implieth also how dangerous it is for men of authority and imployment to be subject to wilfull ambition For as their service is of great importance to government when it is attended with well qualified affections so are their motions as fearfull which
other at Rhodes For as many as fled thither after Pompey and came unto the Iland were neither received into the Town nor into the Haven but were commanded by Messengers sent unto them to depart from thence and forced to weigh anchour against their will And now the fame of Caesar's coming was spred abroad throughout all the Cities Whereupon Pompey leaving off his purpose of going into Syria having taken what money he found in Bank besides what he could borrow of his private friends and putting abroad great store of Brasse for the use of war with two thousand Armed men which he had raised partly out of the towns and partly had forced up amongst the Merchants and such others of his followers whom he thought fit for this business he came to Pelusium There by chance was king Ptolemy a child within years with great forces making war against his sister Cleopatra whom a few Months before by means of his Allies and Friends he had thrust out of his kingdome And Cleopatra's Camp was not far distant from his Pompey sent unto him that in regard of ancient hospitality and the amity he had with his Father he might be received into Alexandria and that he would aid and support him with his wealth and means being now fallen into misery and calamity But they that were sent having done their message began to speak liberally to the Kings souldâ—ers and to exhort them that they would stand to Pompey not despising the low ebbe of fortune he was brought to Amongst them were many that had been Pompey's souldiers which Gabinius had received out of his army in Syria and had brought them to Alexandria and upon the ending of the war had left them with Ptolemy the father of this child These things being known such as had the procuration of the kingdome in the minority of the Boy whether they were induced through fear of gaining the Army as afterwards they confessed whereby Pompey might easily seize upon Alexandria and Egypt or whether despising his fortune as for the most part in time of misery a mans friends do become his enemies did give a good answer publickly to such as were sent and willed him to come unto the King but secretly plotting amongst themselves sent Achillas a chief Commander and a man of singular audacity together with L. Septimius Tribune of the souldiers to kill Pompey They giving him good words and he himself also knowing Septimius to have led a Company under him in the war against the Pâ—rats went aboard a little Bark with a few of his souldiers and there was slain by Achillas and Septimius In like manner L. Lentulus was apprehended by commandment from the King and killed in prison THE FIRST OBSERVATION IF it be now demanded Where was Caesar's desire of Peace and Why pursued he not a treaty of Composition at this time when as his tale would have been heard with gladnesse and any conditions of atonement very acceptable to the vanquished the answer is already made in the beginning of this Commentary That there was but one time of making peace that was when both Parties were equall which was now past and Caesar too far gone to look back upon any thing that might work a reconcilement The one was crept so high and the other cast down so low that they seemed not compatible in any Medium although it were to the saving of the Empire Howbeit it is not denied but that Pompey gave great occasion of these wars For Seneca saith He had brought the Commonwealth to that passe that it could not longer stand but by the benefit of servitude And he that will look into the reasons of this confusion shall find all those Causae corrumpentes or ruining causes which are noted by Aristotle to threaten the wellfare of a State in the excesse of Pompey's exorbitancy For having nothing in a Mean he held all his fortunes by the tenure of Nimium and was overgrown first with too much honour secondly with too much wealth thirdly with too much power whereby he exceeded the proportion of his fellow-Citizens and soblemished the beauty of that State whose chiefest graces were in a suting equality And adding to these the convulsions of fear he made no difficulty to ingage Rome in a bloudy war as having no other hope but in the confusion of Arms. It is said that at his arrivall at Mitylene he had much conference with Cratippus whom Tully mentioneth in his Offices wherein amongst other remonstrances the Philosopher made it plain that his course of government had brought a necessity of changing that State from the liberty of a Commonwealth to the condition of a just Monarchy And such it sell to Caesars fortune if there were any errous committed in the seizure he may take the benefit of the generall pardon exemplified by Trebellius Pollio That no Nation can shew a Man that is altogether blamelesse THE SECOND OBSERVATION COncerning the State of Aegypt we are to note that Alexander the Great being cut off by death his Captains laid hold upon such Provinces and kingdomes as were under their commands amongst whom one Ptolemeus the son of Lagus a Macedonian seized upon Aegypt where he reigned 40 years and of him were all his successours called by the name of Ptolemy This first Ptolemy possest himself of Egypt about the year of the world 3640 which was 275 years before Pompey's overthrow His son that succeeded by the name of Ptolemy Philadelphus caused the Bible to be translated out of Hebrew into Greek by 70 Interpreters which are called the Septuagint and made the famous Library which was burned in these wars The Father of this young Ptolemy was the ninth in succession from the first and at his death made the people of Rome Tutors to his children His eldest son and Cleopatra his daughter reigned together six years but in the end fell to strife and wars and were deeply ingaged therein when Pompey arrived But shortly after Caesar so ordered the differences that he set the Crown upon Cleopatra's head who held it peaceably untill she came to play that tragicall part with Antony which being ended the kingdome was then reduced to a Province under the obedience of the Roman Empire Concerning this miserable end of Pompey it is truly said of Seneca that Death is alike to all for although the waies are divers by which it happeneth yet they all meet in the same end And forasmuch as Plutarch hath described particularly the manner of this Catastrophe it shall not be impertinent to insert his relation thereof When Pompey heard news that king Ptolemy was in the City of Pelusium with his Army making war against his sister he went thither and sent a Messenger before unto the king to advertise him of his arrivall and to intreat him to receive him King Ptolemy was then but a young man insomuch that one Photinus governed all the whole Realm under him He assembled a
to compell them CHAP. VII A new waâ— raised in the territories of the Pictones C. Fabius putteth to flight the forces of Dumnacus subdueth the Carnutes and Areâ—orici IN the mean season C. Caninius the Legate understanding by the messengers and letters of Duracius who had continued alwayes firm to the friendship of the people of Rome that a great number of enemies were assembled in the borders of the Pictones forasmuch as a part of that City had renounced their obedience went to the town of Lemovicum When he came near the town and understood by his prisoners â—ow that Dumnacus Captain of the Andes with many thousands of men had enclosed Duracius and that Lemovicum was besieged he durst not with his weak legions adventure upon his enemies but pitched his Camp in an advantageous ground Dumnacus hearing of the approach of Caninius turned all his power against the Roman legions determining to set upon them in their Camp After he had spent many dayes in the assault and had lost many of his men and yet could not break down any part of their fortifications he returned again to besiege Leâ—ovicum At the same time C. Fabius receiveth many Cities by composition and assureth them with hostages and is advertised by Caninius letters of those things that were done among the Pictones Upon the knowledge whereof he setteth forth to rescue Duracius But Dumnacus understanding of Fabius coming forasmuch as he thought he should hazard the losing all if at once he should be compelled both to abide the Romans his enemies without and also to have an eye to and stand in fear of the town retired suddenly with all his forces from the place and could not think himself to be sufficiently in safety before he had passed his army over the river Loire which by reason of the greatnesse thereof was to be passed by a bridge and not otherwise Although Fabius was not yet come within fight of his enemies not had joyned with Caninius yet forasmuch as he was throughly informed by such as knew the coast of the countrey he suspected that his enemies would take that way which they did Therefore he marcheth with his army to the said bridge where his enemies had passed and commanded his horsemen to go no farther before the footmen then that they might upon occasion reâ—iâ—e into the same Camp without tiring their horses Our horse aâ— was commanded them overtook the host of Dumnacus and set upon them and assaulting them flying and amazed as they marched with their luggage at their backs slew a great number and took a great prey and so with good successe retired into their camp The night following Fabius sent his horsemen before so provided that they might encounter the enemy and stay all the whole army untill he should overtake them Q. Atius Varus the commander of the horse a man of sinlar courage and wisdome having encouraged his men and overtaken the body of his enemies disposed certain of his troups in places convenient and with the rest of his horsemen gave charge upon his enemies The cavalry of the enemy fought so much the more boldly because their foot were ready to assist them who being mingled through the whole army as often as occasion was did succour them against our men The encounter was very sharp For our men despising them whom they had vanquished the day before and remembring that the legions followed at their heels ashamed to give ground and desirous to get the day before their coming fought very valiantly against the footmen On the other side our enemies believing that no greater forces of ours were behind according as they had seen the day before thought a fair opportunity offered them to destroy our cavalry utterly When they had fought a good while very eagerly Dumnacus made a battel to relieve his Cavalry when occasion should be But on the suddain our enemies espied our legions coming up close together at the sight of whom their horse were stricken into such a fear and the foot so amazed that breaking through their carriages with great clamour and confusion they betook themselves every where to flight Then our Cavalry who a little before had their hands full being heartened with joy of the victory raised a great shout on all sides and casting themselves amongst them as they fled made slaughter of them as farre as their horses breaths would serve to pursue them and their arms were able to strike them Insomuch that having slain above twelve thousand men armed and such as for fear had cast away their arms they took all their carriages none escaping Out of the which chase forasmuch as it was certainly known that Drapes the Senon was escaped who when Gallia first began to rebel gathering to him men of desperate fortunes out of all places setting bondmen at liberty entertaining outlawes of all countries and receiving high-way thieves had cut off the carriages and victuals of the Romans was going toward the Province with five thousand men at the most which he had rallied after the chase and that Luterius of Cahors joyned himself with him who in the former Commentary is said to have attempted an invasion of the Province at the first insurrection of Gallia Caninius the Legate with two legions pursued after them lest some great dishonour might be received by those loose fellows terrifying and harrasing the Province C. Fabius with the rest of the army went against the Carnutes and the other States whose power he knew to be crushed in the battel that was fought against Dumnacus For he doubted not but he should find them more tractable to deal with by reason of the late overthrow whereas if he should give them time of respite by the instigation of the said Dumnacus they might be raised again Fabius with marvellous good luck and speed brought those States to submission For the Carnutes who had been oftentimes before ill-handled by us yet would never listen to peace now gave hostages and came into subjection And the rest of the States situate in the farthest parts of Gallia bordering upon the sea which are called Armoricae following the example of the Carnutes at the coming of Fabius with his legions amongst them performed his commandments without delay Dumnacus thus driven out of his own countrey wandring and lurking in corners alone was compelled to betake himself to the uttermost countreys of all Gallia CHAP. VIII Drapes and Luterius seize upon Vxellodunum Caninius pursueth them overthroweth their forces taketh Drapes prisoner and with Fabius besiegeth Vxellodunum BUt Drapes and Luterius when they understood that Caninius approached with his army perceiving they could not without manifest perill enter the bounds of the Province considering how the army pursued them nor yet range abroad on thieving at their pleasure stayed together in the countrey of the Cadurci There Luterius who in times past while he was in prosperity was able to sway greatly with his countreymen and had gotten great estimation
least of his vertues yet argu'd some conscience of his own weaknesse at this time For he was extreamly perplex'd that the other part of his Army was not come in so much that he embarqued in a Brigandine disguized to fetch them Having pass'd down the River the sea was so tempestuous that the master of the vessell would not adventure out whereupon as it is said Caesar discovered himself and said to him Friend thou carriest Caesar and his fortune Whereat the master being encourag'd ventur'd out into the sea but the Tempest was so violent that it brought Caesar back again This action of his was like to have rais'd a mutiny in his Army as a thing which though it spoke courage yet was a stranger to discretion which it may be is the reason that Caesar hath made no mention of it in his Commentaries But some few dayes after Antonius arrives with four Legions of the remaining part of the Army and sends back the ships for the rest These joyning with Caesar there past divers skirmishes and pickeerings being so nearly lodg'd between both Armies but that which was most remarkable was near the City of Dyrrachium wherein Caesar's Troups were so routed that no threats or entreaties could stay them from running to their Camp which though fortifi'd yet was abandon'd by some Pompey in the mean time either out of fear that the slight might be feigned and in order to some ambush or that he thought Caesar sufficiently conquer'd doth not prosecute the victory Which weaknesse in him Caesar dissembled not when afterwards he said to his men that that day had ended the war if the enemy had had a Captain that knew how to overcome But Caesar as no Prosperity disorder'd him so in Adversity he had a courage and such a confidence of Fortune that he was nothing cast down He lost in that engagement besides the Common-Souldiery 400 Roman Knights 10 Tribunes and 32 Centurions with as many Colours This successe obtained Pompey sends the news of it into all parts of the world so advantageously to himself as if Caesar were utterly routed who though he did not decline fighting yet thought it not policy to engage his men lately worsted though indeed exasperated with shame and indignation at their losse with those that were animated and flesh'd with a victory He therefore disposes his maimed men into Apollonia and in the night takes his way towards Thessaly both to hearten and refresh his Army as also to draw the enemy further from the Sea-coast where his main force and all his provisions lay or at least to meet with Scipio who he had intelligence was to join with Pompey This unexpected departure of Caesar's brought Pompey almost to a Resolution to return into Italy to recover that with France and Spain and afterwards to meet with Caesar But the Roman Lords that were about him a sort of proud insolent indisciplinable people who indeed prov'd his ruine disswaded him and caused him to alter his design and so he fell upon the hot pursuit of Caesar who making a stay in the fields of Pharsalia till that his men had reassumed their courage and resolution was now willing and eager to fight But Pompey perceiving this readiness of Caesar to proceed from want of Provision and a fear his Army should diminish purposely avoided fighting and would have prolong'd the warre and so have defeated his enemy without hazzarding his own Army But the murmurings mutinyes and importunity of those that were about him had such a prevailing influence over him as Plutarch Lucan and Caesar himself acknowledgeth that they forced him contrary to his intentions and policy to give Battell which was such that all the flower and force of Rome was engaged in it Caesar's Army according to the computation of most writers amounted to half Pompey's but in compensation his men were more active and versed in warre and knew their advantages whereas the other 's was a tumultuary sort of people raked together besides what Romans he had The exact number of both these Armies is not agreed on by Authors some raise them to 300000. of which opinion was Florus others bring them down to 70000. But if we agree with Appianus we must conceive that so many countries and nations having sent in their assistances on either side there must needs be vast Armies on both sides and therefore those who pitched upon the lesser number meant onely the number of Romans who were the maine force and hope of both Generalls But here we may make a strange remark upon the uncertain events of warre We have two of the greatest Captains that ever were the stoutest Armies that ever met such as experience force and valour was equally divided between and to be short the most exasperated parties that could be and yet it proved but a very short sight so weak is the confidence and assurance that is onely placed in number We may further note the strange influence of Religion upon Mankind in general in that it enforces man in the greatest exigencies to consultation for Pompey met with divers things that might somewhat have informed him of the successe of that famous Battel The running away of the beasts destined for Sacrifice the swarming of bees the sky darkned and his own fatall dream of being in mourning in the Theatre seconded by his appearance in the head of his main Battel the next day in a black robe which might signifie he mourned for the liberty of Rome beforehand Being both resolved to give Battel they put their Armies in such order as they thought fit and harangued their Souldiers according to their severall pretences In the beginning Pompey's horse consisting most of the Roman Gentry and Nobility prevailed over Caesar's and made them give ground which he perceiving causes a Battalion set apart for that purpose to charge them with order to aime altogether at the face which Pompey's horse not able or not willing to endure began to retreat and so made way for the totall overthrow by which means the foot being discourag'd and seeing Caesar's horse falling on the Victory was soon decided on Caesar's side Pompey flying to his camp and leaving the field to his adversary Here was the greatest misfortune of Pompey to out-live the Liberty of his Country which he pretended so much to fight for and his own glory in this Battell being forc'd to a dishonourable flight and to deliberate whither he should retire whether into Parthia Africk or Aegypt Caesar being thus Master of the field and meeting with no opposition falls upon Pompey's camp which without any great difficulty he entered Whereupon Pompey disguizing himself takes up the first horse he met and with four more his own Son Sextus Pompeius the two Lentuli and Favonius makes his escape and stayes not till he came to Larissa where meeting with some of his own horse who were in the same condition of running away he continued his flight till he came to the
