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A15415 Hexapla in Danielem: that is, A six-fold commentarie vpon the most diuine prophesie of Daniel wherein according to the method propounded in Hexapla vpon Genesis and Exodus, sixe things are obserued in euery chapter. 1. The argument and method. 2. The diuers readings. 3. The questions discussed. 4. Doctrines noted. 5. Controversies handled. 6. Morall observations applyed. Wherein many obscure visions, and diuine prophesies are opened, and difficult questions handled with great breuitie, perspicuitie, and varietie ... and the best interpreters both old and new are therein abridged. Diuided into two bookes ... By Andrevv Willet Professour of Diuinitie. The first booke. Willet, Andrew, 1562-1621. 1610 (1610) STC 25689; ESTC S118243 838,278 539

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needs be vnderstood of the kingdome of Alexander the great who ruinated the Persian Monarchie be therefore succeeding next vnto them must needes make the third The Rabbins here very ignorantly instead of Alexander the great sonne of Philip whose kingdome they confound with the Persian and make them both but one doe supplie Alexander the sonne of Mammea Emperour of Rome because they would auoid so cleare a prophesie of the kingdome of the Messiah But herein they shew their great blindnes and ignorance for this Alexander was Emperour when the halfe part of the Prouinces almost were fallen from the Romane Empire and he had neuer any absolute gouernment but was as it were pupill vnto his mother and he had an ignominious death beeing slaine of his owne souldiers in his Tent. Calv. Prosper also whome Paulus Orosius followeth are deceiued who take this third Monarchie for Carthage for it succeeded not any of the other Monarchies 2. This third Monarchie is resembled to the bellie and the thighs 1. because as the bellie is the next to the breast so this Monarchie succeeded next vnto the Persian 2. like as the meate passeth through the bellie but there staieth not so Alexander got many kingdomes but he long enioyed them not they were quickly after his death diuided among his captaines 3. This resemblance also fitteth the intemperancie and incontinencie of the Greeke state which Alexander was not so much touched with as his captaines that succeeded him 4. And further the bellie signifieth gluttonie excesse and riot to the which Alexander was much giuen for his intemperate drinking of wine obscured all his other vertues he would drinke wine so excessiuely that he did lie sometime three daies till he had slept it out he also appointed games and prizes for the best drinkers one Protarchus for drinking vp foure great measures of wine called congij which euery one contained a gallon and a pint was rewarded of him with a talent but within three daies he died of drunkennes and so did 41. more In his drunken fit at the enticement of his harlot Thais he commanded the most famous citie of the East of the Persians called Persepolis to be set on fire And at an other time in his drunken moode he killed Clytus his faithfull counsellour which afterward so grieued him that his friends could hardly stay him from killing himselfe Hereupon this saying was taken vp of Alexander that he was more gentle toward his enemies in battell then toward his friends at bankers Some doe excuse this his immoderate drinking of wine by the hote and fierie constitution of his bodie which is thought to be the cause of the sweete smell that came from his bodie as in hote countries there are the sweetest smells and perfumes But the drinking of wine did more inflame him beeing hoat by nature as we see that for the same cause in hote and burning feuers Physitians forbid the vse of wine or any hote drinke therefore this doth nothing excuse his vnsatiable appetite that way 3. By the brasse 1. some vnderstand the eloquence of the Grecians quia as tinnit clarius because brasse maketh a better sound then other mettalls Lyran. 2. some interpret it of Alexanders great fame cuius sonus longe lateque diffusus est whose sound was spread farre and wide Hug. 3. some applie it to his warrelike disposition for they vsed brasen armour in times past and hereby is signified the troublesome and vnquiet state of that kingdome for in 12. yeares space he conquered all the East part of the world Polan 4. But this Monarchie is compared to brasse rather because it was more hard and troublesome not onely to other nations whome Alexander would neuer suffer to be in rest insomuch that the Macedonians reioyced when Alexander was dead as thereby gaining their rest and quietnes but also to the people of God for first he came against Ierusalem with an hostile and cruell minde if the Lord had not staied him by a vision in the night as he himselfe confessed when Iaddua the high Priest met him the next day and after that he gaue wicked Samballat leaue to build an other Temple in mount Garizim which enterprise Nehemiah by his faithfull endeauour had hindred before whereof he made Manasses the brother of Iaddua Priest and by this meanes both the state of the Church and Commonwealth was much weakned among the Iewes Ioseph lib. 11. c. 8. Alexander also was himselfe of a restles nature for when he had heard that his father Philip had conquered any citie he would say that his father left nothing for him and when he likewise had heard of the Philosopher Anaximander that there were many worlds he wept because he yet had not conquered one Thus this Monarchie was brasen-like to the rest because the state of the people of God more declined still and waxed worse and worse 48. Quest. Of the largenes of Alexanders Empire and of other memorable and notable things in him 1. This was admirable in Alexander that at 20. yeares of age after the death of his father Philip he enterprised to conquer the world vnto which yeares such constancie fortitude wisdome counsell experience as appeared to be in Alexander are very rarely incident 2. It was also wonderfull that Alexander with so small an armie hauing not aboue 40. thousand with so small prouision carrying but vittaile for 30. daies and but 70. talents should take in hand such a great enterprise 3. His successe in battell was admirable he neuer encountred any enemie but he ouercame him neuer besieged citie but he tooke it and in 3. battels one at the flood Granicus an other at Issus in Cilicia the third at Arbella he ouercame all the power of Asia Darius hauing in his armie 10. hundreth thousand men aboue one for tenne 4. As was his successe in battell so was as the Gentiles call it his good fortune for himselfe or rather his prosperous deliuerance from many daungers that oftentimes he had receiued deadly wounds and yet recouered was in a manner dead and yet reuiued insomuch that Curtius writeth of him cum plurimum virtuti debuerit plus eum fortunae debuisse c. as he did owe much vnto vertue so yet he owed more vnto fortune which of all men liuing he seemed onely to haue power of yet Plutarke in his two orations which he made of that argument sheweth that more is to be ascribed to Alexanders vertue then to his good fortune 5. The largenes of his Empire was wonderfull for he subdued the more noble part of Europe Syria and Egypt all Asia and India vnto the riuer Ganges yea Plinie writeth that in the vtmost boundes of the Sogdianes he built the citie Alexandria where Hercules Semiramis and Cyrus had set vp altars before him as boundes of the Empire Lysippus the painter hereupon made the picture of Alexander looking vp to heauen with this posie Iupiter asserui terram mihi tu assere coelum
lesse for that were to take God out of the world as either he were carelesse thereof or impotent as not beeing able to guide it but leaueth it to chaunce But the Prophet sheweth that all creatures doe waite and depend vpon God Psal. 104. 27. 7. Doct. Of the mutable state of kingdomes Vers. 22. He taketh away kings he setteth vp kings c. The state then and condition of kings though it seeme to be least subiect to change of all other callings vnto men yet God the king of kings can turne and winde them at his pleasure the preacher saith that out of prison one commeth to raigne when he that is borne in his kingdome is made poore Thus Balthazar Cyrus Alexander Caesar Pompey soone lost both their kingdomes and liues Pere And as these auncient kings and kingdomes were soone ouerturned so it is still Anno 1523. Christierne king of Denmarke with Isabel his wife sister to Charles the fift was driuen out of his kingdome and realme and died in prison when he had liued 27. yeares in captiuitie Anno 1567. Iohn Duke of Saxonie was depriued of his dukedome and carried captiue to Maximilian the Emperour Anno 1568. Ericus king of Suetia the sonne of Gostavus was deposed from his kingdome and died in prison And as God pulleth downe kings so he setteth other vp Matthias Hunniades was taken out of prison to be a king So was Elizabeth our Late renouned Soueraigne succeeding her sister Marie Anno 1577. Ioannes king of Suecia was from the prison aduanced to be king Polan 8. Doct. A good King hath many carefull thoughts of his kingdome and commonwealth Vers. 29. O King when thou wast in thy bedde thoughts came into thy minde This great king euen in the night thought of his kingdome what should befall it after his dayes euen the care thereof made him he could not sleepe Bulling he was not addicted altogether to his ease and pleasure as Balthazar who the same night that the citie was taken gaue himselfe to eating and drinking Dan. 5. Like vnto this Nabuchadnezzar was the great king of Persia Assuerus who when he could not sleepe caused the Chronicles to be read vnto him Ester 6. 1. 9. Doct. Of the kingdome of Christ as he is God and as he is Mediatour God and man v. 44. The God of heauen shall set vp a kingdome The kingdome of Christ is either his naturall kingdome which he had from all beginning togither with the Father and the holy Ghost which is called the vniuersall kingdome whereby he ruleth in heauen and earth which kingdome as he assumed not so he shall neuer lay it downe There is also regnum donativum the kingdome which is giuen to him of his Father as he is Mediatour God and man whereof he speaketh Matth. 28. 18. All power is giuen vnto me is heauen and earth this is that speciall and particular kingdome which he exerciseth more specially in his Church in protecting and defending the same against all the enemies and aduersaries thereof This kingdome giuen vnto Christ is likewise considered two waies it is either the kingdome of grace whereby he guideth his Church in this world directing them vnto euerlasting saluation or the kingdome of glorie in the next life when he hath brought his Church and companie of the Elect vnto euerlasting saluation in heauen there to raigne for euer Polan 10. Doct. Daniels prophesie of Christs euerlasting kingdom containeth the whole summe of the Gospel v. 44. A kingdome which shall neuer be destroied c. This euerlasting kingdome of Christ resting not in his person alone but beeing communicated to all his members comprehendeth the whole summe of Euangelicall doctrine for the Elect cannot raigne for euer with Christ but death must first be destroyed and sinne the cause thereof the bodies also of the Saints must rise againe from death so then in this prophesie of Christs euer-during kingdome is included the faith of remission of sinnes of the conquest of death and of the resurrection Bulling Melancth 11. Doct. Of the certentie of our saluation v. 44. And it shall stand for euer As Christs kingdome is sure and cannot be shaken in himselfe so neither can it haue any alteration or change in his members Christus tam in se quam in suis membris citra vllum mutationis periculum dominatur Christ as well in himselfe as in his members doth rule without any feare or daunger of change Calv. for he hath made vs partakers of his kingdome by faith by which we stand for he by his grace is able to make vs stand of our selues by nature we are changeable euery moment but by the power and grace of God our state in Christ is certen and vnchangeable as S. Peter saith We are kept by the power of God through faith vnto saluation which is prepared to be shewed in the last time 1. Pet. 1. 5. 12. Doct. Religion ouerthroweth not the policie and forme of Commonwealths v. 48. He made him gouernour ouer the whole prouince of Babel Daniel beeing made a chiefe gouernour in Chaldea did no doubt iudge the people according to the lawes of the countrey which differed much from the politicall state of the Israelites by the which it is euident that necessarily euery countrey is not now tied to the iudicials and policie of Moses neither is religion an enemie to the forme of gouernment in Commonwealths beeing grounded vpon equitie Papp for the Apostle saith The powers that be are ordained of God Rom. 13. 1. wheresoeuer and howsoeuer the administration and gouernment beeing iust and equall 5. Places of controuersie 1. Controv. That the Scriptures should be extant in the vulgar and knowne tongue v. 4. Then spake the Chaldeans to the King in the Aramites language This tongue not much differing then from the Chalde was the knowne and vsuall language wherein they spake that they might be vnderstood of all Afterward the Greeke tongue was generally vsed and therefore Ptolome caused the Scriptures to be translated into the Greeke tongue and the Apostles writ the new Testament in the same language This euidently sheweth that the Scriptures should be set forth to the people of God in such a tongue as they know and vnderstand and hereupon Iustinian appointed that Bishops and other Ministers should vse such a tongue in the administration of baptisme and of the Lords Supper which was knowne and vnderstood of all The Romanists then are too blame which cause the Scriptures to be read publikely in an vnknowne tongue and though vpon better aduisement they haue thought good to set forth a vulgar translation of the Bible yet they allow not priuately euery one to vse it 2. Controv. That prayer must onely be made vnto God v. 18. That they should beseech the God of heauen God onely then must be praied vnto who is called the God of heauen because he is the creator thereof that is the seate and habitation of his glorie from thence he seeth
