according to the diuersity of the times vntill the dayes of Alexander and Phillip yet striuing with all their meanes to gouerne their Common-weales in a Comminalty which contayned twelue Townes who are yet in being except Olena and Elix which an Earthquake swallowed vp before the Battell of Leuctres Behold the Citties Patras Dymes Phare Tritee Leanty Egire Pelleue Bure Cerannie Carynie Olene and Elix But in the time of Alexander and before the Olimpiade which we haue mentioned they grew into so great dissention namely for the Kings of Macedon that the Townes thus deuided held it would bee a great good vnto them to make Warre one against another So as some drew vnto them the forces of Demetrius and Cassander and soone after those of Antigonus The others were imployed by the Kings whereof there were many at that time in Greece But in the hundred and foure and twentieth Olimpiade as wee haue sayd they began againe to be reconciled at such time as Pyrrhus King of Epirus past into Italy First they of Patras Dymes Tritee and Phare were reconciled when as there was no title of common alliance betwixt them Fiue yeeres after they of Egire chased away their Garrison and ioyned to the rest whom the Buriens followed killing their King and soone after the Cerauniens When as Iseas who at that time was King of the Câ—rauniens saw that they of Egire had chased away their Garrison and they of Bure had slaine their King seeing himselfe in a manner inuolued with Warre hee relinquisht the principallity leauing the administration of the Common-weale to the Acheins after the Couenants concluded with them to saue his life But why haue wee brought these things from so farre To the end first that the World may know by what meanes and at what time and who were the first among the Acheins which rectified this comminalty againe the which at this day wee see flourish And that knowing their order euery man may easily beleeue not onely our History but also our actions Beleeue mee they haue alwayes obserued one course concerning the gouernment of their Common-wealth and one reason by the which keeping continually an equallity among them and defeating those who of themselues or by their Kings laboured to take their Country they haue in the end preuailed in all their interprises as well by their owne forces as by the helpe of their Allies Finally those things which haue beene since done in this Prouince ought to be attributed to the Acheins who being companions to the â—omanes in many great affaires haue not attributed any thing vnto themselues of that which was done hauing no other thought but of liberty and the common accord of Morea But we shall see it more plainly by their actions All these Citties which we haue named did administer the Common-wealth from the beginning fiue and twenty yeares with the Acheins making choyse of one Questor and two Captaines Afterwards they resolued to haue but one who should haue the charge of their principall affaires But Gerynee was the first which had this honour When his foure yeares were expired Arate the Sicyonien was chosen at the age of twenty yeares Who presently by his singular Virtue and great courage freed the Country from Tyrants and restored the Common-wealth of the Acheins to the which from the beginning he bare a great affection Some time after hauing gouerned eight yeares he was chosen againe And then he beganne to thinke of the meanes by the which he might take the Fort of Corinthe which Antigonus then held The which after he had effected he freed all Morea from great feare And when as the Corinthians were freed from Tyranny he ioyned them to the Acheins Some few dayes after he did the like to the Megareins These things hapned the yeare before the battell of the Carthaginians by the which they were forced to abandon Sâ—cily and to pay tribute vnto the Romanes When as Arate had in a short time finished all his interprises he spent the remainder of his life in the gouernment of the Common weale studying by all meanes how to chase the Macedonians out of Morea to ruine the Kings and to preserue the common liberty of the Country And therefore he resisted the attempts and practises of Antigonus Gonate whilest he liued and the couetousnesse of the Etoliens who with Antigonus grew so audacious and ouer-weâ—ning as they were not ashamed to diuide betwixt them by a common consent the Townes of Acheia But after the death of Antigonus and that the Acheins and Etoliens had made a league when as Demetrius made Warre against them the dissentions and discords were somewhat pacified and they contracted a common and mutuall friendship betwixt them But after the Death of Demetrius who Reigned onely ten yeareâ— and at such time when as the Romans pâ—ssed first into Sclauonâ—a the Acheins made themselues wonderful great For all the Kings which Reigned in Morea fell into deâ—paire aswell for the death of Demetrius who was their Commaunder and Emperour as for that they saw Arate striue with all his power to depriue them of their Câ—ownes propounding to such as shall doe it willingly great honours and dignities terrifying and vsing threates to such as should be obstinate and wilfull Finally he did admonish them all to leaue their Crownes and restoring the Country to liberty they should imbrace the League of the Acheins Wherefore Lysidas the Megalopolitaine who during the life of Demetrius had wisely fore-seene future things presently layes downe his Crowne Aristomacus King of the Argiues Xenon of the Hermionians and Cleomines of the Phliasiens renounced their Royall Principallities and ioyned themselues to the League of the Acheins But for that their Forces were by this meanes growne wonderfull great the Etoliens as men ambitious by nature enuied them and hoping to be able to breake the League of the Townes which were allied as they had done in the beginning they promised to Alexander to share with him those of the Acarnaniens and to Antigonus those of the Acheins By this meanes they gayned vnder colour of the same hope Antigonus then Gouernour in Macedony and left by Philip Tutor to his Sonne they also made Cleomines King of the Lacedemonians When as they saw that Antigonus had the gouernment of Macedony who was a Souldier and an enemy to the Acheins for the losse of the Fort of Corinthe they were of opinion that if the Lacedemontans were companions in this Warre in assailing the Acheins on all side they should easily defeate them The which vndoubtedly had hapned if Arate a man of great Virtue and Courage which they did not consider had not taken vpon him the defence of the others They began a most wicked War with all their Forces wherein they were not only frustrated in their expectance but they made Arate more stout and Resolute being then Commaunder of the Acheins and
either for themselues or their Countrey Wherefore they assembled the Counsell to resolue to send one of their Cittizens called Logbase in Embassie who had had great Friendship and familiarity with Antiochus which died in Thrace And moreouer he had bred vp Laodicea the wife of Acheus and his owne Daughter whom they had giuen him in her infancy to instruct They sent him therefore as their Embassadour thinking him sufficient for that businesse But being come to Garsyere he was so farre from doing that which hee had in charge and which the duty of a good Cittizen required that contrariwise he solicited him to write to Acheus that he promised to deliuer him the Towne Garsyere giuing a willing â—are vpon hope of taking it sent men to Acheus to solicite him and to let him vnderstand how matters had past Finally hee makes a truce with the Selgenses delaying still to make an absolute accord with him vnder colour that he would consider better thereon to the end that in the meane time hee might expect Acheus and giue Logbase opportunity to finish the Enterprize But whilest they in the meane time confâ—rred together the Souldiers by a kind of familiarity went freely into the Towne to fetch Victuals which is many times the cause of a great Defeate So as in my opinion there is not any Creature amongst all the rest more simple then man or that hath lesse sense and iudgement whom notwithstanding the greatest part of the World hold for the wisest But how many Armies How many Forts How many and what Citties haue fallen into the Enemies hands thereby And although these be things which daily happen and that all the world sees yet wee shew our selues I know not how new and Apprentizes This happens for that wee doe not consider the fortunes which haue happened to our Ancestors in former times and that we busie ourselues with toile and charge to make prouision of Corne Siluer Foâ—tifications and Armes Moreouer wee make no esteeme of that which is of great profit in great dangers but disdaine it although it be in our power to learne it in the time of peace by the Histories and Commentaries of former actions and as it were to practise them But to the end we may returne to the discourse from whence we parted Acheus came at the day appointed The Sâ—lgenses going to meet him had great hope and confidence in his bounty In the meane time Logbase hauing drawne into his house a good number of those which came into the Citty for Victuals hee began to perswade the Cittizens not to lose any time and that considering the good-will which Acheus bare them they should thinke of their affaires and that in assembling the people they should consider of the conditions of peace These things being propounded they presently assembled to conferre of their present affaires calling those which were deputed for the guard of the Citty Logbase making a signe vnto the Enemy as he had promised suddainly armes all those which were in his house doing the like himselfe with his Children to vndergoe the danger On the other side Acheus came to the Towne with halfe the army Garsyere marcht with the rest to Câ—sbedia This is a Temple of Iupiter so well scituated aboue the Towne as it seemes like a Fort. When as by chance some one saw the Enemy approach hee ran suddainly to acquaint the Assembly whereupon there was so great an amazement among the peole as leauing the Company some ran to Cesbedia others to the places where they were set in Guard and the Commons ran to the house of Logbase where discouering the treason some in fury got to the house-top others forced the Gate and slew Logbase his Children and all the partners of the Conspiracy This done they proclamed liberty to al Bondmen by the sound of the Trumpet and encouraged one another to succour and defend the Citty running to all places necessary When Garsyere saw Cesbedia seazed on by the Burgesses he changed his resolution and Acheus seeking to force the Gates the Seâ—genses made a sally killing seauen hundred of his men and repuls'd the rest from the Towne This done Acheus and Garsyere returned to their Campe with shame and disgrace The Selgenses afterwards fearing the sedition of the Towne and the presence of the Enemy they sent their most ancient Cittizens to demand a peace Who being come to Acheus they agreed vpon these conditions that Acheus and the Selgenses should liue in peace and that they should pay vnto him presently two hundred and forty thousand Crownes That they should â—estore the Prisoners of the Pednelissenses and that at a certaine time prefixt they should pay moreouer nine score thousand Thus the Selgenses who by the Treason of Logbase were in danger of their Country and Liberties defended themselues valiantly and with great courage and neither lost their Liberties nor that honour which they deriued from the Lacedemonians When as Acheus had reduced vnder his obedience the Meliades and the greatest part of Pamphilia and had brought his Army to Sardis hee made Warre against Attaâ—us All the Inhabitants on this side Tauris feared him wonderfully At the same time when he made War against the Selgenses Attalus accompanied with the Egâ—sâ—ges Galates ouer-ran Eolia and the neighbour Townes who for feare had yeelded to Acheus Whereof the greatest part submitted themselues willingly vnder his obedience the rest were forced Cyme Smirne and Phocea were the first that yeelded vnto him Afterwards the Egenses and Lemnites fearing a Siege yeelded in like manner There came likewise Embassadours from Thâ—ia and Colophon submitting themselues and their Townes vnto him Which being receiued according to the ancient accord and hostages taken he made great accompt of the Smirniens for that they had kept their faith best Afterwards continuing his course he past the Riuer of Lyce and went first to the Mysiens and then to the Carsees whom he terrified The like he did to the Guards of the double walls and tooke them and their Garrisons For that Themistocles whom Acheus had left there for Gouernour deliuered them vnto him And parting presently ruining the Countrey of Apia he past the Mountaine of Pelecas and planted himselfe neere vnto a great Riuer where the Moone falling into an Eclipse and the Galates discontented with the tediousnes of the way hauing a traine of women and children in their Wagons obseruing the Eclipse protested that they would passe no farther And although that King Attalus drew no seruice from them yet fearing that if he left them as it were in disdaine they would retire to Acheus and that thereby hee should purchase an ill fame as if through ingratitude he had abandoned those who with great affection had followed him into Asia he intreated them to endure a little toile of the way and that he would soone bring them to a good place where they should rest And withall hee would doe for them whatsoeuer they
with great speed into high Macedony to make anew leuie of men As for himselfe he tooke some men and went into Beocia and Amphaxate and came to Edesa where expecting Chrysogonus with the Macedonians he parted presently after with the whole Army and came to Larissa on the sixt day And pursuing his course from thence all night he arriued at Melitea the which he indeauoured to take by Scalado and if the Ladders had not beene something too short without doubt he had preuailed in his Enterprize wherein the Commanders are chiefely to be blamed For when some of them make haste rashly and inconsiderately to take Townes without any fore-sight or consideration of the walls vallies and such like by the which they attempt the taking by an assault who will not blame them And although they haue duely considered of all things yet who will not taxe them to giue the charge to the first man they meet to prepare ladders such like instruments as a thing of small consequence Finally in such actions they must doe that which is necessary or else fall into danger For the losse doth often follow the despaire and in many kinds First the ablest men are in danger of the attempt especially vpon the retreate when they begin to disdaine them Whereof there are many examples And you shall find in such attempts many frustrated some defeated others to haue bin in extreame danger And they they which haue saued themselues haue bin subiect for the future to distrust and hatred and some haue serued for an example to all others to be vigilant giuing not only to such as were present at the danger but also to them that heare of it some kind of admonishment to be careful of themselues Wherefore they must neuer make vse of such aduice rashly In regard of the meanes to vse it wel it is secure if they follow reason We must now returne to our discourse and speake thereon hereafter when occasion shall be offred and that it is not possible to faile in such enterprizes Philip preuented in his enterprizes plants his Campe neare vnto the Riuer of Empe and sent his men to Larissa and other Townes whom he had leuied in the winter for the Siege For all his designe was to take Thebes It is a Towne scituated neare to the Sea ans about 300. Furlongs from Larissa It confines fitly with Magnesia and Thessaly To the one side called Demetriade And to Thessaly on that part where the Pharsaliens and Pherenses dwell This City doth much annoy the Pharsaliens and Demetriens For that the Etoliens held it at that time The like they did to them of Larissa for the Etoliens made many incursions into the Country which the Inhabitants call Namirice Wherefore Philip considering that such things ought not to be neglected and left behind he sought all meanes to take it Wherefore he prouided a hundred slings and fiue and twenty great Cros-bowes and approached the City of Thebes with his Army the which he diuided into three Troups and besieged it on three sides whereof he placed the one neere vnto Scopia the other at Heliotropia and the third neare vnto the Mountaine which lookes into the City Fortifying the spaces in the Field with Ditches and double Pallisadoes Moreouer he built Towers of wood in euery space of two Acres of ground with sufficient guards Then he drawes together all the preparation for the War and begins to plant his Engins of Battery against the Fort. Yet the three first dayes he could not make his approaches to set vp his Engines so great was the courage and resolution of those which fought vpon the walls But after that by the combat and by the multitude of Darts part of the Burgesses were slain and others wounded and that the besieged ceased for a time the Macedonians began to mine where working continually although the ground were bad they approached vnto the wall on the ninth day From that time they were continually imployed in battering the Citty so as the Slings and great Cros-bowes â—euer ceased day nor night And within three daies they made a breach of foure score Fathomes in the wall And when the supporters made vnto the wall were not able to beare the burthen they fell and brought the wall downe with them before the Macedonians had set them on fire This being done when as their courages encreased and that they made shew to enter and begin an assault the Thebins being amazed yeelded themselues and their Citty When as Philip had by this meanes assured the Countries of Magnesia and Thessaly he tooke the best of the Etoliens goods and thrust the ancient Inhabitants out of the towne re-peopling it with Macedonians and changing its name of Thebes he called it Philiopolis Whilest that Philip stayed in this City there came Embassadours from Chios Rhodes Constantinople and from King Ptolomy Whom when he had answered as he had formerly done that he had beene alwaies willing to hearken to a peace he sent them away giuing them charge to vnderstand the will of the Etoliens For his part he made no reckoning of peace being resolued to continue his attempts Wherefore being aduertised that the Vessels of Scerdilaide spoild all the Coast of Malea and that hee intreated the Merchants as Enemies and that moreouer he had taken breaking the accord some ships at Leucade he armes twelue Vessels couered and eight open and sailes by the Euripus hauing likewise thirty Merchants Vessels hoping to take the Sclauonians neither did he neglect the Etolien War for that he was not yet aduertised of the actions which had past in Italy For at such time as Philip held Thebes besieged the Romans had beene vanquished by Hannibal in Tuscany But the newes were not yet come into Greece When Philip had taken the Sclauonian Vessels and for this cause had sailed into Cenchrea he caused the ships that were couered to run along the Coasts of Malea towards Egia and Patres and stayes the rest of the Vessels in the Port of Leche Then he makes haste to goe to the Nemeen Game and arriued at Argos Being at the sight he had letters from Macedony to aduertise him that the Romans had bin vanquished by Hannibal with a wonderfull defeate and that they were masters of their Campe. He presently shews it only to Demetrius charging him to keepe it secret Who taking his occasion thereby began to intreate the King that in dispatching the Etolien War speedily he would attend that of the Sclauonians for that al Greece then obeyed him The which they would do hereafter For that the Acheins affected him and the Etoliens feared his forces considering the losses they had made during this War and that as for Italy the voyage which he should make would be a beginning to conquer the Monarchy the which did more iustly belong to him then to any other and that moreouer the opportunity was great for the present considering the great defeate of
in suspence for Capoua and that Warre Approaching in such sort as he planted his Campe within forty Furlongs of Rome And as he assailed it by this meanes it happened that they of the City were troubled and dismayed with feare for that this accident came suddainly and contrary to their hope and that Hannibal had not formerly besieged the City so neare They had also a conceit that he approaching so neare the City their Army besieging Capoua must of necessity be defeated The men flye to the Walles and out of the City to places of aduantage The Women on the other side make professions about the Temples washing the pauement with their haire It was a thing they were accustomed to doe if at any time the Countrey were in great danger When as Hannibal was thus incampt thinking to assaile the City the day following there happened an admirable and casuall accident working for the preseruation of the Romans Caius and Publius had taken an Oath of the Souldiers which had beene leuied to come to Rome the the same day in Armes They also made another Leuie so as at a certaine time a great number of men of Warre transported themselues suddainly to Rome With the which the Captaines made a bold sally and planting their Campe before the City they restrained Hannibals fury The Carthaginians in truth at the first made such an attempt as they despaired not to take the City by assault But seeing the Enemies to hold a Campe and aduertised by a Prisoner of that which had happened they desisted from their Enterprize to take the Towne falling to spoile the Countrey and to fire their houses so as at the first they brought a wonderfull booty vnto their Campe as being come to this kind of hunting to the which neuer Enemy thought to attaine And when as afterwards the Consuls taking courage had planted themselues within Eleuen Furlongs of the Enemies Campe Hannibal lost all hope of taking the City notwithstanding the great spoiles which hee had made and which is more he parts at the breake of day with his Army keeping a good reckoning of dayes in the which according to his aduice taken from the beginning he was in hope that Appius aduertised of the danger of the City would wholly raise the siege and that he would succour Rome or leauing some portion of the Army and taking the greatest part he would make haste to succour his Countrey either of which happening his affaires would succeed well But Publius breaking the Bridges of the said Riuer forced him to passe his Army at a Fourde being alwayes in the taile of him and annoying him much It is true he could not defeate him for the great number of Horses and the dexterity of the Numidians fit for all purposes yet he retired to his Fort hauing recouered a great part of the booty and taken about three hundred men Afterwards imagining that the Carthaginians hastned their retreate for scare hee pursued them in the Reare by Skirmishes In the beginning Hannibal made haste pursuing his designe But when as on the fift day he had beene aduertised that Appius continued still at the siege of Capoua he stayed then suddainly receiuing those which pursued him he charg'd them in the Night making a great slaughter and chasing the rest out of their Fort. When as the day following he saw the Romans retired to a certaine Hill strong by scituation and rampred he despaires to take them Yet making his voyage by Daunia and Brette hee assailes the neighbour places to Rhegium so suddainly as he had in a manner taken the City yet he surprised all those that were stragling in the Fields with a great number of the Rheginois at his comming In my opinion we ought with reason to obserue at that time the vertue and enuy of the Romans and the Carthaginians in the conduct of the Warre For as all the World wonders at Epaminundas Generall of the Thebeins in this that when he was come with the Allies of the Warre to Tegee and was aduertised that the Lacedemonians were with their league at Mantinea assembling there to giue Battaile to the Thebeins hee gaue order to his Troupes to feede presently By this meanes hee causeth his Army to march in the Euening as it were to recouer some conuenient places to put them in Battaile VVhen he had drawne many into this conceite hee parts to assaile the City of Lacedemon VVhere entring about three houres in the Night contrary to all hope and finding it naked and destitute of helpe he tooke it and kept it on that side which was paued to the Riuer As this disaster happened with a great alteration and that a certaine Fugitiue flying to Mantinea had aduertised King Agesilaus of that which happened and that they of the league made haste to succour Lacedemon hee was out of hope to bee able to keepe it But when he had fed neare vnto the Riuer of Erota and had drawne his Army together after that he had suffered many miseries and dangers he returnes to Mantinea taking the same way with hope to finde it destitue and vnfurnished of Lacedemonians and their league as being gone to succour Lacedemon the which succeeded accordingly Wherefore giuing courage to the Thebeins and marching in the Night with great labour and toile hee arriued by noone at Mantinea being destitute and void of succours It is true that the Athenians who at that time held the party of the Lacedemonians against the Thebeins were come to their succours When the foreward of the Thebeins arriued at the Temple of Possidon standing seuen Furlongs from the Towne it happened as a thing fore-cast that at the same instant the Atheniens shewed themselues vpon a Hill neare to Mantinea who being discouered by them which remained in the Towne they went to the VValles taking courage to repulse the Thebeins attempts Historiographers therefore haue reason to complaine of the said actions saying that the Commander had done all that was fitting for a wiser and more excellent Captaine then the Enemies were and that Epaminundas was vanquished by Fortune Some others likewise may say with reason that the like hapned vnto Hannibal For who will not wonder at this Commander in obseruing that hee endeauoured to raise the siege in assailing the Enemy by Skirmishes And when hee was therein frustrated in his attempts hee assailed Rome it selfe And when this Enterprize did not succeed for the casuall euents hee againe endeauoured turning head with his Army to charge the Enemy and to try if hee might trouble those which besieged Capoua And when in the end he preuailed not in his Enterprize he resolued to annoy the Enemy in ruining them of Rhegium It is true that some one will happily iudge that at this day the Romans are to bee preferred before the Lacedemonians Who vpon the first aduertisment parting together deliuered Lacedemon yet losing Mantinea for their parts But the Romans