little battalions considering them as they stood in battell ray made as great a front or greater then that of the Phalanx keeping a depth answerable to the same besides the second and third battell which alwayes were to succour them which the Phalanx wanted neither would their thick and close imbattelling admit any such succour behind them Now if we compare the advantages and discommodities which by place and accident were incident to either of these we shall find great odds between them These great squadrons are not feasible but in plain and open places where they may either stand immoveable or make easy and slow motions without shaking or disordering their body but the lesser are a scantling for all places champain or wooddy levell or uneven or of what site or quality soever And to conclude if two or three ranks of these great battalions chance to be broken and disordered the whole body is as much interessed in the disorder as the said ranks are and hath lesse means to rally it self then any other lesser company but if any violence chance to rout a Maniple it proceedeth no further in the Army then that part which it taketh Neithe can the disranking of any one part betray the safety of the Army to disorder and confusion forasmuch as their distinction served to cut off such inconveniences and yet no way hindered the generall uniting of their strength into one body More may be said concerning this matter but I only point at it and leave the due consideration thereof to the judgement of our Commanders and return to our history CHAP. IV. The Belgae attempt the surprize of Bibrax Caesar sendeth succour unto it THere was a town called Bibrax belonging to the state of Rhemes about eight miles from Caesars camp which the Belgae thought to have surprised as they came along to meet with Caesar and suddenly assaulted it with such fury that the townsmen could hardly hold out the first day The Celtae and Belgae use one and the same manner in assaulting a town For having beset the whole compasse of the wall with rankes of souldiers they never cease flinging of stones untill they find the wall naked of defendants and then casting themselves into a Testudo they approach to the gate and undermine the walls Which thing was easily effected here for so great was the number of them that threw stones and darts that it was impossible for the defendants to abide upon the walls Assoone as the night had made an end of the assault Iccius of Rhemes a man of great birth and authority in his countrey who at that time was governour of the town and had been before with Caesar to treat and conclude a Peace sent him word by messengers that if there came not present succour he was not able to hold out any longer The same night about midnight using the same messengers for guides he sent both Numidian and Cretian Archers Slingers of the Iles of Baleares to relieve the town by meanes whereof the townsmen were put in good hope to make their party strong and the enemy made hopelesse of winning the town and therefore after a small stay having depopulated their fields and burned their villages and out-buildings they marched with all their power towards Caesars Camp and within lesse then two miles of the Army they incamped their whole host which as was gathered by the smoke and fire took up more ground then eight miles in breadth THE FIRST OBSERVATION IN the description of their assault we are to observe two circumstances The first is the manner they used in a sudden surprise The second is the form and quality of a Testudo Although Caesar seemeth to attribute this manner of assaulting a town as peculiar to the Galles yet we may not think but that the Romans used it as often as they had occasion to surprise any city but because the Galles knew no other means to take a town but this therefore he setteth it down as peculiar unto them The Romans called this manner of assault Corona and so we read oftentimes this phrase Cingere urbem corona forasmuch as the souldiers inclosed the town with a circle and so resembled a crown or garland Ammianus speaketh of a triple crown of souldiers which encompassed a town And Josephus telleth of Jotapata which the Romans besieged duplici peditum corona with a double circle of footmen and besides these there was a third circle of horsemen outmost of all There is no further matter to be observed but this that in surprising a town they incircled it round about with thick continued ranks of men and where they found the wall weakest there they entred as they could THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe Testudo requireth a larger discourse and is lively described in Livie after this manner In the Amphitheatre where the people did often assemble to see strange sights and publick shews were brought in saith he sixty lusty young men who after some motion and seemly march cast themselves into a square troup and roofing their heads close with their targets the first rank which made the front of the Testudo stood up right on their feet the second rank bowed it self somewhat lower the third and fourth ranks did more incline themselves and so consequently unto the last rank which kneeled on the ground and so they made a body resembling halfe the side of an house which they called Testudo Unto this squadron so strongly combined together came two souldiers running some an hundred and fifty foot off and threatning each other with their weapons ran nimbly up the side of the roof and sometimes making as though they would defend it against an enemy that would have entred upon it sometimes again encountering each other in the midst of it leaped up and down as steadily as if they had been upon firm ground And which is more strange the front of a Testudo being applyed to the side of a wall there ascended many armed men upon the said Testudo and fought in an equall height with other souldiers that stood upon the said wall to defend it The dissimilitude in the composition was this that the souldiers that were in front and in the sides of the square carried not their Targets over their heads as the other did but covered their bodies with them and so no weapons either cast from the wall or otherwise thrown against it could any way hurt them and whatsoever weight fell upon the Testudo it quickly glyded down by the declivity of the roof without any hurt or annoiance at all Thus far Livie goeth neither do I know what to say further of it the chiefest use thereof was in a surprise or sudden attempt against a town before the townsmen were throughly prepared to defend the same This invention served them to approach the wall with safety and so either to undermine it or to climb up and to that end they oftentimes erected one Testudo
came even to the rampier of the camp Whereat the Legate wondering as at a thing void of reason kept himself quiet untill he had discovered their treachery and so made frustrate their intent In like manner Caesar not perswaded that men should be so heedlesse to carry a retreat in that disorderly and tumultuous manner would not discamp his men to take the opportunity of that advantage untill he had found that to be true which in all reason was unlikely And thus 308000 Belgae were chased and slaughtered by three legions of the Romans for want of government and order in their departure Chap. VII Caesar followeth after the Belgae into the Countrey of the Suessones and there besiegeth Noviodunum THe next day after their departure before they could recover themselves of their fear and flight or had time to put themselves again in breath Caesar as it were continuing still the chase and victory led his Army into the countrey of the Suessones the next borderers unto the men of Rhemes and after a long journey came unto Noviodunum a town of good importance which he attempted to take by surprise as he passed along by it For he understood that it was altogether unfurnished of defensive provision having no forces within to defend it but in regard of the breadth of the ditch and height of the wall he was for that time disappointed of his purpose and therefore having fortified his camp he began to make preparation for a siege The night following the whole multitude of the Suessones that had escaped by flight were received into the town howbeit when the Vineae were with great expedition brought unto the wall the mount raised and the turrets built the Galles being amazed at the highnesse of the workes such as they had never seen nor heard of before and the speed which was made in the dispatch thereof sent ambassadours to Caesar to treat of giving up the town and by the mediation of the men of Rhemes obtained their suit THE FIRST OBSERVATION IN this relation we may observe the industrious art which the Romans used in assaulting taking holdes towns wherein we find three sorts of engines described Vinea Agger and Turres CAESARS march where in euery Legion had his Cariadges in front Agger which we call a mount is described in divers histories to be a hill or elevation made of earth and other substance which by little and little was raised forward untill it approached near unto the place against which it was built that upon this mount they might erect fortresses and turrets and so fight with an advantage of height The matter of this mount was earth and stones faggots and timber Josephus saith that at the siege of Jerusalem the Romans cut down all the trees within 11 mile compasse for matter and stuff to make a mount The sides of this Agger were of Timber to keep in the loose matter the forepart which was towards the place of service was open without any timber-work for on that part they still raised it and brought it nearer the walls That which was built at Massilia was 80 foot high and that at Avaricum 80 foot high and 30 foot broad Josephus and Egesippus write that there was a fortresse in Judea 300 cubites high which Sulla purposing to win by assault raised a mount 200 cubites high and upon it he built a castle of stone 50 cubites high and fifty cubites broad and upon the said castle he erected a turret of 60 cubites in height and so took the fortresse The Romans oftentimes raised these mounts in the mouth of a haven and commonly to over-top a town that so they might fight with much advantage Amongst other engines in use amongst the Romans their moveable Turrets were very famous for they were built in some safe place out of danger and with wheels put under them were driven to the walls of the town These turrets were of two sorts either great or little the lesser sort are described by Vitruvius to be sixtie cubites high and the square side seventeen cubites the breadth at the top was a fifth part of the breath at the base and so they stood sure without any danger of falling The corner pillars were at the base nine inches square and six inches at the top there were commonly 10 stories in these little turrets and windowes in every story The greater sort of towers were 120 cubites high and the square side was 24 cubites the breadth at the top was a fifth part of the base and in every one of these were commonly 200 stories There was not one and the same distance kept between the stories for the lowest commonly was 7 cubites and 12 inches high the highest story 5 cubites and the rest 4 cubites and a third In every one of these stories were souldiers and engines ladders and casting bridges by which they got upon the wall and entered the town The forepart of these turrets was covered with iron and wet coverings to save them from fire The souldiers that removed the tower to and fro were alwayes within the square thereof and so they stood out of danger The new water-work by Broken-wharfe in London much resembleth one of these towers THE SECOND OBSERVATION UPon the building of these mighty engines it was no marvell if the Suessones submitted themselves to such powerfull industry For whatsoever is strange and unusuall doth much affright the spirits of an enemy breed a motion of distrust diffidency when as they find themselves ignorant of such warlike practises for novelty alwayes breedeth wonder in as much as the true reasons and causes being unknown we apprehend it as diverse from the usuall course of things and so stand gazing at the strangenesse thereof and wonder as it addeth worth to the noveltie so it inferreth diffidencie and so consequently fear the utter enemy of martiall valour Chap. VIII Caesar carrieth his Army to the Territories of the Bellovaci Ambiani and the Nervii CAesar taking for pledges the chiefest of their Citie and amongst the rest king Galba's own two sons upon the delivery of all their Armes received the Suessones to mercy and from thence led his Army against the Bellovaci who having conveyed both themselves and their goods into the town called Bratuspantium and understanding that Caesar was come within five mile of the place all the elder sort came forth to meet him signifying by the stretching forth of their hands and by their suppliant words that they yielded themselves up to Caesars disposall and would no longer bear armes against the people of Rome And so again when he was come near the town and had there set down his army the very boyes and women appearing upon the walls with extended hands as their custome is besought sought peace of the Romans For these Divitiacus became a mediatour who after the Belgae had broken up their Camp had dismissed his Heduan forces and was returned
otherwise to seek their safety by flight Which tumult and fear was no sooner perceived by the Roman souldiers but calling to mind their perfidious treachery they brake into the Camp and were at first a little resisted In the mean time the women and children for they had brought all they had over the Rhene fled every one away which Caesar perceiving sent his horsemen to pursue them The Germans hearing the clamour and scrâ—echings behind their backs and seeing their friends pursued and slain did cast away their weapons forsake their ensigns and fled out of the Camp and coming to the confluence of the Mase and the Rhene such as had escaped cast themselves into the river where what through fear wearinesse and the force of the water they were all drowned In this conflict the Romans lost not a man The number of the enemy was 430000 with women and children To them whom he had retained in his Camp he gave leave to depart but they fearing the cruelty of the Galles for the mischief they had done them desired that they might continue with the Romans which Caesar agreed unto OBSERVATION THis relation affordeth little matter of war but only a severe revenge of hatefull treachery notwithstanding I will hence take occasion to discover the offices of the Quaestor and the Legates and shew what place they had in the Army And first concerning the Quaestor we are to understand that he was elected by the common voice of the people in the same Court which was called to create the Generall His office was to take charge of the publick treasure whether it came out of their Aâ—rarium for the pay of the Army or otherwise was taken from the enemy Of him the souldiers received their stipend both in corn and money and what other booties were taken from the enemy he either kept them or sold them for the use of the Commonweal The Legates were not chosen by the people but appointed by the Senate as Assistants and Coadjutoâ—s to the Emperour for the publick service and were altogether directed by the Generall in whose absence they had the absolute command and their number was for the most part uncertain but proportioned according to the number of legions in the Army CHAP. VI. Caesar maketh a bridge upon the Rhene and carrieth his Army over into Germany THe German war being thus ended Caesar thought it necessary to transport his Army over the Rhene into the Continent of Germany for many causes whereof this was not the least that seeing the Germans were so easily perswaded to bring their Colonies and their vagrant multitudes into Gallia he thought good to make known unto them that the Roman people could at their pleasure carry their forces over the Rhene into Germany Moreover those troups of horse which were absent at the late overthrow of the Germans being gone as I said before for spoil and provision over the Mosa after they saw their friends overthrown were fled into the confines of the Sicambri and joyned with them To whom when Caesar sent Messengers to demand them to be sent unto him they answered that the Roman Empire was limited by the Rhene and if the Germans were interdicted Gallia why should Caesar challenge any authority in their quarters Lastly the Ubii who amongst all the rest of the Germans had only accepted of Caesars friendship and given pledges of their fidelity had made earnest sute unto him to send them aid against the Suevi or at the least to transport his Army over the Rhene that would serve their turns that would be help and incouragement enough to them for the name and opinion of the Roman Army was so great and of such fame what with Ariovistus overthrow and this last service that it sounded honourable amongst the farthest Nations of Germany so that it was the greatest safety to have them their friends For these reasons Caesar resolved to passe the Rhene but to carry his Army over by boat was neither safe nor for his own honour nor the majesty of the people of Rome And albeit it seemed a matter of great difficulty by reason of the breadth swiftnesse and depth of the river to make a bridge yet he resolved to try what he could do otherwise he determined not to passe over at all And so he built a bridge after this manner At two foot distance he placed two trees of a foot and halfe square sharpened at the lower end and cut answerable to the depth of the river these he let down into the water with engines and drove them in with commanders not perpendicularly after the fashion of a pile but gablewise and bending with the course of the water opposite unto these he placed two other trees joyned together after the same fashion being forty foot distant from the former by the dimension between their lower parts in the bottome of the water and reclining against the course of the river These two pair of couples thus placed he joyned together with a beam of two foot square equall to the distance between the said couples and fastened them at each end on either side of the couples with braces and pins whereby the strength of the work and nature of the frame was such that the greater the violence of the stream was and the faster it fell upon the timber-work the stronger the bridge was united in the couplings and joynts In like manner he proceeded with couples and beams untill the work was brought unto the other side of the river and then he laid straight planks from beam to beam and covered them with hurdles and so he made a floor to the bridge Moreover on the lower side of the bridge he drove down supporters which being fastened to the timber-work did strengthen the bridge against the force of the water and on the upper side of the bridge at a reasonable distance he placed piles to hinder the force of trees or boats or what else the enemy might cast down to trouble the work or hurt the bridge Within ten dayes that the timber began to be cut down and carried the work was ended and the Army transported Caesar leaving a strong garison at either end of the bridge went into the confines of the Sicambri In the mean time Embassadours came to him from many cities desiring peace and the friendship of the Romans whom Caesar answered courteously and required hostages of their fidelity OBSERVATION IT shall not be amisse to enter a little into the consideration of this bridge as well in regard of the ingenious Architecture thereof as also that we may somewhat imitate Caesar whom we may observe to insist with as great plenty of wit and elâ—quence in presenting unto us the subtilty of his invention in such manner of handy-works as upon any other part of his actions as this particular description of the bridge may sufficiently witnesse besides the fortifications at Alesia and the intrenchments in Britany for the safety of his shipping with many