illis satisfacimus c. we redeeme our sinnes with men when we make them satisfaction Calvin this answer also is sufficient but I preferre rather the first which insisteth vpon the right sense of the word see more of this question afterward among the controversies Quest. 33. Whether Daniel spake doubtfully saying v. 24. it may be thy prosperitie may be prolonged 1. The ordinarie glosse here noteth that Daniel though he had the knowledge of things to come de sententia Dei dubitabat did doubt of the sentence of God and thereupon noteth their presumption which doe certainely promise remission of sinnes vnto any But to say that Daniel who had such a cleare reuelation of Gods wil doubted thereof were to make question whether he had the spirit of God or no. 2. Carthusian thinketh that Daniel was certaine that God vpon his repentance would forgiue him his sinne but he was not sure whether he would remitte the punishment but the sinne beeing once remitted the punishment also is pardoned for it were not iust with God to punish for that which now is acquited there may some chasticement remaine not as a punishment of sinne but as an admonition and correction for amendement of life 3. Pererius proceedeth further proouing from hence nemini certam esse remissionem peccatorum c. that none can be certaine of remission of sinnes But it is contrarie vnto faith to be doubtfull or wauering as our Sauiour saith vnto Peter Matth. 14. 31. O thou of little faith wherefore didst thou doubt and S. Ieames saith let him aske in faith and wauer not but of this question see more among the controuerses following 4. These particles then if so be that it may be and such like in exhortations and perswasiue speaches are not words of doubting but are vsed to these two ends 1. to shewe the greatnesse and difficultie of the thing hoped for in respect of our selues that the greater endeauour should be vsed and all securitie laid aside as Ioshu 14. 12. Caleb saith if so be the Lord will be with me that I may driue them out which he spake not doubtfully for he had the warrant of Gods word to preuaile giue me the mountaine whereof the Lord spake in that day but he doth thus speaking encourage himselfe to put his confidence in God with feare and reuerence And Hierome to this purpose writeth vpon these words Ioel 2. 14. who knoweth if he will returne and repent c. ne desperetis veniam scelerum magnitudine c. sed ne forsi●an magnitudo clementiae nos faceret negligentes adiunxit c. despaire not of forgiuenesse for the greatnesse of your sinnes c. but least the greatnesse of clemencie should make them negligent he addeth who knoweth c. these phrases then of speach doe not argue doubtfulnesse but onely serue to take away presumption and securitie as the Apostle saith worke out your saluation with feare and trembling Philip. 2. 13. Quest. 34. Whether Nebuchadnezzar did follow Daniels counsell Ver. 16. At the ende of twelue moneths 1. Some thinke that Nebuchadnezzar did as he was aduised by Daniel and gaue plentifull almes whereupon for his humilitie mansit adhuc annum in regno he stayed yet a yeare in his kingdome but afterward beeing lifted vp in pride he was cast out of his kingdome gloss ordinar ex Hieronym 2. But I approoue rather the iudgement of Oecolampadius quia Prophetae admonitionibus eum non poenituit neque Deum sententiae suae poenituit c. because he repented not by the admonitions of the Prophet therefore neither did God repent him of his sentence for if he had humbled himselfe it is not like that so soone he would haue so swelled in pride and his minde beeing set so vpon his magnificent buildings it seemeth he little attended vpon charitable deeds So it is well gathered from hence that it is not in man to conuert his owne wayes though the meanes be offered except God by his spirit worke it Genevens 3. In that this iudgement was deferred a tweluemoneth it was a signe rather of Gods long suffering then of any change in Nebuchadnezzar Bulling to the same purpose Theodoret dedit ei Deus locum poenitentiae at ille abutitur eo in superbiam God gaue him time and space to repent but he abuseth it vnto pride to the same purpose Caluin Quest. 35. Of the greatnesse of the citie Babylon The greatnesse thereof is thus described by Herodotus he writeth that the citie was foure square and each square contained in length an 120. furlongs so that the fower squares or sides made 480. furlongs the walls were 50. cubits thicke and 200. cubits high and in the compasse of the walls there were an 100. brasen gates with their hinges and posts other writers doe somewhat varie from this description Plinie maketh the walls 200. foote high and 50. foote broad and in compasse 60. miles Diodorus saith that the wall was 360. furlongs in compasse according to the number of the dayes in the yeare so that euery day a furlong of the wall was built and the whole finished in a yeare there beeing vsed thereto of workmen 13. hundred thousand the walls were so thicke as 6. carts might meete in the breadth the towers were 250. and the height thereof 365. foote there was the space of two furlongs betweene the wall and the houses for the more speedie building of the wall Strabo giueth vnto the compasse of the walls 380. furlongs the thickenes was 30. foote the height 50 cubites and the towers aboue the walls were 60. cubites high Q. Curtius saith the walls were in compasse 368. furlongs in thicknesse 32. feete that carts might meete thereon they were an 100. cubits high and the towers tenne cubites higher then the walls Lyranus out of Hierome thus setteth it downe that Babylon was fowre square and euerie side contained in length 16. miles for within the citie the houses were not close built but euery one had his vineyards and fields that they might sowe in the time of famine or siege and maintaine themselues within the citie Aristotle making mention of Babylon saith it had the compasse rather of a countrie then a citie beeing of such greatnesse that some part of it was taken three dayes before the other heard of it and therefore a citie he would not haue to be esteemed by the walls But though the reports of writers are somewhat diuerse it is out of doubt that it was a great citie and the walls thereof both of great thicknesse and height as the Prophet Ieremie witnesseth cap. 51. the thicke wall of Babylon shall be broken and the high gates burnt There was also in the middes of the citie a great tower which was the Temple of Belus with brasen gates which Herodotus saith remained vntill his time it had in compasse euery way beeing foure square 2. furlongs and in the mids thereof a turret of a furlong high and
7. Wherefore the plaine and proper meaning of these words is that after these weekes the Messiah out Blessed Sauiour should be put to death for our sinnes And this is an euident proofe of this sense because it is said v. 27. He shall confirme the conenant which euen in M. Liuelies iudgement is vnderstood of the Messiah p. 218. Then the Messiah to whom this word he hath reference vnto must be expressed and spoken of before Quest. 64. Of the meaning of these words and he shall haue nothing or rather not for himselfe 1. There are diuerse expositions of these words 1. Oecolampad referreth them to the people of Ierusalem nothing to him that is the people shall haue neither king nor Priest nothing shall be left vnto them but the Messiah beeing spoken of immediately before these words veen●o and not to him must haue reference to the Messiah 2. Iunius in his first edition thus interpreteth nihil ad illum nothing to him that is death shall haue no power vpon him neither for all this shall his iudgements be staied which he purposed to bring vpon the citie 3. In his last edition in his annotations and in his commentarie he thus expoundeth that all shall depart from him he shall not haue in Ierusalem any disciple for a little before the besieging of the citie they of the Church were admonished by reuelation to goe out of Ierusalem vnto a towne in Petrea called Pella Euseb. l. 3. hist. Eccl. c. 5. 4. Not much differing here-from is the interpretation of Lyranus Hugo Pintus with others following the Latine translation non erit ei populus qui eum negaturus est they shall not be his people which denied him for the Iewes said they had no king but Cesar Ioh 19. 15. and as for this man say they we know not whence he is Ioh. 9. 29. 5. M. Calvin thus interpreteth nihil ei erit he shall haue nothing so also Genevens that is he shall haue a contemptible death and be counted as nothing as the Prophet Isai saith c. 53. 3. He hath neither forme not beautie 6. Vatablus thus expoundeth there shall be none to helpe him or deliuer him 7. But the fittest and best sense is this the Messias shall be slaine but not for himselfe Bulling B. translation H. Br. vpon Daniel And this sense best agreeth to the prophesie of Christ Isa. 53. 4. We did iudge him as plagued and smitten of God but he was wounded for our transgressions c. And to the Apostles doctrine 2. Cor. 5. 25. He hath made him sinne for vs that knew no sinne that we should be made the righteousnes of God in him But seeing here mention is made of the death of Christ before we goe any further it shall not be amisse briefly to handle the questions of the time both of the birth baptisme and passion of our blessed Sauiour 65. Quest. Of the yeare of the natiuitie of our blessed Sauiour There are three accounts to finde out the birth of Christ 1. by the Romane Chronologie 2. by the Greeke Olympiads 3. by the Hebrewes computation 1. The Romane account of yeares is either by the yeares of the building of Rome by the Consuls or by the yeares of the Emperours for the yeares of the citie Pererius casteth the time of Christs birth into the 752. yeare which he prooueth out of Dions Chronologie who placeth the 15. yeare of Tiberius when Christ at 30. yeares was baptized in the 782. yeare But therein he is somewhat deceiued for setting the 1. yeare of Christ in the 752. of the citie in the 782. beginneth the 31. yeare of Christ as M. Bullinger casteth it and the 15. yeare of Tiberius was in the 781. yeare M. Lively in his table setteth downe the birth of Christ in the 751. yeare but the receiued opinion is that it was in the 752. yeare which was the 42. of Augustus raigne Concerning the computation by the yeares of the Consuls it is vncertaine Sulpitius thinketh that Sabinus and Ruffinus were then Consuls lib. 2. sacr histor Cassiodorus nameth C. Lentulus and M. M●ssalinus but these are placed by others in the 749. yeare not the 752. of the citie Onuphrius in chronie and Epiphanius in hares 51. and Eusebius in chronic doe hold that Augustus was the 13. time Consul and Syllanus when Christ was borne which Carolus Sigonius in his commentaries agreeth vnto as the most probable yet M. Liuely setteth them in the yeare of the citie 750. the yeare before he supposeth Christ to haue beene borne This account then by Consuls we leaue as vncertaine The surer way then by the Romane computation is to count by the yeares of the raigne of the Emperours Augustus Cesar is held to haue liued 75. yeares and 10. moneths and 20. daies beeing borne as Dio doth cast his natiuitie in the yeare of the citie 691. and ending his life in the yeare 767. But others doe place his birth in the yeare of the citie 689. as Eutropius lib. 6. and Orosius lib. 6. when Cicero and Antonie were Consuls together which was in the yeare 689. Bulling M. Lively by this latter account Augustus should be two yeare elder and so liued in all 77. yeares and odde moneths But Plinie is wide who placeth the Consulship of Cicero and Antonie in the 700. yeare which should be aboue tenne yeares after lib. 9. c. 39. Now for the time of his gouernment he raigned alone after he had ouercome Antonie at Actium 44. yeares 12. he had the ioynt gouernment with Antonie so that from the beginning of his first Consulship and regiment he gouerned 56. yeares some say 58. yeares Tacit. dialog de clar oratorib some 57. as Iosephus counteth l. 18. c. 3. but the most Chronologers agree that he raigned in all 56. yeares 6. moneths so Epiphan in Anchorat and Beda lib. de 6. at●tib Fererius thinketh he raigned not full out 56. the difference is not great The yeare then of Christs birth compared with Augustus raigne beeing in the 752. yeare of the citie falleth out to be in the 42. yeare of Augustus sole gouernment the 62. of his age and the 30. yeare after the conquest of Antonie Beda thinketh it was the 27. yeare so also Ioseph Scalig. Clemens the 28. lib. 1. stromat Onuphrius the 29. but it was the 30. yeare iust from the victorie of Antonie which was the 42. yeare from the beginning of Augustus first Consulship as it may be thus gathered Christ in the 15. yeare of Tiberius Cesar was 30. yeare old Luk. 3. 1. 23. then put vnto that number 15. more of Augustus 56. and we shal come iust to the 42. yeare of Augustus Thus much of the Latine computation 2. By the computation of the Greeke Olympiads Christs birth fell out in the 3. yeare of the 194. Olympiad as Eusebius in chronic and Beda lib de 6. aetat and Iosep. Scalig. so also M. Lively but other cast it to be in the 4. yeare of the 194.