long in suspence what he should doe but suddainly he resolued that if his men came to fight during the storme he should haue nothing to doe but with Hanno and his Army at Sea and with ships that were laden and incumbred But if he should delay the fight vntill the Sea were calme he should haue to deale with ships that were light and very swift and with the choice of the Land souldiers and moreouer with the courage of Amilcar who was then held to be very terrible Finally he resolued to fight with the Enemy notwithstanding the storme and the contrary Winde The Carthaginians comming with full sayle he put himselfe before them with his Army ready and in battell When the Carthaginians saw their course to bee hindered by the Enemy and their ships in battell they strooke saile and prepared to fight where they charged of either side with great courage But for that things were mannaged in another manner than when they were defeated at the battell of Trepanum it was no wonder if that their Affaires had another successe In regard of the Romans their ships were very light and free from all incombrance but of that which was necessary for the Warre Their Rowers had beene long practised and were therefore eager and ready to fight They had also made choice of the best men in their Army at Land the which fell out contrary with the Carthaginians Their ships were laden and therefore vnfit to fight Their Rowers and Marriners were men gathered together by chance and not accustomed to the War their Souldiers were also new and had not seene any thing for they had no more care for the affaires at Sea imagining that the Romans would not attempt any thing more at Sea And therefore as soone as the Battell began the Romans had the Victory whereas fifty of the Carthaginians ships were broken or sunke and three score and ten others that were laden taken The rest set sayle and got the Winde and recouered Hieronese with incredible swiftnesse by a suddaine change of the Winde After the Battell the Consull retired to Lylibeum with his whole Army whereas the booty and Prisoners were deuided amongst the Souldiers For besides the dead there were aboue ten thousand men taken The Carthaginians amazed at this heauy and great defeate found themselues troubled for many reasons although their minds were alwayes inclin'd to Warres First they had no meanes to victuall those that were in Sicily after the defeate of their Army at Sea Considering that their Enemies were Maisters of all the Sea Moreouer they imagined that it would be a Traiterous act to suffer their Generall and the Souldiers which had serued their Common-wealth to be lost In regard of continuing the War they had neither Men nor Captaines to mannage it wherefore they sent a Man to Amilcar and gaue him full power and Authority to doe what he should thinke fitting for the good of the Common-weale Amilcar performed the duty of a good and wise Captaine For whilest there was any hope in the Carthaginians affaires he neuer complained of his paines nor auoided perill but being a man of great industry and courage he thrust himselfe continually into all dangers to vanquish aswell as any of the other Captaines But when as he saw there was no more hope in the Carthaginians affaires hee sent Embassadours to the Consull to treate vpon an accord yeelding wisely and discreetly vnto the time For wee must know that the duty of a good Captaine consists aswell in considering of the time not onely to vanquish but also to strike sayle Whereunto Luctatius did willingly giue care knowing well the necessities which the people of Rome endured by this tedious War Finally a peace was thus concluded that the Romans and Carthaginians should line in amity and friendship if the people of Rome would consent vnto it And that the Carthaginians should leaue all Sicily Neither should they hereafter make War against Hieron nor against the Saragossins or their Allies and that they should restore all the Prisoners without ransome And moreouer they should pay thirteene hundred and twenty thousand Crownes within twenty yeares These Articles were sent to Rome which the people notwithstanding would not yeeld vnto but committed ten men with power from them who were sent into Sicily Being arriued they altered nothing of the treaty of peace but the time of payment which they shortned augmenting the summe with 600000. Crownes more Moreouer they did articulate that they should not onely dislodge out of Sicily but also out of all the Islands which are betwixt it and Italy Behold the end of the first Warre betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians for Sicily It continued foure and twenty whole yeares and hath beene the longest and the greatest that was euer heard spoken of During the which I omit other things worthy of memory they haue fought at one instant with aboue fiue hundred Quinqueremes on both sides Afterwards with not much lesse then seauen hundred The Romans haue lost seauen hundred Quinqueremes besides those which at sundry times the torments haue sunke and the Carthaginians about fiue hundred Wherefore they which formerly haue admired Armies aswell by Land as Sea and the Combats at Sea of Antigonus Ptolomey and Demetrius haue reason to cease considering the great deeds of the Romans and Carthaginians But if they will consider how great a difference there is betwixt the Quinqueremes and Triremes whereof the Persians made vse against the Grecians and which the Athenians and Lacedemonians vsed in their Warre they shall vndoubtedly see that there was neuer seene such great forces fight at Sea wherefore that appeares plainely which we haue propounded in the beginning that the Romans haue not onely indeauoured to conquer the vniuersall Empire by vallour but they haue also accomplished their desire not by good Fortune as some Grecians suppose nor by chance but by a wonderfull experience and practice in such great affaires Although that some may demaund how it happeneth that the Romans who are at this day farre greater Lords both at Land and Sea considering that they held in a manner the Empire of the whole world cannot draw together so many Vessels nor rayse so great an Army at Sea at one instant The reason will be easie when they shall let them vnderstand what the Romane Common-wealth was what their Lawes and their manner of liuing although it will not be profitable neither for vs nor for the Readers of our Workes to make mention of things which concerne not our purpose Without doubt the Reasons are great the which notwithstanding in my Opinion no man hath knowne vnto this day by the errour of Historiographers Whereof some knew not what they wrote and if others vnderstood them they haue made them obscure and vnprofitable If they would duely consider this War they shall finde that the courage and power of these two great Citties were equall First their desire was alike they had the same
courage and the like desire of glory It is true the Romans had the better Souldiers But Amilcar Generall of the Carthaginians surnamed Barca Father to Haniball who afterwards made Warre against the Romans had not his equall in prudence and vallour When as the peace had beene concluded either of them fell in a manner into the like inconueniences for Ciuill war followed after The Romans had presently War against the Inhabitants of Mount Flacon the which was soone decided and their Towne taken But the Carthaginians being assailed at the same time by Strangers Numidâ—ans and other people of Affricke who reuolted with â—hem were in a manner quite ruined Finally they were forced to fight not onely for the Prouince but for themselues for their liberty for their Children and for their owne Country This is a warre which we will relate summarily and briefly for it is worthy as we haue promised in the beginning So they shall easily see by the deeds of these times what this warre was and of what fury which they call iâ— reonciliable And they may likewise obserue to what thâ—ngs the Commander of an Army ought to haue care and to be wary how he imploies Mercinary men And moreouer what difference there is betwixâ— the confused manner of liuing of Barbarians and those that are bâ—ed vp vnder Discipline Lawes and Policy And wiâ—hall they may easily see by the knowledge of this warre the causes for the which Haniball made warre against the Romans which is a principall poynt whereof in opening the truth wee haue not done little for those which desire to see our worke For that they haue not onely beene doubtfull and obscure to those which haue written but also to such as haue beene present After that Amilcar had treated the peace with the Romans he â—ed his Army from the Towne of Erix to Lylibeum and resigned his charge giuing the conduct thereof into Affricke to Captaine Gescon who was at Lylibeum who fearing that if so great a multitude of men should passe together into Affricke there would grow some mutiniy and contenttion for that there was much due vnto them for their pay the which they could not satisfie for want of treasure Wherefore he prouided long before that the troupes should not passe altogether but at diuers times leauing some respite of purpose to the end that they might with more ease prouide in sending them backe by troupes and that the first might be retiâ—ed to their houses before the second ariued The Carthaginians had consumed their treasure in their former charges and did not send them backe to their houses but commanded them to attend within the City vntill the returne of their Companions to the end they might make some accord with them altogether concerning their Paye But when as the Souldiers committed many Royots day and night within the City and that the insolencies of such a troupe were insupportable the Carthaginians called the Captaines and iurreated them to leade all this multiâ—ude assembled in their City to the Towne of Sicca vntill they had giuen order for their Prouinces Moreouer they caused some money to be deliuered to euery one of them to the end they might tolerate their expectance the more easily The Captaines obeying the will of the Carthaginians drew forth their Men. But for that euery man desired to leaue his baggage within the City as they had done hoping to make a short returne for their paye the Carthaginians doubted that if they should allow that some would not budge for the loue of their children others for their wiues and by this meanes they should bee nothing bettered within the City Wherefore in the end they forced them to depart with their baggage Being within the Towne of Sicca they liued at pleasure in idlenes and basely which is a pernicious thing for an Army and in a manner the onely fountaine and beginning of Mutinieâ— Some began to demaund their pay more audatiously then they had beene accustomed and much more reducing to memory the promise of Presents which the Captaines had made vnto them at need when as they intreated them to fight valiantly More ouer they expected much more then their Pay amounted vnto But they were frustrated of their hope For assoone as they were all assembled in Sicca Hanno Pretor of the Carthaginians was sent vnto them Who bringing no presents vnto them intreated them moreouer for some abatement of their Pay shewing them the pouerty of the Treasure They generally mutining at this speech began to rise suddainly so as there was a great tumult and sedition in the Army considering the great diuersity of their manner of liuing and languages It is true the Carthaginians had some reason to raise their Army out of diuers Nations For by this meanes so diuers an assembly could not easily make a Conspiracy Moreouer the Captaines better obeyed And likewise if there did rise any mutiny or sedition in the Army they should not finde meanes to pacifie them for ignorant men are mooued with fury Beleeue me when they are once in choller they increase it more and more like bruite Beasts with an vnrestraine cruelty The which happened at that time in the Carthaginians Campe For some were Spaniards others Ganles some Geneuois and others of the Islands of Maiorqua and Minorqua There was also a good Troope of Grecians most of which were fugitiues and slaues and the greatest number were Affricans Wherefore it was not possible to draw them altogether at that time although they could not haue taken a better course Moreouer Hanno could not vnderstand all their languages and it seemed in a manner more impossible to imploy many Interpreters at one time to draw the Army together and withall to vse the same speech vnto them foure or fiue times The last remedy was to mannage this by the Captaines the which Hanno attempting preuailed nothing For some vnderstood not what their Captaine sayd vnto them others related it otherwise then they had spoken although they had consented vnto the cliefe some did it of ignorance but the greatest part through malice Wherefore all was full of perplexity inhumanity and distrust Among other things they complained that the Carthaginians of purpose did not send one of the Captaines vnder whose charge they had made War in Sicily and who had made them so many promises but one who had beene in those actions Finally they runne to Armes being all in a mutiny making no accompt of Hanno nor of the other Captaines and marcht directly to Carthage planting their Campe neere vnto the Towne of Tunes which is fifteene miles from Carthage being aboue twenty thousand Men. Then the Carthaginians began to looke one vpon another and to acknowledge their great errour when there was no redresse in their affaires In trueth it was a great fault in them to haue drawne together so great a multitude into one place after the War was ended They committed another which was no
moreouer seeing they were all turned to their Ruine found themselues suddainly in great difficulties not knowing which way to turne them And they found them the more desperate for that they had hapned contrary to all opinion It is true they were in hope after they had beene tyred with the long Wars of Sicily and had in the end made a peace with the Romans that they might rest for a time and take breath but it succeeded otherwise Beleeue me this War suddainly kindled was more dangerous than the other For that in the first they did not fight with the Romans but for the Conquest of Sicily but in this they were forced to vndergoe the danger for themselues for their families and their Country Moreouer they were vnfurnished of Armes of a Fleete at Sea and of Equipage for shipping for that they had lost many in their battels at Sea They had no more hope of Tributes nor in the succours of their friends and Allies Finally they saw then what difference there was betwixt a Forraine and Transmarine War and the mutiâ—y of a ciuill sedition of which mischiefe vndoubtedly they themselues were the cause For in their first War they did Lord it ouer the people of Affricke with too great Tyranny and coâ—etousnesse for that they were of opinion they had good cause so as they leuied a full moiety of all their fruites They also doubled the Tributes and did not pardon those which had offended through ignorance They gaue Offices not to such as were milde and gracious but to those which augmented the publicke Treasure although they had tyrannized the people like vnto Hanno of whom we haue spoken By this meanes it hapned that the people of Affricke seemed glad to Reuolte not onely at the perswasion of many but at a simple Messenger There is nothing more true that euen the Women of euery Towne conspired for that in former times they had seene their Husbands and Children led into seruitude for that they had not payed the Tribute so as they made no reseruation of their goods which they had remayning but moreouer they did contribute their Iewels a hard thing to belieue to supply the payment of the Souldiers By this meanes Matho and Spendius gathered together so great a quantity of siluer as it was not onely sufficient to satisfie the promises which they had made to the Souldiers from the beginning of the Conspiracy but they had more than was needfull to mannage the War Wherefore a wise man must not looke vnto the present time but also vnto the future And although the Carthaginians were enuironed on all sides with so many miseries yet they fainted not but gaue the conduct to Hanno for that formerly they held he had ended the Warre neere vnto Hecatontophylon of those Souldiers they could leuie in this necessity of time They also armed the young men of the Towne and caused their Horses to be practised They repaired the remainder of their ships and old Triâ—emes and caused new to be made In the meane time Matho and Spendius to whom three score and ten thousand armed men of Affrica had ioyned after they had deuided their Army in two as wee haue said held Bisarthe and Hippona bâ—sieged yet not abandoned their Campe neere vnto Tunes By this meanes all Affricke was shut vp to the Carthaginians You must vnderstand that Carthage is seated vpon a Promontory which aduanceth into the Sea and is in forme of an Island but that it ioynes vnto Affricke by a little space of land In regard of the Citty it is enuironâ—d of the one side by the Sea and on the other by Marishes The breadth of the Countrey whereby it is ioyned to Affricke containes not aboue three miles whereof the Towne of Bisarthe is not far off from that siâ—e which looks towards the Sea And that Tunes ioynes vpon the Marishes The Enemies hauing planted their Campes at Tunes and Bisarthe tooke from the Carthaginians the rest of Affricke and making courses sometimes by Day and sometimes by Night vnto the walles of the Citty they gaue them great Allarums and put them in feare In the meane time Hanno made preparation of all things necessary for the Warre Hee was a diligent man and well practised in such things although that soone after hee had gone to field to finde the Enemy he committed an act of little iudgement in not discerning the times You must vnderstand that assoone as he was sent to succour the besieged in Bisarthe he forced the Enemies at the first charge being terrified with the multitude of Elephants but afterwards his conduct was so bad as hee drew the besieged for whose succours hee was come into great danger and extreame misery For when he had brought greaâ— prouision of all sorts of Engins for battery and had lodged his Campe neere vnto the Towne-walles hee fought with the Enemy who could not endure the violence of the Elephants Wherefore they abandoned the Campe with great losse of their men and retired to a little Mountaine strong of it selfe and full of Groues But Hanno who had not beene accustomed to make Warre but against the Numidians who after they haue once taken a flight doe seldome stay vntill the third day had no care to pursue them supposing he had gotten an absolute victory but entred into Bisarthe not thinking of any thing but to make good cheere But the Enemies hauing made Warre in Sicily vnder Amilcar and beene accustomed many times to flye before the Enemy and suddainly to charge againe the same day hauing newes of Hanno's retreate into Bisarthe and that the Campe as Victors was secure they assayled it by surprize and slew part of them the râ—st were forced to recouer the Towne to their great shame and ignominy All the equipage of Engins was taken without resistance It is true that this was not the onely misfortune which at that time did preiudice the Carthaginians by the folly of Hanno For some few dayes after when as the Enemies camped neere vnto Sorze and that an opportunity was offered to defeate him easily hauing beene twice in quarrell and twice in battell one against another as they are accustomed hee lost these two occasions by his folly and basenesse Wherefore the Carthaginians considering that Hanno did not mannage this War well they by a generall consent made Amilcar Captaine againe to whom they gaue three score and ten Elephants and all the Souldiers and Fugiâ—iues with some Horse-men and the young men of the Towne so as hee had about ten thousand Souldiers But assoone as he had marcht forth with his Army he presently by his admirable vertue brake the hearts of his Enemies and raised the siege of Bisarthe and then he shewed himselfe worthy of the glory which they had giuen him for his prowesse in times past and that hee was worthy of the hope which all men conceiued of him Behold wherein they first discouered his diferetion and
disdayning to keepe any watch or guard The Sclauonians within the Town aduertised of the separation of the Army and of the negligence of the Enemy goe forth at mid-night and lay planks vpon the Bridge So crossing the Riuer they gaine a place strong by Nature where they passe the remainder of the Night without any noise At the break of day either side were in battell and the fight began The Sclauonians got the Victory so as few Epirotes escaped the rest being taken or slaine The Epirotes seeing themselues inuolued with so many miseries and out of all hope they sent an Embassie to the Etoliens and Acheins crauing Succours from them who hauing compassion of their afflictions desiring to relieue them marcht to Heliâ—rane whither the Sclauonians who as we haue sayd had taken the Towne of Phenice being ioyned to Scerdilaide came and lodged neere vnto them desiring battell But the difficulty of the places kept them asunder together with their Queenes letters who commâ—unded them to make no longer stay but to returne for that some Townes of Sclauonia had reuolted to the Dardaniens Wherefore after they had spoiled the whole Prouince they made a truce with the Epirofes by the which they yeelded the Citizens and the City but carried away all the slaues and pillage in their ships Thus one part retired by Sea and the other by Land by the streights of Antigonia leauing a wonderfull feare in the Sea-townes of Greece Without doubt when they considered that so strong and powerfull a Towne of the Epirotes had beene spoil'd contrary to all expectance they were not onely in feare as formerly for the Countrey but also for themselues and their Townes After that the Epirotes had ended their Affaires farre better than they expected they were so farre from taking reuenge of the wrongs which they had receiued or to thanke those which had assisted them as they presently sent an Embassie to Queene Teuca and made a league with the Arcanians and Sclauonians Wherefore following after that time the party of the Illiriens they became Enemies to the Acheins and Etoliens Wherein they were not only ingrate and vnthankefull to their Benefactors but also they had beene very ill counselled from the beginning of their affaires And where as many like men fal somtimes by the hazard of Fortune into great aduersities and miserâ—es it happens not so much by their owne fault as by that of Fortune or by such as are the procurers But when as men seeke their misfortune by their owne indiscreâ—ion their fault iâ— euident And therefore when we see some great disaster and aduersity beâ—all some men by Fortune we doe not onely pitty them but relieue them to our power whereas we blame condemne and hate those whom we know to haue beene the cause of their owne misfortunes by indiscretion and malice The which the Grecians might at that time do with reason vnto the Epirotes But what man is so confident which hauing no feare of the common fame of the Gaules inconstancy would haue dared to commit so noble a Citty vnto their charge who had so many reasons to doubt of their faith being banisht out of their Countrey for that they had falsified their faith with their owne Nation and who afâ—erwards being retired by the Carthaginians at such time as they had Warre with the Romans and hearing a bruite of the reuolte of mercenary Souldiers for pay which they had pretended was due vnto them begâ—n first to spoile Agragas whereof they had the Guard being about a thousand men Afterwards they were put in Garrison into Eâ—ix by the Carthaginians the which they would haue betrayed whilest the Romans besieged it The which not able to effâ—ct they retired to the Romans who receiued them After which they spoyled the Temple of Venus Ericina When as the Romans saw the treachery and falsehood of these Barbarians hauing concluded a peace with the Carthaginians they disâ—rmed them and shipped them away chasing them out of all Italy These are the men whom the Epirotes made the Guardians of their Lawes and Commonâ—wealth to whom they intrusted â—o faire and rich a City Who will not then blame them Who will not say but they haue beene the cause of their owne miseries Without doubt it is a great folly and indiscretion to entertaine forces especially of barbarous men and to put them into a Towne where they may bee the stronger or more in number than the Cittizens But wee haue spoken sufficiently of the Epirotes folly The Sclauonians before and many times spoiled such as saild from Italy and Phenicia seeing that of late dayes they inhabited there who separating thâ—mselues sometimes from the Army at Sea spoiled many Italian Merchants or slew them They had also carried away a good number of Prisoners When this had beene often complained of to the Senate they made no accompt thereof Yet in the end they sent into Scâ—auonia Caâ—us and Lucius Coroncanus in Embassie when as the complaints of many came vnto them concerning the outrages of the Illiâ—ians VVhen the ships were returned from Phenicia in safety Teuca wondring at the beauty and greatnesse of the spoile had a great and longing desire to make Warre against the Grecians for in truth it was the richest Towne of all Epirus But for that her Countrey was then in Combustion shee could not attempt it Moreouer after shee had pacified Sclauonia and at such time as shee held 〈◊〉 besieged which had alwayes continued firme the Romans Embassie arriued who hauing a day of audience appointed them by the Queene they made knowne vnto her the outrages her men had done them The Queene gaue â—are vnto them with great 〈◊〉 and arrogaâ—cy After they had deliuered their chargeâ—he made answere that she would take order that her Subiects should not make open War against them but it was not the custome of Kings to prohibite their priuate subiects to make what profit they could at Sea At which words the yongest of the Embassadours made a bold and couragious answere but in bad season And therefore sayd he Madame it is the custome of the Romans to take a publicke reuenge for priuate wrongs and to relieue the aâ—flicted So as if it please God wee will take such order that her eafter you shall not be much troubled to reforme this kinde of royall customes The Queene an ouer-weening woman grew into such a rage as neglecting the right of Nations shee sent men at the returne of the Embassadours to kill the youngest who had vsed this Speech The Romans being aduertised of this great affront prepared presently to Warre leuied men and made a good number of Vessels Finally they prepared all things necessary to take reuenge of so great a crime In the meane time the Queene sent in the Spring a greater number of ships into Greâ—ce than formerly whereof one part saild to Corfue and the other bent their course to the Port of Durazo Where
he returned againe into Arcadia with his Army and chased away the Garrisons out of those Forts which Cleomenes had built the which he restored to the Megalopolitains passing by the Region Egitane Then he went to Egia where he called an assembly of the Acheins and made a great discourse of the present affaires and shewed them in few words the times to come Finally being created chiefe of the whole league he past the Winter in the Countries of the Corinthians and Sicyoniens with his Army Then in the Spring he went to the field to whom the Acheins ioyned and being come within three dayes to the Towne of Tegee hee besieged it The Tegetains seeing the Macedonians very busie in making of Trenches Mines and all other preparations to take the Towne they yeelded being void of all hope Whereas after he had setled a good order Antigonus marcht suddainly to Laconice By this meanes approaching neere vnto Cleomenes who kept vpon the Frontiers hee had some small encounters with the Enemy In the meane time they were aduertised by their Spies that there were succours come from Orchomene to Cleomenes Wherefore Antigonus turned head to Orchomene and takes it without resistance From thence he besieged Mantinâ—a which was also presently yeelded Then hee led the Legions to Herca and Telphusa the which in like manner were yeelded in a short time After this in the beginning of Winter hee sent the Macedonians to their houses and retired with the mercenaries to Egia there to consult of the present affaires At that times Cleomenes aduertised that Antigonus had dismist his Aâ—my and that he stayed at Egiâ— which is aboue three dayes iourney from Megalopolis a vast Towne and ill peopled especially for that the greatest part had beene slaine in former battels as we haue said neere vnto Licea and Laâ—dicea and that moreouer at that time it was not carefully kept by reason of the presence of Antigonus he had a hope to surprize it Wherefore hee marcht suddainly being guided by some Messeniens who being chased and banisht from their Countrey had retired to Megalopolis and brought them by Night into the City But day being come he was in danger to be defeated with his whole Army considering the great resistance the Megalopolitains made the which happened vnto him three Moneths before when he assâ—iled a Citty seated in Colea It is true that in the end he had the Victory as well by reason of the multitude of his men as for that he had formerly gotten the places of aduantage After he had taken and spoiled the Citty and chased away the Megalopolitains hee razed it vtterly to the end they should haue no more hope to re-edifie it In my opinion hee did it tending to that which the Lionenses the Megalopolitains and the Stimphalâ—â—ns with other bordering people conceiue that Traytours or those which loue reuoltes are neuer in safety Without doubt the wickednesse of one man blemisht all the virtue of the Clitoriens This was Thearce whom with reason the Clitoriens denyed to bee borne in their Countrey saying hee was of Orchomene and the Sonne of some stranger Moreouer for that there are some which preferre Philarchus before al others that haue written this History although that many times he speakes and iudges of things contrary to Arate I haue thought it good nay rather necessary not to conceale this To the end they may discerne truth from falshood and the rather for that we haue followed Arate Hee hath spoken many things throughout the whole History as Affection hath transported him which are not needfull to debate at this present holding those things to be deliuered by vs which hapned at such time as we Write that is to say during the Cleomenique Warre For that they would be more then sufficient to discouer the errours and faults of this Author First when he labours to set foorth the cruelty of Antigonus and of the Macedonians and moreouer that of Arate and the Acheins he sayd that as soone as he had Conquered the Mantiniens they caused them to suffer great outrages and cruelties and that the Citty which was one of the noblest and most auncient of Arcadia fell into so great misery and ruine as it mooued all Greece to weepe and lament And when as afterwards he seekes to make the cruelty seeme greater and to mooue the Readers hearts he relates a burning of Women their haire scattered vp and downe their Paps naked the teares and lamentations made by men and women who dragg'd after them their little Children and their Parents broken with age This hee doth often throughout his whole History to let euery man see the agrauating of their miseries Leauing then this basenesse and effeminacy of his heart let vs seeke the things which are most proper and profitable for the History A Historiographer ought not to mooue the affections of men nor seeke occasions fit for it neyther let him pursue the miseries of men the which belongs to the makers of Tragedies but let him deliuer truly the sayings and doings of men although they be not great Without doubt a History and a Tragedy tend not to one and the same end but rather are quite contrary For they must labour in a Tragedy to draw by coniecture the hearts of the Auditors to Hope Feare Care Pleasure and such like affections But in a History hee must imploy his whole indeauour to relate truly the sayings and doings of men Wherefore things that are likely and coniecturall are necessary in the one to abuse the Assistants and those which are true in this being Written for the profit of the Readers You must vnderstand likewise that this Historiographer many times doth not yeild the cause in his History nor the reason of things without the which they cannot easily mooue any to pitty or indignation in humane affaires But what is he that will not finde it strange to see a Cittizen whipt yet if any one be so by reason of his offence wee finde it reasonable And if any one strikes a free man to punish and amend him shall wee not hold him an honest man and praise worthy Murther in a Cittizen is likewise forbidden and seuerely punisht But if any one kils a Thiefe or an Adulterer is hee not held for innocent And if any one kils a Traytor to his Country or a Tyrant shall he not be commended by all the World held deare and honoured VVee must therefore looke to the end in all things and to the intention of the man not to that which is acted but to the causes and Discourses with consideration of the differences The Mantiuiens leauing first the Common-weale of the Acheins gaue themselues and their Countrey willingly to the Etoliens and soone after to Cleomenes In the meane time whilest they liued vnder the Lacedemonians the Acheins tooke them againe vnder the Conduct of Arate foure yeeres before the Descent of Antigonus where they were so