flight yet having some thirty horse which Comius of Arras had carried with him at his coming into Britany he imbattelled his legions before his Camp and so gave them battel The Enemy not being able to bear the assault of the Roman souldiers turned their backs and fled the Romans followed them as far as they could by running on foot and after a great slaughter with the burning of their towns far and near they returned to their Camp The same day the Britans sent messengers to Caesar to intreat for peace whom he commanded to double their number of hostages which he commanded to be carried into Gallia And forasmuch as the Aequinoctium was at hand he thought it not safe to put himself to the sea in winter with such weak shipping and therefore having got a convenient time he hoised sail a little after midnight and brought all his ships safe unto the Continent Two of these ships of burthen not being able to reach the same haven put in somewhat lower into the land the souldiers that were in them which were about three hundred being set on shore and marching towards their Camp the Morini with whom Caesar at his going into Britany had made peace in hope of a booty first with a few of their men stood about them commanding them upon pain of death to lay down their weapons and as the Romans by casting themselves into an Orbe began to make defence at the noise and clamour amongst them there were suddenly gathered together about six thousand of the Enemy Which thing being known Caesar sent out all the horsemen to relieve them In the meantime the Romans sustained the force of the Enemy and fought valiantly about the space of four hours and receiving themselves only some few wounds they slew many of the Enemy As soon as the Roman horsemen came in sight the Enemy cast away their weapons and fled and a great number of them fell by the horsemen OBSERVATION OF all the figures which the Tactici have chosen to make use of in military affairs the circle hath ever been taken for the fittest to be applyed in the defensive part as inclosing with an equall circuit on all parts whatsoever is contained within the circumference of that Area and therefore Geometry termeth a circumference a simple line forasmuch as if you alter the site of the parts and transport one arch into the place of another the figure notwithstanding will remain the same because of the equall bending of the line throughout the whole circumference Which property as it proveth an uniformity of strength in the whole circuit so that it cannot be said that this is the beginning or this is the end this is front or this is flank so doth that which Euclide doth demonstrate in the third of his Elements concerning the small affinity between a right line and a circle which being drawn to touch the circumference doth touch it but in a point only shew the greatnesse of this strength in regard of any other line by which it may be broken Which howsoever they seem as speculative qualities conceived rather by intellectuall discourse then manifested to sensible apprehension yet forasmuch as experience hath proved the strength of this figure in a defensive part above any other manner of imbattelling let us not neglect the knowledge of these naturall properties which discover the causes of this effect neither let us neglect this part of military knowledge being so strong a means to maintain valour and the sinew of all our ability for order correspondent to circumstances is the whole strength and power of an Army Neither ought there any action in a wel-ordered discipline to be irregular or void of order And therefore the Romans did neither eat nor sleep without the direction of the Consul or chief Commander otherwise their valour might rather have been termed fury then vertue but when their courage was ranged with order and disposed according to the occurrences of the time it never failed as long as the said order continued perfect It appeareth therefore how important it is for a Commander to look into the diversity of orders for imbattelling and to weigh the nature thereof that he may with knowledge apply them to the quality of any occasion The Romans termed this figure Orbis which signifieth a round body both with a concave and a convex surface in resemblance whereof I understand this Orbe of men imbattelled to be so named which might peradventure consist of five or more or fewer ranks inclosing one another after the nature of so many circles described about one Centre so that either the midst thereof remained void or otherwise contained such carriages and impediments as they had with them in their march This form of imbattelling was never used but in great extremity for as it was the safest of all other so it gave suspicion to the souldiers of exceeding danger which abated much of their heat in battel as will hereafter appear by the testimony of Caesar himself in the fifth Commentary upon the occasion which happened unto Sabinus and Cotta CHAP. XIIII THe next day Caesar sent Titus Labienus a Legate with those legions which he had brought out of Britany against the revolted Morini who having no place of refuge because their bogs and fens were dryed up where they had sheltred themselves the year before they all fell under the power of his mercy Q. Titurius and A. Cotta the Legates who had led the legions against the Menapii after they had wasted their fields cut up their corn burned their houses for the Menapii were all hid in thick woods returned to Caesar These things being thus ended Caesar placed the wintering Camps of all his legions amongst the Belgae to which place two only of all the Cities in Britany sent hostages unto him the rest neglecting it These wars being thus ended upon the relation of Caesars letters the Senate decreed a supplication for the space of twenty dayes OBSERVATION IN the end of the second Commentary we read of a supplication granted by the Senate for fifteen dayes which was never granted to any man before that time since the first building of the City but forasmuch as in this fourth year of the wars in Gallia it was augmented from fifteen unto twenty dayes I thought it fit to refer the handling thereof unto this place We are therefore to understand that whensoever a Roman Generall had carried himself well in the wars by gaining a victory or enlarging the bounds of their Empire that then the Senate did decree a supplication to the gods in the name of that Captain And this dignity was much sought after not only because it was a matter of great honour that in their names the Temples of their gods should be opened and their victories acknowledged with the concourse and gratulation of the Roman people but also because a supplication was commonly the forerunner of a triumph which was the greatest honour in the Roman
government And therefore Cato nameth it the prerogative of a triumph And Livie in his 26 book saith that it was long disputed on in the Senate how they could deny one that was there present to triumph whose absence they had honoured with supplication and thanksgiving to the gods for things happily effected The manner of the Ceremony was that after the Magistrate had publickly proclaimed it with this form or stile quod bene feliciter rempublicam administrasset that he had happily and succesfully administred the affairs of the common-weal the Roman people clothed in white garments and crowned with garlands went to all the Temples of the gods and there offered sacrifices to gratulate the victory in the name of the Generall In which time they were forbidden all other businesses but that which pertained to this solemnity It seemeth that this time of supplication was at first included within one or two dayes at the most as appeareth by Livie in his third book where he saith that the victory gained by two severall battels was spitefully shut up by the Senate in one dayes supplication the people of their own accord keeping the next day holy and celebrating it with greater devotion then the former Upon the victory which Camillus had against the Veii there were granted four dayes of supplication to which there was afterward a day added which was the usuall time of supplication unto the time that Pompey ended the war which they called Mithridaticum when the usuall time of five dayes was doubled and made ten and in the second of these Commentaries made fifteen and now brought to twenty dayes Which setteth forth the incitements and rewards of well doing which the Romans propounded both at home abroad to such as endeavoured to inlarge their Empire or manage a charge to the benefit of their Commonwealths And thus endeth the fourth Commentary The fifth Commentary of the wars in GALLIA The Argument CAesar causeth a great navy to be built in Gallia he carrieth five legions into Britany where he maketh war with the Britans on both sides the river Thames At his return into Gallia most of the Galles revolt and first the Eburones under the conduction of Ambiorix set upon the Camp of Q. Titurius the Legate whom they circumvent by subtilty and then besiege the Camp of Cicero but are put by and their Army overthrown by Caesar CHAP. I. Caesar returneth into Gallia findeth there great store of shipping made by the souldiers and commandeth it to be brought to the haven Itius LUcius Domitius and Appius Claudius being Consuls Caesar at his going into Italy from his winter-quarters which he yearly did gave order to the Legates to build as many ships that winter as possibly they could to repair the old commanding them to be built of a lower pitch then those which are used in the mediterranean sea for the speedier lading and unlading of them and because the tides in these seas were very great and forasmuch as he was to transport great store of horse he commanded them to be made flatter in the bottome then such as were usuall in other places and all of them to be made for the use of Oares to which purpose their low building served very conveniently Other necessaries and furniture for rigging he gave order to have brought out of Spain Caesar after an assembly of the States in Lombardy went presently into Illyricum where he heard that the Pirustae infested the province by their incursions Assoon as he came thither he levied souldiers and appointed them a rendezvous Which the Pirustae hearing of they sent embassadours presently to him excusing the businesse as not done by publick consent and expressing a readinesse to make any satisfaction that should be demanded Caesar having heard their message appointed them to give hostages and to bring them by such a day or else they must expect notbing but war and ruine to their city Hostages were brought by the appointed time whereupon Caesar deputed certain to arbitrate differences between the cities and to punish as they saw cause for it These things being over he returned forthwith into Lombardy and thence to his army in Gallia THE OBSERVATION THis Itius Portus Floide thinketh to be Callis others take it to be Saint Omer partly in regard of the situation of the place which being in it self very low hath notwithstanding very high banks which incompasse the town about and in times past was a very large haven To this may be added the distance from this town to the next Continent of the Island of Britany which Strabo maketh to contain 320. stadia which agreeth to the French computation of 13. leagues Caesar maketh it thirty miles This is the haven which Pliny calleth Britannicum portum Morinorum CHAP. II. Caesar preventeth new motions amongst the Treviri and goeth to his navy Dumnorix refuseth to accompany him into Britain his flight and death CAesar leaving souldiers enough to do that businesse himself marched with four legions and eight hundred horse into the country of the Treviri in regard they neither came to the assembly of States nor were obedient to his commands and were farther reported to sollicite the Germans beyond the Rhene to new commotions This city was the most powerfull of all Gallia for matter of horse having likewise a great force of foot and lying so conveniently upon the Rhene for assistance wherein there was at thâ—s time a contention betwixt Induciomarus and Cingetorix who should be chief ruler Cingetorix as soon as he heard of the coming of Caesar with his army came in to him assuring him of the fidelity of his party and their constancy to the friendship of the people of Rome discovering withall unto him the present proceedings amongst the Treviri On the contrary Induciomarus gathered together what horse and foot he could resolving upon nothing else then war securing all the old and young folk not fit to bear armes in the wood Arduenna which is a very large wood beginning at the Rhene and running through the middle of the Treviri to the borders of the people of Rheims While things were thus preparing divers of the chief of the city some through the favour they bare to Cingetorix others affrighted at the coming of our army came forth to Caesar and since they could not do it for the whole city they endeavoured to make every man his own peace Induciomarus seeing this and fearing to be left at last alone sent Embassadours to Caesar excusing what he had done in not coming to him which he saâ—d was done onely to keep the city the better in obedience for if all the nobility should have left it the common people would have been apt to have made new troubles that the city was now at his command and if Caesar would give leave he was ready to wait upon him in his camp and to lay the lives and fortunes of himself and the whole city at his feet Caesar albeit he well knew
had seen ten years service grounding this custome upon another law which commanded the Equites to serve ten and the Pedites or Commons twenty whole years before they could be freed and discharged from the wars And therefore according to the proportion of their stipendary time as the Equites were admitted Tribunes at five years so were the legionary footmen at ten as at half their compleat time of serving in the wars The generall respect which the Romans had in the choise of every particular man from the highest to the lowest was included in the circumstances of their age and of their wealth The age which they deemed fit to endure the labours of war was from seventeen to six and forty for so saith Tubero concerning the first limit of military ability that Servius did inrole souldiers from the age of seventeen years adjudging such to be sit for the service of the Common-weale And Censorâ—nus expresseth the second with an etymology of the name where he saith that men were called Juvenes unto the age of forty six years Quod rempublicam in re militari possint juvare because till then they were able to help and serve their country in war In this ability of years we are to understand that the law required every man to perfect the compleat number of twenty years stipend if there were occasion of so many wars in that space of nine and twenty years which is comprehended between seventeen and forty six The wealth which is the second circumstance that made men capable of military dignity was necessarily required to amount to the value of Drachmas quadringentas as Polybius saith which by the Latine phrase was termed quaterna millia aeris such as were not worth so much were neglected in this choise and reserved for sea-service neither was it lawfull for any man to attain to any office or magistracy within the city untill he had merited ten years stipend Upon a resolution to make an inrolement which was almost every year the Consuls did proclaim a day when all men of military age were to present themselves Upon which day the Roman youth being assembled in the city and then in the Capitol the fourteen Tribunes elected out of the body of the Equites divided themselves according as they were chosen by the people into four parts forasmuch as in former time the whole forces of their Empire consisted of four legions or regiments whereof I have discoursed at large in the former book And the four Tribunes first chosen were allotted to the first legion the three next to the second legion the four other to the third and the three last to the fourth In like manner the ten Tribunes which were taken out of the common body of the people divided themselves into four parts and the two first chosen were inrolled in the first legion the three next in the second legion the two following in the third legion and the three last in the fourth By which ingenious and discreet allotment it came to passe that the communalty were intermingled in the government of their Armies with the Gentlemen in such an excellent mixture that the Equites were either superiour or equal to the Plebeii notwithstanding that every legion had an equall number of Tribunes The election being thus far carried the Tribunes of every legion sate them down by themselves the people being divided first into their Tribes and then into their classes and centuries casting lots which Tribe should be taken and out of that Tribe whereon the lot fell they drew fouâ— men as equall as they could both in age and habitude who being brought forth the Tribunes of the first legion made the first choise of one of those four then the Tribunes of the second legion had their choise they of the third legion took the next and the fourth had the last man And again out of the same Tribe were other four chosen and then the Tribunes of the second legion began first to make their choise and so consequently the first legion had the last man Again four other being chosen the Tribunes of the third legion had the first election and in that course the second legion had the last man And by this alternate and successive election it came to passe that every legion was equally compounded both in quality and in number The inrolement proceeding in this manner untill their numbers were full the Tribunes of every legion assembled their severall troups together and took one out of every regiment and gave an oath unto him that he should execute and obey according to his power whatsoever was commanded him by his Generall the rest being particularly called were sworn to keep the same oath which their fore-man had taken And thus we see both who were the electors who were eligible and the manner of their choise Wherein we may observe what means they used to ingage every particular man with an interest in the generall cause for they thought it not sufficient to force men out by publick authority and to bind them siâ—mply to that service by the mandates of their Empire considering the labours and difficulties of war which oftentimes are able to dull the edge of the greatest spirit and to cause omissions of duty in the most honest and obedient minds but they tyed them likewise with such particular respects as did both concern the possessions of their fortune and the religion of their soul For it is observed concerning mans actions that unlesse the mind do faithfully affect the execution it may be carried with such a perfunctory service as shal betray the true intent to no effect and deceive the end of that which was promised by designment And therefore they refused to inrole any man that had not a convenient proportion of wealth to maintain a stedfast and well-resolved courage and to settle the motions of a staggering mind when they bethought themselves that the publick duties wherein they were ingaged were the defensive powers of their Empire and the means whereby the publick weale continued happy and so by consequence their private fortunes were assured from violence and preserved onely by an effectuall observance of their military discipline I grant that it is not altogether wealth that doth grace formalize the actions of men for in some cases penury and want makes men more valorous according to the answer which a souldier once made to Lucullus Ibit eo quo vis qul zonam perdâ—dit inquit Whither you will hee 'l go who 's lost his purse Notwithstanding forasmuch as the publick cause is either misprised or well affected according as it doth concern every man in particular as who will doubt of the uttermost diligence of those Mariners that have their vessell fraught with their own goods or contrariwise who will blame a mercenary Pilot for making peace with death with the losse of other mens merchandise for Patria est ubicunque bene est That 's a mans country