their countrie were not lawfull as other of his brethren did but at this time his profession beeing called in question least by such baites and enticements he might haue beene drawne away from it he did in a godly resolution abstaine Quest. 32. Ver. 9. What fauour it was which Daniel found with the chiefe of the Ennuches not obtaining his request Ver. 9. Now God had brought Daniel into fauour c. 1. Some thinke that whereas the chiefe of the Eunuches after excuseth himselfe by his feare lest if he should haue granted his request to allowe him other diet then the king had appointed these two effects should haue followed their countenances would looke worse and his life should be in danger that the Eunuch did denie his request quod tentara tnon successerat that which he tried did not take place Bulling repulsam est passus he suffered a repulse Caluin Pellican impetrari non potuit that could not be obtained which he desired But this opinion is contrarie to the text which saith that God gaue Daniel fauour with the chiefe of the Eunuches but if he had altogether taken the repulse he had found small fauour 2. Wherefore herein consisted the fauour which Daniel found 1. in that he was not angrie with Daniel for making such a bould request contrarie to the kings commandement 2. neither doth he vrge him to keepe the kings order for his diet 3. or complaineth of him to the king 4. but chiefely herein his fauour appeared in that he pretending his feare and danger did insinuate that he could be contented so that it might be done without any such danger or inconuenience Polan And he secretly might also giue him an hint to goe vnto the vnder officer the butler that attended vpon them who was the fitter man to winke at it if question afterward should haue beene made for it is like the butler afterward being found so willing that he knewe the chiefe officers pleasure therein Iun. Polan Quest. 33. Of Daniels request to the butler or officer Ver. 12. Prooue thy seruants I pray thee ten dayes c. 1. Daniel first propoundeth his request simply that he would prooue them 10. dayes with course bread of pulse and water to drinke he setteth onely tenne dayes neither too long a time vt de facili posset impetrare that he might more easily obtaine his request nor too short that the truth might appeare and some experience be had in that time Lyran. for in the space of 10. dayes it might well be seene whe●● their bodies macrescerent vel pinguescerent did waxe leaner or fatter Pellican 2. Then followe the conditions of his request the one is expressed that vnlesse their countenances should be in as good liking as theirs which fedde of the kings allowance they would aske no further fauour so he doth wisely antevertere preuent what might be obiected for Daniel knewe he would insist vpon the same reasons which the chiefe of the Eunuches had done v. 10. that their faces should be worse liking and so he might be blamed Caluin 3. An other condition or supposall though not expressed yet may be supplied is that they did not purpose to make vnto themselues any benefit of the kings meate but they were contented it should be to his vse that attended vpon them as may be gathered v. 16. where it is said that the butler tooke from them the allowance of the kings meate and wine and gaue them pulse Iun. Quest. 34. Whether Daniel tempted not God in setting a certaine number of daies 1. In the Apocryphall historie of Iudith c. 8. 12. Iudith chargeth Ozias and the other gouernours of Bethulia that they had tempted God in prescribing the space of fiue daies within which time if they had no helpe they would giue vp the citie But here Daniel doth not of any temeritie or presumption set this prefixed time but fidei magnitudine by the greatnesse of his faith as Hierome saith Pere so also Hugo Cardinal he was certior factus à Domino de foelici euentu he was assured by the Lord of happie successe Caluin And Daniel herein and his companions did not onely depend vpon Gods generall promises out of his word but they had some particular reuelation and direction for this thing Iun. 2. But it will be obiected if Daniel had such assurance why then speaketh he so doubtfully as referring the whole matter to his discretion saying ver 13. as thou seest deale with thy seruants to this it may be answered Daniel allocutus est altorem humanitus vt tamen de re diuinitus confirmatus esset Daniel indeed speaketh vnto his keeper after an vsuall manner yet was in himselfe confirmed from God in this matter Iun. 3. Daniel then hauing both the word of God to abstaine from such meates as were forbidden Deut. 14. and Gods generall promise beside that God would blesse their bread and water if they would serue him Exod. 23. 15. and further ex arcana renelatione certior factus beeing assured by secret reuelation of the euent was mooued to propound this tearme of 10. dayes Polan Quest. 35. vers 12. Why Daniel did chuse rather to eate of pulse then of the kings meate 1. Daniel here preferred not this course diet before the kings delicates vppon any superstitious opinion as thinking thereby to merit with God and to be more acceptable for the meates sake for according to the Apostles rule both he which eateth eateth to the Lord and giueth God thankes and he that eateth not eateth not to the Lord and giueth God thankes Rom. 14. 6. euery creature is good and we may thankefully take whatsoeuer the Lord hath prepared for our food Polan 2. But this may be one reason why Daniel made choice of pulse and seedes hearbs and such like because such things were not at any time forbidden vnto the Iewes before or vnder the lawe neque de talibus fiebat oblatio idolis neither of such things did they vse to offer vnto idols And therefore the Apostle saith Rom. 14. 2. that he which was weake not in bodie but in minde did eate hearbs least he should chance to eate things offered to idols Lyran. 3. Daniel might haue eaten course bread and other viler meates but he contented himselfe with seedes and herbes as the word hazeroghim signifieth vt scilicet assidne gemeret c. that he might daily mourne and remember his afflicted countrie which he might easily haue forgotten if he had giuen himselfe to a delicate life And thefore Moses also did forsake Pharaohs Court and chose rather to suffer affliction with the people of God Quest. 36. vers 15. Whether the beautie and strength in Daniel and the rest feeding of this course foode was a naturall worke 1. There are diuerse reasons in nature why they which liue of simp●●●nd course food should be better liking then many which liue in fulnesse and plentie 〈◊〉 the varietie of meate causeth varietie of diseases the more simple
earth And of this opinion are Hierome and Origen but now no such thing is found that Ierusalem should be in the middes of the earth Calvin 3. Alfragane with whome Pintus consenteth thinketh that Babylon it selfe is situate in the 4. climate which is in the middes the whole earth beeing deuided into 7. climats but this is too curious 4. By the middes of the earth is better vnderstood the middes of his kingdome Osiand so that this is spoken not in respect of the situation of the place as of the qualitie strength of his kingdome 12. Quest. Why Nebuchadnezzer is compared to a tree v. 8. A great tree and strong 1. Hierome seemeth to be here of opinion that the wicked specially in Scripture are compared to trees as Nebuchadnezzer here and he alleadgeth that place Psal. 37. 35. I haue seene the wicked strong and spreading himselfe like a greene bay tree But it is euident that the righteous are also compared to fruitfull trees Psal. 1. 3. 2. Generally a man is likened to a tree as Ezek. 17. 24. All the trees of the field shall know that I the Lord haue brought downe the high tree c. that is all the people of the world shall know a good man is resembled to a good tree and an euill man to an euill tree Matth. 7. 17. Aristotle and before him Plato did call a man arborem inuersam a tree turned vpside downe that as the tree hath his roote and sprigges comming out below so man hath his head and haire vppermost Wicked men are like vnto corrupt trees without fruit Iud. 12. such as the figgetree was Matth. 21. which had leaues but no fruit good men are like vnto good trees Ierem. 17. 8. for like as a tree bringeth forth fruit not onely as an ornament to it selfe but to be commodious to others so the righteous are fruitfull vnto many and as a tree the deeper it rooteth downeward the higher it spreadeth vpward so the more lowly a man is in his owne eyes the more he is exalted before God Pint. 3. Now as men are compared vnto trees in generall so Princes and great men are expressed and set forth by high and tall trees as Ezek. 17. 12. Zedekiah king of Iudah is likened to an high cedar so the king of Asshur is said to be like a cedar in Lebanon with faire branches Ezek. 31. 3. 4. But in that Nebuchadnezzer is here thus resembled to a goodly great tree thereby is not signified the perfection of his gouernment and his princely vertues for euen Tyrants and euill gouernours are as trees whose gouernment as a shadow bringeth some comfort vnto their subiects for better is a bad gouernment then none Calvin 13. Quest. v. 11. Who are vnderstood by the beasts and foules 1. Some by the beasts vnderstand simple men by the foules garrulos mendaces pratlers and lyers such as aspired and looked high gloss Some by the one meane such as were rude and barbarous by the other such as were of most ciuill life Perer. Others by the beasts interpret them of inferiour sort and condition by the foules the more noble sort which dwelt in the branches of this tree in the cities and townes Hug. Card. 2. But by these two kinds in generall are signified all the inhabitants and subiects in his kingdome as Ezek. 39. 17. Speake vnto euery feathered foule and to all the beasts of the field assemble your selues and come good men are compared vnto sheepe for their innocencie to serpents for their wisdome and euill men for their crueltie to lyons and beares for their craft vnto foxes as our Sauiour saith of Herod Tell that foxe so likewise the righteous are likened to doues for their simplicitie and cruell men and oppressors are as rauening eagles Ezek. 17. 4. So it is an vsuall thing for men to be compared vnto such beasts and foules quorum mores imitantur whose manners and conditions they imitate And this some thinke was Pythagoras meaning that held the transmigration of humane soules into the bodies of beasts And so Iamblicus vnderstandeth it of the similitude and likenes of bruitish manners though Plotinus absurdly thinke the contrarie that the soules of men doe in deede passe into the bodies of beasts But Hermes Trismegistus sheweth the absurditie hereof thus resoluing non permittere legem diuinam animi humani transitum in bestias that the diuine law will not admit the passage of humane soules into beasts ex Pint. 14. Quest. v. 12. How Nebuchadnezzer was bound with a band of yron and brasse 1. Pererius thinketh in deede that he was first bound with chaines and fetters as a mad man and afterward let loose and so wandred vp and downe among bruit beasts so also Osiander thinketh he was tied with chaines least he should haue hurt himselfe and others but if this were meant literally then he remained still tied among the grasse and beasts of the field as the words are 2. They which take exception to this historie taking it to be an allegorie doe make this one of their obiections Why they did not rather tie him vp beeing beside himselfe then suffer him to range abroad and how he could liue 7. yeares among bruit beasts and not be slaine Lyranus answereth 1. that if he had beene chained vp infirmitas fuisset aggrauata his infirmitie or maladie would haue beene more grieuous as we see by experience that mad men beeing tied vp are more furious 2. to the which it may be added that they did euen in this time of madnes shew some reuerence toward the person of the king 3. But the best answer is that they left him to himselfe that this prophesie of Daniel might take place they knew he should be restored to his kingdome againe and so he was also by the diuine prouidence preserued and kept from the rage and violence of the beasts 4. This phrase then to be tied vp in chains is here vsed to expresse his madnes because it is the vse to bind mad men in chaines Bulling and hereby is signified the certentie of this punishment decreed by the sentence of God which can not be broken Lyran. so that the meaning is stet inter gramina tanquam vinctus catenis ferreis he should continue in this sauage life in the grasse as one bound with iron fetters Oecolamp Pellican he should haue no power to come out of it vntill his time was fulfilled 15. Quest. v. 11 12. Why this prophecie is vttered in the imperatiue moode Hew downe the tree c. leaue the stumpe 1. It is vsuall with the Prophets to deliuer their prophecies in this manner as Isa. 2. 10. Enter into the rocke and hide thee in the dust for thou shalt enter and hide thee so Isa. 13. 6. Howle ye for the day of the Lord is at hand for ye shall howle and c. 14. 21. Prepare a slaughter for his children that is ye shall prepare Polan 2. There may be an other
an other aboue that of the same height vntill they came to the eight Diodorus saith it was so high that the Chaldeans thereon made obseruation of the starres toward the east and west Curtius saith that this tower of Babylon had 20. stadia or furlongs in compasse the foundation whereof was 30. foot deepe in the ground By these euidences it appeareth that this Babylon was a citie of huge bignesse and therefore the king calleth it here great Babell Niniue had beene as great a citie or greater beeing 60. miles in compasse the walls were an 100. foote high and the towers 200. whereof there were an 150. but Niniue was now much empayred and decayed and Babylon was made the chiefe citie of the kingdome Quest. 36. Whether Nebuchadnezzar were the builder of Babel Ver. 27. Which I haue built for the house of my kingdome c. 1. There are diuerse opinions hereof who should be the builder and founder of Babel Moses saith that Babel was the beginning of Nimroths kingdome Gen. 10. 10. Alexander Polyhistor in Eusebius out of Eupolemus saith that it was built by the gyants after the flood Alphaeus maketh Belus the founder thereof as Eusebius saith the most of the Grecians doe giue the honour thereof vnto Semiramis the wife of Ninus as Herodo lib. 1. Diodo lib. 3. Strabo lib. 16. Iustine with others Iosephus out of Berosus maketh Nebuchadnezzar the builder of Babel and therfore findeth fault with the Greeke writers for ascribing it vnto Semiramis 2. But all these may easily be reconciled 1. Nimroth is held to be the same who of forreine writters was called Belus for this Belus was the first that brought in idolatrie as Cyril saith and so was Nimroth for hence it is that most of the idols of the Gentiles tooke their name from Bel as the first founder of them as Belial or Baal the God of the Sidonians Beelzebub the god of Ekron Beelphegor the god of the Moabites Numb 25. Baalsamen the idol of the Carthaginians as Augustine saith so then it may well stand togethet that Nimroth and Belus beeing both the same man as is more at large shewed elsewhere were the founders of Babylon 2. And seeing Ninus was the captaine and chiefe of the Gyants they might be assistant vnto him in building of the tower of Babel and he a tingleader vnto them 3. It may also verie well agree that Nimroth or Belus laid the first foundation of Babylon which was enlarged by Semiramis 4. And afterward when the Kings of Assyria left Babylon made Niniue the cheife citie of their kingdome by this meanes Babylon was decayed and lay wa●t which last of all was reedified and beautified by Nebuchadnezzar who as Iosephus out of Berosus writeth in these fiue works added to the buildiug of Babylon 1. he repayred the old citie and the temple of Belus 2. then he built a new citie adioyning vnto it 3. he compassed each of them with three walls for defense with towers and gates 4. then he built a most sumptuous palace next vnto the Palace of his father and finished it in 25. dayes 5. he made certaine artificiall rockes and mountaines with orchards and gardens vpon them to satisfie the desire of his wife who beeing a Median desired to see such hillie prospects after the manner of her countrey Because Nebuchadnezzar then had so enlarged and beautified the citie he maketh himselfe the builder of it Quest. 