others in the Reare and likewise vpon the Flankes So as many holding on their way they were slaine like sheepe for that they could not succour one another and they were sooner defeated then they could consider what they had to doe Flaminius himselfe when there was no more hope was enuironed and slaine by certayne Gaules There were slaine in this battaile fifteene thousand men who for the most part stood firme vnto the end after the manner of the Romans neuer abandoning their rankes The others inclosed betwixt the Mountaines and the Lakes by reason of the narrow passages and out of hope were slaine basely or rather miserably For being forced in the Lake some were drowned striuing to swimme in their Armes Others going into the Water as farre as they could possibly continued for a time in that estate Finally when the enemies horse were entred they were slaine without pitty Although that lifting vp their hands they humbly begged to haue their Liues saued or taking Courage kild one another There were about sixe thousand of the fore-ward which forcing through the enemies escaped this passage Although it were in their power to inclose them and to succour their friends yet not knowing what was done behind them they marcht on still doubting to make some encounter before they had gotten the top of the Mountaines And hauing made a stand vpon a little Hill and seeing the Mist being past the great slaughter of their Souldiers they hastily got vnto a neere Burrough like men which had no more hope of safety for that they saw the enemy to hold the whole Countrey The battaile being won Hannibal Commaunds Maherbal to pursue them who parting with the Spaniards and the Souldiers that were lightly armed besieged the Burrough The Romans being brought to extremity in the end left their Armes and after they had concluded to haue their Liues saued they yeilded to this Affrican Behold how that famous battaile past which was giuen betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians neere vnto the Lake of Perouze After this Hannibal cals for those which Maherbal had taken and for all the rest being aboue fifteene thousand telling them at the first that Maherbal had no power to contract with them for their liues without his consent And after he had vsed proud speeches vnto the Romans he distributed them among the Souldiers to be carefully kept in chaines sending away the Allies without Ransome Telling them that hee was not come into Gaule to make Warre against the Latin Nation but with the Romans for their Liberty Afterwards he sent them home to their Lodgings and Commaunds to bury the bodies of those which were of most note being about thirty For hee lost of all his Army onely fifteene hundred men whereof the greatest part were Gaules Hee then held a Councell with his Brother and other friends concerning their affaires who were growne so glorious for this Victory as they held nothing impossible The Newes of this great Defeate was now come to Rome and the Senators could not long conceale it from the Common people nor dissemble the greatnesse thereof So as assembling the Court they were forced to relate it vnto them in particular As soone as the Praetor being set in his Chaire began to say we haue lost a great battaile the amazement and trouble grew so great as they which were at the battaile and there present report that the terrour was greater then in Rome then it had beene in the fight And it is likely for it is not possible that they which for a long time had not felt any great disaster neyther in Word nor Deede should patiently indure so great a losse Yet the Senate made a good shewe as it was fitting aduising what was to be done and what Commaunders they should choose and with what Troupes they should resist the Carthaginians Whilst these things past in Tuscany the Consull Seruilius aduertised that Hannibal was past hee resolued to ioyne with his companions Army But for that it was a difficult thing to passe so great a number of men together he sent Caius Centronius Propraetor before with foure thousand Horse to the end that if any occasion were offered they should doe that which his Companion should commaund him Hannibal hauing gotten this Victory and aduertised by his Spies of the comming of the Enemy hee sends Maherbal to meete them with the best of his Foote and part of his Horse-men who being met they defeated the greatest part at the first charge the rest retiring to the first Hill within three daies after they were taken aliue When as the newes of this defeate came to Rome three daies after the other wherewith their hearts were much aflicted then not onely the people but also the Senators were in so great distresse and misery as all the Citty was in teares Wherefore leauing the Annall Magistrates they had recourse to the election of a Dictator for that the condition of the time and the affaires then required a Commaunder which should haue soueraigne power And although that Hannibal were very glorious for the good successe and fortune of his affaires yet hee did not hold it fit to goe vnto Rome Wherefore putting the Prouince to fire and sword and passing by the Dutchy of Spolettâ— and the Marquisat of Ancona hee came within ten dayes to the Region which is neare vnto Adriatique Sea so rich and abundant in all wealth as the Army was not able to carry it away Finally hee made a great slaughter of men in his iourney for he caused a Proclamation to bee made in his Campe that they should kill all those that they found carrying Armes as they had commonly done in Townes that were taken by assault Hee carried so great a hatred to the Romans as there was no cruelty that hee omitted And after they had found a fit and conuenient place along the Coast of the Adriatique Sea abounding with all sorts of commodities hee laboured by all meanes to refresh his men and horses for both the one and the other were fallen into diseases and the Scuruy which they had gotten as well by the extreame cold in the Winter which they had endured in Gaule being alwaies in field as by the continuall toile which they had lately suffred in passing the Marishes and the continuall sweat and filth by reason of their harnesse In the meane time hee inures the Affricans to carry Armes after the manner of the Romans whereof hee had gotten abundance considering the great spoiles of the Enemies Moreouer hee sent newes to Carthage of his Victories by Sea This was the first time that hee approach't neare the Sea since his first comming into Italy The Carthaginians being ioyfull at this newes were wholly attentiue vnto the affaires of Italy and Spaine The Romans made choice of Quintus Fabius for their Dictator a man of so great virtue and prudence that for his prowesse hee purchased and obtained the name of
narrow passages And although the Cynethenses had suffered a wonderfull losse of all their goods and were in a manner all slaine yet the world held them worthy of the punishment which they endured And for that the people of Arcadia haue a certaine fame and renowne of good men not onely for their easie kinde of life and their good dispositions and great honesty towards all the world but also for the honour and reuerence they beare vnto the Gods I haue thought it good to relate in few words something concerning the rudenesse of the Cynethenses and to let the world vnderstand seeing they were held to be Arcadians how they did so much differ from the other Grecians of that time in wickednesse and cruelty For my part I thinke this hath happened for that they haue beene the first and the onely men which among all the Arcadians haue neglected that which their Ancestors had wisely inuented It is certaine that Musique I meane true Musique is profitable to all the world and necessary for the Arcadians Neither is that true which Ephorus speaking without reason writes in the Proeme of his Histories that Musique is inuented to deceiue and abuse men Neither must wee thinke that the ancient Candyots and Lacedemonians had without reason preferr'd the Flute and Songs before the Trumpet in Warre Neither had the ancient Arcadians Musique in so great honour in their Common-wealth as they not onely caused Children to learne it but also young men vnto the age of thirty yeares who otherwise were rude and vnciuill It is no vnknowne thing that in Arcadia alone they did accustome their children from their infancies to sing praises in Hymnes by the which euery one did vse to commend the Angels of his Birth vertuous Men and the Gods And after all this they doe yearely make Games to father 〈◊〉 with Songs and Dances instructed in the Disciplines of Philoxenes and Tymotheus And those of Children are called the Games of Children and the others the Games of Youth Finally all their life is adicted to this kinde of singing not so much for the pleasure they take to heare the Musique as to excite them to sing together Moreouer if any one be ignorant in other Arts it is held no shame but none of them may be ignorant of Musique for they learne it by necessity Neither may he confesse that he vnderstands it not for that among them is reputed infamous Finally the young men doe yearely present Shewes and Games in the Theater to the Burgesses with Songs and Dances at the publique charge Which things in my opinion were wisely inuented by their Ancestors Not for laciuiousnesse or delights but for that they see the continuall toile of the people in manuring the land with a rudenesse and brutishnesse of life and moreouer with an austeere kinde of liuing which proceedes from the coldnesse and roughnesse of the Ayre to the which of necessity we growe like It is apparent that the Region of heauen made Nations to differ in their manner of liuing in their forme and complexion and in many disciplines Seeking then to make Nature pleasing and tractable which of it selfe seemes fierce and rude they first propounded all those things which we haue mentioned and afterwards common assemblies and many sacrifices where as men and women frequented and finally danced of Virgins and Children All which things they haue done to the end that that which by Nature was rude in the hearts of men might be made milde and pleasing by custome But for as much as the Cynethenses after some tract of time became to disdaine these things which were aboue all things necessary for them inhabiting in the coldest part of Arcadia they grew in a short time to such a rudenesse of life as there was not any Citie in Greece where there were more villanies and Murthers committed The testimony of their wicked life is most manifest for that the other people of Arcadia detested their manner of liuing For at what time as they sent an Embassie to Sparta after this great sedition in what Towne so euer they entred during their voyage they were chased away ignominiously and forbidden to returne and the Mantiniens after their departure purged the Citie and all places thereabouts with sacrifices We haue related these things to aduise the Cities of Arcadia not to giue ouer the custome of their Countrey and to the end men should not thinke that they were so much giuen to the Musique of lasciuiousnesse and that by this meanes no man should mocke at their custome I haue also done it for the loue of the Cynethenses to the end the Gods permitting it that in punishing them they may leade a better life and loue Musique for it is the meanes by the which they may leaue their naturall Rusticitie Seeing then we haue spoken sufficiently of the Cynethenses manner of liuing and of their ruine let vs returne where we left The Etoliens hauing ouer-runne all Morea and put the Country to fire and sword returned to their houses Finally Philip King of Macedon came to Corinthe succour the Achiens with an Army But hearing that all was past he sends post to his Allies aduising them to send men vnto him to Corinthe to conferre of their common affaires In the meane time he causeth his Army to martch towards Tegee for that he was aduertised that the Lacedemonians were in mutinie among themselues And for that they had liued long vnder Kings and had then recouered their liberty vnder the conduct of Antigonus being subiect to no man they fell into diuers factions euery man seeking to haue authority in the Common-wealth aboue his fellow There were two among the Gouernours which held their Councell so secret as no man could discouer it the rest to the number of three carried themselues openly for the Etolien party being confident that Philip considering his age could make no alteration in Morea But when as contrary to their hope and expectation they had newes of the flight of Etoliens in Morea and of the comming of Philip King of Macedon These three Gouernours of the Citie hauing no confidence in one of the other two called Adimant for that knowing their secrets he seemed to dislike of their proceedings and fearing that at the comming of Philip all would be discouered They declared themselues to certaine young men and afterwards caused all the people to assemble in Armes at Iuno's Temple by the sound of the Trumpet as if the Macedonians were come against the Spartains who suddainly assembled vpon this new accident Adimant disliking this came into the assembly saying The Trumpet should haue sounded some dayes past and this assembly of men in Armes should haue beene made when as wee heard that the Etoliens Enemies to the Lacedemonians approached their Mountaines not now when as we are aduertised that the Macedonians our Benefactors and preseruers came with their King And whilest he continued this speech the young
aâ—d preparatâ—on and to make an Army by Sea Apolophanes of whom wee haue spoken being borne in Seleucia stood vp and ouerthrew all the Opinions which had beene formerly giuen saying that it was a solly to drawe the Warre into base Syrria and to suffer â—â—olomy to hold Sâ—â—encia for that it was the sourse and cause of their Principality That besides the disgrace hee should doe vnto his Reignâ— considering that the force of the Kings of Egypt had alwaies kept it it had moreouer great commodities for the mannaging of the Warre For whilest the Enemies shall hold it it would be very preiudiciall to all his Enterprizes For there must be no lesse care vsed to defend himselfe from this City then to assaile the Enemy And if hee held it he should not onely be able to preserue his owne with safety but also to vndertake some good action both by Sea and Land for the great opportunity of the place The whole Assembly allowed of Apolophâ—â—es aduice and resolued to take the Citty first for then Sâ—lâ—ucia was held by the Kings of Egypt from the time that Ptâ—lomy reigned who was surnamed the Bâ—nefactor Hee conquered it at such time that for the ruine of Beronicâ— and the rage he had concelued in his heâ—â—t hee made a descent into base Syrria with an Army Antiochus after Apolophanes aduice was approued hee commanded Diogone Generall of the Army at Sea to fayle speedily to Seleuciâ— And in the meane time parting from Apamia with his Army he lodgeth within fiue Furlongs of Hippodrome Hee likewise sends away Theâ—â—ore Hermioly with a sufficient Army for Syrria to the end he might gaine the streights and prouide for the affaires of that Prouince This is the scituation of Seleucia and the places about it that as the Citty is seated vpon the Sea-shoare betwixt Cilâ—cia and Phenicia so it hath vnder iâ— a wonderful great Mountaine which they call Coryphes whose side towards the West is washed with the Sea which is betwixt Cipres and Phenâ—â—ia and the other which lookes to the East ioynes to the Regions of the Antiochiens and Seleucenâ—es Seleucia scituated on the South and seperated by a deepe and inaccessible Valley which extends to the Sea being enuironed with great Rockes and Caues And on that side which lookes to the Sea it hath steps and Suburbs inclosed with walls The Citty also is fortified with a good wall and beautified with Temples and faire buildings It hath but one approach towards the sea the which is difficult and made by hand for they must ascend vnto it by Ladders The riuer of Orâ—nte enters into the Sea neere vnto it taking its sourse and beginning at Liban and Antiliban and passeth by Antiochia whereas running continually it carries away by its swift course all the filth of the people Finally it enters into the Sea neere vnto Seleucia Antiochus in the beginning sent to the Gouernours of the Citty offâ—ring them money with great hopes if without fighting they would deliuer it vnto him But when he could not winne them he corrupts some of the inferiour Captaines with whom hauing agreed he puts his men in Battaile as if he meant to assaile the Towne with his Army at Sea and at Land on that side which lookes towards Epirus Diuiding then his Army in three after that hee had inflamed the hearts of the Souldiers promising them great rewards hee appointed Zeuxiâ— with his Company to bee at the Gate which goes to Antiochia and he gaue to Hermogenes the places by which they goe to Dioscoria and giues charge to Ardâ—â— and Diogene to assaile the Suburbs and Arsenall for it had beene so agreed with the Traytors that as soone as the Suburbs were taken they should deliuer him the Citty When as the King had giuen the â—igne for an assault they all did their indeauours But among the rest they which were with Ardâ—â— and Diogene carried themselues valiantly For they could not assault noâ— scale the other places But in regard of the Arsenall and Suburbs they might assault and scale them Wherefore whilest that the Army at Sea fell vpon the Arsenall and Ardis Troupes vpon the Suburbs scaling the Walls and that they of the Towne could not succour them for that they were enuironed on all sides by the Enemy it fell out that the Suburbe was suddainly taken Which done the petty Captaines corrupted by the King ran to Leonce who at that time was Gouernour of the Citty perswading him to send to Antiochus before the City were forced And although that Leonce were ignorant of the Treason he sent presently to Antiochus being troubled with the amazement of his people to yeeld them the Citty vpon condition to haue the liues of all the Inhabitants saued The King accepting the condition promised to saue the liues of all Free-men which were about sixe thousand But when hee was entred he not onely pardoned the Burgesses but also called home the banished men of Seleucia and restored vnto them the gouernment of their publique affaires and all their goods and put a good Garrison into the Hauen and Port. Whilest Antiochus stayed at Seleucia hee receiued Letters from Theodote by the which he solicited him to goe speedily into base Syrria The King was long in suspence what councell he should take and was pensiue and troubled with the course he should take in this action you must vnderstand that Theodote borne in Etolia had done great seruices for the Realme of Ptolomy whereof wee haue formerly made mention and many times put his life in danger At such time as Antiochus made Warre against Molon hee tooke in person disdaining the King and distrusting his Courtiers Ptolemais and Tyrus by Paneteole and suddainly called in Antiochus The King hauing taken Acheus to heart and laying aside all other affaires he returnes with his Army the same way he came When he was come to a place which the Countrey people call Marsia hee camped neere the streights which are about Gerre which is not farre from the Fens lying in the midst of that Countrey There being aduertised that Nicholas Lieutenant Generall to Ptolomy held Ptolomais besieged in the which Theodote was hee left those that were best armed and gaue charge to besiege the Towne of Broches lying vpon the Fenns making haste to goe and raise the Siege Nicholas aduertised by his Spies of the Kings comming retired and sent Lagore of Candy and Dorimene of Etolia to gaine the streights which are neere vnto Beryta Where the King planted his Campe after that he had fought with them and put them to flight And when hee had drawne together the rest of his Army in the same place he makes an Oration to his Souldiers and marcheth away with great courage There Theodote and Paneteole met with him with their Friends to whom he gaue a good and gracious reception and he tooke Tyrus and Ptolemais with all their preparation of Warre There were in these Townes forty
forg'd and made being the Architect and Engineere And when as they approacht the City some of them as we haue sayd were slaine with their Arrowes and continually repuls'd from their appâ—oaches Others couered with Targets and therefore assailing with greater force were ouerthrowne and slaine with Stones and the bodies of Trees A good number likewise were slaine by the hands descending from the Engines as we haue sayd For they cast downe men being raised vp on high with their Armes Wherefore they of Appius Army retiring to their Campe and holding a Councell with the Captaines were all of one opinion and resolued to try all manner of hope to take Saragosse by siege the which in the end they did For when they had besieged this City for the space of eight Moneths they ceased not daily to make braue and valiant enterprizes of Warre But they neuer durst attempt to take it by force By this meanes a man with good fortune seemed to bring to an end great and admirable things when as they are fitly ioyned together in great affaires Finally the Romans hauing such great Armies both by Sea and Land attended to take the Towne speedily if they could get an old man out of Saragosse not daring to approach it whilst that Archimides were present and could defend it Wherefore conceiuing that Saragosse might be taken for want of victuals and munition considering the great multitude which was in the City they relyed vpon this hope and hindred by an Army at Sea that nothing might approach and by that at Land that no succours might come Moreouer the Commanders being loath to spend the time in vaine during the siege of Saragosse but withall to vndertake some good thing beside the siege they diuided their Army in such sort as two parts should remaine with Appius for the siege of the City And that Marcus with the third part should assaile the Carthaginians who sent an Army into Sicily Finally Philip hauing made the Messeniens his mortall Enemies could in nothing offend them that was worthy of fame Although hee had assailed their Countrey to torment them vsing great indignities to his best Friends For soone after hee caused old Arate to bee poisoned in Messene for that hee was discontented with his course of life The like hee did to Taurion who had serued him in Morea Wherefore these his Actions were presently divulged and made knowne to strangers His power ouer those whom hee then defeated was not new but long before vsed and practised by custome neither was Arate ignorant of this mischiefe the which was discouered by this meanes And as he had concealed it from all others yet he did not hide it from Cephalon one of his familiar Friends But declared vnto him his infirmity the which appeared by the bloudy spittle against the wall saying Behold Cephalon the recompence wee reape by Philips Friendship Truely Mediocrity is so great and honest as hee which suffers is more ashamed of the deed then he that hath committed it But such rewards they reape of Friendship that haue beene Companions in such great Actions and done seruice to Philip. Finally Arate after his death receiued sufficient honours both in his Countrey and the Common weale of the Acheins as well for the gouernment which hee had often in charge as for the many fauours he did vnto that Nation They decreed him Oblations and Heroyicke honours and finally all things which serue to perpetuate the memory so as if the Dead haue any sense it is likely he commends the acknowledgement done vnto him and the communication of affliction and dangers which haue happened in his life time As Philip had long deuised how to take Lisse and its Fort desiring to reduce those places vnder his obedience hee drew thither with his Army Hauing marcht two dayes and past the streights hee campt neare vnto the Riuer of Ardaxana neare vnto the Citty And when he had viewed the scituation of Lisse excellently well fortified both by nature and industry as well towards the Sea as Land And likewise the Fort ioyning neare vnto it the which in shew was impregnable to all the World by force as well for its extent vpwards as for the other fortification he despaired to take it yet he did not wholly despaire to take the Towne Considering therefore that the space betwixt the Towne the Mount of the Fort was reasonable to besiege the Towne he thought good to make a Skirmish there with his Archers which was then his manner of proceeding Suffring then the Macedovians to rest a day whom he aduertised of things necessary he layd an Ambush in the Night of a great part and the ablest of his men in certaine woody Valleys and neare vnto a Mediterranian place lying aboue the place wherof we haue spoken and retaining for the day following those that were armed with Targets and the rest of the nimblest Souldiers hee takes his way forthwith towards the Citty marching of either side towards the Sea When hee had past beyond it and had made a stand there it was apparent that hee meant to assaile the Citty in that place As this comming of Philip was not vnknowne so a great number out of Sclauonia were come into Lisse It is true that for the great confidence they had in the fortification of the Fortresse they sent but a meane Garrison Wherefore when the Macedonians approacht the Inhabitants presently made a sally relying in their multitude and the force of the place The King ordred the Targetteers in the plaine commanding the most actiue to recouer the hills and to fight valiantly with the Enemy The which they performing the danger seemed something equall But in the end Philips men retired for the difficulty of the place and the multitude of their Enemies And as they retired to them that were armed with Targets they of the City pursuing them with a kind of disdaine into the Plaine fought with the Targetteers They likewise whiâ—â— had the guard of the Fort seeing Philip retire by little and little with his Troupes and imagining that he was going away came running couetely trusting in the nature of the place Then leauing few men within the Fort they came by vnknowne wayes into the Plaine as if they were to take the spoiles of their flying Enemies But in the meane time they which were in Ambush rise suddainly and gaue a furious charge with the Targetteers vpon the Enemies The multitude was herewith so amazed as the Lissiens retired for their safety to the City In regard of those which had abandoned the Fort their returne was cut off by the Ambush Whereby it happened that whereas before there was no hope now the Fort was presently taken and without danger and Lisse the next day by the valour of the Macedonians and by their rough and terrible assaults Philip hauing conquered the said places contrary to his hope he made all the Neighbours thereabouts subiect vnto him so as a