took the citie and made their succours of no effect The States army of the united Provinces under the leading of Grave Maurice did the like at the town of Grave in the year 1602. But of this at Alesia may well be said that which Livy speaketh of the battell at Nola Ingens eo die res ac nescio an maxima illo bello gesta sit A great piece of service was done that day and I think I may call it the greatest in that whole warre THE SECOND OBSERVATION IT is here delivered that the outward circuit of the works contained fourteen miles and the circuit of the inward works eleven miles upon which ground Justus Lipsius maketh an unjust conjecture of the space between the outward and the inward works where the Romans day incamped For according to the proportion between the circumference and the diameter he maketh the diameter of the greater circle four and of the lesser three miles and then he taketh the lesser diameter out of the greater and concludeth the space to be almost a mile between the inner and the outward rampier where the Romans lay incamped between the works and least the matter might be mistaken in ciphers he doth expresse it at large in significant words whereby he maketh the space twice as much as indeed it was For the two circles having one and the same center the semidiameter of the one was to be taken out of the semidiameter of the other and the remainder would amount almost to half a mile which according to the ground here delivered was the true distance between the works if the nature of the place whereunto they had a respect would suffer them to keep the same distance in all parts But aliquando bonus dormitat Homerus Homer himself is out sometimes and no disgrace neither to the excellency of his learning deserving all honour for the great light which he hath brought to the knowledge of Histories and for redeeming the truth from blots and Barbarisme CHAP. XXXII The Galles raise an army of 248000 to raise the siege at Alesia WHile these things were a doing at Alesia the Galles having summoned a Councell of the Princes and chiefest men of each State they thought it not convenient to take all that were able to bear arms according to Vercingetorix direction but to proportion out a certain number for every State lest that of such a confused multitude there would be no government being not able to know their souldiers or to martiall them in any good order or to make provision of victuall for so great a bodie The Hedui and their clients the Segusiani Ambivareti Aulerci Brannovices and Brannovii were commanded to send out five and thirty thousand the Arverni with their clients the Heleuteri Cadurci Gaballi Velauni as many the Senones Sequani Bituriges Santones Rutheni Carnutes twelve thousand the Bellovaci ten thousand the Lemovices as many the Pictones Turones Parisii Heleuteri Suessiones 8000 the Ambiani Mediomatrices Petrocorii Nervii Morini Nitiobriges 5000 the Aulerci Cenomani as many the Atrebates 4000. the Bellocassi Lexovii Aulerci Eburones 3000 the Rauraci and Boii 30000 the States bordering upon the Ocean whom by the custome of Gallia they call Aremoricae such as are the Curiosolites Rhedones Ambibarri Cadetes Osismii Lemovices Veneti Unelli six thousand Of these the Bellovaci refused to give their number saying that they would make warre with the Romans in their own name and according to their own directions neither would they serve under any mans command Notwithstanding being intreated by Comius for his sake they sent two thousand Caesar as we have heretofore delivered had used the help of this Comius the years before in Britain being both faithfull and serviceable in recompense of which service he had freed his State of all duties to the Roman Empire and restored unto them their ancient lawes and customes and to himself he had given the Morâ—â—i Notwithstandâ—ng such was the universall consent of all Gallia to redeem their liberty and their ancient honour in matter of warre as neither friendship nor the memory of former benefits could any way move them every man intending that warre as farre as either the power of his mind or the possibilitie of his means would reach unto and having drawn together eight thousand horse and two hundred and fourty thousand foot they mustered their forces in the confines of the Hedui where they appointed captains and the chief command was given to Comius of Arras and to Viridomarus and Eporedorix Hedui and to Vergasilaunus of the Arverni cousin-germaâ—n to Vercingetorix To these there were certain chosen out of every State to give assistance in councell of warre and all of them went jocundly and full of hope to Alesia Neither was there any man that did think that the very sight of such a multitude was able to be endured especially when the fight would grew doubtfuâ—l by sallies made out of the town and so great forces of horse and foot should be seen without OBSERVATIONS VErcingetorix desire was to have had as many of the Galles sent to his rescue as were able to bear arms grounding himself upon that maxime Where the whole State is in question there the whole forces of that State are to be employed But the other Princes of Gallia thought it not expedient to raise so great a number for they would have accrewed to such a multitude of people as could not have been contained within the rules of government which may bring to our consideration that which the course of these times doth not often bring into dispute What number of men well martialled and with good discipline are a competent proportion for any service Xerxes army which he carried into Greece was famous for two respects First in regard of the multitude which was so great that when he himself returned back into Asia he left behind him three hundred thousand of the best souldiers chosen out of the whole army under the conduct of one Mardonius Secondly that of so many fighting men there were two hundred and threescore thousand slain in one battell with the losse of one thousand and three hundred Grecians Whereby it appeareth that the conquest of a kingdome doth not necessarily follow the multitude of souldiers in an army for either Xerxes army was too few in number to conquer Greece or too many to be well martialled Marius with fifty thousand men defeated the Cimbri that were so many in number as they made a battell of thirtie furlong square and of them he slue a hundred and twenty thousand and took threescore thousand prisoners And for that I do remember of that which I have read the greatest conquests that ever were made were atchieved with armies under fifty thousand fighting men The great Alexander subdued all Asia and fet the Monarchy from the Persian into Greece with thirty thousand men The Romans had very seldome ten legions in an army which was about that rate but
Neither is it the least mischief that the condition of sovereignty is such as will hardly endure reproof but must be disguised as Apollonius corrected Lions by bearing Doggs before them CHAP. II. The Senate proceed against Caesar with all eagernesse THe Senate rising a little before night were all sent for to Pompey He commended the forward for what they had done and confirmed them for after resolutions reprehended such as shewed themselves indifferent and stirred them up to more forwardnesse Many which were of Pompey's former Armies were sent for upon of reward and advancement Many of the two legions which lately came from Caesar were commanded to attend insomuch as the City swarmed with souldiers against the election of new Magistrates C. Cuâ—io called out the Tribunes of the people All the Consuls friends the kinsfolks and allies of Pompey and such others as had any former enmity with Caesar were compelled into the Senate By the presence and votes of these men the weakest were terrified the doubtfull confirmed and the most part were cut off from giving absolute and free voices L. Piso the Censor and L. Roâ—cius the Praetor offered themselves to go to Caesar to advise him of these things requiring but six dayes space to return an answer Others thought it fit that Embassadours should be sent to Caesar to give him notice of the pleasure of the Senate To all these was opposed what the Consul Scipio and Cato thought fit Cato was incited through former enmity and specially by the repulse of the Praetorship Lentulus out of a consideration of his great debts hoping to command an Army to govern Provinces and to receive the liberall acknowledgements of Kings whom he should thereby procure to be stiled with the Title of friends to the people of Rome insomuch as he would not stick to boast in private that he was like to prove a second Sylla on whom the sovereign command of the Empire would be conferred Scipio was drawn on by the same hope of having the government of a Province or the command of an Army which by reason of his alliance he thought to share with Pompey being otherwise afraid to be called into justice as also through flattery and ostentation both of himself and other great friends which were able to sway much as well in the course of justice as in the commonwealth Pompey in his particular was much provoked by Caesar's enemies and specially for that he could endare no man to be his equall He was alienated altogether from Caesar's friendship and had reconciled himself to their common Enemies the greatest part of whom were by his means gained to Caesar in the time of their alliance He was also moved by the dishonour which he had gotten by taking those two legions from their journey towards Asia and Syria and using them for the advancement of his own particular Which things moved him to draw the matter to Arms. For these respects all things were carried â—mpâ—tuously and confusedly neither was 〈…〉 sure given to Caesar's friends to advertise him thereof nor yet to the Tribunes to avoid the danger which was falling upon them or to use their right of opposition which L. Sylla left unto them but within seven dayes after they were entred into their office they were forced to shift for their safety notwithstanding that the most turbulent and seditions Tribunes of former times were never put to look into their affairs or to gâ—ve account of their actions before the eighth Moneth In the end they betook themselves to that extreme and last Act of Senate which was never thought upon but when the city was upon the point of burning or in the most desperate estate of the Commonweal That the Consuls Praetors Tribunes of the people and such as had been Consuls and were resident near about the city should endeavour that the Commonweal might not be indangered This Act was made the seventh of the Ides of January so that the five first dayes in which the Senate might sit after that Lentulus was entred into the Consulship excepting only two dayes for the generall assembly of the people most heavy and cruell Decrees were made against the authority of Caesar and against the Tribunes of the people famous and worthy men who thereupon fled presently out of the city and came to Caesar who being then at Ravenna attended an answer to his easie and modest demands if by any reasonable course matters might be drawn to a peaceable end THE FIRST OBSERVATION IT is the condition of humane nature to make good that which once it hath avouched although the matter be of small consequence in particular and tendeth rather to infamy then to profit neither will it easily be reclaimed by motives of reason but is rather incited thereby per Antiperistasin to persist in wilfulnesse then to hearken to that which is more convenient especially when either jealousie or revenge do imply an advantage for then partiality keepeth no measure but to justifie an errour runnes headlong into all extremities and â—â—eth to the last refuge of desperate and deplored cases to make disordered passions seem good discretion Which evidently appears by Pompey's faction in resolving of that desperate Act of Senate which was never thought of but in most eminent danger For as in foul weather at sea when a ship rideth in a dangerous road and through the violence of the tempest is upon the point of shipwrack the Mariners are wont to cast out a sheet-Anchor as their last refuge so had Rome anciently recourse to this Decree at such times as the Common-wealth was in imminent and extreme calamity whether it were by enemies abroad or by serpents in their bosome at home Livie speaking of the warre of the Aequi saith The Senatours were so affrighted that following the form of the Decree which was alwayes reserved for cases of extremitie they ordained that Post humius one of the Consuls should take care that the Commonwealth might not be endangered The like was used in civile and intestine seditions as when Manlius Capitolinus aspired to a Tyranny and as likewise in the tumults of the Gracchi the conspiracy of Catiline and other times of like danger For albeit the Consuls had all sovereign authority as well in warre as in peace yet neverthelesse there were certain reserved cases wherein they had no power without expresse order from the Senate and assent from the people as to levie an Army to make warre to take money out of the Treasury whereas upon such a Decree they were enabled to dispose of all businesses of State without further moving of the Senate or people which Tully noteth in his Orations against Antonie I think it fit saith he that the whole state of the Commonweal be left unto the Consuls and that they be suffered to defend the same and to take care that the Commonweal be not indangered THE SECOND OBSERVATION I May not omit for the
better understanding of this noble History to say somewhat of the Persons here mentioned And first of Fabius as descended of the noblest and most ancient Family of the Patrician Order being able of themselves to maintain warre a long time against the Veij a strong and warlike town untill at length they were all unfortunately slain by an ambushment which Ovid mentioneth where he saith Haec fuit illa dies in qua Veientibus arvis Tercentum Fabâ—iter cecidere duo This was that black day when in Veian field Three hundred and six Fabiâ— were kill'd Onely there remained of that house a child then kept at Rome which in tract of time multiplied into six great Families all which had their turn in the highest charges and dignities of the Commonweal amongst whom he that supplanted Hannibal by temporizing and got thereby the surname of Maximus was most famous as Ennius witnesseth Unus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem Non ponebat enim rumores ante salutem Ergo postque magisque viri nunc gloria claret One man by wise delay hath sav'd our State Who rumours after publick safety set For which his fame grows every day more great But C. Fabius here mentioned never attained to any place of Magistracy other then such commands as he held in the warres under Caesar Lentulus the Consul was of the house of the Cornelii from whom are said to come sixteen Consuls He was from the begiâ—ning a mortall enemy to Caesar and so continued to his death which fell unto him in Egypt by commandement of King Ptolemy after Pompey was slain Scipio was father in law to Pompey after the death of Caesar's daughter and by that means obtained the government of Asia In the beginning of the Civile warre he brought good succours to assist his sonne in law as it follows in the third Commentary and upon the overthrow at Pharsalia he fled into Africk where he renewed the warre and became chief Commander of the remaining party against Caesar but being in the end defeated he made towards Spain and fearing by the way lest he should fall into his enemies hands he slew himself Marcellus was of the ancient Family of the Claudii which came originally from the Sabines On his behalf there is an Oration extant of Tullies intituled Pro Marcello He was afterwards slain by one Chilo M. Antonius is famous in all the Roman histories for attaining in a small time to so great a height in that government For in all the warres of Gallia he was but a Treasurer under Caesar which was the least of all publick places of charge In the beginning of the civile warâ—es he was made Tribune of the people and within lesse then eight yeares after came to be fellow-partner with Octavius Caesar in the government of the Empire And if Cleopatra's beautie had not blinded him he might have easily through the favour of the souldiers supplanted his Competitor and seized upon the Monarchie The name of Cassius was ominous for trouble to the state of Rome and their ends were as unfortunate This L. Cassius for his part after the great troubles he had stirred up in Spain was drowned in the mouth of the River Eber. Piso was made Censor in the Consulship