37. Of Nebucadnezzars pride in saying which I haue built for the house of the kingdome Nebuchadnezzars pride diuersely appeareth 1. because he thinketh that by his owne power and strength he had raised those great buildings as though by his owne witte and strength he had attained vnto that power riches to be able to compasse such great works whereas it is said in the Psal. 126. 1. except the Lord build the house they labour in vaine that build it Caluin 2. he considered not how to compasse such a great worke innumerorum pauperum facultates exhausit he had wasted the substance of a number of poore and wearied their bodies Oecolamp 3. He robbeth his father and auncestors of their due praise who had builded much before him he taketh all to himselfe Polan 4. then he sheweth his contempt against God as though he should haue said hauing now made Babylon inuincible as he thought quis inde me posset deijcere who can cast me out of it no not God himselfe Lyran. Iun. 5. then he addeth further he built it not for Gods honour but his owne he neither respected Gods glorie nor the good of the commonwealth but his owne fame and magnificence Osiand Caluin 6. whereas the Septuag readeth as he walked 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the temple Eudoxius is of opinion that the king would haue beene counted for a God Oecolampiad 7. But the kings great securitie appeareth herein deambulat otiosus he walketh idlely as though in such a great kingdome there had been no businesse for him and he museth of nothing but his owne greatnesse Pellican 8. nemo interrogat c. ●pse primus su● encomia decantai no man asketh him any question he first soundeth out his owne praise wherein he bewraieth his vanitie and selfeloue Oecolamp Quest. 38. v. 28. What manner of voice it was which came downe from heauen 1. The Lord dealeth with Nebuchadnezzar by degrees first he spake vnto him by dreame then by the voice of his Prophet and seeing he was not mooued by any of these now the Lord thundreth from heauen 2. This voice was not spoken in Nebuchadnezzars eare but in the hearing of all that stood by Iun. vt Dei vindicta intelligatur à populo that all the people might see and vnderstand how the Lord tooke reuenge of him for his pride Lyran. 3. And it commeth from heauen both to shewe the authoritie and power the voice came from heauen quasi quoddam pondus deijciens eius superbiam as a mightie weight pressing downe his pride Lyran. as also the certaintie that those things beeing pronounced from heauen should vndoubtedly come to passe Iun. 4. And this voice commeth of a sudden euen while that proud speach was yet in his mouth to shewe that God neuer punisheth without cause and that all his iudgements are iust Bulling and further to testifie that such as abuse Gods long suffering and patience as Nebuchadnezzar here did shall suddenly be cut off and that when men are come to the height of pride the Lord will no longer forbeare Polan Quest. 39. The summe of the sentence denounced against Nebuchadnezzar 1. The circumstances of the sentence are described 1. the time that the voice came while Nebuchadnezzar was yet in speaking 2. the manner it was vttered by a voice 3. the place from heauen 4. the person to whom to Nebuchadnezzar by name by the which he is conuented as before his superiour Iudge his title is added O king to taxe him for
counteth an 180. yeares from the beginning of the kingdome of the Greekes vnto Antiochus whereas it is euident 1. Mac. 1. 21. that Antiochus came against Ierusalem in the 143. yeare Oecol and beside whereas it is said in the text vnto the euening and morning it is euident that neither moneths or yeares are here to be vnderstood but so many naturall dayes Cal. Theodoret by the euening vnderstandeth the beginning of their calamitie by the morning the ende thereof but the phrase of Scripture sheweth that thereby the naturall day is comprehended which consisteth of the day and night As Gen. 1. throughout the chapter the euening morning were the first day and the second day so the rest 3. It remaineth then that by these 2300. dayes so many daies precisely must be vnderstood which make 6. yeares 3. moneths 20. dayes counting 365. dayes to a yeare Bulling 4. Some doe here reade onely a 1300. dayes Osian So also reade Montanus and Pagnin but the Hebrewe word alephaijm beeing put in the duall number signifieth two thousand Vatab. Iun. Polan Oecolamp Quest. 25. When this tearme of 2300. beganne and ended 1. Melancthon beginneth this tearme in the yeare of the kingdome of the Greekes an 145. and endeth it in the yeare 151. when Nicanor and his armie were destroyed and the whole land recouered but seeing euident mention is made that Antiochus began to afflict Ierusalem in the 143. yeare 1. Mac. 1. 21. this teame must not take beginning after that and seeing also that all this desolation is prophesied to happen vnder Antiochus Epiphanes who was this little horne this tearme must not be extended after the death of Antiochus who died in the 149. yeare 1. Mac. 6. 16. 2. Some do begin this tearme in the 143. yeare when Antiochus went proudly into the Sanctuarie and tooke away the golden altar 1. Mac. 1. 23. And so this tearme of 6. yeares shall determine in the 148. yeare when Iudas Macchabeus recouered the citie purged the Temple then the 3. moneths and odde dayes are counted ouer and about to finish the purging sanctifying of the Temple Bull Pererius extendeth them to the death of Antiochus which was in the 149. yeare But this account cannot stand for from the beginning of the 143. yeare to the purging of the Sanctuarie by Iudas which was in the ninth moneth Chisleu the 25. day in the 148. yeare is not 6. yeares there wanteth 3. moneths and 5. dayes 3. Calvin will haue the sixe yeares to ende in the moneth Chisleu in which moneth the temple was polluted but 3. moneths after the moneth Chisle● the sixe yeares beeing expired it was cleansed in the moneth Adar and he noteth for this 1. Macchab. 4. 36. But there is no such thing obserued cōcerning any particular time the contrarie is euident in the 52. v. following that in the moneth Chisleu not Adar the temple was cleansed in the 148. yeare as three yeares before it had beene defiled in the same moneth in the 15. of Chisleu 4. Iunius whom Polanus followeth beginneth this time in the 142. yeare the sixt moneth and 6. day and so the full summe of 6. yeares 3. moneths and 20. dayes will come out in the 148. yeare in the ninth moneth the 25. day He beginneth the reckoning of this desolation of Ierusalem when Menclaus with other wicked men first obtained licence of the king to followe the ordinances of the heathen 1. Mac. 1. 14. and 2. Mac. 4. 25. And this seemeth to be the best account for though it cannot be precisely gathered out of the storie of the Macchabees when this tearme of a 2300. yeares beganne it must haue a perfect ende at the cleansing of the Sanctuarie which was in the 148. yeare on the 25. day of the ninth moneth Chisleu Pererius answereth that it is not necessarie to vnderstand that this cleansing of the Sanctuarie should be in the verie ende sed prope finem but toward the ende But the contrarie is euident out of the text that after the 2300. dayes then shall the Sanctuarie be cleansed But they which beginne the sixe yeares in the 143. yeare cannot ende this tearme at such time as the Sanctuarie was cleansed but extend it further 5. Some as Pererius noteth to make this tearme ende iust at the cleansing of the Sanctuarie doe read a 2200. dayes but this is an euident controlling of the text which speaketh of a 2300. dayes 6. Pappus indifferently summeth these dayes either from the first spoyling of the citie in the 143. yeare and so they shall ende in Antiochus death or from the setting vp of the abhomination of desolation in the 145. yeare in the moneth Chisleu 1. Macchab. 1. 57. and then they shall ende in the ouerthrowe and subuersion of Nicanor and his host which was two yeares after Antiochus death But this beeing a prophetical prediction must haue a certaine and definite accomplishment it cannot indifferently be taken two wayes I preferre therefore the fourth interpretation as the best 7. Now whereas c. 7. 25. there are assigned a time two times and a part that is 3. yeares and 10. dayes for the desolation of the Sanctuarie but here the summe of 2300. dayes maketh sixe yeares 3. moneths 20. dayes This must be vnderstood of all the time from the first defection or falling away of the people by the procurement of wicked Menelaus which was in the 42. yeare as is before shewed and then followeth Antiochus first comming to Ierusalem when he layd wast the citie and spoyled the people in the 143. yeare but the 3. yeares must beginne from the second comming of Antiochus in the 145. yeare when he set vp the abomination of desolation And therefore here menion is not made onely of the iniquitie of desolation and treading downe of the Sanctuarie but of the armie also that is the Lords people and the citie Polan 8. Herein also appeareth Gods mercie who now afflicteth his people in measure he fulfilleth not all out seuen yeares in the desolation of the citie and temple whereas before he punished them with a captiuitie of seuentie yeares Oecolampad Quest. 26. When the kingdome of the Greekes so often mentioned in the booke of the Macchabees tooke beginning 1. Lyranus is of opinion that the raigne of the Greekes should begin from the death of Alexander comment in 1. lib. Macchab. c. 1. But this cannot be for after Alexanders death for the space of 13. or 14. yeares there was no certaine succession of the kingdom Alexanders captaines one warring against another till those fowre kingdomes of Macedonia Asia Egypt Syria were setled 2. Ioannes Annius is yet more bold and controlleth those numbers set downe in the storie of the Macchabees that whereas Antiochus is said to beginne his raigne in the 137. yeare of the kingdome of the Greeks he saith it was the 153. yeare from the death of Alexander from whence the kingdome of the Greekes must be counted in
the manner thereof it should be made desolate for euer v. 26 27. 2. The text with the diuerse readings v. 1. In the first one H. yeare of Darius Dariavesh H. the sonne of Ahashuerosh Achasverosh H. of the seede of the Medes wherein which V. L. B. Gahefirst rather it is better referred to the yeare wherein he was 〈◊〉 king then to the person that was made he was made king ruled L. S. but the word is in the passiue ouer the Realme of the Chaldeans 2 In the first yeare of his raigne I Daniel vnderstood by bookes the number of the yeares whereof the word of the Lord came was H. vnto Ieremiah the Prophet to accomplish the desolation of Ierusalem seuentie yeares 3 I turned my face gaue my face H. vnto the Lord Iehouah H. and so throughout for the most part where Lord is translated God to seeke him by praier in seeking praier S. and supplication with fasting sackeloath and 〈…〉 4 And I praied vnto the Lord my God and made my confession confessed H. saying Oh B. G. or I pray thee A. I. V. Lord God great and fearefull which keepeth mercie toward them which loue him I. A. B. which loue thee L. S. V. G. 〈◊〉 the pronoune affix is here of the third person and toward them which keepe his commandements 5 We haue sinned and committed iniquitie and haue done wickedly yea we haue rebelled and haue departed from thy precept● and from thy iudgements 6 For we would not 〈…〉 vnto obey L. V. S. thy seruants the Prophets which spake in thy name to our Princes and our fathers and to all the people of the land 7 To thee O Lord belongeth righteousnes and to vs confusion of face open shame B. G. as it is this day as is come to passe B. or appeareth this day G. to euery man of Iudah and to the inhabitants of Ierusalem yea vnto all Israel neere or farre off throughout all the countries whither thou hast driuen them because of their trespasses which they haue trespassed agai●st thee 8 O Lord vnto vs appertaineth shame or confusion of face to our Kings to our Princes and to our fathers because we haue sinned not they haue sinned L. the verbe is put in the first person against thee 9 Vnto the Lord our God pertaineth compassion and forgiuenes because albeit G. V. although B. but the word is chi because we haue rebelled against him and therefore they looked onely for mercie from the Lord hauing no power in themselues 10 For we haue not hearkned vnto the voice of the Lord our God to walke in his lawes law L. which he set before vs gaue before our face H. by the hand that is the ministerie G. of his seruants the Prophets 11 Yea all Israel haue transgressed thy law in turning backe and not hearkning to thy voice therefore the curse is powred vpon vs and the oath that is written in the law of Moses the seruant of God because we haue sinned against him 12 And he hath confirmed his words euery one of his words I. which he spake against vs and our Iudges that iudged vs by bringing vpon vs a great plague euill H. for vnder the whole heauen was not done the like as is now come to passe done H. in Ierusalem 13 As it is written in the law of Moses all this euill is come vpon vs yet made we not our prayers before entreated the face of H. the Lord our God that we might turne vs from our iniquities and vnderstand thy in or toward thy truth 14 Therfore the Lord hath made readie the plague watched ouer the euill H. brought it vpon vs for righteous is the Lord our God in all the works which he doth for we would not hearken to his voice 15 And now O Lord our God which hast brought thy people out of the land of Egypt with a mightie hand and hast gotten thee renowne G. a name H. as appeareth this day which remaineth this day V. B. we haue sinned we haue done wickedly 16 O Lord according to all not in all L. S. the word is cecol not becol thy righteousnes I beseech thee let thine anger and thy wrath be turned away from thy citie Ierusalem thy holy mountaine the mountaine of thy holines H. for because of our sinnes and the iniquities of our fathers Ierusalem and thy people are a reproach to all that are round about vs to all our circuits H. 17 Now therefore O Lord our God heare hearken vnto H. the praier of thy seruant and his supplications and cause thy face to shine vpon thy Sanctuarie that lieth wast for the Lords sake not for thy sake L. S. for the word adonai is expressed 18 O my God encline thine eare and heare and behold our desolations and the citie G. or of the citie V. I. whereupon thy name is called whereon thy name is called vpon it H. for not for our righteousnes doe we prostrate our praiers L. present our prayers B. G. pray falling downe I. powre out our prayers V. cause our praiers to fall H. before thee but for thy great tender mercies 19 O Lord heare O Lord forgiue O Lord attend and doe it deserre not for thine owne sake for thy selfe H. O my God for thy name is called vpon thy citie and vpon thy people that is they are called by thy name V. I. 20 And while I was speaking and praying and confessing my sinne and the sinne of my people Israel and did prostrate cause to fall H. as before v. 18. my supplications before the Lord my God for the holy Mountaine mountaine of the holines H. of my God 21 Yea while I was speaking in my praier the man Gabriel whome I had seene in the vision at the first in the morning H. came flying beeing bid or made to flie H. for the word is in hophal earnestly with wearines H. or swiftly V. and touched me about the time of the euening oblation 22 And he informed me and talked with me and said O Daniel I am now come forth to giue thee vnderstanding and knowledge to make thee perceiue vnderstanding H. 23 At the beginning of thy supplications the commandement the word H. came forth and I am come to shew it thee L. B. G. ad for thou art much desired that is accepted of God I. greatly beloued B. G. a man of desires L. S. chamudoth desires H. D. Kimhi readeth hamiddoth a man of vertues and he is called a man of desires not actiuely because he much desired the deliuerance of the people but passiuely because he was a man according to Gods desire that is beloued and accepted of him so Vatab. a man desirous of things to be wished for vnderstanding it also actiuely of Daniels desire therefore vnderstand the matter and consider the vision 24 Seuentie weekes are cut out it is cut out H. impersonally are determined V. B. G. are abbreuiated or shortened L. but chatac signifieth to cut out vpon or