nothing in his braine that troubled him finally he was full of ioy and negligence But Nicon and Tragisque hauing assembled the Youth diuided themselues into three Band and after aduice they seazed vpon the most commodious approaches to the Market place to the end that nothing might be vnknowne vnto them of that which was practised aswell within the Citty as without They also approached neere vnto Caius House being resolued that if he should haue any suspition of the Enterprize to kill him first And that whatsoeuer they did they should beginne with him As it often times happens at the returne from Banquets when as the Tumult was suddainly past and that the multitude was layd downe and a sleep and by the aduancement of the night the hope of the Enterprize remained entire then altogether attend the Execution The Youth had articulated and agreed with the Carthaginians that Hannibal comming to the Citty neere vnto Musacee on the East and to the Gates which they call Temenides he should make a fire vpon a little Hill the which some call the Hill of Hyacinthe and others of Apollo Hyacinthe And that when Tragisques Company should see it they should answere him by the like signe of fire This done Hannibal should quench the fire which hee had made without the Citty and then approach with a slow pace These things thus concluded the Youth of the Citty hauing past the inhabited part they came to the Monuments of the Deceased The Easterne part of the Citty of Tarentum was full of Monuments For that all the dead are buried within the Walls of the Citty according to a certaine old Oracle They say that God gaue the Tarentins to vnderstand by an Oracle that it would be best for them when they had most Inhabitants For their parts they thought that they should haue a good dwelling according vnto the Oracle if they retained the dead within their Citty For this cause they interre them within their wals When as the Youth of the Citty was come to the Pithyonique Hill they expected what would succeede Hannibal approaching did what had beene concluded and the Company of Nicon and Tragisque seeing the fire they tooke courage and kindled another fire Againe seeing Hannibals fire quencht they made hast and ran vnto the Gate meaning to preuent Hannibals men in killing the Guards for that the Carthaginians preparing to enter marcht slowly When they had preuailed in their Enterprize and the Guards being surprized some slew them others brake the Bolts The Gates being suddainly opened Hannibals men came with such a measured March as without any delay they assailed the Citty When they had made their entry safely and without Tumult thinking they had done the greatest part of their businesse they entred the Market place boldly on that side which ioines to the Sea In regard of the Horse-men they leaue no lesse then two Thousand within the Walls for their supply as well for the accidents which might happen without as for other expected things which do vsually chance When they were come vnto the places neere vnto the Market the Army made a stand Philimene likewise being much troubled how he might execute his Charge staied without For when they made the fire they ranne not to that Gate and they had sent him with a wilde Boare and about a Thousand Lybians with him to the next Gate meaning to execute their Enterprize not by one meanes only but by many When as Philimene was according to his Custome come vnto the Walls the Guards suddainly were ready descending to Rhinopile When as he called vnto them to open the Gate for that hauing a Boare hee was soare laden the Guard hearing those words open speedily expecting to haue a share of Philimenes prize as formerly hee had done to others Philimene being the first of this Battalion enters accompanied by another wearing a Numidian Habite as if hee had beene of that Countrey after whom followed two others carrying Venison When there were foure entred they slew him which opened the Gate running simply and without feare to handle the Boare there entred to the number of Thirty Lybians by the little Wicket which followed them a slow pace and secretly This being done some brake the Hinges others slew the Guards at the Gate and others called the Lybians by signes being yet without leading them to the Market place as it had beene ordred Hannibal ioyfull of the adiunction of these men for that matters succeeded according to his desire he was attentiue to that which he had begunne Hee therefore drawes two Thousand Gaules a part and diuiding them into three Bands hee appoints to eyther of them two of the Youth which had mannaged this Enterprize with some of his Captaines giuing them charge that they should gaine the most commodious approaches to goe vnto the Market place After which they should receiue the Youth of the Citty and haue a care to preserue the Cittizens and that they should crye out to the Tarentins to stay in the place which was assigned them for their safety Finally hee Commaunds the Captaines of the Carthaginians and Celts that they should kill all the Romans they should encounter Diuiding them selues one from another they dispatch that which they had in charge The Enemies entry being knowne to the Tarentins the Citty was full of cries and vnexpected Trouble When as Caius was aduertised of the Enemies entry thinking that he should not be able to preuent the danger by reason of his drunkennesse he gets suddainly out of his lodging with his family And when hee was come to the Gate which leads vnto the Port and that the Guard had opened the Rhinopile he escapes that way and imbarques with his people in a little Cocke boate which lay in the Port and was carried to the Fort. Afterwards Philimene makes prouision of Roman Trumpets whereof some founded neere vnto the Theater as they had vsually done And when the Romans ran in Armes according to their Custome to the Fortresse the Enterpize was dispatcht to the liking of the Carthaginians But they which being dispersed and without order entred into those places some fell into the hands of the Carthaginians others among Celts Who by this same meanes slew a great number The day approaching the Tarentins rested in their Houses not able to preuent this inconuenience For they thought by reason of the founding of the Trumpets that this combustion had beene made by the Romans for that they made no spoile in the Citty But when they saw some of their men slaine in the place and some of the Gaules stripping the dead bodies of the Romans they beganne to thinke of the comming of the Carthaginians When as Hannibal had drawne his Army into the market place and that the Romans were retired to the Fort the which they held before with their Garrison he causeth a Proclamation foorth with to be made and proclaimed that all the Tarentins should come vnto the
Market place without Armes In regard of the Youth they went vp and downe the Citty crying liberty aduising and perswading the Citizens to rest assured that the Carthaginians were there for their good But all the Tarentins which held the Romans party being aduertised of this Action retired to the Fort The rest assembled without Armes at the sound of the Trumpet To whom Hannibal spake graciously When the Tarentins had generally conceiued by his Speech and vnexpected hope he sent many of them away giuing them charge at their returne to be carefull to Write the name of the Tarentins vppon their doores And if by fortune or chance any one did it to a Romans House he should be punished with Death Wherefore hee made choise of men accustomed vnto this charge and sends them presently to spoile the Romans Houses willing them to hold and maintaine the Tarentins lodgings for Enemies which had not the marke of a Tarentine Finally hee kept the rest in battaile to succour the others When he had drawne together great store of goods by this spoile and that the commodities answering the conceiued hope of the Tarentins came to good they then returned to Armes The day following Hannibal holding a Councell with the Tarentins decreed to seperate the Citty from the Fort and to fortifie it to the end they should be no more in feare of the Romans holding the Fort. Wherefore he beganne first to fortifie the Citty with pallisadoes right against the Wals of the Hill which is before the Fort. And knowing that the Enemies would stirre and make some attempt hee appointed sufficient Forces Thinking that for the future there would bee nothing more necessary to amaze the Romans and to assure the Tarentins When as they beganne to set vp their impalement and that the Romans assailed their Enemies with great confidence courage and resolution Hannibal fighting with them a little prouoked them to the Combate But when as many of them past beyond the Hill he giuing courage to his men encounters the Enemy When the Combate grew hot as much as might be in a streight place inuironed with Wals the Romans in the end beeing roughly repuls'd gaue backe so as many of them fell into the Numidians hands Finally the greatest part being repuls'd and falling into the ditches dyed After this Hannibal fortified the Citty with Pallisadoes without danger and hauing done all things to his liking hee was at quiet He likewise forced the Enemies to remaine shut vp in their Fort in feare not onely of themselues but also of the Fort. In regard of the Citizens hee hath so puft vp their Courage as they helde themselues able to resist the Romans without the helpe of the Carthaginians Afterwards Hannibal leauing some little space from the pallisadoe towards the Citty hee made a Ditch answering the Pallisadoe and the wall of the Fort from whence some time there were Souldiers drawn vnto the wall of the Citty Moreouer hauing Pallisadoed this Ditch this fortification prooued not lesse strong then a Wall Besides the which within towards the Citty leauing a reasonable space hee beganne a VVall from that part which they call the Sauior vnto that which they call Deepe So as without any Garrison these Fortifications would bee sufficient to cause the Tarentins to dwell in safety Leauing then a sufficient Garrison of Horse for the Guard of the Citty and wall hee planted his Campe forty furlongs from the Citty neere the Riuer which some call Gallea others Erota which name it hath taken from that other Riuer passing neere vnto Lacedemon which they likewise call Erota The Tarentins in trueth haue many such as well in the Country as in the Citty for that vndoubtedly they haue taken their Collony and Race from the Lacedemonians The wall beeing finished and ended aswell by the diligence and industry of the Tarentins as the helpe and assistance of the Carthaginians Hannibal resolues to ouer-throw the Fort. And when hee had prepared and made all things ready for the siege the Romans hauing receiued into the Fort succours by Sea from Metaponcia they were something refresht and comforted and in the night assailed Hannibals Engines ruining them all with their preparations This made Hannibal to despaire of the siege of the Fort. And when the Citty wals were made perfect he assembles the Tarentins and lets them vnderstand that it was very necessary for them to be masters of the Sea against the discommodities of the present time But as the mouth of the Port was in the Commaund of the Fort it was not in their power to helpe themselues with shippes at their pleasure or goe out of the Port VVhere as the Romans had all necessaries brought vnto them safely So as the Citty should neuer enioy a perfect freedome and liberty Hannibal considering this he let the Tarentins vnderstand that if they which held the Fort lost the hope of the comodity of the Sea they would presently yeild it to them The which the Tarentins hearing they allowed of his Speech but they could not at that time effect it vnlesse they were assisted by the Carthaginians Army The which could not then be done Wherefore they could not conceiue whereto Hannibal tended propounding these things And when he maintained that they might well be masters of the Sea without the helpe of the Carthaginians they wondred more not being able to vnderstand his conception When hee had viewed the place within the Wals from the Port vnto the outward Sea he was of opinion that the Ships might saile close vnto the Wall towards the South When hee had giuen this aduice vnto the Tarentins they not onely imbraced it suddainly but commended Hannibal wonderfully Presently after they had made Wheeles they prepared a way for ships which was sooner done then spoken for that affection and the multitude of Worke-men preuailed much By this meanes the Tarentins past their ships into the open Sea and safely besieged those of the Fort who receiued their succours from abroad In regard of Hannibal leauing the Citty he raised his Campe and returning three dayes after to the Pallisadoe which he had made in the beginning hee stayed to spend the rest of the Winter A PARCELL OF the Ninth Booke of the History of POLYBIVS BEhold the most renowned and excellent Actions comprehended vnder the aforesayd Olympiade and within the space of foure Yeares which it containes Of which wee will endeauour to speake of in two Bookes I am not ignorant that our Commentaries haue beene somthing rough and that they are pleasing to a certaine kinde of Auditors and blamed by others In truth other Historiographers and in a manner all or the greatest part helping themselues with all the parts of a History draw many men to the reading of their Commentaries The manner to Discourse of Genealogies causes a desire to heare That also which speakes of Collonies Voyages Possessions and Races which please a curious man of little iudgement as that of Ephorus
when as all the World slept hee dislodg'd before the time from Larisse with his Army and came too soone into the Meliteens Countrey For this cause as he could not stay fearing to be discouered by the Citizens nor yet steale away he gaue an assault to the City the Inhabitants being yet awake So as it was not in his power to get to the top of the Walles by his Ladders for that they were not of a iust length neither could hee enter by the Gate for that the Confederates which hee had in the City could not succour him being excluded by the time And as hee had incensed the Citizens and made a great losse of his men hee returned with shame and disgrace it being a warning and caueate vnto all others not to put any trust or confidence in him hereafter As likewise Nicias which was Chiefe of the Athenians might haue preserued the Army which hee had neare vnto Saragosse and had taken a fit occasion in the Night to lay an Ambush to the end hee might not bee discouered by the Enemy hee retired into a safe place Afterwards hee remooued not his Campe through superstition for that the Moone was Eclipsed as if shee had fore-told some ensuing danger and misfortune But it happened vnto all as â—ell to the Army as Captaines to fall into the hands of the Saragossins when as the Night following Nicias raised his Campe being discouered by the Enemies Notwithstanding hee might in such affaires haue beene made wise by such as haue had experience that the coÌ„modity of time ought not to be neglected for such things making the ignorance of the Enemy his comfort Ignorance in truth giues a great helpe to men of experience to bring their affaires to a good end Wee must then for the afore-said things haue recourse to Astrology in regard of the measure of ladders the manner is as followeth If any one of the Conspirators haue giuen the height of the Wall they may presently know of what length the ladder shall be As if the Wall bee ten foote high in some places the ladders must be twelue foote long Finally they must giue vnto the ladder good footing according to the proportion of the staues left burthening it too much it breake not easily by reason of the multitude and againe set vp straight it will be very dangerous vnto them If there be no meanes to take the measure nor to approach the Wall let them take the greatnesse of those things which are eleuated on the Plaine by the space of all the height which is a kinde of measure not onely possible but also easie for those which study to learne the Mathematiques Wherefore it is necessary for them that will aime truely in their resolutions of the course of Warre to know the vse of Geometry If not perfectly yet at the least that they haue the knowledge of proportions and consideration of Similitudes It is not onely necessary for this but also for the comprehension of Designes in the scituation of a Campe to the end that when as wee sometimes change its generall disposition we may obserue the same proportion of things which are there comprehended And if sometimes we retaine the same Designes of Camps we may extend the place comprehended by them or straighten it according to the reason of things before decreed or set apart the which we haue declared more exactly in our Commentaries for the ordring of Battailes I doe not beleeue there is any man that will be discontented with our study for that wee charge the profession of Warre with many things commanding those that loue it not to disdaine Astrology nor Geometry For my part I striue especially and with great desire to command things necessary as I doe reproue and blame the excesse of vaine and superfluous things in regard of the subtilties and dreames in euery Science So doe we those which are out of necessary vse It is strange thing that they which practise Dancing or playing of the Flute take the preparatiues which concernes the accords and Musicke And likewise Wrestling for that this kind of Art seemes behoouefull to bring this exercise to an end And yet they which terme themselues Souldiers are discontented if they must allow of any other Studies So as they which practise Mecanique Arts are more carefull and studious then those which challenge an Excellency in things which are of great honour and glory the which no man of Sence will deny But wee haue spoken enough of this Subiect Many coniecture the greatnesse of things by the Circuiâ—e to whom notwithstanding it seemes incredible that although the City of Megalopolis bee contained within the Circuite of fifty Furlongs and that of Lacedemon within forty eight yet it is twice as great as that of Megalopolis And if any one meaning to make this doubt greater sayth it is possible that a City or the Pallisadoe of a Campe hauing the Circuite of forty Furlongs may bee more ample and compleate then that of a hundred this will seeme vnto them a mad and extrauagant speech the cause is for that wee remember not the things which inhumane Disciplines are deliuered vnto vs by Geometry This is the cause why I haue vndertaken this Discourse For that not onely many people but also some of those which gouerne the Common-weale and likewise Commanders and Captaines are amazed and wonder how it can be possible that the City of Lacedemon should be greater then that of Megalopolis seeing the circuite is lesse and that consequently they coniecture the number of men by the circuite of the Campe. There is another such like errour which they commit in the description of Townes For many conceiue that Cities containe more houses which are crooked and hilly then those which are in a flat Countrey But this is not true for that the houses are not of a good building in a declining Streete but in a plaine Countrey for the which it happens that the Hils yeeld the which may appeare by that which is apparent in a Plaine If thou doest consider the houses which are built high and set vpon the declining of a Hill so as they are all of an equall hight it is apparent that their tops being leuell the distance is equall as well of those which are built vnder the Hils as those which are seated on the Plaine neare vnto the foundations of the Wall It sufficeth at this time to haue spoken to those which desiring the preheminence ouer others and to gouerne Common-weales are ignorant of these things being amazed and wonder at this relation The City of Agragas is not onely more excellent among many other Cities but also for the force of its Rampire and for the grace and building It is built eighteene Furlongs from the Sea so as euery man may be partaker of her commodities the Walles are excellently fortified by their scituation and the industry of man The Wall is seated vpon a hard and
regard of the Acheins and Acarnanians But at this day they are Confederate with the Romans against Greece in generall These things vnderstood who doth not suspect the comming of the Romans and detest the sottishnesse of the Etoliens who presumed to enter into such a League They spoile the Vines and the Iland of Acarnania and haue already taken the Cittie of the Tallaneins and Anticyra which they with the Romans haue ruined who carry away their VViues and Children suffring as it seemes the common accidents of those which fall into the hands of strangers in regard of the soile of these miserable people the Etoliens enioy it It were without doubt a very honest and pleasing thing that the Lacedemonians should imbrace this League who would haue the Thebeins alone among the Grecians liue in peace when the Persians descended and haue resolued to make vowes vnto the Gods to vanquish the Barbarians Your dutie and Honor my Masters of Lacedemon depends thereon to the ende that hauing recourse vnto your Ancestors and fearing the comming of the Romans and suspecting the bad intent of the Etoliens and putting you in minde of the deedes of Antigonus you may detest the League of the wicked and flie the amitie of the Etoliens allying your selues by a common hope with the Acheins and Macedonians And if some of the chiefe yeild not vnto it at the least budge not neither make your selues Companions of their Outrages It is true that affection to friends is very profitable if it bee commodiously made But if it be forced and finally slow and defectiue it hath no comfort and therefore you must obserue if onely in words or else in actions they will keepe their League with you A parcell of the Riuer of Euphrates Evphrates takes its sourse and beginning in Armenia running its course by Syria drawing towards Babylon and falls as it seemes into the Red Sea whereof the signe is It looseth it selfe in hollow places vnder ground made in that Region before it falls into the Sea VVherefore it hath a different nature to other Riuers The course of others augment as they passe by many places and are very high in VVinter and low in Summer But Euphrates growes very high at the rising of the Canicular especially in Syria and continuing its course decreaseth The cause is for that it is not augmented by the concurrence of the winter raine but by the melting of the Snow It decreaseth likewise for that it extends vpon the plaine and is dispersed for the watring of the Land Then the transport of Armies is slowly made for that the shippes stay in regard of the burthen the Riuer beeing low and finally the swift course of the water is some hinderance vnto the Nauigation A PARCELL OF the Tenth Booke of the History of POLYBIVS AS from thence vnto the Sea and from the Citty of Rhegium vnto Tarentum there be aboue two Thousand Furlongs yet the Coast of Italy hath no Ports except those which are at Tarentum That Coast turnes to the Sicylian Sea and bends towards Greece It is much peopled with Barbarians So there are very famous Grecian Citties For the Brucians Lucain and some Countries of the Samnites and moreouer the Calabriens and many other nations inhabite this Country Euen as among the Grecians lies Rhegium Caulone Locres and Croton Moreouer the Metapontins and Thurins possesse this Maritine Region And therefore they which come from Sycily and Greece are when as they saile vnto any of the said places by necessity carried to the Ports of Tarentum And are forced to Traffique with their Merchandizes in that Cittie with all the inhabitants of that Coast. Some happily may coniecture that the Commoditie of this place proceedes from the abundance and fertillitie of the Crotoniates And although they haue some Summer stations of small reuenew yet it seemes they will challenge to themselues a great fertillitie and from no other thing but from the fruitefulnesse of the place which is not to bee compared to the Ports and Region of the Tarentins There is also a Commoditie from this place to the Adriaticke Ports at this day great but in former times greater All they which sailed from high Pouille vnto Sipuntes in Front and were carried into Italy landed at Tarentum and made vse of this City for their Commerce and Trafficke as in affaires Then the City of the Brâ—tensins was not yet built Wherefore Fabius much esteeming this abode was addicted vnto it leauing all other things All others hold him for a very fortunate man and that many times and for the most part he ended his Enterprizes without reason and accidentally holding this kinde of men to bee more diuine and admirable then those which attempt all things by a discourse of reason Being ignorant withall that by these words the actions of the one are worthy of Commendations and those of the other happy and fortunate Moreouer the one is common vnto the people But the other is proper to wise and iudicious men whom we must hold diuine and beloued of the Gods For my part Fabius seemes to me to haue a Nature and disposition like vnto Lycurgus the Law-giuer of the Lacedemonians We must not thinke that Lycurgus had beene so superstitious as obeying Pitheas he had established the Lacedemonian Common-wealth Nor likewise Publius Scipio moued with Dreames and Diuinations had purchased so great a power in the Countrey But for that the one and the other saw many men not greatly to affect doubtfull affaires not likewise to presume to vndertake matters that were graue and dangerous without the hope of the Gods For this cause Lycurgus making vse of the same drawne from Pytheas in his opinion hee made them more pleasing and certaine Publius Scipio in like manner had made an impression in many of a conceite of him that hee executed his Enterprizes by a certaine Diuine Councell By this meanes he made his men more assured and willing to attempt difficult things That he hath brought euery thing to an end by sufficient reason and wisedome and that for this cause all his actions haue had an end concurret to reason will appeare manifest and plaine by the Discourse which I shall hold concerning him It is certaine he was bountifull and generous But as for his industry sobriety and vigilancy in his resolutions no man can conceiue them but such as haue liued with him and haue exactly searcht the depth of his disposition amongst the which was Lelyus who had beene his Companion from his Infancy in all his actions and discourses vnto his Death for that hee seemes to speake likely things and conformable to his actions First hee reports this Noble deede of Publius when as his Father had resolued to fight with Hannibal neare vnto the Riuer of Poe. For at that time being as it seemes but seuenteene yeares old going into the Field hee had receiued from his Father a Troupe of the best and strongest men for