of L. Paulus and Claudius Marcellus having himself been Consul eight yeares before in the year of Rome 695 succeeding Caesar and Bibulus and was the man against whom Tullie penned that Oration which is extant in Pisonem Touching the office of Censor it is to be understood that about the year of Rome 310 the Consuls being distracted with multiplicity of forreign businesse omitted the Censure or assessment of the City for some years together whereupon it was afterwards thought fit that there should be a peculiar officer appointed for that service and to be called Censor forasmuch as every man was to be taxed rankt and valued according to his opinion and censure The first part of their office consisted in an account or valuation of the number age order dignity and possession of the Roman citizens for it was very material for the State to know the number of their people to the end they might be informed of their own strength and so shape their course accordingly either in undertaking warres transplanting Colonies or in making provision of victuals in time of peace It was also as requisite to know every mans age whereby they grew capable of honour and offices according to that of Ovid finitaque certis Legibus est aetas unde petatur honos In certain laws Age is defin'd and thence is honour had M. Antonius commanded that the names of the Roman children should be brought into the Treasury within thirty dayes after they were born according to which custome Francis the French king published an Edict Anno 1539 that every parish should keep a Register of Burials and Christenings which since that time is used in England The distinction of conditions and states ranging every man in his proper order is as necessary in the Commonweal and as worthy of the Censors notice as any thing besides Neither may the assessment of mens abilities be omitted which was ordained that every man might bear a part in the service of the State In which respect Servius Tullus is commended for rating men according to their wealth whereas before that time every man paid alike for men are taken to be interessed in the Commonweal according to their means The last and basest sort of Citizens were named Capitecensi and were set in the Subsidie at three hundred seventy five pieces of money Such as were not assessed had no voice in the Commonweal The second and chiefest part of this office was in reforming manners as the ground-plot and foundation of every Commonwealth to which end they had power to enquire into every mans life If any one had plaid the ill husband and neglected his Farm or left his Vine untrimmed the Censors took notice of it If a Roman knight kept his horse lean it was a matter for them to look into They deposed or brought in new Senators They reviewed all degrees and conditions of men advanced this man from a mean Tribe to a more honourable and pulled another down They had the care of buildings repairing of high wayes with other publick works and were reputed of the best rank of Magistrates in Rome L. Roscius had formerly been one of Caesar's Legates in Gallia as appeareth in the fifth Commentary Tertiam in Essuos L. Roscio the third legion amongst the Essui under L. Roscius The Prator was Judge in causes of controversy and differences between party and party and was as the Caddy amongst the Turks CHAP. III. The Senate prepareth for warre THe next day after the Senate assembled out of the City where Pompey according to such instructions as he had formerly given to Scipio extolled
their constancy and magnanimity acquainted them with his forces consisting of ten legions in Arms and further assured them he knew of a certain that Caesar's souldiers were alienated from him and would not be drawn either to defend or follow him And upon the assurance of these remonstrances other motions were entertained As first that a levâ—e should be made throughout all Italy That Faustus Sulla should forthwith be sent as Propraetor into Mauritania That money should be delivered out of the Treasury to Pompey That king Juba might have the title of friend and confederate to the people of Rome which Marcellus contradicting stopt the passage thereof for that time Philippus Tribune of the people countermanded Faustus commission Other matters were passed by Act. The two Consular and the other Praetorian Provinces were given to private men that had no office of Magistracy Syria fell to Scipio and Gallia to L. Domitius Philippus and Marcellus were purposely omitted and no lots cast for their imployment Into the other Provinces were sent Praetors without any consent or approbation of the people as formerly had been accustomed who having performed their ordinary vowes put on their Military garments and so took their journey The Consuls which before that time was never seen went out of the City and had their Serjeants privately within the City and in the Capitoll against all order and ancient custome A levâ—e was made over all Italy Arms and furniture was commanded Money was required from Municipall towns and taken out of Temples and religious places All divine and humane Rights were confounded THE FIRST OBSERVATION THe neglect of Ceremonies and forms in matter of State is the ruine and abolishment of a Commonweal For if it hold generally true which Philosophers say That the form giveth being to whatsoever subsisteth and that every thing hath his name from his fashion and making then it must necessarily follow that the life and perfection of a State dependeth wholly of the form which cannot be neglected but with hazzard of confusion For complements and solemnities are neither Nimia nor Minima as some have imagined either superfluities which may be spared or trifles of small consequence But as the flesh covereth the hollow deformity of the bones and beautifieth the body with naturall graces so are ceremonies which ancient custome hath made reverent the perfection and life of any Commonweal and do cover the nakednesse of publick actions which otherwise would not be distinguished from private businesses And therefore the neglect of such ceremonies as were usually observed to ennoble their actions was as injurious to the safety of the Empire and as evident a demonstration of faction and disloyalty as the allotment of Provinces to private persons or whatsoever else they broached contrary to the fundamentall rights of the publick Weal Concerning which it is to be understood that no man was capable of those governments but such as had born the chiefest offices and places of charge For their manner was that commonly upon the expiration of their offices the Consuls and Praetors did either cast lots for the Provinces which they called Sortiri provincias or did otherwise agree amongst themselves how they should be disposed and that they termed Comparare Provincias Lâ—vie toucheth both the one and the other Principio insequentis anni cum Consules novi de Provinciis retulissent primo quoque tempore aut comparare inter eos Italiam Macedoniam aut sortiri placuâ—t in the entrance of the next year when the new Consuls had proposed the businesse of the Provinces it was forthwith embraced that they should either divide by agreement Italy and Macedonia betwixt them or take them as their lots fell Howbeit sometimes the people whose assent was alwayes necessary interposed their authority and disposed the same as they thought expedient But such as had never born office of charge in the State were no way capable of those dignities nor thought fit to command abroad having never shewed their sufficiency at home For the maner of their setting forward out of Rome after they were assigned to imployments it appeareth by infinite examples of histories that they first went into the Capitoll and there made publick sacrifices and solemn vows either to build a Temple or to do some other work worthy good fortune if their designs were happily atchieved which they called Vota nuncuparc the solemn making of vows And he that had made such a vow stood voti reus tyed by vow untill his businesse sorted to an issue and after he had attained his desire he was voti damnatus bound to perform his vow untill he had acquitted himself of his promise Touching their habite expressed in this phrase Paludati exeunt it appeareth as well by ancient Sculptures as Medalls that Paludamentum was a cloak used and worn by men of war whether they commanded in chief or as Lieutenants and Centurions and was tyed with a knot upon their left shoulder Festus calleth all military garments Paludamenta And Varro giving a reason of that name saith Paluda à Paludamentis sunt haec insignia ornamenta Militaria Ideo ad bellum cum exit Imperator ac Lictores mutant vestem signa incinuerunt Paludatus dicitur proficisci quae propterea quod conspiciuntur qui ea habent Palam siunt Paludamenta dicta Paludamenta are military ornaments So when the Emperour removes and the Serjeants change their garment he is then said to march Paludatus which garments in regard they are conspicuous which wear them and so are taken notice of are called thence Paludamenta The colour of this cloak was either purple or white And therefore it was held a presage of ill fortune when at Carrae a City in Mesopotamia one gave Crassus a black cloak in stead of a white as he went to lose the battel to the Parthians THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe Romans not contented with the spacious circuit of the sunne bounding their Empire with the East and the West but for want of Regions and Countreys searching the vastnesse and depth of the seas did seldome acknowledge any other sovereignty or leave a party worthy their amity in any remote angle of the then-known world But if any Prince had been so fortunate as to gain the favour and estimation of a friend or a confederate to the State it was upon speciall and deserved respects or at the instance of their Generals abroad informing the worthinesse of such Potentates and the advantage they might bring to the service of the Empire Which appeareth by that of Livie concerning Vermina king Syphax son that no man was at any time acknowledged either a king or a friend by the Senate and people of Rome unlesse first he had right well deserved of the Common-weal The manner of this acknowledgement is likewise particularly expressed by Livie in
to consider what might ensue thereof and the danger which might befall him in particular Varus being throughly wakened at this warning drew out the garrison which he had brought in and so fled away and being overtaken by a few of Caesar's first troups was compelled to make a stand and there giving battel was forsaken of his men Some of the souldiers went home and the rest came to Caesar Amongst them was taken L. Pupius Centurion of a Primipile order which place he had formerly held in Pompey's Army Caesar commended Actius souldiers sent Pupius away gave thanks to them of Auximum and assured them of a mindfull acknowledgement on his behalf for this service THE FIRST OBSERVATION AMongst other things which serve to inable our judgements and do make men wise to good fortune that which is gathered from similitude or likenesse of quality is not the unsurest ground of our discourse but oftentimes giveth more light to guide our passage through the doubtfulnesse of great enterprises then any other help of reason For he that will attend an overture from every particular and tarry for circumstances to accomplish all his purposes and make no use of instances to better his advantage shall never wade farre in businesses of moment nor atchieve that which he desireth Which Caesar well observed for upon the accidentall discovery of the disposition of one town he thereby took occasion to make triall how the rest stood affected and either found them or made them answerable to his hopes Concerning these places taken by Caesar it is to be understood that Pisaurum is sited on the Adriatick sea and belongeth to the Dutchie of Urbine a town famous of old by reason of the prodigious opening of the earth and swallowing up the inhabitants before the battell of Actium some few yeares after it was thus taken by Caesar Fanum was so called of a fair Temple which was there built to Fortune Tacit. Annal. 10. Exercitus Vespasiani ad Fanum Fortunae iter sistit The Army of Vespasian made a halt at the Temple of Fortune It is a small town on the same sea and belongeth to the Pope Ancona is a famous town upon the Adriatick sea sited upon a bow-like promontorie which taketh in the sea between two fore-lands and so maketh one of the fairest Havens of all Italy as well for largenesse as for safety From whence riseth that common saying expressing the rarenesse and singularity of three things Unus Petrus in Roma One Peter in Rome noting the beauty of Saint Peter's Church Una Turris in Cremona One tower in Cremona the excellent workmanship of a Steeple there And unus Portus in Ancona One Haven in Ancona which is this Haven The Emperour Trajan to give it more shelter and keep it from the fury of the wind raised the top of the Promontorie in fashion of a half moon with a mount made of great Marble stones and made it Theatre-wise with descents and degrees to go to the sea together with an Ark triumphall in memory thereof The town is now under the Pope THE SECOND OBSERVATION THis word Decurio hath a double understanding for Romulus having 3000 foot and 300 horse divided them into three Tribes and every Tribe into ten Curies containing a hundred footmen and ten horsemen Whereby Marcellinus concludeth that Decuriones Centuriones à numero cui in Militia praeerant dâ—cebantur they were called Decurions and Centurions from the number they commanded in the warres But Vegetius is more particular in this point A Company of footmen saith he was called a Century or Maniple and a Troup of horse was called Turma of Ter-denos containing thirty men whereof the Captain was named Decurio In which sense Caesar speaketh Ea res per fugitivos L. Aemiliâ— Decurionis equitum Gallorum hostibus nunciatur This businesse was bewrayed to the enemy by the fugitives of L. Aemilius a Decurion of the French horse But in this place it hath another signification for the Romans when they sent any Citizens to people and inhabite a place chose out every tenth man such as were found most able and of best sufficiency to make and establish a publick Councell whom they called Decuriones according as Pomponius and other Civilians understand it So that these Decuriones were the Senate of that place CHAP. VII Lentulus flieth in great fear out of Rome Caesar cometh to Coâ—finium THese things being reported at Rome the City was suddenly struck into such a terrour that when Lentulus the Consul came to open the Treasury to deliver out money to Pompey according to the Act of Senate he fled out of the City and left the inner chamber of the Treasury open For it was reported although untruly that Caesar was near approching and that his Cavalrie was hard at hand Marcellus the other Consul together with most of the other Magistrates followed after Pompey departing the day before was gone to those legions which he had taken from Caesar and had left in Apulia to winter In the mean while the inrollment of souldiers ceased within the City No place seemed secure between that Capua There they began first ot assemble and assure themselves impresting for souldiers such as by Julius law were sent thither to inhabit And the Fencers which were there trained and exercised by Caesar for the entertainment of the people of Rome were by Lentulus brought out set at liberty mounted upon horses and commanded to follow him But afterwards upon advice of his friends every mans judgement disallowing thereof he dispersed them here and there throughout Campania for their better safety and keeping Caesar dislodging from Auximum marched throughout all the countrey of Picenum and was most willingly received by all the Praefectures of those Regions and relieved with all necessaries which his souldiers stood in need of Insomuch as Commissioners were sent unto him from Cingulum a town which Labienus had founded and built from the ground at his own charges promising to obey whatsoever he commanded whereupon he required souldiers and they sent them accordingly In the mean time the twelfth legion overtook Caesar and with these two he marched directly to Asculum a town which Lentulus Spinther held with ten Cohorts who understanding of Caesar's approch left the place and labouring to carry the troups with him was forsaken by the greatest part of the souldiers and so marching with a few happened by chance upon Vibullius Rufus sent of purpose by Pompey into the Countrey of Picenum to confirm and settle the people Vibullius being advertised how matters went there took the souldiers and so dismissed him of his charge gathering likewise from the confining Regions what cohorts he could get from Pompey's former inrollments and amongst others entertained Ulcilles Hirus flying with six cohorts out of Camerinum whereof he had the keeping These being all put together made thirteen cohorts with which by long