actiuely because Daniel so earnestly desired to vnderstand visions and secret mysteries for his owne and others better instruction so Hugo 2. Some giue this sense quia in te sunt multa desiderabilia because there are many excellent things to be desired in thee 3. or thou art a man of desires that is worthie to be beloued Pintus 4. But it is better vnderstood passiuely he was beloued and accepted with God and so Symmachus translateth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a man desired or beloued of God Oecolampad and so it answeareth to the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 freely beloued with which word the Angel saluteth Mary Luk. 1. 28. that as here God had chosen Daniel to reueale this mysterie vnto concerning the Messiah so Marie is elected of God to be the mother of Christ for the accomplishment of this vision So then Daniel is called a man of desires that is Deo acceptus accepted of God Calvin Iunius D●o amabilis beloued of God Lyranus Deo ch●rus deere vnto God Sa. for things which are esteemed and had in price are called things of desires as Esaus best raiment which Rebeckah put about her sonne Iakob are called garments of desires Genes 27. 15. and pleasant bread Daniel calleth bread of desires c. 10. 3. Polan Quest. 15. v. 24. Seuentie weekes are determined c How Daniels prayer is heard praying for the peoples deliuerance Seeing Daniel made his request for the deliuerance of the people the 70. yeares of captiuitie beeing expired and the Angel doth open vnto him an other vision of 70. weekes of yeares the question is how this is answerable vnto Daniels prayer 1. One answer is that because Daniel had some reuelation of the Messiah which should be incarnate both by the vision of the stone cut out without hands c. 2. and of the Sonne of man comming in the clouds c. 7. he had an earnest desire to be further instructed concerning the comming of the Messiah and therefore herein the Lord satisfieth Daniels desire 2. Lyranu● addeth further quia Dominus plus dat quam ab eo petatur because the Lord giueth and graunteth more then is asked of him he doth not onely assure Daniel of the temporall deliuerance of the people now after 70. yeares captiuitie but doth reueale also vnto him the spirituall and euerlasting deliuerance of the people of God after 70. weekes of yeares 3. Father it is answered that it is vsuall in Scripture when any thing is spoken of which is a type and figure of an other that in the handling thereof many things are deliuered which agree vnto the thing that is prefigured not vnto the type as in the Psalmes Dauid and Salomon 〈…〉 as types of Christ where many things as Psal. 2. Psal. 7● are declared which 〈◊〉 in no wayes agree vnto them but must be referred vnto Christ. And so in this prophesie the temporall deliuerance of the people beeing a type of their spirituall deliuerance by Christ vnder the one is signified the other Perer. so also Rupertus sic illam captiuitatem solvioptat vt pro maiori sollicitus ●it he so desireth that captiuitie to be dissolued as that yet he is carefull for a greater deliuerance 4. But it may furthe● be answered that beside that the Angel satisfieth Daniels desire concerning the deliuerance of the people he also foretelleth of the spirituall deliuerance by Christ that the people should not rest in that temporall benefit but be in continuall expectation of the comming of the Messiah by whom they should be redeemed from the bondage of sinne Polan As also because the people notwithstanding this captiuitie of 70. years continued in their sinne the Angel sheweth that God would yet giue them a longer time ofrepentance euen of seuentie weekes of yeares after which time if they repented not their citie should be destroyed according to the determinate sentence of God Iun. in commentar Quest. 16. v. 24. How the seuentie weekes must be vnderstood 1. These seuentie weekes cannot be taken for so many weekes of dayes as weekes are properly taken as Leni● 23. the feast of Pentecost followed seuen weekes after the feast of the Passeo●er for 70. weekes of dayes make but one yeare 4. moneths and 14. dayes so that then this prophesie should haue beene fulfilled in lesse time then a yeare and halfe Lyran. Bulling 2. Orige● taketh these weekes not for weekes of dayes or of single yeares but of tenne yeares that euerie one of these propheticall weekes should comprehend 70. yeares and so the whole 〈◊〉 of 70. of these weekes amounteth to 4900. yeares Eusebius in part followeth this interpretation of the weekes lib. 8. de d●monst Euangel for the last weeke of the 70. he extendeth to 70. yeares counting vnto the last weeke seuen times tenne yeares But if this reckoning should stand this prophesie of Daniel is not yet fulfilled for from Daniels time vntill now there are not aboue ●●00 yeares runne so that their should remaine 2700. yerres of the 70. weekes whereas we see that many yeares since Ierusalem was destroyed and their sacrifices and ceremonies abolished 3. Lyranus reporteth the opinion of some which vnderstand these to be Iubile weekes and some weekes of hundred yeares they which take them for so many Iubilees or 50. yeares make in euerie weeke 350. yeares and the whole summe will rise to 24500. yeares but if euerie day should be counted for an 100. yeares the weeke shall containe 700. yeares and 70. weekes 49000. yeares Against this exposition Lyranus alleadgeth these two reasons 1. no where in Scripture is the name of a weeke taken in any such sense either for 50. yeares or an 100. yeares but either it signifieth weeks of dayes or weekes of yeares 2. the world shall not continue so many thousand yeares neither should this prophesie be yet fulfilled concerning the destruction of the citie and Sanctuarie all which things we see came to passe aboue a 1500. yeare since 4. It remayneth then that we are here precisely to vnderstand 70. weekes of yeares euerie weeke containing 7. yeares for so is a weeke of yeares taken Leuit. 25. 8. thou shalt number seuen Sabbaths of yeares vnto thee euen seuen times seuen yeares so that 70. weekes of yeares make 490. yeares Iun. Perer. Polan Pellican cum caeter Quest. 17 Why 70. weeks are said to be cut out or determined Whereas the Latine translator readeth abbreuiatae sunt 70. weekes are abbreuiated or shortened this hath giuen occasion of some question 1. Augustine epistol 80. ad Hesychium maketh mention how some thus interpreted those words of our Sauiour Matth. 24. 22. that for the elects ●ake those dayes should be shortened that the dayes of persecution should be shorter then the naturall day of 24. houres and thus as well might some suppose the weekes to be said to be shortened like as we reade that in Iosuah and Hezekias time the day was lengthened and made longer then the natural day But this cannot be the
done a good while after So Iohn here omitteth those things which were done by our Sauiour betweene the 2. and 3. Pasch especially because they are handled at large by the other Euangelists Matth. c. 12. to 14. Mark 2. to the 6. Luk. 6. to the 9. 2. As some would thus abridge the number of the feasts and bring them to three so some others would enlarge the number of them as they which thinke that there passed a yeare betweene the baptisme of Christ and the first miracle which he did in Cana of Galile so that they thinke one of the Passeouers which followed next after the baptisme of Christ to be passed ouer in silence to this opinion inclineth Pererius and holdeth it to be an auncient receiued tradition But this is confuted before qu. 69. artic 6. 3. Ios. Scal. also thinketh that there were fiue Passeouers between the baptisme of Christ his passion making that mentioned Matth. 12. 1. Luk. 6. 1. to be the 3. Passeouer beside those other 4. mentioned by the Euangelist S. Iohn as is noted before quest 69. opinion the 4. But what small ground there is of this assertion there it is likewise shewed Wherefore this remaineth as the best resolution that because Christ onely kept 4. Passeouers neither more nor lesse after his baptisme as M. Lydyat well collecteth pag. 177. that he liued onely 3. yeares and so much as was from his baptisme to his first Passeouer and so was put to death in the 33. yeare of his age Now for the further manifestation hereof before we proceede it shall not be amisse breifely to touch the verie time of the yeare when Christ was borne and the verie day of his passion 71. Quest. At what time of the yeare Christ was borne 1. Epiphaenius opinion was that Christ was borne vpon the 6. day of Ianuarie vpon which day he thinketh he wrought his first miracle in Cana of Galile and before that 60. daies he was baptized whereof he maketh this demonstration after his baptisme he fasted 40. daies then he went to Nazareth and there staied 15. daies then one day which was the 56. he staied with Iohn who beeing absent gaue that singular testimony of Christ and the 57. Iohn beeing present called Christ the lambe of God that tooke away the sinnes of the world the 58. day Andrew followed Christ and the 59. Christ called vnto him Philip and the 60. day was there a marriage in Cana of Galile as vpon which day Christ was borne But here diuers things are vncertenly alleadged as of Iesus staying in Nazareth 15. daies and some of those things which Epiphanius thinketh to haue beene vttered by Iohn of our Sauiour after his baptisme Ioh. 1. were spoken before as v. 26. there is one among you c. whose shooes latchet I am not worthie to vnloose these words were vttered by Iohn-before the baptisme of our blessed Sauiour Matth. 3. 11. And seeing the Euangelist calleth it the 3. day wherein that miracle was done in Cana c. 2. 1. how can he make it the 60. day and the next day after Christ had that conference with Philip wheras it seemeth to be called the 3. day frō thence 2. M. Lydyat agreeth with their opinion whom Clemens Alexander mentioneth who held Christina●ale verna tempestate anni Christs birth day to haue beene in the spring and he alleadgeth Keplerus who leaueth it vncertaine whether Christ were borne the 6. of Ianuarie or the 19. of Aprill or May. M. Lydyats coniecture is because the sheepheards are said to haue watched their sheep by night which more agreeth with the spring time when the lambes were young and the rauenous beasts haue then their young also and so are more greedie and desirous of their pray p. 157. Contra. 1. But seeing there must be halfe a yeare betweene the season wherein Christ was baptized wherein he suffered because he preached 3. yeares an halfe after his baptisme which was in the beginning of his 30. yeare as S. Luke saith c. 3. 23. then will his passion fall out in the middle not in the ende of his last yeare and the time of his birth must be halfe a yeare before qu. 68. 2. The shepheards might watch their flockes as well at other times of the yeare when they kept their sheepe abroad as in the spring because that countrey was full of wolues the reason is giuen of their watching because of their flocke Luk. 2. 8. not of their young onely 3. The common and receiued opinion is that our blessed Sauiour was borne about the 25. of December and baptized 13. daies after that season in the beginning of his 30. yeare about the 6. of Ianuarie But beside these coniectures 1. that is not like that in the deepe of winter the edict should come forth from Augustus to haue men called together to me chiefe citie of their tribe to be taxed as Ioseph and Marie came to Bethlehem to be taxed Luk. 2. 6. 2. or that in the cold time of winter the people went into the waters of Iordan to be baptized of Iohn 3. beside these coniectures this is an euident argument that Christs birth was not so neare the Passeouer because by Daniels prophesie here there must be halfe a Propheticall weeke from the time of confirming the couenant by the preaching of the Gospel which was immediatly vpon the baptisme of Christ who was then entring into his 30. yeare Luk. 3. 23. from the baptisme then of Christ about which season he was borne we must count 3. yeares 6. moneths to the time of his passion 4. Vpon this reason Ber●aldus thinketh that Christ was borne about the 14. or 15. of September because 6. moneths after he suffered vpon the 15. of the first moneth Beside he taketh an other argument from the custome of the Grecians and Egyptians who in memorie of Christs birth beganne their yeare in September and the Imperiall indictions beganne then also and this third reason he vrgeth there were 24. courses of the Priests 1. Chron. 24. who serued euery moneth by couples Abiahs course of the which Zacharie was was the 8. single course 1. Chron. 24. 10. and the 4. double these courses beganne in March then Abiahs course fell out to be in Iune the 4. moneth immediatly after was Iohn Baptist conceiued and 6. moneths after our blessed Sauiour as may be gathered Luk. 1. 26. 36. Iohn beeing then conceiued in Iune must be borne 9. moneths after in March And our blessed Sauiour must be conceiued in December and his birth will fall out in the ninth moneth after namely September this reason also is pressed by Ioseph Scalig. M. Lively in his Persian Monarchie from p. 144. to p. 151. doth make this answer to Beroaldus reasons 1. he answereth to the first reason taken from that place in Luk. 1. that Christs age can not be gathered out of that place because it is said he was about or as it were 30. yeares old which