and opprest the Subiects hee affected the Warre with an assured courage hauing no confidence in Fortune but in wise Councell When he arriued in Spaine he moued them all and hauing enquired of the Enemies actions he vnderstood that the Carthaginians Armies were diuided into three and that Mago made his abode within the Pillars of Hercules at certaine places called Conies And that Asdrubal the Sonne of Scone was neare the mouth of a Riuer by Portugale the other Asdrubal in the Carpentins Countrey held a City besieged Either of which places were many dayes iourney distant from the City of the Ceneteins Studying then whether he should resolue to giue Battaile vnto the Enemy if it were against all their forces he should be in danger to be defeated as well in regard of that which had befalne his Predecessors as for that their Armies were great If likewise he labourd to fight with the one it was to be feared that in flying the Battaile the other Armies would come and by this meanes hee should be inclosed falling into the like Disasters whereunto his Vncle Caius and his Father Publius had beene subiect Wherefore leauing this aduice when he vnderstood that Carthage was a great ease vnto the Enemies and would be a great annoyance to him in this Warre he considere of euery thing wintring among the Eilotes When he was aduertised in the beginning that it had Ports which might containe all the Sea-army of Spaine hauing likewise a Maritine scituation spacious and commodious for the Carthaginians for the Nauigation which comes from Lybia and likewise for that the Treasure and Baggage for the Army with all the hostages of Spaine were kept there adding thereunto the great aduantage for that the Fort had not aboue a thousand Souldiers in Garrison for that they neuer suspected that any man would presume to besiege it the Carthaginians being in a manner Maisters of all Spaine and that finally the rest of the people are in great number yet they were Artizans Mech annickes and Fishermen who had no great experience in the Warre He imagined that his comming to this City would be vnexpected with amazement He was not ignorant of the scituation of the Towne nor of its fortification nor likewise of the disposition of the Poole which things he had learned from Fishermen which had frequented the place This Poole was generally muddy and yet wadeable for the most part and withall the water retired daily about Sun-setting Wherefore concluding that if he preuailed in his Enterprize he should not onely annoy the Enemy but it would bee a great benefit for the Warre And if his aduice and councell succeeded well hee might preserue his Subiects as Maister of the Sea if he might once fortifie and strengthen his Army The which was easie for that the Enemies were far off Leauing therefore all other resolutions hee attends this during Winter And when he had once resolued being of the age we haue mentioned he concealed his resolution from all the World except to Caius Lelyus vntill he thought it fit to manifest it Although that Historiographers giue testimony of this resolution yet when they come to the end of the action they attribute this excellent worke to the Gods and to Fortune and not to him nor his wisedome without any probable arguments and the testimony of those which liued with him for that Scipio himselfe declares plainely in an Epistle which he had written to Philip that making vse of the aduice which wee haue mentioned he had vndertaken the Warre of Spaine and the siege of Carthage Moreouer commanding Lelyus secretly touching the Army at Sea he gaue him charge to saile aboue the City Hee alone was priuy to his designe as I haue sayd Himselfe taking the Troupes of Foote-men marcht speedily There were in the Army at Land about fiue and twenty thousand Foote and two thousand fiue hundred Horse Being come vnto the City on the seuenth Day hee planted his Campe on the North part and fortified it without with a double Rampire and Ditches from one Sea vnto the other without doing any thing towards the City The Nature of the place had fortification enough To vnderstand well how this City hath beene besieged and taken I hold it necessary in some sort to describe the neighbour Countries and its scituation It is seated in Spaine about the middle of the Maritine Region in the Gulfe which hath its aspect towards Affricke whose depth is about twenty furlongs and the breadth at the entrance about ten All this Gulfe makes a kind of Port where there lies an I and at the mouth of it leauing on either side a little entrance And when the Sea is troubled with any torment then all the Gulfe is calme but when the Westerne Winds of the Winter Solstice beating vpon the two entrances cause the storme But as for other Winds it is not troubled by reason of the firme Land which enuirons it Behinde the Gulfe there rises a Cape whereon the City is scituated enuironed with the Sea towards the East and South and with a Lake vpon the West and North so as the space which remaines from one Sea to another by the which the City is ioyned to the firme Land is not aboue two Furlongs In regard of the City one moiety of it is concaue and towards the South it hath the approach of the full Sea Finally it is full of Hills whereof two are rough and difficult the other three are very lowe but strong and hard to passe whereof the highest bends towards the East aduancing to the Sea There the Temple of Asclepie is built Right against the which is another of the same scituation whereon stands a sumptuous royall Pallace the which some say had beene built by Asdrubal affecting a Regall power The rest of the lesser Hills haue their tops towards the North. That of the three which lookes directly towards the East is called Phoste to the which is ioyned that of Alete It seemes that Pheste hath beene the inuentor of Siluer mettals and for this cause purchased diuine honours The third is called Croue In regard of the Lake ioyning to the Sea it hath taken its course by the worke of man for the benefit of Fisher-men and others trafficking by Sea But at the breach of the Banke by the which the Lake and Sea are diuided they haue made a Bridge to the end that Sumpters and Carts might bring things necessary from the Countrey This was the scituation of those places the Romans Campe was fortified in Front without any prouision as well by the Lake as Sea on either side In regard of the space which ioynes the City to the firme Land he did not fortifie it for that it was in the midst of his Campe to the end he might amaze the Citizens and make vse of it for Skirmishes and to sally forth and retire to his Campe. The Walles in the beginning had not aboue twenty Furlongs Although
of making the round how they might draw the Enemies vnto them For the effecting whereof their Armes was of great seruice Finally they come to the Gate where as some going downe cut the barres others entered from without In regard of those which made their attempts at the Isthmus with Ladders after they had defeated them which defended the VValls they lept ouer and by this meanes the VVall was gotten As for the Hill scituated towards the East they which entred by the Gate recouered it chasing away the Guards VVhen as Scipio saw that there was a sufficient number entred into the City hee sent many of them according to the Custome against the Citizens giuing them charge to kill all they met without taking any to mercy and not to busie themselues with spoile vntill they had a signe giuen them The Romans doe this to terrifie them And therefore wee often see that when they take Cities by force they doe not onely kill the men but they cut their Dogges in pieces and dismember their other Cattle Many such things happened in that Citie by reason of the multitude of Prisoners Finally Publius Scipio accompanied with a Thousand men assailes the Fort whereunto making his approaches Mago at the first striues to defend it But when hee vnderstood the Truth of the taking of the City hee sends men to parley for his safety and by this meanes hee deliuers the Fort. This done a signe being giuen the massacre ceased and they fell to spoile And when as night approached some remained in the Campe ordained for that end And the Generall spent the night in the Fort accompanied with a Thousand men Appointing the rest being retired from the Houses by the Captaines of Thousands to carry the booty to the Ensignes in the market place In regard of them that were lightly armed called from the Campe on the Hill hee sent them to the Easterne parts The Romans tooke Carthage in Spaine after this manner The day following after they had carried the baggage of the Carthaginian Souldiers and the substance of the Burgesses and Artizans to the place the Captaines of Thousands according to Custome diuided it among their Bands Among the Romans this order is obserued touching Cities taken Sometimes to euery day they number the men and distributing them according to the greatnesse of the City sometimes they diuide them by Ensignes They neuer appoint aboue halfe the Army for this businesse The rest remaine in Battaile for the Guard sometimes they are without and sometimes within the City vnto the end they may be alwayes ready The Army being diuided for the most part in two of Romans and two of Allies they which are deputed for the diuision do euery man bring his booty vnto the Campe. This done the Millaneers or Captaines of Thousands diuide it equally to them all Not onely to those which remaine in Battaile but also to the Guards of the Tents to the sicke and vnto all those which are ordained for any publicke seruice When they are together in Campe to go vnto the War they sweare not to commit any fraud in the pillage and that they keepe their faith according vnto the oath which they haue taken But wee haue spoken sufficiently heere of in Discoursing of their pollicy Finally when an Army is thus diuided one part attending the Booty and the rest standing in Battaile for their Guards yet the Romans had neuer any difference through Couetousnesse For when as none of them are frustrated for the Hope of gaine and that in the meane time some follow the spoile and the others remaining in Battaile guard them no man abandons his Ensigne The which many times is the cause of great losse and danger to others Many suffer losse and are in danger in regard of gaine For it is apparent that they which remaine in Campe or are in Battaile containe themselues vnwillingly for that most commonly all the spoile vnder his Commaund and power which rules if he be an absolute Monarch And if he be a Commaunder euery man holds that his owne which may be hidden and purloin'd although that all things be carefully brought together And for that most part of men desire booty and for this cause are in danger hauing no meanes to obtaine an absolute Victory it fals out that they are in danger to lose all The which happens to many who although they haue preuailed in their Enterprize whether they haue cast themselues into the Enemies Campe or haue taken a City yet they haue not onely beene repuls'd but moreouer had lost all and for no other cause but that aboue mentioned Whereefor CoÌ„manders ought to haue nothing in greater recommendation and care then that where of wee speake which is that as much as may be possible this hope may remaine to the greatest part that if such an accident happens the diuision may be equall to them all Then the Captaines of Thousands gaue order â—o the Booty and the Roman Commander hauing drawne together theâ— Prisoners which were little lesse then a thousand hee commands them first to separate the Citizens with their Wiues and Children and then the handy-crafts-men This done hee aduiseth the Citizens to imbrace the Friendship of the Romans and to remember the fauour which they receiued and then hee sent them backe to their houses Whereof some weeping and others ioyfull for their vnexpected safety they retire hauing done their duties to the Generall In regard of the Worke-men and Artizans hee told them that for the present they were publique Seruants to the City of Rome But if euery one did his duty cheerefully and willingly he promised them liberty if the Warre vndertaken against the Carthaginians had a good end Then he gaue charge to the Questor to take the Names of these men and that he should appoint thirty Roman Commissaries for the whole multitude contained in a manner two thousand He also made choise of the strongest and the most flourishing in age and forme to furnish the Troupes and fill'd the captiue ships with all the Marriners exceeding the former one halfe so as euery ship had in a manner twice as many men There were eighteene captiue ships and in the beginning they had beene fiue and thirty To whom he promised liberty if they shewed themselues friends and valiant and that if in this Warre he should happen to vanquish the Carthaginians When he had declared himselfe in this manner he made the Burgesses affectionate and loyall as well to himselfe as to the Roman Common-weale The Worke-men and Artizans are in like manner ioyfull vpon the hope of liberty But when he had by this supply much augmented the Troupes in the end he separates Mago and the Carthaginians For he had two Senators and fifteene Councellors whom hee gaue in charge to Caius Lelyus commanding him to haue a speciall care Moreouer hee calls all the hostages vnto him which were aboue three hundred Then he makes much of
had committed were carefull not to fall into the Enemies subiection Their courages being such it was apparent that this must be decided by a Battaile For this cause not only Italy and Affricke but also Spaine Sicily and Sardinia were troubled and rauished in their iudgements attending the end And when at the same time Hannibal was destitute of Horses he sent to one Tycheus a Numidian allied to Syphas who seemed to haue the most valliant of all the Affricane horse perswading him to giue him succours and hee should be a sharer in the Action knowing that if the Carthaginians vanquished his Principallity would remaine safe and intire But if the Romans preuailed his life it selfe wil be in danger in regard of the ambition of Massanissa Being thus perswaded hee comes vnto Hannibal with about two Thousand Horse When as Scipio had fortified his Fleete at Sea and left Bobias for Lieutenant he spoiled the Cities refusing to receiue any that offered themselues willingly making them slaues and shewing the indignation which he had conceiued against the Enemies in regard of the faith broken by the Carthaginians Finally he sends continually to Massanissa letting him vnderstand how the Carthaginians had broken the Accords intreating him to assemble the greatest Army that possibly he could and to ioyne with him according vnto their conuentions Massanissa after the conclusion of the Accord was gone with an Army accompanied with ten Ensignes of Romans aswell Horse as foote not only to recouer his owne Country but also to seaze vpon those of Syphax with the helpe of the Romans Finally it hapned that the Embassadours sent backe from Rome Landed at that time at the maritine Pallisado of the Romans Suddainly Bebias sends his men to Scipio and retaines the Carthaginians being sad and supposing to be in wonderfull danger When as they were aduertized of the cruelty of the Carthaginians towards the Roman Embassadours they helde not themselues secure from punishment When as Scipio vnderstood what had beene done that the Senate and people of Rome had confirmed the agreement which he had made with the Carthaginians and that they were ready to do that which he aduised them he was wonderfull glad Moreouer he commands Bebias to send backe the Carthaginian Embassadours to their Houses with all fauour and curtesie Vsing therein a good aduice in my opinion with a wise consideration in what great esteeme his Country held their faith with Embassadors Hee made his reckoning that the punishment deserued by the Carthaginians did not merit so great a respect then that which the honour of the Romans required to be done Wherefore refrayning his Choller and indignation conceiued for the offence of the Carthaginians hee laboured to obserue that which they say in the Prouerbe That wee must cleaue vnto the duties of our Elders By this meanes he wonne the hearts of all the Carthaginians and surmounted Hannibal and their madnesse by his Loyalty When as the Carthaginians saw their Townes forced they sent to Hannibal that hee should delay no longer but present himselfe vnto the Enemy and decide their affaires by a battaile Hannibal hearing these things made answere to those that came vnto him that hee would consider thereon and make choise of a fit time to the end he might not seeme negligent Some daies after hee raiseth his Campe from Adrumetum and marching he Campes neere vnto Zama which is a Citie fiue daies iourney from Carthage towards the West From thence he sent three Spies desirous to know where the Romans campt and how they gouerne things which concerne the Scituation of a camp When these Spies were brought to Scipio Generall of the Romans he was so faâ—re from punishing them as others vsually doe as contrariwise he gaue charge to a Captaine Milleniere to shewe them plainely what soeuer was done in the Campe. Which being done he demaunds if the Commissary had shewed them all things carefully The which when they had confest he sent them backe with Victualls and Guides commaunding them to relate carefully vnto Hannibal what they had seene This Action causing Hannibal to wonder at the magnanimity and confidence of the man he conceiued an humour to parly with Scipio The which when he had resolued he sent a Trumpet saying that he desired to Treate with him concerning all their differences Scipio hauing heard this from the Trumpet consented saying that hee would signifie vnto him the place and the howre when and where he would parly These things being heard by the Trumpet he returnes vnto his Campe. The day following Massanissa arriues with sixe Thousand foote and almost as many Horse Whom when as Scipio had intertained courteonsly and shewed him great signes of fauour for that hee had made all those subiect which had formerly obeyed Syphax hee foorth-with raiseth his Campe And when hee came vnto the City of Margara and had found a commodious place and had appointed the warring within a Bows shot hee planted his Campe there And from thence he gaue notice by certaine conuenient Messengers vnto the Chiefe of the Carthaginians that hee was ready to parly about their differences The which Hannibal hearing he presently marcheth with his camp and approaches so neere as he was within thirty furlongs of the Romans Sitting downe vpon a certaine Hill which besides the Watring was for all other things commodious and sufficient enough In trueth it was something farre and therefore troublesome vnto the Souldiers The day following the two Commanders accompanied with some few Horse-men goe out of their Camps and againe they separate themselues from their Companies meeting alone in an indifferent place with an Interpreter Hannibal began first in these termes I wish sayd hee the Romans had neuer desired any thing out of Italy nor the Carthaginians out of the limits of Affricke either of them no doubt haue great bounds and as it were limitted by Nature And as wee haue made Warre first for the difference of Sicily then againe for Spaine and that finally Fortune being auerse against vs our Countrey hath beene in danger and wee are now in perill The question is whether there be any meanes to end this present difference after we haue pacified the Gods For my part I am ready hauing made tryall how inconstant Fortune is and how by little and little shee inclineth sometimes to the one and sometimes to the other as if she were gouerned by Children I am in doubt in regard of thee as well for thy great youth as for that all things haue succeeded according to thy desire as well in Affricke as in Spaine hauing neuer yet felt the violence and fury of Fortune so as happily thou dost giue no credit to my words although they bee true Yet consider the condition of these things which not onely concerne our Ancestors but euen our selues I am that Hannibal who after the Battaile neare vnto Cannes being Lord in a manner of all Italy approached neare vnto Rome
at the Consuls comming many Citties aswell of the Carthaginians as of the Saragossins yeelded to the Romans But when as Hieron saw that the Sicillians fainted and that the Roman Army was great and their forces increased he held it better to follow their party then that of the Carthaginians He therefore sends an Embassie to the Consuls to treate of Peace and Friendship The Romans seeing the Carthaginians Maisters of all the Sea feaâ—ing likewise that the passage for their Victuals might be interdicted for that their Armies which had formerly past had suffred great wants and necessities they found the friendship of Hieron to be of great consequence for them in this regard Wherefore they treated a peace with the Saragossins vnder these following Conditions First that the King should free the Roman Prisoners without Ransome and moreouer should pay a hundred Tallents of Siluer and that hereafter the Saragossins should terme themselues Allies and Friends to the Romans Afterwards Hieron who of his owne free will put himselfe vnder their protection succourd them with men and victuals when need required So as afterwards he past the Remainder of his life with as great happinesse and fortune that euer Grecian had done And in my Opinion this was an excellent man amongst others who had beene alwayes happy in good Councell aswell for the affaires of the Common-wealth as for his owne particular When as the newes of this Treaty came to Rome and that the people had confirmed it they did not thinke it necessary hereafter to send all their forces out of Italy Wherefore conceiuing that two Legions would suffice there with the alliance of King Hieron they made their reckoning that the Warre would be more easily mannaged and that by this meanes the Army would be the better supplied with all things necessary But when as the Carthaginians saw that Hieron was become their Enemy and that the Romans held the greatest part of Sicily they knew well that they must haue a greater power to resist them Wherefore they made a great leuy of Geneuois and Gaules likewise of Spaniards to fortifie them And after they had caused them to passe into Sicily and seeing the Towne of Agragas very fit for the preparation of this Warre and that it was a frontier place and strong towards the Enemy they put into it all the men they could draw together with store of Munition making vse of it against the Enemy as of a Fort for the Warre After the accord past by the Consuls with Hieron they left the Prouince in whose place Lucius Posthumus and Quintus Emilius newly chosen Consuls come into Sicily with an Army who after they had carefully considered of the Carthaginians Designes and their preparations for Warre made in the Towne of Agragas they were of opinion to mannage the affaires of Sicily with greater courage and resolution then the last Consuls had done Wherefore they drew together all their Army and besieged Agragas within eight Furlongs and so kept in the Enemy The time of Haruest was come eliery man made his reckoning that the Siege would be long wherefore the Souldiers straying from their Campe aduentured somewhat too farre in the gathering of Corne. When the Carthaginians saw their Enemies thus dispersed running here and there confidently throughout the Prouince they conceiued a great hope that they should one day be able to defeate them wherupon some of them assaulted the Campe with great fury and the rest charged those which gathered Corne. But the diuersity of the action saued the Romans for that day as it had done many times before they hauing a custome to put those to death which abandon the place which is appointed them during the fight or which flye from the Campe vpon any occasion whatsoeuer By this meanes although the Carthaginians were farre greater in number yet the Romans resisted them valliantly who with great losse of their men made a greater slaughter of their Enemies Finally they not onely repulsed them from their Campe but pursued them â—illing part of them and forcing the rest to retire in a thrung into the Towne Moreouer that day was so dangerous to both Armies as afterwards their feare was great so as the Carthaginians durst no more assault the Romans Campe inconsiderately nor the Romans suffer their men to gather Corne rashly But for that the Carthaginians made no more sallies but did onely fight a farre off with casting of Darts and Stones the Consuls deuided their Army in two whereof the one was planted on the side of Esculapius Temple and the other on that side which doth looke directly vnto Heracleum And that which remained betwixt the two Camps of either side of the Towne was rampered with a double ranke of Piles Then they made a Trench betwixt them and the Towne to guard themselues from the Enemies sallies and another without the Campe to hinder the succours which the Neighbour-townes doe vsually send to the besieged The places which were betwixt the Trenches and the Campe were well guarded Moreouer all the Allies vsed great dilligence to bring into the Towne of Erbese victuals and all things necessary for the Campe so as the Souldiers liued at more ease for it was not farre off The Romans and the Carthaginians were fiue Moneths in this estate fortune shewing herselfe no more fauorable to the one then to the other But what happened by their shooting and casting of Darts But when as hunger began to presse the Carthaginians by reason of the great multitude of Men which were coopt vp within the Towne they were in truth aboue fifty thousand Men Haniball who was Generall of the Army hauing no more hope sends speedily to Carthage to acquaint them with the Rampire and Pallisado made about the Towne and to demaund succours The Carthaginians moued at this Newes raised an Army with a great number of Elephants and sent them by Sea into Sicily to Hanno who was another Captaine Generall for them who after he had drawne together his whole Army marcht to the Citty of Heracleum and at the first after he had considered what was to be done he tooke the Towne of Erbese by Treason the which vntill that day had beene a Store-house to the Romans By this meanes he depriued them of Victuals and 〈◊〉 things necessary for their Campe wherefore the Romans were no lesse besieged then they that were besieged The want of Victuals did often force them in a manner to resolue to raise the Siege the which vndoubtedly they would haue done if Hieron King of Saragosse had not vsed great diligence to furnish the Army with Victuals and other necessaries But when that Hanno after all these things saw that the Romans were much opprest with diseases and want of all things without doubt the plague was great in their Campe and that his Men were fresh and resolute to fight he drew together aboue fifty Elephants And when as all the bands of Souldiers were assembled he