as were of use for the defence of the town but he himself conferring secretly with some of his familiar friends consulted how he might escape away But forasmuch as his looks agreed not with his words and that his carriage seemed more troubled and timorous then usuall and likewise his secret conferences with his friends were more then ordinary as also by his avoiding of publick counsels and assemblies as much as he could the matter could be no longer dissembled For Pompey had writ back that he would not hazzard the cause by drawing it into such terms of extremity neither was Domitius ingaged in the keeping of Coâ—finium by his advice or consent and therefore if by any means he could he should quit the place and bring the forces unto him But the siege was so streight and the works did so begird the town that there was no hope of effecting it Domitius purpose being known abroad the souldiers within the town about the beginning of the evening forsook their stations and drew themselves apart and thereupon had conference with the Tribunes of the souldiers and Centurions to this effect That they were besieged by Caesar whose works and fortifications were almost finished their Generall Domitius in hope and confidence of whom they were engaged in that place setting aside all matters whatsoever was bethinking himself how he might escape and fly away and in regard thereof they were not to neglect their own safety The Marsi at first began to differ from the rest upon that point possest themselves of that part of the town which seemed to be strongest and such a dissension thereby grew amongst them that they had almost gone to blowes Howbeit understanding a while after by messengers which past to and fro between them of Domitius purpose to flâ—e away whereof formerly they were ignorant they agreed together and with one consent brought Domitius out into open publick and sent some to Caesar to let him know they were ready to open the gates to receive his commandements and to deliver Domitius alive into his hands Upon advertisement whereof albeit Caesar found it a matter of great consequence to gain the town with as much speed as he could and to take the souldiers into his Camp lest either by large promises and gifts or by entertaining other purposes or otherwise through false bruâ—ts or devâ—sed messages their minds might happily be altered as oftentimes in the course of warre great and eminent chances and alterations do happen in a small moment of time yet for that he feared lest the night-time might give occasion to the souldiers upon their entrance to sack and pilfer the town he commending those that came unto him sent them back again and willed that the gates and the walles should be kept with a good guard He himself disposed the souldiers upon the work which he had begun not by certain spaces and distances as he had accustomed in former times but by continuall watches and stations one touching another round about all the fortifications Moreover he sent the Tribunes and Captains of the horse about and willed them to have a care that there might be no eruptions or sallies and that they should look to the private slippings out of particular men Neither was there any man so heavy or dull that suffered his eyes to be shut that night for so great was the expectation of what would ensue that no man thought of any other thing then of what would happen to the Corfinians to Domitius to Lentulus and the rest About the fourth watch of the night Lentulus Spinther spake from the wall to our souldiers that had the watch and signified that he would willingly have leave to come to Caesar Which being granted he was sent out of the town attended with some of Domitius his souldiers who left him not untill he came in sight of Caesar With him he dealt concerning his life and praâ—ed him to pardon him put him in mind of their former familiarity acknowledged the favours received from Caesar which were very great namely that by his means he was chosen into the Colledge of Priests that upon the going out of his Praetorshâ—p he obtained the province of Spain and in his suit to be Consul he was much assisted by him Caesar interrupting his speech told him that he came not from his government to hurt any man but to defend himself from the injuries of his adversaries to restore the Tribunes of the people to their dignitie that were thrust out and expelled the City and to put himself and the people of Rome into liberty which were opprest with the partialities of a few factious persons Lentulus being reassured upon this answer prayed leave to return into the town and the rather that this which he had obtained touching his own safety might give hope to the rest amongst whom some were so affrighted that be doubted they would fall into some desperate course And having obtained leave he departed Caesar as soon as it was day commanded all the Senators and Senators children together with the Tribunes of the souldiers and the Roman Knights to be brought out unto him Of Senatours there were L. Domitus P. Lentulus Spinther Vibullius Rufus Sex Quintilius Varus the Treasurer L. Rubrius besides Domitius his sonne and many other young men with a great number of Roman Knights and Decurions whom Domitius had called out of the Municipall Towns These being all brought forth unto him were protected from the insolencies and injuries of the souldiers Moreover he spake a few words unto them concerning the ill requitall on their behalf for the great benefits he had done unto them and so sent them all away in peace The sixty Sestertia of gold which Domitius had laid up in the publick Treasury being brought unto him by the two chief Magistrates or Baâ—lifs of Corfinium he redelivered to Domitius lest he should seem more continent in taking away mens lives then their moneys although he knew that this money was part of the publick treasure and delivered out by Pompey to pay souldiers He commanded Domitius his party to be sworn his souldiers And that day removing his Camp went a full dayes march after a stay of seven dayes about Corfinium through the confines of the Marrucini Frentani and Larinates and came into Apulia THE FIRST OBSERVATION AS it is true that a friend is not solely tied to the respects of right but doth give more advantage by offices of good endeavour then by that which duty requireth so is it dangerous for a man to put his â—ickle further into a harvest then haply may deserve thanks of the owner Neither can it be cleared from imputation of folly to care another mans businesse with hazard and perill of our own fortune Howbeit the current and drift of things doth oftentimes so ingage both our persons and affections either in the main action it self or in some circumstances of the same that we
assembled when they consulted of warre against the Romans for their right of Burgeship or freedome of the City which was then denied them which warre was called Bellum sociale Marsicum and Italicum There is now nothing remaining of that town but the ruines as a mark of the place where it anciently stood upon a Plain commonly called Pentina or Sant Peligno CHAP. IX Pompey goeth to Brundusium Caesar maketh means to treat with hâ—m POmpey understanding of these things which had past at Corfinium departed from Luceria and went to Canusium and from thence to Brundusium causing all the power he could to be raised by new musters and inrollments arming shepheards and slaves and mounting them on horseback of whom he made some three hundred horse In the mean time L. Manlius the Praetor fled from Alba with six cohorts and Rutilius Lupus Praetor fled from Tarracina with three cohorts who descrying afarre off the Cavalry of Caesar commanded by Bivius Curius forsaking the Praetor turned their Ensignes towards Curius and joyned with him In like manner the dayes following divers other cohorts came in as they marched some to the foot troups and some to the horse Cn. Magius of Cremona master of the works and of the munition in Pompey's Army was taken on the way and brought back to Caesar whom he sent back again to Pompey with commission to treat with him to this effect Forasmuch as there had yet happened no opportunity of meeting or conference he was now determined to seek him at Brundusium for it much imported the Commonweal and every mans safety in particular that they two might conferre together Neither could things be so well handled upon so great a distance of way where the articles of treaty must be carried to and fro by a third party as when they met face to face to conclude of the conditions This message being first given he came to Brundusium with six legions four legions of old souldiers and the other raised by new inrollments or made up as he came along the Countrey for he had presently dispatched Domitius his cohorts from Corfinium into Sicily At his coming he found the Consuls gone over to Dyrrachium with the greatest part of the Army and Pompey remaining at Brundusium with twenty cohorts Neither could he certainly be informed whether he remained at Brundusium to make good the town whereby he might the easier be master of the Adriatick sea and command both the utter parts of Italy and the Regions of Greece and so to keep the warre on foot on the one side and on the other or whether he staied there for want of shipping Howsoever he would not endure that Pompey should think he could not be forced to quit Italy and therefore resolved to stop up the mouth of the Haven and to take away the use thereof which he went about in this manner Where the mouth of the Haven was narrowest he raised great mounts of earth on either side near unto the shore for there the Sea was shallow but going further into the deep where no such mounts could be raised he placed double slottes of wood right against the same mounts of thirty foot square and at the corners cast out four Anchors to fasten them that they might not be tossed up and down by the waves These flottes being thus placed he then added other flottes of the same scantling and covered them with bavin and earth to the end men might come readily upon them to defend them He armed them in front and on each side with hurdies and gabions and on every fourth flotte made a tower of two stories high the better to defend them from violence of shipping and from burning Against this work Pompey sent out great ships of burthen which he found in the Haven armed with towers of three stories high full of munition and all sort of weapons to hinder and disturb the same So that every day they fought afarre off each with other with slings arrows and other casting weapons Which businesse Caesar so carried as being willing not to let fall the conditions of peace if happily it might be effected And albeit he greatly wondered that Magius whom he had sent to Pompey did not return again and that this Treatie so often attempted did hinder much his designes yet he thought it fit by all means to persevere therein and therefore sent Caninius Rebilus one of his Legates an inward friend of and near allied to Scribonius Libo to speak with him commanding him to perswade Libo to mediate a reconciliation and that Caesar himself might speak with Pompey It might be that thereupon both of them would yield to lay down their Arms upon equall conditions the greatest part of which honour would redound to Libo if by his intercession the warre might take an end Libo having heard Caninius went streight to Pompey and within a while returning told him That forasmuch as the Consuls were absent there could be nothing done touching an agreement Whereupon Caesar resolved to let fall the matter of Treaty which he had so often attempted and to prepare for warre THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis accident of taking Cn. Magius hath made known an officer of great place and use in the Roman Army of whom otherwise their Histories make little mention For howsoever there is found in these Commentaries many particular descriptions of admirable and incredible works such as may seem to be made rather by Giants and Cyclopes then any labour of man yet there is no mention of any Praefectus fabrûm or Master of the works in any of Caesar's Armies Howbeit Vegetius expressing their singular care to have in abundance all manner of provisions requisite for an Army saith That to every legion did belong Carpenters Bricklayers Smiths Painters and other Artizans skilfull and fit to build lodgings for their wintering Camps to make Engines and devices for warre such as were their portative or ambulatory towers targets morions corslets bows arrows darts and piles or whatsoever else might serve either for offence or defence Which Artificers were all known by the name of Fabri and he that was Chief and had the command of them was called Praefectus Fabrûm And in like manner Plutarch sheweth that there was such an officer as also that the place was given by the Generall where he saith that Vibius a Sicilian refused to lodge Cicero as he passed to exile through Lucania although that in his Consulship he had bestowed upon him the place of Praefectus Fabrûm And albeit Caesar maketh no mention of any such officer yet Catullus doth it for him in such biting Trimetres as will not be forgotten Quis hoc potest videre quis potest pati Nisi impudicus vorax Helluo Mamurram habere quod Comata Gallia Habebat ultima Britannia Who can this endure to see But must a wanton glutton be That Mamurra should have all Fetch'd from Britan and from Gall Of
of them fought on each side entring valiantly the enemies ships killing a great number of the Highlanders and Shepheards Part of the ships they sunk some they took with the men and the rest they beat back into the Haven That day the Massilians lost nine ships with those that were taken This news was brought to Caesar at Ilerda THE FIRST OBSERVATION I Have formerly observed the manner of their sea-fight consisting of three parts The first was their nimble and skilfull managing of their ships either forcibly to assault or to lavire and bear off as might fall for their best advantage wherein the Massilians by reason of the skilfulnesse of their Pilots had great confidence The second was their fight before they came to grappling as well with great engines such as were their Balistae and Catapultae casting stones and logs of wood one against another as also with slings arrows and daâ—ts resembling our great artillery and small shot for which purpose their ships were built with fore-caâ—â—les and turrets and other advantages of height for their casting weapons The third was their grappling and forcible entry wherein forasmuch as the matter was referred to the arbitrement of valour the legionary souldier carried the cause Whence we may observe that their legioâ—s were the 〈◊〉 of their valiant and worthy men as well for the sea as the land being â—itted by the discipline of their Military exercises to undertake any service subject to humane industry whereof they gâ—ve an account worthy the School wherein they were instructed Neither is 〈◊〉 at any time but that such kingdomes as 〈…〉 to train up their men in Academies of vertuous Actualâ—y do alwaies keep then honour at a high 〈◊〉 affording at all times men of absolute and compleat carriage both for designment and performance THE SECOND OBSERVATION I Have a little before shewed out of Livie that the Antesignani were ordinarily taken for the Hastati which being the easiest sort of souldiers according to the generall division of a legion doth seem to contradict the passage in this Chapter Sed delectos ex omnibus legionibus fortissimos viros Antesignanos Centuriones Caesar ei classi attribuerat But Caesar having pickt the valiantest of the Antesignani out of all the Legions put them into this Fleet as Centurions For the better clearing whereof we are to note that as the Hastati or first battel of a legion were generally taken for the Antesignani as standing before the Eagle and other the chiefest Ensignes which were alwaies amongst the Principes or second battell so every Maniple having an Ensign in the midst of the troup the souldiers that stood in front before the Ensign were likewise called Antesignani and were the best souldiers in the Company for the Centurion standing alwaiâ—s in the head of the troup was accompanied with the valiantest and worthiest men the rest filling up the rere consorted with the Lieutenant who thereupon was called Tergi-ductor Whence we may admire the temperature and disposition of a Roman Army being first generally divided into three battels whereof the meanest were in the vantguard to make triall of their strength and to spend the heat of their young bloud in the first affront of an enemy The Veterani or old souldiers being left in the rereward to repair any losse which either force or casualty should cast upon their Leaders And again to counterpoise themselves in such a manner as the weakest might not alwaâ—â—s go to the wall their private Companies were so ordered that the best men were alwayes in front Whereby they made such an exquisite temper as kept every part of the Army in their full strength CHAP. XX. Upon the making of the Bridge at Ilerda the Enemy resolveth to transferre the warre into Celtiberia VPon Caesar's making of his Bridge Fortune suddenly changed The enemy fearing the courage and valour of our cavalry did not so freely range abroad as they had wont to do sometimes seeking forrage within a small distance of the Camp to the end they might find a safe and easy retreat if occasion required sometimes fetching a great compasse about to avoid the guards and stations of our horsemen And if they had received but the least check or had but descried the Cavalry afarre off they would have cast down their burdens and fled away At last they omitted forraging for many dayes together and which was never used by any Nation sent out to seek it in the night In the mean time those of Osca and Calaguris being in league together sent Embassadours to Caesar with offer of their service in such sort as he should please to command it Within a few dayes the Tarraconenses Lacetani and Ausetani together with the Illurgavonenses which border upon the River Ebrus followed after Of all these he desired supplies of Corn and provision which they promised to furnish and accordingly got horses from all quarters and brought grain into the Camp In like manner the Regiment of the Illurgavonenses understanding the resolution of their State left the Enemy and came unto him with their Colours and suddenly a great alteration of things appeared The bridge being perfected five great Cities and States being come in unto him a course settled for provision of Corn and the rumour blown over of the succours and legions which Pompey was said to come withall by the way of Mauritania many other towns farther off revolted from Afranius and clave to Caesar's party The enemy being much affrighted and abashed at these things Caesar to avoid the great circuit by which he continually sent his horsemen about by the bridge having got a convenient place resolved to make many trenches of thirty foot in breadth by which he might drain some part of the river Sicoris and make it passable by a foord These trenches being almost made Afâ—anius and Petreius did thereupon conceive a great fear lest they should be cut off altogether from victuall and forrage forasmuch as Caesar was very strong in horse and therefore they determined to leave that place and transferre the warre into Celtiberia being the rather thereunto induced for that of those two contrary Factions which in the former warre had stood for L. Sertorius such Cities as were subdued by Pompey did yet stand in aw of his Name and Authority and such as from the beginning had continued firm unto him did intirely love him for the great benefits they had received from him amongst whom Caesar's name was not known There they expected great succours both of horse and foot and made no doubt but to keep the warre on foot untill winter This advice being agreed upon they gave order to take up all the boats that were on the river Iberus and to bring them to Octogesa a town sited upon Iberus twenty miles from the Camp There they commanded a bridge of boats to be made and transporting two legions over Sicoris fortified their Camp with a rampier of twelve foot