But they did much seruile worke vpon this day as in carrying the crosse pitching of it into the ground raising of it vp nayling Christ vnto it And indeede they themselues also resolued not to put Christ to death vpon the feast day Mark 14. 2. Ioseph Scaliger here answereth that the day wherein Christ suffered was the first day of vnleauened bread but not of the paschal solemnitie But this distinction is contrarie to the place before alleadged out of Exodus where the 15. day which was the first of vnleauened bread as likewise the seauenth and last are named to be daies of solemne assemblies wherein no seruile worke should be done sauing about that which they did eate 3. The day wherein Christ suffered is called the preparation of the Passeouer Ioh. 19. 14. it was not then the day of the Passeouer it selfe Ioseph Scaliger answereth that the preparation was not the whole day but onely after the ninth houre as he alleadgeth out of a certaine Edict of Augustus But 1. it appeareth that the preparation was the whole day at the least from the sixt houre as in the same place the Euangelist saith it was the preparation of the Passeouer and about the sixt houre 2. If then it were the preparation of the Passeouer then was not that day the first of the Passeouer 4. Paulus Burgens somewhat to helpe out this tradition of the Iewes his countreymen who deferred the Pasch if it fell out vpon the 6. day of the weeke to auoid the concurrence of two festiuall daies saith there was a double account of the 14. day of the Moone vna vera legitima secundum veram computationem Christi c. one was the true and lawfull day according to the true computation of Christ who knew all the mysteries of the law the other was legitima secundum communem assuetam computationem aliorum lawfull also according to the common and accustomed computation of others c. M. Lydyat also sheweth that the difference betweene the obseruation of the Pasch betweene our blessed Sauiour and the Iewes did arise hereupon because Christ reckoned the daies according to the computation of the naturall years but the Iewes followed the Syro-Grecian account found out by Callippus beginning the moneths not as the Hebrewes at the new Moone but as the Grecians beganne their moneths so that the Iewes began their moneth Nisan as the Grecians did their moneth Xanthicus which that yere beganne one day after the new Moone Lyd. de emend temp p. 179. Both these might very well concurre together that the Iewes did keepe another day of the Passeouer then Christ and his disciples both vpon a blind tradition to auoide the concurrence of two Sabbaths and because they followed a strange computation But it is euident hereby that they did not eate the Passeouer the same day with Christ and that they did breake the law of Moses in receiuing a forren computation of their moneths which was not lawfull howsoeuer Burgensis in fauour of his countreymen excuse it by the vsuall custome 74. Quest. Who are meant by the people of the Prince to come v. 26. There are diuerse expositions of these words 1. Some doe put the people in the accusatiue case he shall destroy the citie and Sanctuarie the people of the Prince to come 2. Some doe make it the nominatiue the people of the Prince to come shall destroy the citie and of either of these interpretations there are diuerse kinds Of the first 1. Some read thus he shall destroy the citie with the captaine to come Sept. but the word with is not in the originall 2. Iunius thus interpreteth he that is the Messiah the Prince shall destroy the people of the Prince his owne people which shall come that is which shall be then So also M. Br. he shall destroy the people of the Prince in the next generation But 1. it should seeme not to be so proper a speach he that is the Messiah the Prince should destroy the people of the Prince that is his owne people 2. and in the original there is no coniunction to couple them together the words standing thus and the citie and the Sanctuarie shall destroy the people c. but in this sense a coniunction must be supplied and the people c. 3. and though the word nagid prince were before ioyned with Messiah yet here beeing put alone it is not necessarie so to vnderstand it of the Messiah 4. neither were the Iewes then the people of the Messiah whom they had reiected and crucified 2. Of the second sort are these interpretations 1. Polanus giueth this sense the people of the Prince to come that is the Gentiles who should become the people of Christ beeing conuerted to the Gospell shall destroy the citie But the Romanes were not at that time when they sacked Ierusalem conuerted to the faith of Christ and so not his people 2. M. Liuely by this word to come vnderstandeth the strangers and commers which are opposite to inhabitants as the word is vsed Gen. 42. 5. the sonnes of Iacob came to buy food among those that came so his meaning is that the citie and Sanctuarie should be surprised by strangers and commers but the word haba to come seemeth rather to be referred vnto the time following then to the condition of the people though it be true that Ierusalem was spoiled by forreners and strangers 3. Some reade the principall people of the Prince or captaine to come Vatab. and he thinketh the destruction of the citie to be imputed vnto the people rather then their captaine because Titus would haue defended the Sanctuarie from the spoile of the souldiers but the word is nagid which signifieth a Prince not principall and the other obseruation seemeth to be somewhat too neere and curious 4. Oecolampadius by this captaine vnderstandeth Pompey the great who tooke Ierusalem and slew 12000. Iewes and afterward Crassus robbed the Temple and then Herod and Sosius made hauocke of the citie But this captaine with his people were to come after the Messiah was slaine which was spoken of immediately before 5. Wherefore by the Prince and people to come are signified Vespasian and Titus his sonne with the Romane armie which should besiege the citie and destroy both it and the Temple as Bulling Calv. Osiander doe well vnderstand it so also Lyranus and this is agreeable to that prediction of our Blessed Sauiour Luk. 19. 43. The dayes shall come vpon thee when thine enemies shal cast a trench about thee c. and shall make thee euen with the ground c. here the destruction of the citie is ascribed to the enemies not to the Messiah their Prince 6. Hugo thinketh it may be applyed also to that destruction of the citie which was after this by the Emperour Elius Adrianus But our Sauiour appointeth the time when all this should be fulfilled Matth. 24. 34. This generation shall not passe till all these things be done
he tooke it killed the captaine and put to the sword as Dia writeth 50. thousand Iewes And beside as Eusebius saith lib. 4. histor Eccl. c. 6. the Iewes were banished out of Iudea and forbidden euer to returne to Ierusalem which he repaired and called it by his owne name Aelia that the Iewes should neuer inhabit it againe Chrysostome also lib. 2. cont Iud. maketh mention how vnder the Empire of Constantine the great the Iewes began to rebell and thereupon the Emperour caused their eares to be cut off and themselues to be dispersed among all nations that their treacherie might be made knowne to all the world After this in Iulians time the Iewes had license from the Emperour who thought by this meanes to disgrace the Christian religion to build their Temple again who busily set themselues about that worke at that time Cyrillus Bishop of Ierusalem animated the Christians shewing out of this place of Daniel and Matth. 24. that their Temple should neuer be builded againe And it came so to passe for there were three miraculous accidents whereby the worke was hindred 1. after they had raised the building vpon the old foundation all was tumbled and cast downe in the night 2. there came forth a fire which consumed all their engines and instruments 3. there appeared bright redde markes like the crosse vpon their garments which they could by no meanes rubbe or wash out and so the Iewes were faine to giue ouer The truth of this storie Chrysostome auoucheth which was done but 20. yeares before his time oration 2. cont Iudaeos And further to conuince the Iewes he sheweth that they were not thus crossed and hindred vnder a Christian Emperour but vnder an enemie to Christian religion when Christians generally were persecuted that this might appeare onely to be Gods worke this historie is reported by Ruffin lib. 1. c. 37 38. by Socrates lib. 3. c. 20. Theodoret. lib. 3. c. 20. And to this day the Iewes neuer were able to preuaile in their purpose and desire to recouer their countrey citie or Temple So that the veritie and certentie of Daniels prophesie is euident to all the world that desolation shall be powred vpon them euen vnto the ende Thus haue I now by Gods speciall assistance finished this wearisome taske and most difficult question of Daniels weekes In the skanning and calculating whereof I confesse I was as many weekes in painfull studie and meditation as Daniel was in heauines when he had that vision in the next chapter c. 10. 2. I haue not omitted any thing to my knowledge that affoarded matter of doubt or question And in such great diuersitie of opinion which breedeth distraction though it be hard to finde out the best yet I am perswaded I haue resolued of the most probable and reasonable interpretation yet so as I will not preiudice the iudgement of any but leaue the Reader to his choice not doubting but that all reasons weighed circumstances duely considered inconueniences auoided he will incline to mine opinion Now I will proceede to other matters of note obserued out of this Chapter 4. Places of doctrine 1. Doctr. Of ordinarie and extraordinarie prayer v. 3. I sought by prayer and supplication with fasting sackecloath and ashes c. This was an extraordinarie praier which Daniel here maketh beside that ordinarie praier which be made thrice euery day c. 6. 10. in the morning euening and at noone So there are two kind of prayers ordinarie which we ought twice euery day at the least or oftner to powre forth vnto God of the which the Apostle speaketh 1. Thess. 5. 17. Pray continually there is also extraordinarie praier when either some iudgement is feared which we would auert and turne aside by prayer or when we want any speciall grace or assistance from God and this the Apostle meaneth 1. Cor. 7. 5. Defraud not one an other except it be with corsent for a time that ye may giue your selues to fasting and prayer Calvin 2. Doctr. When fasting is to be ioyned with prayer Fasting is not to accompanie ordinarie but extraordinarie prayer where must be considered 1. the occasion of such fasting which is either in the time of some great iudgement and calamitie either to be preuented or els to be remooued or when any speciall assistance or grace is sued for 2. the ende must be considered which is not to please God by our fasting as though it were a part of his seruice directly or that we hoped to merit thereby but onely it is vsed as a meanes to tame the bodie and keep it vnder to make the inward man more seruent Thus the Israelites fasted and prayed when they had beene twice ouercome of Beniamin entreating the Lords assistance Iudg. 21. 1. and Esther c. 4. when she was to make suite for her people and the Church of Antioch when they sent forth Paul and Barnabas to preach Act. 13. Polan 3. Doctr. Confession of sinnes necessarie in prayer v. 4. I prayed and made my confession Confession of sinnes is either publike either by the whole congregation or of one and more before the Congregation or priuate either of ones sinnes by himselfe or in the name of many and each of these confessions is either ordinary or extraordinarie This confession of Daniel was of the latter sort wherein he confesseth not his owne sinnes onely but the sinnes of his people And if Daniel so holy a man yet confessed his sinnes in his prayer how much more ought we sinnefull men alwaies in our prayers to make our confessions as the Prophet Dauid saith Psal. 32. 5. Then I acknowledged my sinne vnto thee c. and thou forgauest the punishment of my sinne 4. Doctr. Of the diuerse degrees of sinne v. 5. We haue sinned and committed iniquitie and haue done wickedly yea we haue rebelled There are fowre degrees of sinne which may be compared to a diuerse going out of the way 1. as one may a little erre out of the way 2. but after declineth more 3. and beeing out of the way walketh on still 4. vntill he be so obstinate in his course that he cannot be brought againe into the way so some there are which at the first 1. sinne of error and these are they which are said to sinne 2. then they erre yet more such commit iniquitie 3. and walke and continue in their errour which are said to doe wickedly as Dauid when he fell into those two great sinnes of murther and adulterie 4. And at the last they growe intractable and not to be wonne and these rebell against God such an one was Saul that would by no meanes be reclaymed We learne hereby that howsoeuer we may fayle in the first and second kind yet we should take heede of the great downefall in the 3. and 4. 5. Doctr. How the true ministers of God must be discerned v. 6. We would not obey thy seruants the Prophets 1. They are called Gods seruants they must be sure and
11. epist. c. 3. These scrappes of some auncient writers the Romanists in these daies haue gathered vp who affirme the same that Antichrist shall haue his seat at Ierusalem reedifie the Temple and command circumcision The same is the generall opinion of the Iewes that when their expected Messiah commeth the citie and Temple shall be built againe and he shall restore vnto them their kingdome and countrey be a victorious conqueror suppressing the armies of Gog Magog Now then as the Romanists themselues hold the obstinate Iewes to be in error that denie the Messiah and Christ to be come looking for an other so they making their Antichrist to be the same with the Iewes Messiah are in the like error expecting for the comming of an other Antichrist who long since is come alreadie and manifested in the world and as soone shall the Iewes Messiah come as this their imagined Antichrist Hauing now thus briefly discouered these errors of the Romanists concerning Antichrist we will now come to set forth the true signes and marks whereby the Antichrist is discouered and so find him out where he is 10. Controv. Of the true markes whereby Antichrist may be discerned 1. As he is called Antichrist so he shall in all things be opposite and contrarie vnto Christ. 1. Christ was most holy and by the spirit of God which remained in him was mooued in his thoughts words and workes onely to that which was good but Antichrist by the operation and instinct of Sathan shall be stirred vp vnto all kind of euill this Pererius confesseth how this hath bin performed in that Romish chaire of pestilence all the world seeth and they which are not wilfully blinded must needes acknowledge what blasphemie idolatrie profanenes vncleannes of life murders and other impieties haue beene committed by that Sea hath beene abundantly shewed elswhere so that that title which the holy Apostle hath giuen vnto Antichrist calling him the man of sinne 2. Thess. 2. 