Enemy he was suddainly taken by the Carthaginians which had saued themselues and was crucofied Moreouer the Romans imployed all their care to seize vpon Sardinia being now Masters of the Sea The yeare following there was not any thing done worthy of Memory in Sicily by the Roman Army Caius Sulpicius and Aulus Rutilius were afterwards made Consuls and sent to Palermo for that the Carthaginians forces wintred there And after the Romans had past they put themselues in battell before the Towne But the Carthaginians being within it presented not themselues to battell The which the Romans seeing they left Palermo and went to Hippane the which soone after they tooke by assault The Towne of Mysistrate was taken likewise by the Consuls hauing held out sometime by reason of the scituation of the place And as they had besieged the Citty of the Camerins which had lately abandoned the Romans it was taken by force by the meanes of their Batteries and breaches Afterwards Aâ—ta was carried by assault with many other Townes of the Carthaginians Lippare was also besieged The yeare following the Sea-army of the Romans lay in the Hauen of the Tindaretins vnder the charge of Aulus Rutilius who seeing the Carthaginian Army neere the shore he sent word vnto his ships to make haste to follow him In the meane time he put to Sea before the rest only with ten Vessels But when as the Carthaginians saw that some did but imbarque others began to set saile and the first were farre from their Fleet and neere vnto them they turned with incredible swiftnesse and compast them in so as most part of them were sunke and the Consuls ship had like to haue fallen into the Carthaginians hands with all that were within it He hardly escaped by the force of his Oares and lightnesse In the meane time the rest of the Romane Army which had gotten into the open sea encountred the Enemy whereof ten ships were taken and eight sunke and the rest recouered the Islands called Lipparees But howsoeuer either of them parted from this Combate with an Opinion to haue gotten the Victory Wherefore they were more eager to continue the War by Sea and were more attentiue to Marrine affaires As for their Armies at Land during this time they did nothing worthy of Note busying themselues about small things and of little esteeme But the Summer following hauing giuen order for their affaires as we haue said they prepared to Warre In regard of the Romans they made their assembly at Messina to the number of three hundred and thirty Vessels armed and sayling from thence leauing Sicily on the right hand and passing the Promontory of Pachina they sayled to Echnomâ—n whereas the Army by Land attended them The Carthaginians in liâ—e manner put to Sea with three hundred and fifty Sayle armed and stayed at Lilybeum and from thence went to Heracleum and so to Minoe The Romans intention was to passe into Affricke and there to make their chiefe War to the end the Carthaginians should not onely run the hazard of the War of Sicily but also haue it at their owne Houses On the otherside the Carthaginians considering how easily their descent would be into Lybia and what little defence the Countrey-men would make when they should be once entred they desired to fight presently with the Romans and by that meanes to hinder the descent into Affricke Wherefore the one being resolued to defend themselues and the other to assaile them considering the obstinacy of either party there was likely-hood of an vndoubted battell When as the Romans had giuen order for all things necessary for the equipage of their Sea-army and to make their descent into Affricke they made choice of the ablest men in all their Army at Land and imbark'd them and then deuided their Army into foure whereof either had two Names The first was called the first Battalion and the first Army So were the rest according to their order but the fourth and the third were called Triarij as in an Army at Land Al this Army at Sea amounted to aboue 140000. men Euery Vessell had three hundred Rowers and sixe score Leginaries In regard of the Carthaginians they were furnished onely with men accustomed with Sea-fights being in number aboue 150000. men according to the order of their Vessels Wherefore they that were present and saw the great danger and power of the two Armies the great charges the multitude of combatants and of ships they did not only wonder but they also who heard speake of it The Romans considering that vpon necessity they must goe vpon the side and that their Enemies sayl'd more lightly they imployed all their Art to make their battell strong and inuincible For the effecting whereof they set two Vessels in front of sixe Bankes in equall distance in the which were Marcus Attilius and Lucius Manlius After which march'd the first and second Battalion of either side their ships following one another so as the distance of the two Battalions did still inlarge themselues The stems of their ships looked outward By this meanes the Battalions drawne thus in length made the two parts of a Triangle to the which they added the third Battalion in the same fashion as a foundation so as the three Battalions made a perfect sigure of a Triangle After the third Battalion the ships which carried the Horses were ordered one after another seruing as a Rampieâ— to the third Battalion The Triarij followed after in their order making the fourth Battalion euery Vessell being ordered in such sort as they past the precedent on either side All the Romane Army was thus ordered whereof the first part that is to say the two sides of the point of the Triangle were empty in the midst but the sides following after the foundation were better supplied By this means their Army was firme and hard to breake In the meane time the Commaunders of the Carthaginians drew their Souldiers together and put courage into them letting them vnderstand that if they wone the battell there would be no more War but in Sicily But if the Romans had the Victory they must expect not to fight for Sicily but for their owne Countrey their Houses and their Children After this exhortation they make them imbarque the which they did resolutely and prepared to fight thinking of the time to come according to the discourse of their Captaines Who seeing the order of the Roman Army deuided theirs likewise into foure whereof three gayning the Sea making the Right-wing longer stayed as if they would inviron their Enemies against whom they turne their beake-heads and they make the Fort to looke towards the Land by a circuite of the Left wing of the whole Army Hanno and Amilcar were Commaunders of the Carthaginians Hanno who was defeated at the battell of Agragas had the leading of the Right wing with the lightest Vessels and Amilcar of the Left This is he who as
we haue sayd fought at Sea neere vnto Tyndaris who hazarding then the middest of his Army vsed this kind of Stratagem of War for the Combate The Romans seeing at the first charge that the Battalion of the Carthaginians was weake forc'd resolutely thorough them But the Carthaginians obseruing the Commaundment of Amilcar left the place presently making shew to flye to the end the Roman Army should separate it selfe whom the Romans followed with too great heate And therefore the first and second Battalion sayl'd with too great Courage after the Enemy but the third and fourth were stayed drawing after them the ships that were laden with Horses with whom the Triarij remained for their Guard When as the two first seemed to be farre from the others the Carthaginians 〈…〉 signe giuen them by Amilcar as he had instructed them turning the Prow suddainly they all assault the Roman Vessels which followed them The Combat was cruell It is true the Carthaginians had a great aduantage by their lightnesse and their pollicy in turning But when as they came to fight and that the Armies affronted one another the Romans had no lesse hope then the Carthaginians for the Force and Prowesse of their men and by the staying of their Ships and casting of their Engines and finally by the Combate of the two Commaunders and the hazard they were in their fight This was the estate of the Battell Presently after Hanno who as we haue sayd had the charge of the Right wing and did not budge before the first charge was giuen seeing the Battell begun with the Romans went to Sea and charged the Triarij where there was a great fight the which was long in suspence In the meane time the fourth Battalion of the Carthaginians which continued neere the shore turning the Prow vpon the Enemy assaulted the Battalion in front by the which the ships which carried the Horses were towed who suddainly slipt the Ropes and fought with great fury There they saw three parts of the Battell and three Combats at Sea at one instant in three diuers places and farre remote The Combate was equall for that the Ships of eyther◠side were of the like number Without doubt euery man performed his Duty in fighting so as all was indifferent and equall Finally Amilcar was defeated and forced to flye with his Squadron And Lucius Manlius towed away the ships that were taken In the meane time Attilius seeing the Combate of the Triarij and of the ships wherein the Horses were came presently to succour them with the Vessels of the second Battalion which were yet whole and entire But when as the Triarij who had beene long and violently charged by Hanno so as they were in great danger saw the Consull come they resumed courage and recharged him resolutely And then then the Carthaginians being much discontented to haue an Enemy in front and behinde and to be inuested by succours contrary to their expectation gained the open Sea relying vpon the lightnesse of their Vessels and saued themselues by flight And Lucius Manlius in the meane time seeing the third Battalion prest neere the shore by the left wing of the Carthaginians and Marcus Attilius in like manner leauing the ships with the Horses and the Triarij in safety resolued both together to succour those that were in danger For they were in a manner besieged and almost at the last gaspe and had beene defeated if the Carthaginians had not feared to ioyne with them by reason of their Engines or Rauens Neither did they presse vpon them but onely to chase them to the shore Finally the Carthaginians were suddainly compast in by the Consuls whereof fifty of their ships were taken with the men Some being driuen vnto the shore saued themselues Behold the three seuerall Combats which the Romans and Carthaginians had in one day Yet the Romans in the end had the Victory of the whole Battell In the which 24 of their ships were broken and aboue thirty of the Carthaginians There was not one Roman Vessell taken whole by the Carthaginians with the men But the Romans tooke three score and foure of the Carthaginians with all the men Soone after this battell the Romans parted with an intent to sayle directly into Lybia after they had made prouision of Victuals and all other munition ioyning to their Army the ships taken being well repaired There is a place in Affricke which they call the Cape of Mercure running farre into the Sea and is directly against Sicily where the Romans arriuing and receiuing their Vessels repaired all Then passing this strond they sayled vnto the Citty of Aspis where they put their Army in Battell neere vnto the Towne and retired their ships rampering them with Ditches and Pallisadoes resoluing to besiege it for that they which held it would not yeeld to the Romans It is true that the Carthaginians who a little before had escaped from the Battell at sea and recouered Carthage by flight furnished the most necessary places belonging to their Citty with Horse and Foo◠and with necessary shipping supposing that the Roman Army after the Victory would come directly vnto them But when they were aduertised of their descent and of the siege of Aspis they leuied men and regarding no more the landing of the Romans but hauing an eye aswell to forreigne affaires as to their owne Countrey they omitted nothing of that which was necessary for the Guard of the Citty and Prouince In the meane time the Consuls after they had taken Aspis by assault and put a Garrison into it and in the Country and had sent vnto Rome to aduertise the Senate of their successe to the end they might consider what was afterwards to be done they drew the whole Army into the Carthaginians Country where they found no Resistance spoyling and setting fire on their goodly and glorious buildings so as they carried away a booty of all sorts of Beasts with aboue twenty thousand Prisoners which were Embarked In the meane time they receiued newes from Rome by the which the Senate sent them word that one of the Consuls should remayne in Affricke with sufficient forces and that the other should Returne with the ships The pleasure of the Senate being knowne Marcus Attilius Regulus stayed in Affricke with forty ships fifteene thousand foote and fiue hundred Horse and Marcus Manlius set sayle with the rest of the ships and Army hauing the Prisoners with him and arriued first in Sicily and then at Rome without any mischance But the Carthaginians fore-seeing that the Romans War would be long they first made two Generall Captaynes in their Army which were Asdruball the sonne of Hanno and Bostar Moreouer they sent for Amilcar who was in Heracleum who Embarking presently with fiue thousand foote and fiue hundred Horse came to Carthage and was constituted the third Captayne of the Army taking the Conduct of the War with Asdruball and Bostar When as these
Captaynes had held a Councell concerning the Affayres of the War they were of opinion that it was necessary to relieue the Prouince and not to indure so 〈◊〉 a pillage and spoyle of the Country Marcus Attilius some few dayes before marching into the Country razed the weaker Castles and besieged the stronger But when he was come to the Citty of Adis which was worthy of a siege he plants himselfe before it and indeauours to force it The Carthaginiansâ—â—uertised â—â—uertised hereof made hast to succour it desiring to Raise the siege And therefore they march with all their power against the Romans Recouering a little Hill to the preiudice of their Enemies and very commodious for themselues Whereon planting their Camp they hoped for an absolute Victory by the meanes of their Horse and Elephants Leauing therefore the playne they drew 〈◊〉 high and vneuen places as if they would aduertise the Enemy what they had to doe the which vndoubtedly they effected For when the Romanes had considered the little vse of Elephants for they were in a Mountainous and Hilly Country in the which the Enemies had setled their chiefe hope as of great effect and terrible they aduised not to attend their Descent into the playne Wherefore vsing the opportunity of the time they shut them vp at the breake of day in the Mountayne of all sides By this meanes their Cauallery and their Elephants were altogether vnprofitable Their aduenturers onely did their duties in â—ighting on the top and had already forced the Roman Leginaries to giue backe a little when as suddainly the rest which had gayned the top of the Mountayne shâ—wed themselues The Carthaginians seeing themselues inclosed of all sides abandoned their Fort and fled into the deserts of the Mountaines The Elephants and Horses recouered the Playne and saued themselues without danger The Romans made some little pursuite after the footemen then they spoyled the Campe and ouer-ran the whole Country wasting all and ruining the Towne Some few dayes after they besieged Tunes which they tooke by assault where they planted their Campe for that the place seemed conuenient vnto them to mannage the Warre being a frontier to Carthage and to the whole Prouince The Carthaginians hauing a little before beene defeated at Sea and now by Land not by the cowardize of their Souldiers but by the basenesse of the Commanders they fell into a miserable and desperate estate For after their last defeate and flight by the Romans a great Troupe of Numidians gaping after spoyle fell vpon them doing them in a manner as great harme as the Romans It is a wandering and vagabone Nation and great theeues carrying away all they finde The Carthaginians terrified by the Numidians abandoned the Country and retired to Carthage where they suffered much aswell by famine as for their owne cowardize and moreouer the multitude being great they feared a long siege And although that Marcus Attillius was perswaded that the Carthaginians were wonderfully weakned aswell by Land as Sea being in hope that the City would be in short time deliuered vnto him yet fearing that the new Consull whom they expected soone in Affricke would reape the honour of his prowesse and valour he began to treate of a peace with them whereunto they willingly 〈…〉 Wherefore they sent the chiefe of their City in Embassie to the Consull to make this treaty But when as they were arriued they were so farre from agreeing as they could hardly without choller heare the vnreasonable things that were enioyn'd them Make your account that Marcus Attilius did hope that his offer would bee accepted as a thing of grace for that he had preuayled in all his affaires The Carthaginians on the other side thought that when as fortune should reduce them to extremity the Consull could not make them a more bitter answere Their Embassadours therefore returned not onely without any agreement but dâ—â—â—ting wonderfully the Consuls answere as to hard and proud The which being heard by the Senate of the Carthaginians they entered into so great an indignation vpon the Consuls demaund and resumed such courage that although formerly they were out of hope yet then they resolued to attend all extremities and rather to trye their fortune and to attend the time then to suffer so ignominious a thing and vnworthy of their valour It happened aâ— the same time that some one of those which had beene sent into Greece in the beginning of the warre to Leuie Men returned and brought with them a good number of Souldiers among the which there was one Xantippus a Lacedemonian a man of Iudgement and practised in the warre who after that hee had heard a relation of the defeat of the Carthaginians and the manner the place and that what time it happened hauing also considered the equipage of the Carthaginians with the number of their Horses and Elephants he returned suddainly to his Companions saying that the ignorance of the Captaines not the Romans had defeated the Carthaginians This speech ran presently thoroughout the whole Citty and came vnto the Princes The Carthaginians caused him to be called and resolued to vse his Councell who in their presence deliuered plainly the Reasons of his speech and the cause of their Defeate and if they would follow his Councell and hereafter keepe the Plaines leauing the hilly Country and there plant their battell hee would teach them how their Army should be out of danger and their Enemies Vanquished The Captaines mooued with the words of Xantippus presently Resigned vnto him the Conduct of all this Warre and now there ranne a bruite throughout the whole Campe of Xantippus speech with great Hope and Ioy. But after that all the Companies of the Army were drawne into the field and that hee had put them is order there was so great a difference betwixt his and that of the other Captaines who vnderstood not the Art of Warre that presently the common cry demanded nothing but to fight so much they were assured vnder the leading of Xantippus This done the Carthaginian Captaines seeing the courage of their Men exhorted them a little according to the opportunity of the time and within few dayes after they marched to find out the Enemy There were in the Carthaginians Army aboue twelue thousand foote foure thousand Horse and neere a hundred Elephants When as Marcus Attilius heard of the comming of the Enemy and that the Carthaginians kept their Horses vpon an euen Country camping contrary vnto their custome on the plaines hee wondred as at a new accident Yet hee marcht directly to them desiring battell and lodged within twelue hundred paces of their Campe. Three dayes after the Carthaginian Captaines held a Councell what was to be done But the multitude desiring the combate turned towards Xantippus calling him by his name with a countenance seeâ—â—ing to be willing and ready to vndergo all dangers and intreated him to lead them speedily vnto the battell When as the Carthaginian
making a shew to refresh themselues with water and victuals they resolued to take the Towne They of Durazo being confident and fearing nothing suffered them to enter without Armes vnder colour of water and victuals although their true intent was to take the Towne by Treason But when they â—aw themselues within the Towne they tooke their Armes which they had hidden in their vessels for water and killing the Guards at the Gate made themselues Maisters thereof Those in the ships â—eing ready entred in like manner and seized vpon a great part of the Walles And although that they of the Towne were much amazed at this great and suddaine accident yet they made a long resistance defending themselues valiantly so as the Sclauonians were forced to retire By this meanes it happened that the Durazins who were in danger to lose themselues and their Citty by their negligence after they had escaped the perill by their vertue did afterwards settle a better order in their affaires The Sclauonian Captaines weighed Anchor presently and put to Sea ioyning with those who as wee haue sayd went to Câ—rfue and made haste ioyntly to besiege the Towne They of Corfue being thus suddainly surprized and not finding themselues strong enough sent to craue aide from the Acheins and Etoliens the like they did to them of Appolonia and Durazo intreating them not to suffer them to bee thus shamefully chased away from their naturall Countrey by the Barbarians who hauing pitty of their fortune armed ten ships of Warre of the Acheins and within few dayes after sayled to Corfue hoping to raise the Barbarians siege at their comming But the Illirians hauing recouered seuen Vessels armed from the â—carnanians with whom they had made a league marched against the Acheâ—ns whom they encountred neere vnto the Islands which they call Paxes and there they fought The Acarnanians and the Acheins ships fought equally and continued long firme onely their men were wâ—â—nded But the Illirians interlaced themselues with their Enemies who were tied foure together and enuironing them they hindred them much Then the Enemies Vessels were much troubled being peirced and grapled withall their Spurs being fastned to the Sclauonians Vessels who entred them with fury and vanquished them easily by reason of their multitude By this meanes foure Quadriremes of the Acheins were taken by the Illirians and one Quinquereme sunke and all that was in it In the which was Marcus Caryneus a man of great esteeme among the Acheins who had alwayes performed his duty well for the Countrey But when as they which fought against the Acarnanians saw that the Illirians had the Victory they fled relying much in the lightnesse of their Vessels And saued themselues from the Battell retiring to their houses The Sclauonians growing proud of this Victory besieged the Towne more boldly than they had done They of Corfue hauing no more hope after they had maintained the siege for a season in the end yeelded it to the Illirians receiuing their Garrison and Demetrius of Pharos their Captaine After which the Illirian Captaines returned to Durazâ— and besieged it In the meane time the Roman Consuls Caius Fuluius with an Army at Sea of two hundred ships and Anchus Posthumus with the Army at Land parted from Rome So as Fuluius came to Corfue thinking that the siege had continued still But when hee saw that hee came too late for that the Illirians were within it hee resolued to passe on as well to vnderstand what had beene done as to try what Opinion they had of Demetrius And for that he had vnderstood that his Enemies had brought him in disgrace with the Queene and that hee feared her fury he had sent men to Rome to promise theâ—â— the Towne and whatsoeuer he held They at Corfu being ioyfull at the Romans arriuall deliuered vnto them by the consent of Demetrius the Towne and the Illirian Garrison Finally they put themselues vnder their protection hoping that by this meanes they should bee no more subiect to the outrages of the Illirians When the Romans had receiued them into league they sayled to Apolonia whither Demetrius guided them At the same time Ancus Posthumus caused his Land-army to imbarke at Brunduzium being about twenty thousand Foote and two thousand Horse all which met at Apolonia the which being yeelded they sayled to Durazo for that they had newes the Illirians had besieged it who being aduertised of the Romans comming they raised the siege for feare and fled here and there When the Romans had receiued them of Durazo into friendship they sayled on into Sclauonia taking many Townes in their way and shut vp the Sardiens In the meane time there came an Embassie from Parthenia to the Romans giuing themselues and their Citty vnto them Who being receiued with the Antitanes they tooke their way to Isse hauing vnderstood that the Illirians held it besieged where they entred after they had raised the siege After which they tooke many Townes in Sclauonia by force wherein they lost not onely many Souldiers but also some of their Tribunes with the Questor neere vnto Nutria They tooke twenty of the Illirian shippes which serued them to victuall their Campe. In regard of those which were within Isse they were all defeated and fled to Narente except those which were of Pharos which were giuen to Demetrius Queene Tâ—uca with a small company retired to Rhyzon a strong Towne and farre distant from the Sea seated vpon the Bankes of the Riuer of Rhyzon When the Consuls had put many Townes and great Seigâ—uries into the hands of Demetrius they returned to Durazo with their Armies both at Sea and Land From thence Caius Fuluius returned to Rome with the greatest part of both Armies But Posthumus stayed at Durazo whereas he riggd forty Vessels and after hee had leuied men in the neighbour Countries he setled his Garrisons hauing in his company the Ardienses and all the rest that were allied to the Romans When the Spring came Teuca sent an Embassie to the Romans to treate a peace the which in the end shee obtained vpon these conditions That shee should pay them a yeerely tribute and that shee shâ—uld leaue all Sclauonia except some petty places And as for that which concernes the Grecians shee might not sayle beyond Isse but onely with two ships without any furniture of Warre During these actions Posthumus sent an Embassie to the Cheins and Etoliens to aduertise them of the cause of the Warre and of the Romans voyage by Sea And to let them vnderstand what they had done and to reade the conditioâ—s of the peace Who after they had obeyed the Consuls commaund and had beene well receiued by these two people they returned againe to Corfue the Cittis of Greece being then freed from feare by this accord made with the Illirians For in those times the Illirians did not assault any one in particular but all the world in generall These are
Appenine Hill lye the Vmbrians Then the Appenin Hill being distant about three score and three miles from the Adriatique Sea leauing the Plaine bends to the right hand and in crossing Italy extends it selfe to the Sea of Sicily The Country which is betwixt it and the Adriatique Sea extends vnto Senegaille The Riuer of Poe which the Poets call Eridanus and which beginnes at the Foote of the Mountaines where as they make in a manner a point of the Triangle as we haue sayd takes his course to the plaine towards the South aâ—d from thence bending towards the East it enters by two mouthes into the Adriatique Sea It is the greatest of all the riuers of Italy For all the waters which descend from the Alpes and the Appenins fall into the Poe. It is farre greater in Summer than in Winter by reason of the abundance of Snow which melts It is nauigable from a place which the people of the Countrey call Volane two hundred and fifty miles towards the Alpes It s spring is but a small Riuolet but after it deuides it selfe in twoâ— and enters into the Adriatique Sea by two Armes which they of the Countrey call Padoua and Volane The last is the safest Port of all those of the Adriatique Sea They which dwell vpon the Poe haue sometimes called it Bodencus Finally the Grecians spake many things of this Poe as that Phaeton gouerning the Horses of his Fathers Chariott fell into it 〈◊〉 and how that the Heliades powre forth teares continually the which are preserued by a Tree and that the people of the Countrey since that day began to weare blacke Robes in signe of mourning and haue alwayes vsed it since with many other things whereof I will now to leaue to speake for that in my Opinion they doe not conduce to the preparation of our Worke. Hereafter notwithstanding we will treate of them when any necessary occasion shall be offred being most certaine that Timeus did not vnderstand those things which did concerne this Region The Tyrreins haue formerly held all the Champion Countrey which is confined by the Appenine hill and the Adriatique Sea at what time also they enioyed the Countrey called Phlegrein which is about Capoua and Nolaâ— at what time also they purchased a greate esteeme of vertue Wherefore Historiographers must not attribute the power of the Tyrreins to the Region which they now inhabite The Gaules frequented much with them by reason of their neighbour-hood who moued with the beauty and fertility of the Countrey vpon a small occasion made Warre against them and hauing chased them away setled themselues there The Countrey betwixt the Poe and the Alpes is inhabited by the Layes then by the Vercellains Neere vnto whom are the Milanois in great numbers and vpon the banks of Poe lye the Cenomans In regard of those places which are neere vnto the Adriatique Sea they are inhabited by people which are aunciently descended from Paphlagonia whom they call Venetiens who differ nothing from the Gaules in their manner of liuing and habite but onely in their tongues Of whom the tragicall Poets write many strange fooleries Moreouer that which lies betwixt the Appenin Hill and the Poe is at its entry inhabited by the Ananes by the Boloniens by the Eganes and then by thee Senogallois These are they who borderers to all the rest haue inhabited neere vnto the Adriatique Sea Behold the principall Nations of all the Gaules which dwelt in Italy liuing in Villages without any inclosure hauing no furniture for their houses but lay vpon the bare They liued of flesh and made no profession but of Warre and Tillage leading a simple life without Arts or Sciences Their wealth was in Gold and Cattell for that they were things easie to transport where they pleased when necessity pressed them They did all striue to purchase Friends for they much esteemed a man that was honoured by many In the beginning they not onely held this Countrey but they also drew vnto them a great part of their Neighbours being terrified with their fury Soone after making Warre against the Romanes they defeated them with their Allies and put them shamefully to flight Within three dayes after they tooke Rome except the Capitoll and afterwards returned to their houses hauing concluded a Peace with them and restored their Citty For that they were forced to returne by reason of the inuasions which the Venetiens made into their Country From thencefoorth they began to make Warre amongst themselues For they which dwelt at the Foote of the Mountaines seeing the others to increase daily in power made Warre often against them In the meane time the Romanes recouering their Forces preuailed ouer the Latins Thirty yeares after the taking of Rome the Gaules returned with a great Army to Alba But for that the Romanes were surprized and had no leisure to Leuy an Army nor to require succours from their Allies they made no resistance against them And when as they returned twelue yeares after the Romanes being presently aduertised of their comming and drawing together the succours of their Allies marcht with great courage to incounter them with an Army desiring nothing more than Battell by the meanes whereof they should soone decide who should haue the Empire The Gaules amazed at their Resolution and withall there falling a mutiny amongst them they made their Retreate little lesse than a flight and so continued thirteene yeares without making Warre But when they saw the Romans power increase daily they beganne to treate of Peace the which they obtayned and continued thirty yeares without Warre The Transalpins renewed the Warre against them Wherefore fearing to be assailed on two sides they intreated them that for asmuch as they were of one Nation they would not be their enemies Moreouer they sent them rich presents intreating them to turne the Warre against the Romans and that they would assist them with all their meanes Whereunto being easily perswaded they marcht all with one consent against the Romans by Tuscany for a great number of the Tuscans held for them and hauing made a great spoile they retired out of the Romane Prouinces to their owne Houses without losse Where as there fell out a great debate vpon the deuision of this great booty so as they not onely lost a great part of their booty but also the best part of their Empire the which doth vsually happen to the Gaules by reason of their gormondize and drunkennesse Foure yeares after ioyning with the Samnites they assailed the Romanes of whom they made a great slaughter in the Region of the Camertins Some few dayes after they assailed them againe and had a Battell neere vnto the Country of the Sentinates where they gaue them a great defeate and forced the rest to recouer their Houses Ten yeares after they made a great assembly of men of Warre and descending into Tuscany they besieged Arezo The Romanes comming to succour