into Messana by reason of the suddain terrour of the principall men and the Senate that took themselves to flight he surprized one Ship in the road and carried her away and so held on his course to Marseilles And having sent a small Bark before he certified Domitius and the rest of his coming exhorting them by all means that joyning their forces with his supplies they would once again give fight to Brutus Navie The Marseillians since their former overthrow had taken the like number of ships out of their Arcenall and new rigged and trimmed them and with great industrie furnished and manned them for that service for they wanted neither Oare-men Mariners Sailers nor Pilots fit for that purpose To these they added certain Fisher-boats and fenced them with coverings that the Oare-men might be safe from casting weapons and these he filled with Archers and Engines The Navie being thus furnished and prepared the Marseillians incited and stirred up with the prayers and tears of old men women and maids to give help and defence to their Citie in time of extreme danger and to fight with no lesse courage and confidence then formerly they had accustomed went all aboard with great courage as it cometh to passe through the common fault of Nature whereby we put more confidence in things unseen and unknown or otherwise are more troubled thereat according as it then happened For the coming of Nasidius had filled the City full of assured hope and courage and thereupon having a good wind they left the Port and came and found Nasidius at Taurenta a Castle belonging to the Marseillians and there fitted themselves for a fight incouraging each other again to a valiant carriage of that service and consulting how it might be best performed The right squadron was given to the Marseillians and the left to Nasidius And to the place repaired Brutus having increased the number of his Ships for those six which he took from the Marseillians he had added unto the other which Caesar had caused to be made at Arelate and had mended them since the last fight and fitted them with all necessaries for men of war And thereupon exhorting his souldiers to contemn the Enemy as a vanquished partie having already foiled and overthrown them when they were in their strength they set forward against them with great assurance and courage Out of the Camp of C. Trebonius and from all those higher places they might easily perceive and see in the City how all the youth which remained in the town and all the aged with their wives and children did from the publick places of guard and from the town walls stretch out their hands towards heaven or otherwise run to their Churches and Temples and there prostrating themselves before their Images did desire victorie of their Gods Neither was there any of them all that did not think the event of all their fortunes to consist in that daies service for the chiefest of all their able men and the best of all sorts and degrees were by name called out and intreated to go aboard to the end that if any disaster or mischance should happen they might see nothing further to be endeavoured for their safety and if they overcame they might rest in hope to save their Citie either by their own valour or by forrain help OBSERVATIONS COmmuni fit vitio naturae ut invisis latitantibus atque incognitis rebus magis confidamus vehementiusque exterreamur ut tum accidit It cometh to pass through the common fault of nature c. In cases of hazard things brought unto us by report do more abuse our judgement either in conceiving too great hopes or yielding too much to distrust then any matter present can move or inforce for these perturbations attending upon our will are inlarged more according to the qualitie of our desires then as they are directed by discourse of reason and so draw men either easily to believe what their wishes do require or otherwise to reject all as utterly lost The uncertainty whereof and the disappointment ensuing those deceivable apprehensions hath brought the hope of this life into very slight account being reckoned but as the dream of him that is awake and as Piafraus or a charitable delusion to support us through the hard chances of this world and to keep mans heart from breaking for every mans help is hope which never affordeth present relief but asswageth the bitternesse of extremities by Dabit Deus his quoque finem God once will put an end to these things too CHAP. III. The fight and the Marseillians overthrow THe fight being begun the Marseillians were wanting in no point of valour but bearing in mind such exhortations as a little before had been given them by their friends they fought so resolutely as though they meant not to fight again or as if any one should chance to miscarry in that battell he should make account that he did but anticipate for a small moment of time the fatall end of his fellow-Citizens who upon taking of the town were to undergo the same fortune of war Our Ships putting on by little and little were glad to give way to the nimbleness and mobility of their shipping which by the skill of their Pilots were well managed And if it happened that our men had found means to grapple with any of their ships they presently came on all sides to their rescue Neither did the Albici shew themselves backward when the matter came to hands or were they inferiour to our men in courage or valour Moreover out of the lesser Ships were cast infinite numbers of darts and other weapons wherewith our men busied in fight were suddainly wounded In this conflict two of their Triremes having spied Brutus ship which by her flag might â—asily be discerned came violently against him from two contrary parts but the danger being foreseen Brutus did so prevail through the swiftnesse of his Ship that he a little out-stript them whereby they coming with their full swinge did so encounter one another that they were both very much shaken with the blow for the beak-head of one being broken off the water was ready to come in on all sides Which being observed by some of Brutus party that were near about they set upon them being thus distressed and quickly sunk them both The ships that came with Nasidius were found of no use and therefore quickly left the fight for there was not offered there unto them either the sight of their Countrey or the exhortations and prayers of their kinsfolks and allies as motives to hazard their lives in that quarrell so that of them there was none wanting Of the Ships that came out from Marseilles five were sunk and four taken One escaped with Nasidius fleet which made towards the hither Spain One of them that remained was sent before to Marseilles who coming as a messenger before the rest and approching near unto the town all the
Zenâ—bia that subdued the Persians and Helena Queen of the Russes Besides other noble spirits that could answer such as told them news of the death of their sons in battell That they had brought them into the world for that onely purpose Which do prove as well a reall as a potentiall aptness of that Sex to the use and practice of Armes And if any man as unwilling to affoord them so much worth will know wherein they avail the fortune of a War he may take notice that even in expeditions wherein they are most subject to exceptions they alwaies give acceptable assistances to their Husbands both in their provisions and otherwise and are such Companions as can hardly be left at home without danger of greater hazard But in places besieged women do not onely affoord hair to make ropes if need require as it fell out in this siege but are able to cast pieces of Mill-stones upon the Enemy with better fortune sometimes then any other man and have thereby slain the Generall to the raising of the siege and saving of the Citie But to take instances of later times It is not to be forgotten that when the Arch-Duke Matthias after the death of Count Mansfield commanded the Christian Army at the siege of Strigonium while the Turks within the Castle were making works for a retreat the women in the mean time made good the breaches and there bestowed such store of Wild-fire that the Italian Squadrons commanded by Aldobrandine being joyned poldron to poldron to presse into the breach seemed all of a fire at once and were forced to fall off with great terrour and confusion THE SECOND OBSERVATION A Town assaulted by a warlike Enemy is not kept or freed with Charmes or Spells or as the Inhabitants of Tomby in the East Indies drave away the Portugalls with Hives of Bees when they were possessed of the walls but with such valour as may over-master the Enemy and extend it self to the taking of five Camps if need require which was performed by these Inhabitants of Salonae CHAP. III. Caesar sendeth to Pompey touching a Peace taketh in Oricum Apollonia and other places IT is before declared that Vibullius Rufus one of Pompey's Lieutenants was twice taken by Caesar and dismissed once at Corfinum and a second time in Spain Him did Caesar deem in regard of the favours which he had shewed him to be a sit person to be sent with a Message to Pompey and the rather for that he understood that he was in good account and credit with him The summe of his Commission was to tell him That it beseemed them both to give an end to their wilfulnesse to lay down their Armes and not to tempt Fortune any longer either side had been sufficiently afflicted with losse and dammages which might serve for instruction and example to avoid other inconveniences He for his part was driven out of Italy with the losse of Sicily Sardinia and the two Provinces of Spain as also of one hundred and thirty cohorts of Roman Citizens in Spain and Italy Himself was afflicted with the death of Curio with the losse of the African Armie and with the rendry of the souldiers at Corfu And therefore they should have regard of themselves and of the Common-wealth They had good experience by their own losses what Fortune could do in war This was the onely time to treat of peace whilst either Party stood confident in his own strength and seemed of equall might and power But if Fortune should chance to sway to one side he that thought he had the better end of the staffe would never hearken to any conditions of peace nor content himself with a reasonable part because his hope would give him all Concerning the Articles of Treaty forasmuch as they could not agree thereof themselves they ought to seek them from the Senate and people of Rome In the meanwhile it was fit that the Common-wealth and themselves should rest satisfied if without further delay both of them did take an oath in the presence of their Armies to dismisse their forces within three daies next following to lay down Armes and send away their Auxiliary troups wherein they so relied and consequently to depend upon the judgement and decree of the people of Rome For assurance whereof on his behalf he would presently discharge as well his forces in the field as those in garrison Vibullius having received these instructions from Caesar thinking it no lesse requisite to advertise Pompey of Caesar's arrivall that he might consult of that before he delivered what he had in charge posted night and day taking at every stage fresh horse that he might certifie Pompey that Caesar was at hand with all his forces Pompey was at that time in Candavia and went out of Macedonia to Winter in Apollonia and at Dyâ—rachium But being troubled at the news he made towards Apollonia by great journeys least Caesar should possesse himself of the maritime Cities Caesar having landed his forces went the next day to Oricum Upon his approach L. Torquatus who commanded the town under Pompey and had there a garrison of Parthians shutting the gates went about to defend the place commanding the Graecians to take Armes and make good the walls But they refusing to fight against the power and authority of the people of Rome and the townsmen endeavouring of their own accord to receive Caesar in he opened the gates despairing of all other succours gave up both himself and the town to Caesar and was entertained by him in safety Oricum being taken in by Caesar without any further delay he went to Apollonia His coming being heard of L. Straberius the Governour began to carrie water into the Citadell to fortifie it and to require pledges of the inhabitants They on the other side denied to give any or to shut their gates against the Consul or of themselves to take a resolution contrary to that which all Italy and the people of Rome had thought convenient Their affections being known he secretly conveighed himself away The Apollonians sent Commissioners to Caesar and received him into the town The Bellidenses followed their example and the Amatini together with the rest of the confining Cities And to conclude all Epirus sent unto Caesar promising to do what he commanded But Pompey understanding of these things which were done at Oricum and Apollonia fearing Dyrrachium posted thither night and day Howbeit upon the report of Caesar's approch the Armie was so astonished that for haste on their way they left almost all their Ensignes in Epiâ—us and the confining Regions and many of them casting away their Armes seemed rather to flie then to march as souldiers As they came near to Dyrrachium Pompey made a stand and caused the Camp to be intrenched whenas yet the Army was so affrighted that Labienus stood out first and took a solemn oath Never to forsake Pompey but to undergo what chance soever Fortune had
them certain Cities to riâ—â—e In the mean time he made bitter and heavy exactions of money throughout all the Province for he put a tribute upon slaves and free-men by pole set impositions upon the pillars and doors of houses as also upon grain oar-men armes Engines and carriages and whatsoever had a name was thought fit to yield mony by way of imposition and that not only in Cities and Towns but almost in every Village and Castle wherein he that carried himself most cruelly was held both the worthiest man and the best Citizen The province was at that time full of Officers and Commandements pestered with Overseers and Exactors who besides the mony levied by publick authority made their particular profit by the like exactions For they gave out they were thrust out of their houses and their Country and in want of all necessaries to the end they might with such pretences cover their wicked and hatefull courses To this was added the hard and heavy Usury which oftentimes doth accompany warre when all monies are drawn and exacted to the publick wherein the forbearance of a day was accounted a discharge for the whole Whereby it happened that in those two yeares the whole Province was overgrown with debts And yet for all that they stuck not to levy round sums of mony not only from the Citizens of Rome inhabiting in that Province but also upon every Corporation and particular Citie which they gave out was by way of loan according to a Decree of Senate commanding the receivers to advance the like â—um by way of loan for the year to come Moreover Scipio gavâ— order that the monies which of old time had been treasured up in the Temple of Diana at Ephesus should be taken out with other Images of that Goddesse But as he came into the temple having called unto him many of the Senators that were there present he received a Dispatch from Pompey That Caesar had passed the Sea with his legions and that setting all things apart he should hasten to him with his Army These Letters being received he dismissed such as he had called unto him and began to dispose of his journey into Macedonia setting forward within a few dayes after by which accident the Treasure at Ephesus was saved OBSERVATIONS IT is Seneca his conceit that Iron being of that excellent use in things pertaining to Mans life and yet so much undervalued to Gold and Silver will admit of no peace as often as there is question of Mony but raiseth continuall garboiles and extremities as a revenge that the World doth misvalueâ—t and fell out as true in those better Ages as it doth in these dayes that are of baser Metall For what greater violences in the State of Rome then those concerning Tributes and Impositions A particular whereof may be made out of this Chapter For first we find a Tribute by pole without respect of state or condition which they called Capitatio And then a second as grievous as that being a taxe laid upon every dore in a house which they called Ostiaria whereof Tully maketh mention in the eighth Epistle of his third Book And lastly an other upon every pillar in a mans house which they called Columnaria mentioned likewise by cicero columnarium vide ut nullum debeamus See that we own no tax-mony for our pillars Alciatus understandeth this to be that we read in Dionysius Halicarnasseus That when Treasure failed at the siege of Modena they laid an Imposition upon every tile that was found on the Senators houses in Rome which gave the Trium-virate occasion to make the tiles as heavy to the rest of the Roman Citizens and this saith he was called columnaria Some Popes out of their occasions have gone far in this kind and found means to lay Impositions upon all things pertaining to the use of man Insomuch as Pasquill begged leave to dry his shirt in the Sun before there were an Imposition laid upon the Light The rule is diversly given in this behalf That the Fisk doth not swell above his proportion Alexander is commended for making his Subjects the keepers of his Treasure And Claudianus giveth Honorius this Elogium Nec tua privatis crescunt aeraria damnis Thy chests fill not by losse of private men Basilius adviseth that mony thus raised be not at any time dipped either in the teares or in the bloud of the people But Tully draweth it to a more certainty by making Necessity the square of such commands Da operam saith he ut omnes intelligant si salvi essent velint necessitatie esse parendum Do your endeavour to let all see that they must obey necessity if they mean to be safe And so the opening of private mens purses is but to keep them shut and safe from such enemies as would consume all according as Scipio once answered when the Romans blamed him for spending their Treasure Howsoever Scipio knew well what he did in getting into his hand such store of Treasure for War cannot any way be maintained but with plenty of Money neither can any State continue if the revenue which supporteth the Common-weal be abated as Tacitus hath well observed Dissolvitur imperium si fructus quibus respub sustinetur diminuantur CHAP. XII Caesar sendeth forces into Thessalia Aetolia and Macedonia Scipio cometh into Greece CAesar being joyned with Antonius drew that legion out of Oricum which he had formerly lodged there to keep the Sea-coast and thought it expedient to make triall of the Province and to advance further into the Country And whereas Embassadours came unto him out of Thessalia and Aetolia assuring him that if he would send forces to protect them the Cities of those Provinces would readily obey what he commanded he sent L. Cassius Longinus with the legion of young souldiers called the seven and twentieth and two hundred horse into Thessalia and C. Calvisius Sabinus with five cohorts and a few horse into Aetolia exhorting them specially to take a course for provision of Corn in those two provinces which lay near at hand He sent likewise Cn. Domitius Calvinus with two legions the eleventh and the twelfth and five hundred horse into Macedonia of which Province for that part thereof which is called Frank or Free Menedemus a principall man of that Countrey being sent as an Embassadour had professed exceeding great forwardnesse on their behalf Of these Calvisius upon his coming was entertained with great affection of the Aetolians and having cast the garrison of the enemy out of Caledon and Naupactum became Master of all Aetolia Cassius arrived with the Legion in Thessalia and finding there two Factions was accordingly received with contrary affections Egesaretus a man of ancient power and authority favoured Pompey's party and Petreius a man of a most noble house endeavoured by all means to deserve well of Caesar At