8. doth more fitly agree vnto none then to the Bishop of Rome 2. Christ was humble and meeke but Antichrist shall be most proud 3. Christ was most obedient vnto his father and gaue most honourable testimonie of him Antichrist shall be most contumelious and blasphemous against God and therfore he is said Apoc. 13. to be full of the names of blasphemie 4. Christ came to preach the truth Antichrist shall be the sower of all corrupt and false doctrine 5. Christ said his kingdome was not of this world but Antichrist shall altogether seeke the pompe and glorie of this world 6. Christ was the head of all good and holy men and Antichrist shal be caput malorum the head of the euill and wicked men These notes and marks Pererius giueth of Antichrist shewing wherein he shall be an enemie and aduersarie vnto Christ. All which notes and markes doe most fitly agree to the Bishop of Rome for what place can shew more examples of all kind of wickednes then that who is more proud and ambitious blasphemous then he where is taught more false and corrupt doctrine then there who seeketh more the outward pompe of the world then he and who els chalengeth to be head of the malignant Church but he 2. Pererius saith that Antichrist shall be a great dissembler and hypocrite he shall make a shew of three great vertues chastitie abstinencie and pietie And who maketh a greater shew of these then the Pope he would seeme to be so chast that he forbiddeth his Clergie lawfull marriage yet suffering them to practise secretly all kind of vncleannes he would seeme to be abstemious in forbidding the vse of lawfull meates and for his pietie he will be saluted and called the most holy father 3. Antichrist shall corrupt many with his great gifts and liberall rewards And so the Pope hath Cardinals hats Archbishops palles Bishops miters and other dignities with ample and large reuenues to bestow vpon his followers as Bishop Fisher in king Henries daies was rewarded with a Cardinals hat for his good seruice in maintaining the Popes supremacie but the head that should haue worne it was first set vp vpon London bridge Bellarmine for his great paines taken in defending of the Popes supremacie and other points of Antichristian doctrine was made a Cardinal 4. Pererius addeth further that whome Antichrist cannot winne with flatterie gifts he will seeke to ouercome by terror and torments lib. 14. in 11. Dan. v. 21. Such hath beene the practise of the Antichristian Prelates as the former daies of persecution in England doe plentifully testifie for first they would set vpon the faithfull seruants of God by flatterie and faire promises and so not preuailing they would threaten faggot and fire this may be euidently seene in the examinations of the blessed seruants of God D. Taylor M. Philpot. M. Bradford with the rest 5. Last of all Antichrist shall deceiue saith Pererius faciendo plurima admiranda prodigia by working many prodigious things And this hath beene the continuall practise of the Papal Church with forged miracles to deceiue the simple people as hath beene before declared And hitherto I haue followed Pererius steppes shewing how his markes of Antichrist doe most fitly agree vnto his Pope holy father the Bishop of Rome 11. Controv. How the description of Antiochus historically doth typically decypher the Pope and Antichrist Though in this propheticall narration of Daniel c. 11. from v. 21. to the ende Antiochus be properly described yet figuratiuely it may be applyed vnto Antichrist And it letteth not that Antiochus was a ciuill and temporall king and the Pope taketh vpon him chiefely to be a spirituall gouernour for as Doeg notwithstanding he was one of Sauls courtiers yet was a type of Iudas one of the twelue Apostles as appeareth Psal. 69. 26. and 109. 8. compared with Act. 1. 20. And so Achitophel also one of Dauids politike Counsellers of state a figure of the same Iudas Psal. 55. 14. and Mark 14. 20. So Antiochus as well may be a figure and type of the Antichristian Prelate 1. Antiochus is said to be a vile and abiect person and not to haue come vnto the honour of the kingdome by any right and title or by consent or election but by flatterie So the Romane Bishop was at the first of small respect who by little and little vsurped ouer the Church not by any right or title thereunto or by common consent and suffrage of the Church but by flatterie and deceit Bulling Polan Hereunto also agreeth the former prophesie c. 7. 8. where this enemie vnto the people of God is called a little horne in respect of his obscure and base beginning and Reuel 13. the beast which signifieth Antichrist is said to ascend out of the ●arth 2. Antiochus is set forth as a victorious conqueror the armes shall be broken before him v. 22. So the Antichrist of Rome hath much preuailed and prospered in the world though not so much
Iun. Polan Quest. 19. What is meant by a time two times and an halfe v. 7. Some doe take this for an vncertaine and indefinite time Some for a certaine and limited tearme and of both sorts there are sundrie opinions Of the first sort 1. some doe thinke that the time of the afflictions of the people of God certissimum esse apud Deum sed nobis incognitum is certaine with God but to vs vnknowne Bulling B. so that the meaning is no more but this these things shall most certainely come to passe but whether post modica vel multa temporis intervalla after a long or short time it is not knowne to vs Bulling 2. Some because the time is here halued doe thinke that thereby is signified modicum tempus a short time a little while and doe expound it by that place Apoc. 6. 11. They should rest for a little season vntill their fellow seruants c. were fulfilled Oecolampad Pappus 3. But some contrariwise here vnderstand a long time tempus hic ponitur pro longo tractu tempora pro longiore tractu here time is put for a long tract or continuance times for a longer M. Calv. Genevens Now all these opinions are confuted by these reasons 1. because the same phrase of a time two times and a part of time are taken before c. 7. 25. for a certaine and definite tearme therefore it is like to be so taken here 2. this time is diuided a part of time therefore it is a certaine and definite number for that which is vncertaine and indefinite vseth not to be deuided into parts 3. And what comfort had there beene in this prescription and naming of time if there were giuen no certaine direction how long this troublesome time should continue 4. Of the second sort some take this for a certaine number of yeares whereof some vnderstand by daies yeares some so many daies literally by a time two times and an halfe which make yeares three and an halfe or a part that is daies 1225. or thereabout are signified so many yeares 1200. and odde which Melancthon beginneth from Daniels time whereof 600. yeares were expired vnto Christ and about 600. yeares after the sect of the Mahumentans did spring in the East and religion beganne to be corrupted in the West by the Bishops of Rome 5. Osiander beginneth this tearme where Melancthon endeth it and continueth it vnto the destruction of the Romane Antichrist and of his tyrannicall kingdome But all these things here must be accomplished while the Church of the Iewes yet continued which are here called the holy people 6. They which vnderstand by a time two times and an halfe a yeare two yeares and an halfe as indeede they signifie as c. 4. seuen times during the humiliation of Nebuchadnezzer are vnderstood to be feuen yeares some doe referre it vnto the time of Antichrists tyrannie who shall rage again●t the Church of Christ three yeares and an halfe as Christ preached three yeares and an halfe Hierome Lyran. Hugo Pintus with others But they thinke that their Antichrist shall beare sway longer in the whole yet the heate of his most cruell and outragious persecution shall continue but 3. yeares and an halfe But this interpretation is refused vpon the former reason because this prophesie concerned the holy people of God that then was and beside that imagination of some one singular person to rise vp to be Antichrist is but a fabulous and phantasticall conceit as is before shewed c. 11. Controv 2. 7. This time then here prescribed and limited precisely signifieth three yeares and an halfe or rather part of time for so long continued the desolation of the Sanctuarie vnder Antiochus which beganne in the 145. yeare the 15. day of the moneth Casteu 1. Macchab 1. 57. and ended in the 148. yeare on the 25. day of the same moneth 1. Macchab. 4. 52. so that the euent of the historie doth very fitly explane this prophesie Iun. Polan But against this exposition which Porphyrius also did hit vpon Hierome thus obiecteth 1. if the time two times and an halfe that is three yeares and an halfe must be referred vnto Antiochus whereof mention is made before c. 7. 25. then that which followeth also in the same place v. 27. The kingdome vnder the whole heauen shall be giuen vnto the holy people of the most high c. and all Princes shall serue him must be applied either to Antiochus or to the people of the Iewes which is manifestly false 2. the defolation of the Temple continued but three yeares as Iosephus writeth l. 12. c. 10. but this tearme is of three yeares and an halfe 3. Lyranus obiecteth that the persecution vnder Antiochus continued sixe yeares from the yeare 143. 1. Macch. 1. 21. to the yeare 148. 1. Macch. 4. 52. Answ. 1. There is no consequent that those words which follow should be either vnderstood of Antiochus or of the Iewes who neuer ruled ouer the whole world for there the Prophet sheweth the destruction and ruine of the tyrannie of Antiochus by Christ to whome raigning spiritually in his Church there called the holy people the kingdome should be giuen ouer the whole earth 2. The word chatzi signifieth not onely the halfe but the part of a thing as the same is expressed by an other word pelag c. 7. 25. which signifieth a diuision and so indeede the desolation of the Temple continued iust 3. yeares and a part of a yeare namely tenne daies as is before shewed therefore Iosephus is deceiued which maketh account but of three yeares for there were tenne daies aboue 3. The persecution vnder Antiochus was either of the citie with spoiling also and robbing onely of the Temple or in laying wast the Sanctuarie and causing the daily oblation to cease the first continued aboue sixe yeares euen 2300. daies as is prophesied c. 8. 14. but the other endured onely three yeares and ten daies so these diuers persecutions had their diuers tearmes and both may well stand together Some thinke that this tearme of 3. yeares and an halfe sheweth the tearme of Christs persecution in the daies of his flesh which was iust so many yeares M. Br. this prophesie may haue such an analogicall application but the historicall accomplishment was vnder Antiochus as hath beene sufficiently prooued 20. Quest. Of the meaning of the words v. 7. When he hath made an ende to disperse the hand of the holy people Some referre these words to the comming of Christ in the flesh some to the ende of the world some to the daies of Antiochus 1. Of the first sort some giue this sense when God hath dispersed the hand that is the place and citie of this holy people which came to passe in the destruction of Ierusalem then these things shall be fulfilled Iun. in comment But 1. beside that the Iewes after they had put Christ to death were not worthie to be called the people of God but were reiected of
seasons which the father hath kept in his owne power Perer. and so he saith in effect Goe thy way nihil amplius dicturus sum I will say no more at this time vnto thee Vatab. Pintus But it appeareth by the explanation which followeth that Daniel was not altogether repelled 2. Wherefore in part Daniel hath his request pleniorem explicationem Christus exhibuit Christ doth more fully explane the former prophecie of the time of the persecution M. Br. partly he faileth in his desire for he obtaineth not singularem minutam istarum rerum cognitionem a particular and seuerall knowledge of these things which are sealed vp vntill the time come when they should be fulfilled Iun. in commentar for if all these things had beene particularly expounded aforehand the faith and patience of Gods seruants had not beene so fully tried if euery thing had beene manifest as in their sight before for as the Apostle saith 2. Cor. 5. 7. We walke by faith and not by sight 23. Quest. Of those words v. 10. The wicked shall doe wickedly and none shall haue vnderstanding what wicked he speaketh of 1. Some expound this place by that place 2. Pet. 3. 3. that in the last daies there shall be mockers which shall say Where is the promise of his comming that although some shall profit by the Lords chastisments and thereby be purged and made white yet others shall be secure passing their time in pleasure and carnall delight Oecolampad euen as it was in the daies of Noe and Lot Bulling But the vnderstanding or not vnderstanding here spoken of is concerning the prophesie of this booke as Lyranus obserueth which concerneth not the afflictions of the last times otherwi●e then by way of analogie 2. Pererius and Pintus thinke that the wicked may attaine vnto some knowledge but it shall be infructuosa cognitio an vnfruitfull and vnprofitable knowledge But this rather is giuen as a reason why they shall doe wickedly because nihil intelligent quia excaecati sunt they shall vnderstand nothing because they are blinded Calv. the knowledge of these secrets and mysteries shall be kept from their eyes 3. Here then is speciall relation had vnto the false brethren that should be in those daies of persecution which ●hould giue way vnto Antiochus wicked proceedings and labour to seduce and betray their brethren Iun. annot which should not haue any care to obserue the accomplishment of this prophesie nor compare the euent therewith of these the Angel foretold before c. 11. 34. Many shall cleaue vnto them fainedly And as it was in those daies of persecution so should it be afterward as S. Paul saith 2. Tim. 3. 12. All that will liue godly in Christ Iesus shall suffer persecution but the euill men and deceiuers shall waxe worse deceiuing and beeing deceiued of such also speaketh S. Iohn Apoc. 22. 11. He that is vniust let him be vniust still he that is filthie let him be filthie still c. 24. Quest. What the abomination of desolation is mentioned v. 11. 1. Hierome and Theodoret vnderstand hereby the discontinuing of the true seruice of God by Antichrist at his comming he shall bring in an horrible desolation and abolish the true seruice of God he shall Dei cultum interdicere forbid the seruice and worship of God But neither doth this prophecie concerne the ende of the world nor yet shall there be any such singular Antichrist 2. Pererius and Pintus with other Romanists vnderstand this of the abrogating of the sacrifice of the Masse and in stead thereof Antichrist shall command himselfe to be worshipped so also Hug. Card. Antichristus se exhibebit ad adorandum Antichrist shall cause himselfe to be worshipped But 1. that idolatrous sacrifice of the Masse is rather the abomination of desolation it selfe whereby the true seruice of Christ and the right vse of the Eucharist according to Christs institution is abolished 2. neither shall this abomination be Antichrist himselfe but he shall set vp this abomination as it is saide before c. 11. 31. They shall set vp the abomination c. that is wicked Antiochus with his captaines he that setteth vp and that which is set vp is not the same 3. Bullinger thinketh it is abominanda gentis vrbis vastatio the abominable laying wast of the nation and citie of the Iewes at the destruction of Ierusalem by the Romans but this prophesie was rather fulfilled in Antiochus time as afterward shall be shewed 4. M. Calvin vnderstandeth the sacrifices of the Iewes which were abominable after the sacrifice of Christs death performed vpon the crosse so also Pëllic but the daily sacrifice of the Temple was not taken away presently after Christs death 5. Osiander thinketh this abominable desolation to be the idolatrous seruice brought into the Church by the Romane Antichrist but then can not the time here described by daies agree for more then so many daies or moneths hath the true seruice of God beene corrupted by them and so many yeares as here are named daies God forbid that Antichrists corrupt religion should continue 6. Wherefore this abomination which shall be set vp was no other but the profanation of the Temple by Antiochus when he caused that abominable idol of Iuppiter Olympius to be brought into the Temple and the daily sacrifice to cease 1. Macchab. 1. 57. 2. Macchab. 6. 2. And hereof mention is made before c. 8. 13. and 11. 31. likewise c. 9. 27. but there the abomination of desolation is spoken of which should be set vp in the finall destruction of the citie and Temple by the Romanes as is shewed c. 9. quest 88. Quest. 25. The 1290. dayes mentioned v. 11. how to be taken 1. Lyranus taketh this to be the tearme of Antichrists tyrannicall raigne in the ende of the world euen 3. yeares 6. moneths and 12. dayes so also Pererius but he counteth onely 10. odde dayes so also Pintus with other Romanists thinke that Antichrist shall raigne 3. yeares and an halfe but as Bullinger saith it is not like that Antichrists kingdome should continue ad tempus vsque adeo breue for so verie a short time 2. Bullinger sheweth how the Iewes warre before the finall destruction of the citie begunne by Vespasian in the 14. yeare of Nero his raigne and ending the second yeare of Vespasian continued about a 1290. dayes that is 3. yeare and an halfe but the text is that these dayes must beginne from the time of that abhominable desolation and continue onely during that time but after these warres which held 3. yeares and an halfe that desolation of the citie and Temple beganne which then ended not but continueth vnto this day 3. Some by so many dayes vnderstand so many yeares a 1290. yeares so long Osiander thinketh that the profanation of religion should continue vnder the Romane Antichrist from the first beginning thereof vnto the vtter ruine of Antichrist But we trust that God will not suffer that man of