not in the power of the Millannois to succour the besieged for that the Romanes held the passages Yet their full intent being to raise the siege they cause a part of their Army to passe the Poe to whom they giue charge to besiege Clastidium a Towne belonging to the Allies of the Romanes hoping by this meanes the Consuls should be forced to rayse their siege But presently when they had the newes Marcus Claudius makes hast with the Horse-men and the most actiue of the foote to succour the besieged When the Gaules were aduertised of the Consuls comming they presently raysed the siege and went resolutely to encounter the Romanes offering them battell At the first the Gaules had the better for that the Romane Horsemen were surprized by theirs But being afterwards environed by the Romane Cauallery they were broken and defeated Many were drowned hauing cast themselues into the Riuer flying the Enemy The greatest part were slaine and the rest taken Prisoners But when they which were besieged in Acerras had notice of the defeate of their men neere vnto Clastidium they retired to Millan the Capitall Citty of the Countrey Then Cornelius hauing goâ—ten the Towne of Acerras well furnished with Corne and all other Munition hee pursued the Gaules and planted his Campe neere vnto Millan And for that the Milannois came not out to fight he drew backe his Army spoyling the Countrey Then the Milannois pursuing them began to charge them in the Reare and make a great slâ—ughter whereof some fled vntill that Cornelius turning head against the Enemy with the Legions encouraged the whole Army to sight Who willingly obeying the Consuls commaundment fell with great fury vpon the Gaules who hauing lately beene so often beaten made no long resistance but presently turned head and recouered the Alpes Cornelius pursued them spoyling the whole Countrey and from thence hee marcht to Millan which he tooke by force and brought it vnder the Romans obedience After all these defeats the Princes of the Gaules seeing there was no more hope in their affaires submitted themselues to the will of the Romans Thus ended the Warre of the Gaules hauing neuer vnto this day heard speake nor read of a greater be it for the obstinacy of courage or the resolution of Souldiers or the cruelty of battels or the great slaughter of men or the greatnesse of Armies Although the counsell the enterprize and the daily aduice were vnprofitables For that the Gaules mannage their affaires by rage and fury not by reason Of whom we might haue considered in how short a time they haue beene chased out of their naturall Countrey by the Romans in leauing them a small portion within the Alpes wee haue thought it good to relate summarily their first attempts the successe of affaires and finally their last ruines For that I hold it fitting for a History to make such accidents knowne to those of future times to the end that our men for want of knowing them may not easily feare the rash descents which Barbarians doe often make and that they rather try their fortune than to omit any thing that is necessary nor to subiect themselues vnto them Certainly such people are easily and without difficulty broken and defeated if they resist their first fury I imagine that they which haue written the Gests of the Persians against the Grecians and of the Gaules against the Delphiens haue done a great fauour to the Grecians to fight for the liberty of the Countrey There is no doubt but a man will not be amazed for riches forces or the multitude of men if he fights for the defence of his Countrey if hee hath before his eyes the actions of those times and consider how many thousands of men what forces and what Armies the virtue of Souldiers with valour and reason hath vanquished broken and defeated The Grecians haue not onely beene â—errified by the Gaules in former times but also many times in our age which is the thing which hath mooued mee most to relate their actions summarily beginning with the Originall But to returne where we left after that Asdruball Generall of the Carthaginians had continued eight yeeres in Spaine hee was in the end traiterously slaine in the Night in his lodging by a Gaule by reason of some priuate hatred Hee was not onely excellent and expert in the Art of Warre but was so eloquent to moue the hearts of men as hee much augmented the Carthaginians Empire Then they gaue the charge of the Army which was in Spaine to Hannibal being then a young Man for that hee had a good beginning and a wonderfull great courage for his age Who at his comming made declaration that hee would bee an Enemy to the Romans the which fell out soone after From that time the Romans and the Carthaginians iealous of one another To speake the truth the Carthaginians grew laboured secretly to surprize them for that they had chased them out of Sicily On the other side the Romans knowing their intent gaue no greate credit vnto them so as it might easily bee conceiued the Warre would soone breake out At the same time the Achaiens with Phillip King of Macedon and their Allies made Warre against the Etoliens which they called the Warre of the Allies As wee haue related the Warre which the Romans made against the Carthaginians in Sicily and in Affricke and the things which followed and being now come according to the order of our preparation to the beginning of the Warre betwixt the Allies and to the second of the Carthaginians which they call the Warre of Hannibal seeing wee haue resolued to begin our course with those times it is reasonable wee should come to the Gests and Exploits of the Grecians to the end that making by this meanes a preparation of all parts wee may begin the History which wee haue resolued on when as wee shall come to the same end of all things As therefore wee haue not vndertaken to write the actions onely of one Nation or another as other Historiographers haue done as of the Grecians or Persians but of all the parts of the world together which are come to our knowledge for that this present time hath beene of great vse whereof we will speake more amply in another place it shall be fitting to make a summary mention of the most knowne Nations and Countries of the whole World before the beginning of our worke In regard of the actions of the Asians and Egyptians it shall bee sufficient to deliuer those of our time considering that many haue written the deeds of times past whereof no man is ignorant Neither is there any thing innouated which is not according to the Commentaries of Historiographers In regard of the people of Achaia and the house of Macedon it is fitting to search out the times past summarily As for that which concernes the Macedonians the proofe will bee easie And as for the Achaiens there hath beene made as wee
of the place they should haue encountred them and charged them from aboue and if necessity had required they might haue retired safely on the right hand to charge the Enemy againe In doing this they had easily broken defeated and put the Macedonians to flight But they did the contrary as if they had the Victory certaine in their hands for without moouing from the place which the Cleomenes had appointed them they staied expecting the enemy with hope of a greater defeate For that they should be repulsed and beaten from the highest place of the Mountaine But they soone suffered the pennance of their basenesse For after that the Macedonians had recouered the Mountaine without any resistance and were come into the Plaine they fell vpon their enemies fighting hand to hand with so great sury as they presently draue them backe into the hollow Caues and inaccessible places In the meane time the Combate was cruell among the Horse-men where it was worth the sight to behold with what heate force and courage the Acheins fought considering they all fought for the liberty of the Countrey But among all others they made great esteeme of Philopomene for when his Horse was ouer thrown with a Pertuisane he fainted not fighting long on foote with great courage Finally in the end hee died valliantly being shot thorough the shinne-bones with an Arrow On the other side the Kings had begunne the fight at Mount Olympus with the mercenaries and such as were lightly armed They were about fiue thousand men who fought sometimes man to man and sometimes they tried the Fortune of the whole Troupe There the Victory was long in suspence finally they parted equally from the battell But when as Cleomees was aduertised that Emlide had abandoned the Mountaine and that the Allies had turned head and that the Horse-men were in great despaire and that all trembled for feare hee resolued to goe out of his Fort and to put his whole Army in Front vpon one side of the Campe and therefore hee caused them to sound a Retreate By this meanes when those that were lightly armed were drawne together the two Armies charged with their Pikes and Iauelings The Combate was cruell and the charge performed with so great courage on either side as the Victory was long doubtfull and the iudgement difficult who deserued the greatest honour For that sometimes the Lacedemonians retired and againe they made the Maceâ—onians giue backe Finally when as the Lacedemonians were vanquished and put to flight they were slaine heere and there like sheepe Cleomenes saued himselfe in Sparta without any wound beeing accompanied by some of the Horse-men From thence hee retired the night following to Sythia where he imbarqued in certaine shippes which lay long ready for the necessities of the Countrey and sailed with his friends to Alexandria When as Antigonus was entred into Lacedemon finding no resistance hee intreated the Lacedemonians graciously and courteously in all things but especially in suffering them to liue and gouerne their Common-weale after the Lawes of the Country When he had staied certaine daies there he returned into Macedony with his Army hauing newes of the descent of the Sclauonians and of the spoile they made Behold how Fortune disposeth of great affaires as she pleaseth There is no doubt but if Cleomenes had deferred the battell a little or staied in Sparta after his defeate keeping them in hope in the end he had preuailed in his affaires after the retreate of Antigonus Antigonus came from thence to Tegee to whom hee left their Common-weale intire Three dayes after he arriued at Argos at such time as the people were gathered together to celebrate the Nemean games who presently went foorth to meete him All the Citty had their eyes fixt vppon him and beheld him all the World commended him all the assembly of Greece and euery Citty in perticular did him Honour not onely Humane but Diuine From thence he made hast to go into Macedon where as he found the Sclauonians spoiling the Country to whom hee gaue battell and got the Victory after a long combate But hee cried so much during the fight as within few dayes after hee died of a fluxe of blood so as the Grecians lost the great hope they had conceiued not so much for his skill in Warre as for his vertue and royall perfections He left the Realme of Macedony to Philip the sonne of Demetrius But if you demaund of me why I haue helde so long a Discourse of this present Warre you must know I haue done it of purpose For as this time concurres with that whereof wee meane to speake I haue held it fit and necessary to let the World vnderstand according to my first resolution what the estate of the Macedonians and Grecians were at that time At that time Ptolomy died of sicknesse to whom succeeded Ptolomy Philopater The like did Seleucus the sonne of Seleucus who was surnamed Callinice and in like manner Pogon to whom his brother Antiochus succeeded in the Realme of Syria The like in a manner hapned to those which helde the Kingdomes of Alexander after his death as Seleucus Ptolomy and Lysimacus for those died in the hundreth foure and twenteth Olympiade as wee haue formerly related and these in the hundreth thirty nine Seeing wee haue exposed the preparation of all our History and sufficiently declared at what time and how and for what causes the Romanes after the conquest of all Italy assailed forraigne Realmes and what the estate then was of Greece Macedony and the Carthaginians I haue thought it fit to make an end of this Booke with a Commemoration of these actions and this alteration of Kingdomes Seeing that according to our intention we are come vnto the times when as the Grecians made the VVarre of the Allies the Romanes against Hannibal and to that when as the Kings of the lower Asia fought for the Empire of Syria The end of the Second Booke of Polybius THE THIRD BOOKE of the History of POLYBIVS WEe haue shewed sufficiently in the First Booke how that wee haue taken for the beginning and foundation of the Romane actions the VVarre betwixt the Allies that of Hannibal and that of Syria Wee haue in like manner set downe the causes for the which wee haue beene forced in reducing the beginnings farther off to write the History of the Second Booke Now we will indeauour to make you vnderstand the Warres themselues and the causes why they were vndertaken and dispersed in so many places hauing let you vnderstand in as few words as possible we may the attempts of the people of Rome Seeing that which wee haue vndertaken to write is but a Worke and as it were a spectacle that is to say how when and wherefore all the Countries of the VVorld haue beene reduced vnder the obedience of the Romans and that this hath a notorious beginning a prefixed time and the end certaine VVee haue thought it
long and tedious and farre from Italy It hapned at that time that when as Demetrius King of the Sclauonians forgat the many fauours which the Romanes had done him for that hee saw them prest on the one side with the feare of the Gaules and on the ther by the Carthaginians and that all his hope was in the King of Macedon for that hee had bin a pertaker of that Warre which Antigonus made against Cleomenes ruining the Townes of the Sclauonians which were subiect to the Romanes forcing the Citty and exceeding the bounds limitted in the Treaty The like hee did to most parts of the Iland of Cyclades So as he ruined all like a Tempest beeing accompanied with fifty strong Vessels Whereof the Romanes being aduertised seeing at that time the Principallity of Macedon to Triumph they laboured with all their present meanes to pacifie the affaires of Sclauonia hoping it would prooue easie And that soone after they should punish the basenesse of the Sclauonians and the ingratitude of Demetrius But matters past otherwise then they expected For whilest they imploy their time therein Hannibal takes Sagont much sooner then they conceiued So as the Warre grew hot not in Spaine but against the Citty of Rome and thoroughout all Italy Yet the Romanes pursuing their enterprize sent Lucius Emilius into Sclauonia the first yeare of the hundred and fifteth Olympiade with a very great Army to keep that Prouince in peace and from future danger Hannibal parting from Carthagena with his whole Army goes to Sagont a Towne scituated beyond the Riuer of Ebro at the foote of the Mountaine which deuides Spaine from the Celtiberiens about a mile distant from the Sea The people of this Countrey exceede all the rest of Spaine in abundance of fruites and in multitudes of men and they are the most Warlike Hannibal entring into these limits with his Army and hauing ruined all the Countrey he besiedged it with all manner of Engines conceiuing that the taking thereof would prooue wonderfull commodious for his present Affaires First he considered that he should depriue the Romanes of all hope to make Warre in Spaine and that moreouer he should strike a great terrour into the rest and that by this meanes the Townes of Spaine reduced already vnder his obedience would keepe their faith the better Besides it was likely that they which desired to liue still in their liberty would soone yeild And that thirdly he immagined that he might then confidently pursue the Remainder leauing no enemy behind him He hoped more ouer to gather much Treasure for the intertainement of his War and that he should gaine the hearts of the Souldiers for the booty that euery one should get at the sacke of the Towne and that finally he should purchase the loue of the Cittizens remayning in Carthage with presents that he will send them of the spoiles Beeing mooued with these reasons he wholy attends the siege of this Towne and inflames the hearts of the Souldiers spurring them on sometimes with rage against the Enemy sometimes with hope of Recompence and sometimes he serues them for an example aswell in making the Engines and approaching them to the Wals as in going sometimes to those places which were most dangerous Finally hee performed all things so extraordinary well as if hee had beene but a simple Souldier And when he had toyl'd his Body and minde herein for the space of eight moneths in the end he forced Sagont Whereas after he had made a great booty of gold and siluer and taken many men he kept the money for the charges of the War as he had formerly resolued deuiding the Prisoners among the Souldiers according vnto their seuerall dignities and set the rest of the spoile vnto Carthage After these things hee was not deceiued in his hope so as things succeeded according to his desire for his Souldiers were much more ready to vndergoe all dangers and the Carthaginians much more ready to please him Moreouer this booty of money was a great meanes for the enterprize he had in hand During these actions Demetrius King of the Sclauonians discouering the enterprize and preparation of the Romans hee presently caused the Towne of Dimale to bee carefully furnished with men and victuals and as for the other Townes of Sclauonia hee chased away those that were of a contrary faction suffering none but such as held his party Then hee made choice of sixe thousand old Souldiers out of his Army and put himselfe into Phare In the meane time the Consull Emilius arriues safely in Sclauonia with his Army where being aduertised that the Enemies were confident and resolute for that they were in hope that the descent of the Romans should not preuaile against them relying much in the scituation and munition of Dimale hee thought good before all things to doe his vttermost endeauour to take it thinking as it afterwards happened that this being taken all the rest amazed with feare would easily yeeld vnto the Romans And after that hee had made some speeches vnto the Souldiers hee planted his Engines of Battery against the Towne and besieged it which being forced on the seauenth day did so much amaze the Enemies as presently Embassies came from all the rest of Sclauonia yeelding vnto the Romans The which being receiued into Friendship and hauing treated with euery one according to their condition hee causeth his Army to march directly to Phare whereas the King of the Sclauonians made his abode But for that hee found this Towne strong by scituation and mann'd with the choise of the Army and moreouer well furnished with Victuals and all kinds of munition hee feared the siege would bee long and difficult Finally being long in supence he takes this counsell Hee vseth all diligence and labour to gaine the Iland in the Night and doth lodge a great part of his Army in the thickest of the Forrest as for himselfe at the breake of day hee gaines the neerest Port vnto the Towne with twenty shipps The Sclauonians seeing the Enemies shipps and making no accompt of their number they goe forth with a great Fleete to hinder the landing of the Romans where they charg'd them and for a time the Combate was very furious there comming still Succours vnto them from the Towne by files so as in the end all the Citty was drawne thither Then the Romans who had layne all night in Ambush in the Forrest hearing the noise ranne with all speed by couered places and gaining a little Hill which was strong by nature within the Towne and Port they tooke from their Enemies all meanes of returne The which the Sclauonians well perceiuing they leaue their first enterprize to repulse the Enemy and drawing together in one troupe they encourage one another as men resolued to go and fight against those which held the Hill On the other side the Romans seeing the Sclauonians approach put themselues in battell and charg'd
them fighting with great resolution and courage The other part of the Army at Sea landed march't and prest the enemy in the Reare Wherefore for as much as the Romans charg'd them on all sides and that the Sclauonians were prest before and behind the Combate was long and cruell Finally the Romans had the Victory The greatest part of the Sclauonians were most miserablely slaine some saued themselues within the Towne and the rest fled into the Desarts of the Iland Demetrius the Night following saued himselfe contrary to the opinion of all the World by meanes of certaine Vessels which hee had appointed in three places for his safety the case so happening and retired to Phillip King of Macedon with whom hee spent the Remainder of his dayes Hee was a man of great courage and ouerweening but of little iudgement in Martiall affaires And therefore hee ended according to the life which hee had formerly led For when as at Phillips desire hee had begunne to besiege the Towne of the Messenians hee was most shamefully slaine by the Enemy for his great and ouerweening boldnesse But wee will speake of these things more particularly when wee shall come vnto that time When as Emilius had so suddainly gotten Phare hee razed the Towne to the ground And hauing within few dayes reduced the rest of the Townes of Sclauonia to the Romane obedience and decided all the affaires of the Prouince as hee had resolued hee returnes to Rome in the beginning of Autumne where hee was receiued with wonderfull great glory triumph and good esteeme of all men to haue done not onely like a wise and discreete man but like a resolute But when in the meane time newes came to Rome of the razing of Sagont some haue written that the Lords of the Romane Councell were not of opinion to make Warre and they alledge causes and reasons which held them in suspence But what can bee spoken more vnreasonably How is it likely that they which the yeere before had signified Warre vnto the Carthaginians if they entred the Sagontins Countrey should now growe doubtfull whether after the taking of Sagont they should make Warre or not But is there any thing lesse worthy of credit to say that the Senate on the one side was wonderfully heauy and afflicted as if all had beene vtterly lost On the other side that the Fathers brought all their Children to the Senare so as they were aboue twelue yeeres of age and that being partakers of the Councell they neuer reuealed or made knowne the secrets to any Without doubt these things are neither true nor likely vnlesse the Romans haue that gift of nature to bee wise from their Cradles We haue discoursed sufficiently of these writings which are of Cherea and Solilus neither haue they so much shew of a History as of old wiues Tales and are like vnto those which they vsually tell in Barbers shops The Romans then after the newes of the taking of Sagont and the murther of their Allies sent presently an Embassie to Carthage to let them vnderstand two things whereof the one seemed to bee of consequence for ignomy and losse of the Carthaginions and the other had a shew to draw their Empire in hazard For they demaunded that they should either deliuer Hannibal to bee punished for the breach of the publique Faith or else they should hold themselues assured of Warre When as the Embassadours were come to Carthage and that the Senate had giuen them audience they deliuered their Commission which was not without the indignation of of the Carthaginians who made choice of Hanno to debate their Right who at the first made no accompt of Asdrubals treatie as hauing neuer beene made with the Romans and if it were so the Carthaginians were not bound vnto it for that Asdrubal had exceeded his Commission and had done it without the authority of the Senate or people of Carthage Whereunto hee alleadged in the like case that the Romans had beene of opinion that the accord made in Sicily by the Consull Luctatius should bee broken for that it had beene made without the authority of the people of Rome Finally hee insisted still vpon this accord whilest his Speech continued and reade it often saying that there was no mention made of Ebro and that the Allies of the one and of the other were onely reserued and that moreouer it did nothing concerne the Sagontins for that at the time of the accord they were not allied vnto the Romans The Embassadours repuls'd with great words this contention concerning the right of the accorde as a thing which concernes the honour of the people of Rome saying that the quarrels might bee decided if the Sagontins were in there entire But now that Sagont is razed and that the faith and accords are wickedly broken they should either deliuer the Authour of the Crime to the Romans to the end that all the World might know that Sagont hath not beene ouerthrowne and ruined with the consent of the Carthaginians Or if they will not but confesse that the Towne hath beene destroyed with their consent that they should prepare to Warre Thus ended their discourse which they held more amply and in generall I haue held it most necessary not to passe ouer this particular in silence to the end the truth may not bee hidden to those which deale in publique affaires or which haue cause to consider exactly of these things Or else haue a desire to know whether they erre being deceiued by the ignorance and sottishnesse of Historiographers for want of knowledge of the treaties which from the first Punique Warre vnto our times haue beene made betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians The first then was made betwixt these two Nations immediately after that the name of King was chased out of Rome Lucius Iunius Brutus and Marcus Valerius being Consuls vnder whom also a Temple was dedicated to Iupiter Capitolinus eight and twenty yeeres before the first voyage of Xerxes into Greece the which wee haue interpreted with the greatest diligence wee could possibly Beleeue me the Romane tongue hath beene so changed since that time vnto our dayes as they which are the best instructed in Antiquities vnderstand not much of it but with great difficulty This accord containes in a manner thus much The people of Rome and the Carthaginians shall liue in Amity and Friendship The like shall their Allies doe The Romans and their Allies shall not saile beyond the Promontory of Beauty vnlesse they be forced by storme or the violence of their Enemies If any one takes Port for these causes hee shall not buy nor take anything but what necessity shall require for Sacrifices and for Ships And that within the fift day they shall set faile for their retreate They which shall arriue there for the trade of Merchandize shall be free except the duties which belong vnto the Register and to the Citty who shall giue