with Caesar in adversity had drawn all the multitude of servants and children out of the Country into the Town and shutting up the Gates dispatched Messengers to Scipio and Pompey for succour to be sent unto him in that he was not able to hold out a long siege Scipio understanding of the departure of the Armies from Dyrrachium had brought the legions to Larissa and Pompey did not as yet approach near unto Thessalia Caesar having fortified his Camp commanded Mantelets Ladders and Hurdles to be made ready for a surprize Which being fitted and prepared he exhorted the souldiers and shewed them what need there was for the relieving of their wants and supplying of all necessaries to possesse themselves of an opulent and full town as also by their example to terrifie the other Cities and what they did to do speedily before it could be succoured Whereupon by the singular industrie of the souldiers the same day he came thither giving the assault after the ninth houre notwithstanding the exceeding height of the walls he took the Town before sun-setting and gave it to the souldiers to be rifled and presently removing from thence came to Metropolis in such sort as he outwent as well Messengers as news of taking the Town The Metropolitanes induced with the same respects at first shut up their gates and filled their walls with armed men but afterwards understanding by the Captives whom Caesar caused to be brought forth what had happened to them of Gomphi they presently opened their gates and by that means were all preserved in safety Which happinesse of theirs being compared with the desolation of Gomphi there was no one State of all Thessalia excepting them of Larissa which were kept in with great forces by Scipio but yielded obedience to Caesar and did what he commanded Caesar having now got a place plenteous of Corn which was now almost ripe he resolved to attend Pompey's coming and there to prosecute the residue of that war OBSERVATIONS LIvie saith that the siege of that Place which we would quickly take must be prosecuted and urged hard Which rule Caesar observed for he followed it so hard that he took the Town fortified with exceeding high walls in four houres space or thereabouts after he began to assault it Which Plutarch saith was so plentifully stored of all necessary provision that the souldiers found there a refection of all the miseries and wants they suffered at Dyrrachium insomuch as they seemed to be new made both in body and courage by reason of the wine victuals and riches of that place which were all given unto them according to that of Xenophon Lex inter omnes homines perpetua est quando belligerantium urbs capta fuerit cuncta corum esse qui eam ceperint corpora â—orum qui in urbe sunt bona It is a generall Law amongst all men that when an Enemies town is forcibly taken all that is found in it as well bodies as goods is at their disposall who have taken it Appian saith the Germans were so drunk that they made all men laugh at them and that if Pompey had surprized them in these disorders they might have paid dear for their entertainment He addeth moreover to shew the stiffenesse of the inhabitants against Caesar that there were found in a Surgeons Hall twenty two principall Personages stiffe dead upon the ground without appearance of any wound having their goblets by them and he that gave the poison sitting upright in a Chair as dead as the rest And as Phâ—lip having taken Acrolisse in the Country of the â—â—tirians drew all the rest to his obedience through the fear they conceived of their usage so the consideration of the calamity which befell Gomphi and the good intreaty which the Metropolitans found by yielding unto Caesar brought all the other Cities under his command CHAP. XXIX Pompey cometh into Thessalia his Army conceiveth assured hope of victory POmpey a few dayes after came into Thessalia and there calling all the Army together first gave great thanks to his own men and then exhorted Scipio's souldiers that the victory being already obtained they would be partakers of the booty and of the rewards and taking all the legions into one Camp he made Scipio partaker both of his honour and authority commanding the Trumpets to attend his pleasure for matter of direction and that he should use a Praetoriall Pavilion Pompey having strengthened himself with an addition of another great Army every man was confirmed in his former opinion and their hope of victory was increased so that the longer they delaâ—ed the matter the more they seemed to prolong their return into Italy And albeit Pompey proceeded slowly and deliberately in the business yet it was but a daies work But some there were that said he was well pleased with authority and command and to use men both of Consular dignity and of the Praetorian order as his vassals and servants And now they began to dispute openly concerning rewards and dignities of Priesthood and pointed out those which from year to year were to be chosen Consuls Others begged the houses and goods of such as were with Caesar Besides a great controversie that further grew between them in open councell whether L. Hirrus were not to be regarded at the next election of Praetors being absent and imploied by Pompey against the Parthians And as his friends urged Pompey with his promise given at his departure requiring he might not now be deceived through his greatnesse and authority the rest running a course of as great danger and labour saw no reason by way of contradiction why one man should be respected before all others And now Domitius Scipio and Spinther Lentulus began to grow to high words in their daily meetings concerning Caesar's Priesthood Lentulus allâ—aging by way of ostentation the honour that was due to his age and authority Domitius vaunting of the credit and favour he had at Rome and Scipio trusting to Pompey's alliance Moreover Atius Rusus accused L. Afranius to Pompey for betraying the Army in Spain L. Domitius gave out in councell That after the war was ended all such as were of the rank of Senatours should be inquired upon by a triple Commission and that those which were personally in the war should be of the Commission to judge the rest as well such as were at Rome as those that did no service in this war The first Commission should be to clear such as had well-deserved from all danger The second Penall and the third Capitall And to conclude every man laboured either to have a reward or to be avenged of his Enemy Neither did they think so much of the means how to overcome as how to use the victory THE FIRST OBSERVATION THe Tale which the Emperour Frederick related to the Commissioners of Lewis the eleventh King of France concerning the parting between them of the Territories of Charles Duke of
first So he asked him What is he that is dead and buried there But straight fetching a great sigh Alas said he perhaps it is Pompey the Great Then he landed a little and was straight taken and slain This was the end of Pompey the Great Not long after Caesar also came into Aegypt that was in great wars where Pompey's head was presented unto him but he turned his head aside and would not see it and abhorred him that brought it as a detestable murtherer Then taking his Ring wherewith he sealed his Letters whereupon was graven a Lyon holding a sword he burst out a weeping Achillas and Photinus he put to death King Ptolemy himself also being overthrown in battell by the River of Nilus vanished away and was never heard of after Theodotus the Rhetorician escaped Caesar's hands and wandered up and down Aegypt in great misery despised of every man Afterwards Marcus Brutus who slew Caesar conquering Asia met with him by chance and putting him to all the torments he could possibly devise at the length slew him The ashes of Pompey's body were afterwards brought unto his wife Cornelia who buried them in a town of hers by the City of Alba. And having in this manner paid the tribute which the law of Nature doth exact the law of the Twelve Tables did free his Sepulchre from any further disturbance Ubi corpus demortui hominis condas sacer esto Let that place be sacred where the body of a dead man is buried Onely this may be added That as Fabius was called Maximus Scipio Magnus and Pompey Magnus which titles they carried as marks of speciall Nobleness to raise them above the common worth of men so their ends made them even with the lowest of the State According to that of Seneca Intervallis distinguimur exitu aquamur Here we are distinguished by distances but death makes us all equall CHAP. XXXVII Prodigious Accidents happening upon the Battell in Pharsalia Caesar cometh into Egypt CAesar coming into Asia found T. Ampius going about to take the money out of the Temple of Diana at Ephesus and for that cause to have called together all the Senatours that were in the Province that he might use them as witnesses in the matter But being interrupted by Caesar's arrivall he fled away So that two severall times the money was saved at Ephesus by Caesar's means It was further found very certain that in the Temple of Minerva at Elis a just calculation of the time being taken the same day that Caesar overthrew Pompey the Image of Victory which stood before Minerva and looked towards her pourtraiture did turn it self towards the Portall and the Temple-gate And the same day likewise there was such a noise of an Army twice heard at Antioch in Syria and such sounding of Trumpets that the City ran in Armes to keep the walls The like happened at Ptolemais And likewise at Pergamus in the remote and hidden places of the Temple which are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into which it is not lawfull for any man to enter but the Priests were bells heard to ring Besides at Tralles in the Temple of Victory where they had set up a Statue to Caesar there was shewed a Palm-tree which in those daies was grown from between the joynts of the stones out of the pavement Caesar staying a few daies in Asia hearing that Pompey was seen at Cyprus and conjecturing he went into Aegypt for the amitie and correspondency he had with that Kingdome besides other opportunities of the place he came to Alexandria with two legions one that he commanded to follow him out of Thessaly and another which he had called out of Achaia from Fusius a Legate together with eight hundred horse ten Gallies of Rhodes and a few ships of Asia In these Legions were not above three thousand two hundred men the rest were either wounded in the sights or spent with travell and the length of the journey But Caesar trusting to the fame of his great exploits did not doubt to go with these weak forces thinking every place would entertain him with safety At Alexandria he understood of Pompey's death and as he was going out of the ship he heard a clamour of the souldâ—ers which the King had left to keep the town and saw a concourse of people gathered about him because the bundle of Rods was carried before him all the multitude crying out that the Kings authority was diminished This tumult being appeased there were often uproares and commotions of the people for every day after and many souldiers were slain in divers parts of the City Whereupon Caesar gave order for other Legions to be brought him out of Asia which he raised and inrolled of Pompey's souldiers He himself was staâ—ed by the winds called Etesiae which are against them that sail from Alexandria In the mean time forasmuch as he conceived that if the controversie between the King and his sister did appertain to the people of Rome then consequently to him as Consul and so much the rather it concerned his office for that in his former Consulship there was a league made by the decree of Senate with Ptolemey the Father in regard hereof he signified that his pleasure was that both the king and his sister Cleopatra should dismisse their Armies and rather plead their Cause before him then to decide it by Armes There was at that time one Photinus an Eunuch that had the administration of the kingdome during the minority of the Child He first began to complain among his friends to take it in scorn that the King should be called out to plead his Cause and afterwards having gotten some assistance of the Kings friends he drew the Army secretly from Pelusium to Alexandria and made Achillas formerly mentioned Generall of all the forces inciting him forward as well by his own promises as from the King and instructing him by Letters and Messengers what he would have done Ptolemey the Father by his last Wâ—ll and Testament had left for heirs the eldest of two sons and likewise the eldest of two daughters and for the confirmation thereof had in the same Will charged and required the people of Rome by all the gods by the league he made at Rome to see this accomplished For which purpose he sent a copy of his Will to Rome to be kept in the Treasury which by reason of the publick occasions that admitted no such business for the present were left with Pompey and the Originall signed and sealed up was brought to Alexandria While Caesar was handling these things being very desirous to end these controversies by arbitrement it was told him on a suddain that the Kings Army and all the Cavalry were come to Caesar's forces were not such that he durst trust upon them to hazard battell without the town onely it remained that he kept himself in such places as were most fit and convenient for him within
misfortune be daunted or overcome never departed out of the battel nor made toward the woods neither could by the entreaty of our men be perswaded â—o yield himself but fighting most valiantly and hurting many of our men he so farre exasperated the victours that they could not forbear to throw their darts at him and dispatch him CHAP. V. The remainder of the Galles submit themselves to Caesar Comius in danger to be slain by treachery THe matter being brought to this passe Caesar pursuing his newly-got victory forasmuch as he thought that his enemies being discouraged with so great a misfortune would immediately upon the news thereof forsake the place where they were encamped which was said to be not above eight miles from the place where the slaughter was made although he saw it would be some trouble to him to passe the river yet passed he his army and marched toward them But the Bellovaci and the other States upon the return of a few of their men and those wounded out of the chase which had escaped the mischance by means of the woods understanding by them their own great misfortune and misery by the death of Corbeus the losse of their horsemen and the â—laughter of their stoutest footmen and mistrusting that the Romans would out of hand come upon them immediately called an assembly by the sound of a trumpet and cried all with one voice to send ambassadours and hostages to Caesar When Comius of Arras perceived that this motion would be entertained he fled to those Germans of whom he had borrowed assistance to the warre The rest sent ambassadours presently unto Caesar desiring him to content himself with that punishment of his enemies which if he might have laid upon them without battel in their chief prosperity they were well assured that of his clemency and courtesy he would not have done it The Bellovaci said that their power was weakened by the losse of their horsemen many thousands of their choicest footmen were cut off scarce any escaping to bring tidings of the slaughter yet notwithstanding their great misfortune they had by that battel received this happinesse that Corbeus the authour of the warre and raiser of the multitudâ— was slain For as long as he was alive the Senate could never bear so great sway in the city as the rude and unskilfull commonalty As the ambassadours were speaking these things Caesar put them in mind that about the same time the last year the Bellovaci and other States of Gallia raised warre and that they above all others stood most stiffly in their opinion and would not be reduced to obedience by the submission of the rest He told them he knew and understood it was an easie matter to lay the fault of their offence upon him that was dead But he was sure that there was no man of so great power that against the noblemens wills the Senate resisting him and all good men withstanding him could with a weak handfull of the commonalty raise a warre and go through with it Neverthelesse he was satisfied with the punishment which they had brought upon themselves The night following the ambassadours returned this answer to those that sent them and forthwith they gave hostages Then also the ambassadours of other States which waited to see what successe the Bellovaci would have came to Caesar giving hostages and performing his commands only Comius stood off who durst not for fear trust his life into any mans hands For the year before Titus Labâ—enus perceiving how while Caesar was ministring justice in the hither Gallia Comius stirred up the States and made confederacies against Caesar thought he might without being accounted a faithâ—breaker revenge his treacherous carriage And thereupon because be thought he would not at his sending for come into the camp lest he should by such a message make him more cautious he sent C. Volusenus Quadratus to murther him under pretence of communing with him and for the performance of the matter he sent with him certain selected Centurions for the purpose When they came to conference and that Volusenus as it was agreed upon had caught Comius by the right hand one of the Centurions as if he had been moved at the strangenesse of the matter gave Comius a shrewd blow on the head with his sword howbeit he could not dispatch him because his friends stept in and saved him By and by was drawing of swords on both sides and yet none of both parties were minded to fight but to fly away our men because they believed that Comius had had his deaths wound the Galles because perceiving the treachery they feared there had been more behind then they saw Upon which businesse it is reported that Comius vowed he would never come in the fight of any Roman CHAP. VI. Caesar disposeth his forces into severall parts of Gallia and himself wasteth the countrey of Ambiorix WHen Caesar had subdued the Nations that were most warlike perceiving there was now no City that prepared warre to stand against him but that many to eschew the present yoke of the Roman Empire left their towns and fled out of the fields he determined to send his army abroad into divers quarters M. Aâ—tonius the Quaestor with the eleventh legion he took to himself C. Fabius the Legate with twenty five cohorts he sendeth into the farthest part of all Gallia because he heard say that certain States were there in arms and that he thought C. Caninius Rebâ—lus the Legate had not a sufficient strength of those two legions that were with him already T. Labienus he called unto him from the place where he was and the twelfth legion which wintered under him he sent into Gallia Togatu to defend the towns that the Romans had there peopled with their own Citizens lest any such harm should happen to them by invasion of the barbarous people as had happened the summer before to the Tergestini who were surprised and spoiled of their goods by their suddain invasions He himself set forward to waste and spoil the borders of Ambiâ—rix who flying before him for fear from place to place when he saw there was no hope to get him into his hands he thought it was most for his honour so to despoil his countrey of people buildings and cattel that his countreymen might so hate him if fortune reserved any countreymen for him that for the calamities he had brought upon his countrey he might never have accesse thither again After he had sent abroad his host into all parts of Ambiorâ—x his countrey and wasted all places with slaughter buâ—ning and rapiâ—e having slain and taken prisoners a great number of men he sent Labienus with two legions among the Trâ—viri whose countrey by reason of the nearnesse thereof unto Germany being daily inured to the warres is not much unlike to the Germans in rudenesse and savagenesse of life neither did they obey the commandments of Caesar at any time longer then we had an army in their countrey