sinne so long to afflict his Church 4. Some vnderstand here no certaine but an indefinite and vnlimited time as Oecolamp multiplicatione dierum longum tempus Antichristianae impietatis agnoscas by the multiplying of dayes knowe that the time of Antichrists impietie shall be long so also Calvin by this number of dayes thinketh that tempus immensum a great time is signified 5. Pellican contrariwise inferreth magnus numerus sed breue tempus significat a great number of dayes but it signifieth a short time that the Iewes sacrifices should not long continue after Christs death But in that this number receiueth an addition of 45. dayes which make with the former summe a 1335. dayes it is euident that a certaine time is hereby signified 6. Wherefore that which he called before a time two times and an halfe is here explained to be 1290. dayes that is 3. yeares 7. moneths and about 13. dayes which must beginne from the profanation of the Temple by Antiochus which was in the 145. yeare the 15. of Casleu which was the ninth moneth 1. Mac. 1. 57. and must ende 45. dayes before Antiochus death Iunius setteth downe the time precisely when the 1290. dayes ended in the 15. day of the moneth Xanthicus which is the 11. moneth in 48. yeare when Antiochus by his publike edict and writing confirmed and ratified the Iewes religion restored by Iudas Macchabeus But the time will not agree if we beginne from the profanation of the Temple from the 15. of the 9. moneth Casleu in the 45. yeare from whence to the 15. of the 11. moneth Xanticus in the 48. yeare are but 3. yeares and iust 2. moneths therefore Iunius in his commentarie to helpe this beginneth the profanation of the Temple in the 15. day of the 4. moneth in the 145. yeare and citeth 1. Macchab. 1. and so the time will agree but there the moneth Casleu is named 1. macchab 1. 57. which was the ninth not the 4. moneth 1. Macchab. 4. 52. therefore I rather with Polanus thinke that the 1290. dayes determine at such time as Iudas Macchabeus had prosperous successe against the Ammonites with their captaine Timotheus after he had cleansed the Temple and Antiochus himselfe was forced to suffer the Iewes to enioy their libertie and religion and this was 45. dayes before the death of Antiochus though the precise and particular time be not expressed in storie Quest. 26. The tearme of 1335. dayes expounded 1. This tearme of 45. dayes added to the former number of a 1290. dayes maketh it a 1335. dayes so many dayes after the death and slaughter of Antichrist shall Christ come in his maiestie Hierome with whom consenteth herein Pererius and the Romanists in generall because they thinke by this meanes to free the Pope from this imputation to be Antichrist But this opinion cannot stand 1. they cannot assigne the right cause why these 45. dayes should be giuen after the death of Antichrist Theodoret thinketh that in this space Henoch and Elias shall preach vnto the world but Hyppolitus holdeth and so the Romanists generally that they shall be slaine by Antichrist some thinke this respite shall be giuen for the repentance of the world but 45. dayes is a small tearme for repentance God gaue the old world an 120. yeares for their repentance 2. if Christ shall come to iudge the world iust 45. dayes after the death of Antichrist then the verie day of Christs comming may be knowne before which is contrarie to the Scripture 3. Lyranus thus argueth that whereas at the comming of Christ there shall be great peace and securitie eating and drinking and feasting this great securitie would aske a larger space then of 45. dayes 2. Lyranus noteth that some Hebrewes take these dayes for so many yeares that after the setting vp of that abhomination in the Temple there should be a 1335. yeares to the comming of their Messiah But they are herein much deceiued for if they reckon from the setting vp of the idol by Antiochus in the Temple which was as Eusebius counteth in the 153. Olympiad there are runne aboue a 1700. yeares if from the last setting vp of the image of Adrian which was in the yeare of the Lord an 140. according to Eusebius then are there expired aboue a 1460. yeares from thence 3. M. Calvin thinketh that this addition of 45. dayes signifieth no certaine time but onely hereby is signified that although the time seeme to be prolonged for the deliuerance of the Church yet the godly should waite with patience so also Oecolampad Pellican But this adding and putting to of one number to another euidently sheweth that a certaine summe of yeares or dayes is intended 4. Melancthon putteth both these numbers of a 1290. and a 1335. together which make 7. yeares and three moneths which tearme he beginneth in 145. yeare of the Greeks and endeth in the 151. yeare when Nicanor was ouercome But these two numbers haue the same beginning from the time that the daily sacrifice should cease 5. Some by these two summes put together vnderstand so many yeares namely two thousand six hundred and odde whereof 6. hundred were expired at Christs comming and two thousand should runne out afterward But who can define whether the world shall yet continue 400. yeares the day yeare or houre is not reuealed 6. Osiander thinketh this last summe of a 1335. yeares to be set for the continuance of the kingdome of Antichrist vnderstanding so many yeares but he thinketh it is not known when this tearme taketh beginning because God would haue the time of Christs comming to iudgement kept secret But neither shall the kingdome of Antichrist continue so many years neither doth this prophesie properly but by way of analogie cōcerne the latter times 7. Bullinger taketh these 45. dayes to beginne from the taking of the citie for immediately after many were sold into captiuitie condemned vnto the mines and stone quarries some reserued for triumph therefore he should be thought an happie man that suruiued vnto the ende of these dayes But these miseries of the Iewes continued longer then 45. dayes or 40. yeares after the destruction of the citie and what happinesse could there be vnto that nation to see their Temple and citie layed wast 8. Therefore these 45. dayes added to the former summe are prescribed to shewe the death of Antiochus which was in the 149. yeare as 1. Macchab. 6. 16. though the verie moneth and day of his death be not expressed in that historie yet it is without question that it was 45. dayes after the religion of the Iewes was restored and their state setled Iun. Polanus Thus haue we fowre tearmes set downe concerning the persecution of Antiochus 1. 2300. dayes c. 8. 14. which maketh 6. yeares 3. moneths and 20. dayes which comprehendeth the whole time from the first beginning of that persecution before the Sanctuarie was defiled see more hereof c. 8. quest 24. 2. there is a time two times and a
a farre diuers end then Christs passion was for Christ suffered for our redemption his members suffer not for that ende for Christs offering was sufficient which otherwise should haue beene imperfect if it needed any other supplie but they suffer both for themselues to be made conformable vnto Christ and for the confirmation and example of others in which sense S. Paul saith 2. Tim. 2. 10. I suffer all things for the Elects sake that they may also obtaine saluation So Thomas Aquinas well expoundeth passiones sanctorum prosiciunt Ecclesiae non quidem per modum redemptionis sed per modum exempli exhortationis c. the passions of the Saints doe profit the Church not by way of redemption but of example and exhortation according to that saying 2. Cor. 1. 6. Whether we be troubled it is for your consolation and saluation c. 10. Controv. That the Saints merits as they are diuers doe not merit diuers degrees of glorie v. 3. They that be wise shall shine as the brightnes of the firmament Though we admit that there shall be diuersitie of glorie among the Saints in the next world as one starre differeth from an other in glorie yet two errors are here to be taken heede of 1. the curiositie of the heretikes called Cataphryges whose sect-masters were Montanus and his two Prophetesses Prisca and Maximilla who imagined that the bodies of the Saints should some exceede the Sunne in glorie an hundred fold some more some lesse which is a curious and idle fansie and speculation the Scripture saith that the righteous shall shine as the Sunne in the kingdome of Christ but by how many degrees their bodies shall exceede the brightnes of the Sunne it is a superfluous and curious inquisition 2. The Romanists thinke that this difference and diuersitie of glorie is measured vnto the Saints according to their diuersitie of merit which is a great error mens works as they are great and small shall be a rule according to the which men shall be iudged but the greatest works are not meritorious of the least degrees of glorie as Christ teacheth his disciples to say Luk. 17. 10. When ye haue done all those things which are commanded you say ye are vnprofitable servants 11. Controv. The Scriptures not so obscure but all may be admitted to the reading of them v. 4. Thou Daniel shut vp the words c. Hence Pererius inferreth that not onely this prophesie of Daniel but other bookes of Scripture also are obscure and hard to be vnderstood it should be as a cloased booke to them that would reade it and thereupon he crieth out against heretikes meaning in his Iesuited or rather Iudasited sense the Protestants which should affirme omnem diuinam Scripturam cuilibet etiam de vulgo facilem esse perviam that all the diuine Scripture is easie and plaine to be vnderstood euen of euery one of the common people Likewise the Rhemists doe falsely charge the Protestants to say that the Scriptures are so easie that they may not onely be read but expounded of the learned and vnlearned and that euerie one may make choise of such sense as himselfe liketh in 1. Pet. 3. vers 16. Contra. 1. They doe here notoriously slaunder the Protestants fot we denie not but that many places in Scripture are hard to be vnderstood neither do we giue libertie to ouery one to expound the Scripture as they list 2. But this we affirme that the doctrine of faith and of all things necessarie to saluation is set forth in plaine and manifest places of Scripture to the reading whereof euen the vnlearned may safely be admitted as our Blessed Sauiour exhorteth generally all Search the Scrptures for in them yee thinke to haue eternall life Ioh. 5. 39. 3. Neither doth it followe because some things in Daniels prophesie are hard that all the Scripture is so and yet the hardnesse of this prophesie was but for a time for when these things were accomplished then the meaning thereof plainely appeared And therefore Daniel is bid to seale it vp but for a time See more of the perspicuitie and plainnesse of Scripture Synops. Centur. 1. err 6. 12. Controv. Bellarmine confuted who by diuers arguments out of this chapter would prooue the Pope not to be Antichrist 1. Argum. Antichrist shall raigne onely 3. yeares and an halfe called here a time two times and an halfe which is defined to be a 1260. daies Apoc. 11. 3. and 12. 6. But the Pope hath raigned in the Church now more then 1500. yeares at the least therefore the Pope is not that Antichrist Bellarm. lib. 3. de Rom. pontif c. 8. Ans. 1. The proposition is false for this place of Daniel is vnderstood of Antiochus that so long the Sanctuarie should lie prophaned and polluted by him he was indeede a type of Antichrist but not in euery respect as namely in the time and continuance of his tyrannie types doe not answer in euery respect vnto the thing that is shadowed forth but onely in that wherein they are types as Dauid and Salomon were types of Christ yet it followeth not that Christs kingdome shall continue but 40. yeares because they raigned no longer 2. That tearme of a 1260. daies mentioned in the Apocalyps Polanus taketh to signifie that time precisely namely 3. yeares and an halfe when the Church of Christ fled from Ierusalem vnto a towne called Pella where they were preserued during which time the citie was besieged and at the last taken and destroied but these daies are rather taken prophetically for so many yeares 1260. during which time the mysterie of iniquitie did worke in the Church which tearme some beginne in the yeare 300. so Napier vpon the Reuelation propos 36. Iunius also taketh those daies for so many yeares Apoc. 11. 3. 3. In that he saith the Pope hath raigned 1500. yeares in the Church therein he confesseth that the Pope is the Antichrist that taketh vpon him to raigne in the Church whereas S. Peter saith 1. ep 5. 3. Not as though ye were Lords ouer Gods inheritance And thus also is euident by his confession that the said tearme of a 1260. daies taken for yeares and beginning in the yeare 300. will make that summe of 1500. and somewhat more 2. Argum. When Antichrist commeth all externall ceremonies of religion shall cease and the publike worship of God but so is it not vnder the Pope for they haue the daily sacrifice of the Masse Ergo. Bellarm. lib. 3. c. 7. Ans. 1. Whereas it is here said v. 11. That the daily sacrifice shall be taken away it is vnderstood not of Antichrist but of Antiochus who in deede caused the daily sacrifice to cease as the author of the bookes of the Macchabees taketh it 1. Macchab. 1. 57. and Ioseph lib. 2. antiquit c. 10. so also Chrysostome expoundeth and Hierome vpon the 11. chap. v. 30 31. 2. Neither is it true that all outward ceremonies of religion shall