a Certificate of all that which shal be sold in their presence in Affricke or Sardinia If any Romane arriues in Sicily where the Carthaginians are Lords they shall doe him no wrong The Carthaginians shall doe no outrage to the Ardeates Anciates Arrentins Circins Tarraconnois nor the other Latins which are subiect to the Romans And if there bee any other Citty which is not subiect it is not comprehended If the Carthaginians take any one they shall restore it entire to the Romans neither shall they build any Fort in Italy And if they be entred into the Prouince as Enemies they shall not stay a whole night Behold in a manner what the first Treatie contayned You must vnderstand that the Promontory of Beauty is right against Carthage hauing its aspect to the North. Beyond the which towards the South the Carthaginians would not suffer the Romans to saile with any ships of Warre The reason was as it seemes for feare they should come and discouer the places which are about the Banks of Barbary which the Carthaginians call the Merchants Countrey by reason of the fertility thereof And therefore if any one driuen by a storme or prest by the enemy cast himselfe vpon that Quarter it was not lawfull for him to take any thing but what was necessary to repaire his ships or to sacrifice Being likewise forced to weigh Anchor and set saile the fift day As for Carthage and the other Countries of Affricke which are on this side the Promontory and as for Sardinia and Sicily whereas the Carthaginians were Lords it was lawfull to sayle thither for trafficke For the effecting whereof the Carthaginians had sworne to obserue and keepe it But it seemes that in this treaty that the Carthaginians make mention of Affricke and Sardinia as of their owne Prouinces holding other termes of Sicily which adde the Countrey wherein they are obeyed The Romans also doe the like for the Countrey of the Latins and as for the rest of Italy they make not any mention for that it was not yet subiect vnto them Afterwards there was another treaty made wherein the Carthaginians comprehended the Tyrriens and Bisarthins There was also added to the Cape of Beauty Mastia and Tarseron Without the which it was not lawfull for the Romanes to pretend any Countrey nor to purchase or build any new Citty Behold the Contents The Romanes and their Allies the Carthaginians Tyrriens and Bisarthins and their Allies shall liue in friendship The Romanes not their Allies shall not saile beyond the Promontory of Beauty nor or Mastia or Tarseion to rob and spoile nor to Trafficke nor to build any Towne If the Carthaginians take any Towne in Italy which is not subiect to the Romanes they shall haue spoile and restore the Towne vnto the Romanes If they haue taken any of the free people which were Allied to the Romanes they shall not bring them vnto any Port which belongs vnto the Romanes And if they bring any one thither and he be knowne to the Romanes they shall be set at liberty The like shall be done vnto the Romanes in those Townes which are subiect to the Carthaginians If a Roman refreshes himselfe with Water and Victuals the Carthaginians shall do him no wrong with whom they haue concluded a peace and friendship and if they do it the outrage shall be held publicke And as for Sardinia and Affricke the Romanes nor their Allies may not Trafficke nor haue any Towne or buy any thing but what is necessary for Sacrifice or the repairing of their shippes And if any ship be cast vpon that Coast by Tempest they shall set Saile within the fifth day In regard of Sicily the Romanes may Trafficke where the Carthaginians are obeyed The like they may do at Carthage and vse the same righ's which the Carthaginians obserue The which in the like case the Carthaginians may doe at Rome In this Treaty it seemes that the Carthaginians shew that Sardinia and Affricke were wholy theirs and that they would depriue the Romanes of the right of Portage But as for Sicily of that part onely which they hold It was also Articulated that the Carthaginians should not make Warre against the Ardiatins the Antiates the Circins Tarraconnois nor against the other Latine Citties which lie vpon the Sea and comprehends the Latine Region As for the rest of Italy there was no mention made Since there was a third Accord made at such time as Pyrrhus King of the Epirotes past into Italy before the beginning of the Punique Warre Wherein were comprehended the same Articles adding moreouer that if they agreed with Pyrrhus they should giue succour one vnto another in the Country that was assailed And if eyther of them had need of assistance the Carthaginians should furnish Ships aswell for the passage as for the Combate either of them paying their Souldiers The Carthaginians should succour the Romans by Sea and no man should be forced to Land his men But as I haue vnderstood the oath of the first Treaties was made in this manner The Carthaginians sware by the gods of their Countrey And the Romanes by the Stone according to their auncient Custome calling thereunto the powers of Mars the Warlike Behold the manner which they obserued to sweare by the Stone The Herald of Armes after the Treaty of Peace was concluded betwixt the two Nations hauing the Stone in his hands vsed these Words I pray vnto the gods that all things may come successefully vnto me if this Accord and Oath which I take be done iustly and without fraud But if I do or thinke otherwise that I may die alone as this Stone shall fall out of my hand all the rest being sound and safe in their owne Country their Lawes Houses Temples and Sepulchers and without speaking any Word more he let the Stone fall out of his hand As these things are true and are at this day to be seene grauen in Tables of Brasse in the Temple of Iupiter Capitolium where they are carefully kept by the Ediles Who will not wonder at the Historiographer Philinus not for that he knew it not for without doubt many auncient Romanes and Carthaginians I say of our time and which haue beene very curious of such things do not know it But for that he hath dared to write things quite contrary saying that in these Accords was contained that the Romanes should quit all Sycily and the Carthaginians all Italy Wherefore the Romans has broken their faith and promise at their first Voiage into Sycily And yet this is not found Written Philinus hath written this Discourse in the second of his Books the which relating lightly in the first Booke we haue reserued to this place to the end we may debate it in perticular holding it necessary least some one might stray from the Truth following the errour of Philinus It will not be happily without reason if some one will hold the Voyage of the Romans
go into Italy three thousand furlongs And from Carthage to Ebro two thousand sixe hundred furlongs From thence to the Empories sixteene hundred And from thence to the mouth of the Riuer of Rhone sixeteene hundred furlongs Behold the measure of those places which the Romanes haue made with great diligence From the passage of the Rhone following the Bankes towards the Spring vnto the passage of the Alpes into Italy thirteene hundred furlongs and the passage of the Mountayne is held to be twelue hundred After which they come into the Champion Countrey which is about Poe. And therefore Hannibal was to march nine thousand furlongs from Carthage vnto the entry of Italy And if we will obserue the way he had already past the one halfe But if we will consider the difficulty of the Country he had the most troublesome taske to performe Hannibal endeauoured by all meanes to passe the Perinee Mountaines not without some feare of the Gaules least knowing the passages they should interrupt his voyage into Italy In the meane time newes came to Rome of that which had beene spoken and done at Carthage by the Embassadours and that Hannibal had past the Riuer of Ebro with his Army much sooner then they expected making hast to go into Italy for the which the great men of Rome were not a little amazed Coâ—â—iuing that hee would mooue the Nation of the Gaules against them being alwayes desirous of Warre Wherefore after the Election of the Consuls the diuided the Prouinces Whereof Spaine was for Publius Cornelius and Affricke with Sycily for Tytus Sempronius To whom they appointed sixe Legions for that yeare and as many Allies as they should thinke good and as great an Army at Sea as they could make Whilest they Lâ—uied men at Rome and that the Army at Sea and Munitions were preparing and all the necessary Equipage for the Sea they laboured to people their Collonies which they had lately in Gaule neere vnto the Poe. There were Citties newly built and Cittizens enioyned to be there within thirty dayes to either Citty sixe thousand men whereof the one which was on this side the Poe was called Plaisance and the other on the further side Cremona The Boloniens discontented herewith and remembring the auncient quarrels abandoned the Roman party being aduertised of the Descent of the Carthaginians leauing the Hostages which they had giuen in the former Warre whereof we haue made mention in the last Booke And taking Armes suddainly they solicited the Milanâ—â—is to do the like making a tumultuous hurly-burly in the Countrey assigned to the Collonies so as all the people terrified fled to Modena with the three Deputies which were come to diuide the Land Whom the Bolonieus pursued and besieged the Towne The siege continuing some time they made a shew to parley of Peace And when as the Princes of the Gaules had caused some Embassadours to come vnto them they staied them contrary to the Law of Nations refusing to send them backe if their Hostages were not deliuered When the newes of this accident was come vnto them Lucius Manlius the Pretor who was then present with an Army inflamed with Rage makes hast to succour the Besieged whereof the Boloniens being aduertised they layd an Ambush in the Forrest neere the way and surprizing their enemies at their comming they slew a great number of the Romans The rest with great difficulty recouering the fields saued themselues Where although the Souldiers assured themselues for a time yet finding that the Boloniens pursued them in the Reare they â—â—ed to recouer the Towne of Cannet When the newes came vnto Rome the Romans fearing that their Army would be indangered by a long siege they appointed Attillius the Pretor to succour the Besieged with the Troupes prepared for the new Leuy of the Consull enioyning him moreouer to make a Leuy of others Behold the estate wherein the affaires of the Gaules stood vntill the comming of Hannibal In the meane time the Consulls hauing made ready all their necessary Equipage parted from Rome whereof Publius Cornelius bent his course to Spaine with threescore vessels of warre and Sempronius into Affricke with a hundred and three score Quiqueremes taking the Warre so to heart as he made so great a preparation at Lylibeum that it seemed he should presently besiege Carthage As for Cornelius he tooke his way by the Country of Tuscany and the Geneâ—â—is and arriued on the fifth day at Marcelles and entred with his Army at the first mouth of Rhone for it passeth into the Sea by many mouthes And although he were aduertised that Hannibal past the Pyrenee mountaines yet he made his accompt that hee had a long way to go aswell for the difficulty of the Country as for the multitude of the Gaules those parts being very well peopled But Hannibal made hast daily to passe the Rhone with his Army neere vnto the shore of the Sardinian Sea with incredible diligence after that he had pacified the Gaules partly with gifts and partly by feare The which the Consull hearing and beleeuing but in part this suddaine arriuall desiring likewise to know the truth he Lands to refresh his Men wearied with a torment at Sea Then he acquaints the Tribunes with the places by the which they must go to encounter the Enemy and sends three hundred choise Horse before vnder the Conduct of Pronencials and some succours of the Gaules to discouer the Enemies enterprize Hannibal being now neere the Rhone with his Army and within foure daies iourney of the Sea makes hast to passe it with all possible speed And therefore he cals all the inhabitants thereabouts and wins them by Presents from whom he buies Skifs and small Boates which they ordinarily vse and whereof there were at that time a great number by reason of the Faires for the Trade of the Sea And he causeth others to be made in making hollow the bodies of Trees The which the Souldiers likewise did being mooued with the abundance of stuffe and the facility of the Worke So as in lesse then two daies there were so many Boates and Skifs as they were sufficient to passe Euery man striuing not to be at the mercy of his Companion or Comrade but to passe himselfe and his baggage into his owne Skiffe or Boate. In the meane time there were an infinite number of men drawne together vpon the further Banke of the Rhone to hinder the Carthaginians passage The which Hannibal perceiuing and knowing well that he could not passe the Riuer by force for that the Enemy held the other Banke nor stay there long but he should be inuironed by the people of the Country at the setting of the third Watch of the night the sends Hannâ— sonne to King Bomilcar with a part of his Army to whom he gaue some guides of the Country who mounted vp the Riuer two hundred furlongs staying aboue an Iland about the which the Rhone did runne Where
worke and especially of the Common-weale of the Acheins Considering that their manner of gouernment tooke a great increase as well before as in our time And therefore beginning with the time of Tisamenes one of the sonnes of Orestes we haue said that the Acheins liued from his time vnto the Reigne of Gyges vnder Kings descending from him And that hauing chased them away the Citie being well aduised gaue the gouernment vnto the Commons Some few yeares after the Townes and Burroughes began to fall into dissention by the meanes of the Lacedemonian Princes Yet afterwards as we haue said the Acheins reunited themselues which was the first meanes that all Morea tooke the sirname of Acheins Wee haue moreouer deliuered their actions in perticular vnto the Defeate of Cleomenes King of the Lacedemonians And there we haue concluded our preparation with the death of Antigonus Seleucus and Ptolomy for they all died in one Olimpiade It rests now that in writing the Remainder wee should begin there The subiect seemes good first for that the deedes which Arate hath written end at that time to the end that to continue the Narration of the Grecians actions wee should prosecute as wee haue promised those which follow And for that the times are so vnited as one part hath beene in our age and the other in the time of our Parents By this meanes we haue seene part and heard the rest from those which haue seene them I haue not held it fit to seeke things farre off nor to make a relation growing from heare-say or report for that I conceiue it would not be profitable for the Reader And therefore let vs begin with the time when as Fortune seemed to haue made a new world Philip the lawfull sonne of Demetrius being in his younger yeares had taken possession of the Empire of Macedon Acheus Lord of all the Prouince neere vnto Taurus had not onely the Name of a King but also the Forces Antiochus sirnamed great succeeded his Brother Seleucus lately dead in the Realme of Syria although hee were but young and Ariarates had taken the Realme of Capadocia At the same time also Ptolomy Philopater had gotten the Empire of Egipt and soone after Lycurgus was chosen King of the Lacedemonians The Carthaginians likewise had chosen Hannibal for their Generall in the Warres as we haue mentioned And therefore it seemes that there was an alteration seeing that all the Potentates were renewed which is a naturall thing and which happened at one time The Romans and Carthaginians made the warre which we haue mentioned and Antiochus and Ptolomy that of Syria In regard of the Acheins and Philip they had warre against the Etoliens and Lacedemonians Whereof see the causes The Etoliens being long discontented with peace were not content to liue vpon their owne charges as being accustomed to liue vpon their Neighbours for the necessity of their great expences by reason of their Naturall arrogancie whereunto being subiect they lead a cruell and brutish life obseruing no law of friendship nor alliance so as all things are of good prize vnto them And although that during the life of Antigonus they did not stirre fearing the forces of the Lacedemonians Yet after his death when as Philip had succeeded him they began disdaining his youth to seeke occasions of warre with them of Morea and namely for that by an ancient custome of iniuries they had vsed to rob and spoile at Sea And that moreouer they held themselues more powerfull to make warre then the Acheins Being in this humour soone after they found this occasion together with the fauour and fortune of their enterprize Dormiache Triconee was sonne to Nicostrates who violated the affaires of the Pambiotins who being yet young and full of arrogancie and pride an Etolien had beene sent by the Common-wealth to Phigalea It is a Towne scituated right against the Messenian Mountaines and which by fortune was then allied to the Etoliens Hee let them vnderstand that hee had beene sent thether to gouerne the Towne and the Country Although they had done it of purpose to discouer the estate of Morea But for that in regard of the alliance they could not victuall the Pyrats who wandring there abouts retired to him to Phigalea for their Munition and the rather for that the peace made with Antigonus continued still hee aduised them to carry away the Messeniens Cattell who were their Friends and Allies The which they began at the first to chase out of their limits and afterwards as their obstinacie increased by little and little to ruine the houses in the night standing scattered in the Fields and to spoile and ruine the whole Country The Messeniens discontented herewith send an Embassie to Dorimache to complaine of the outrages done by the Pyrates who at the first made no account of it doing it partly for the benefit of the Pyrates and partly for his owne interest hauing a share in the Booty But being often prest by Embassies by reason of the continuance of the wrongs he told them that he would be soone at Messena to doe them right for the complaints they made against the Etoliens Being arriued and that many presented themselues vnto him hauing bin wronged hee sent some away with scoffes others with iniuries and some he terrified with bigge and outragious words During these pursuits at Messena the Pyrates came in the night to a Burrough called Chiron and tooke it by Scalado and sacking and spoiling it they slewe some of those which were found in Armes and carrie away the rest Prisoners with the Cattell The Messenians being more incensed herewith considering his Presence and finally thinking that they were deluded they cause him to come before the Magistrates By good fortune Schiron a man of good esteeme and at that time Gouernour of the Messeniens was of opinion not to suffer Dorimache to part out of the Towne before hee had restored the spoiles which the Pyrates had made and repaired the houses in the Country and deliuered those which had committed the Murthers And when as all the assembly approued of this Councell Dorimache inflamed with choller told them they were fooles and if in doing that they thought to wrong Dorimache and not the Etoliens And that moreouer they did him great wrong and that within a short time reuenge would be taken There was at that time in Messena a man of base condition called Babyrthe so like in face body lineaments and voyce to Dorimache that if they had giuen him his Crowne and Robe you could hardly haue discern'd them This Dorimache knew well And when he vsed proud and audatious words to the Messeniens Schiron grew into choller telling him thinkest thou that we care for thee or Babyrthe for this thy rashnes After which words Dorimache thought good to strike saile restoring to the Messeniens all the pillage And going then
Acheins Army was assembled and the succours of the Lacedemonians and Messeniens ready as it had beene decreed Scerdilaide and Demetrius sayling from Sclauonia with fourescore and ten Vessels past to Lisse contrary to the accord made with the Romans And attempting first to take Pyle they were shamefully repuls'd after some dayes siege Demetrius afterwards made a voyage with fifty Saile vnto the Cyclades and spoiles the Ilands taking some by Treason Scerdilaide with the other forty drawes towards Naupacte relying vpon the friendship of Amiclas King of the Atheniens to whom he was allied There an accord was made with the Etoliens by the meanes of Agelaus that in marching with them into Achaia they should diuide the booty by halfes The which being concluded betwixt Scerdilaide and Agelaus Dorimache and Scope they entred into Acheia with an Army of Etoliens and Sclauonians the Towne of the Sithians being of their party Ariston chiefe of the Etoliens stayed at home saying that he had peace and no warre with the Acheins as if hee had beene ignorant of the Enterprize which was a simple and idle course Is there any thing more foolish then to thinke long to couer with words things that are plaine and euident This done Dorimache comes with his men to Cynethe with wonderfull speed The Cynethenses were tormented with great diuisions and seditions hauing beene long time Arcadiens whereas many murthers had beene committed with Banishments Rapes and Spoiles Finally it fell out that they which held the Acheins party had the command of the Towne Wherefore their chiefe men and the guards of their Towne were of Acheia Matters standing in this estate some yeares before the descent of the Etoliens when as the banished men had sent to them of the Towne intreating them to receiue them into grace and concord the Gouernours perswaded by their words sent an Embassie to the Acheins desiring to make this peace and agreement with their Councell and aduice Whereunto the Acheins consented for that they conceiued that the affection and loue of the one and the other would by this meanes be more firme vnto them considering that they which were within had all their hope in them and that the banished men would conceiue that they had beene preserued by the benefit of the Acheins The Cynethenses sent backe the Garrison of the Acheins with their Captaine and called the banished men into their Towne which were to the number of three hundred in taking their Faith with Oathes whereby men may be most religiously bound But presently after they were receiued into the Towne they resolued among themselues to betray it and to be reuenged on those which had preserued them without any consideration of the cause of this new practise So as I am of opinion that at the time when they sacrificed and gaue their Faith and Oathes that euen then they resolued to contemne the Gods and vse cruelty towards those which had saued their liues for they had scarce set footing within the Towne but they called the Etoliens to deliuer it vnto them The businesse was mannaged in this manner Some of the banished men were created Polemarches It is a Magistrate which hath charge of shutting of the Gates and keeping the keyes at night and in the day time to attend the Guard thereof The Etoliens hauing their ladders and other things necessary attended the execution of the enterprize The Polemarches slew their Companions which were not of their faction and opened the Gate This done the Etoliens entred some by the Gate some by Ladders The whole Citie being troubled by this new accident ranne vp and downe full of feare and lamentation for that they could not runne to the Gate for that the Enemies cast themselues from the walls neither could they goe to the walls for that they came by multitudes in at the Gate And thus the Etoliens tooke the Towne presently where among all the outrages which they committed they did one act of great iustice for they slew all the Traytors and spoiled their goods The like they did to others taking away all their substance Men were tormented to confesse their Goods if they had hidden away and many others slaine Hauing thus taken the Towne and after some fewe dayes leauing a sufficient Garrison they marcht with their Army towards Luses Where approaching neere to Diana's Temple which is betwixt Clitoria and Cynethe and is held by the Grecians as a place of Freedome they had an intent to carry away the Cattell of the Goddesse and to rauish all the Treasure of the Temple But the Lusiates offered them part to temper their wickednesse The which being receiued the Etoliens parting from thence planted their Campe neere vnto Clitoria At that time Arate chiefe of the Acheins had sent an Embassie to Philip for succours and had assembled the choyce of the youth from all parts and demanded from the Lacedemonians and Messeniens the number of men which they were to furnish by the accord The Etoliens began first to perswade the Clytoriens to leaue the alliance of the Acheins and to imbrace their party The which being refused they tormented them with diuers assaults and scaling the walls they laboured to enter the Towne But for that the Inhabitants defended themselues couragiously they rais'd the Siege being in despaire to take it and returned to Cynethe spoiling the Sheepe and Cattell of the Goddesse meaning to deliuer the Towne to the Elienses Vpon refusall they resolued to keepe it making Euripides Captaine But being afterwards terrified with the Newes of the succours of Macedon and the preparation of the Acheins they burnt it and taking their wayes againe towards Rhie they resolued to passe there Taurion aduertised that the Etoliens marcht and of the ruine of Cynethe and that Demetrius of Phareh was come from the Cyclades to Cenchrea hee perswaded him to succour the Acheins and to hinder the passage of the Etoliens in transporting the ships by the Isthmus Demetrius had parted from the Iland with profit but with little honour for that the Rhodiens came against him with an Army at Sea hee yielded easily to Taurion and the rather for that he furnished the necessary expences the transport of the Shippes wherefore after hee had transported them and was aduertised that the Etoliens were past two dayes before hee sail'd againe to Corinthe after he had spoiled some of the Etoliens Coasts with whom the Lacedemonians hauing secret intelligence as we haue said they deferr'd to send the succours promised by the accord sending onely some Horse and foot for a colour Arate made shew to his people that for the present hee would performe the duty of a Citizen rather then of a Captaine without any trouble for the remembrance of the losse which he had made vntill that Scope and Dorimache were retired hauing ruined the whole Prouince and what they pleased although it were no difficult thing to defeat them in their rough and
and being discontented at the insolency of the Magistrates in choosing Lycurguâ— he began to plot an enterprize of reuolte Hoping therefore to gaine the loue and fauour of the people if doing like vnto Cleemenes he put them in hope to diuide the Lands againe hee doth his indeauour to bring it to effect And communicating his practice to his Friends he had 200. Confederates of his enterprize But knowing that Lycurgus and the Magistrates which had made him King would make a great opposition he studied first how to preuent it When as by chance all the Magistrates supt together he assailes them by surprize and kills them cruelly Behold how Fortune prepared a punishment worthy the deedes which they had committed Beleeue me there is not any man but will say that they had well deserued to be punished by him and for the cause for which they suffered As soone as Chylon had done this Execution he transports himselfe to Lycurgus house And although he were there yet he could not come at him for hee was preserued by his Houshold Seruants and by his neighbours and retired vnto Pellene by vnknowne wayes Chylon frustrated of so great an opportunity being wonderfully discontented was forced to doe that which necessity required and transporting himselfe to the place he seazed vpon all his enemies and gaue courage to his friends labouring to induce the rest to reuolt But when as he saw no man to like of it and that the Citty was in mutiny against him fearing what might happen steales away from thence and comes into Acheia alone being chased out of his Countrey The Lacedemonians fearing the descent of King Philip retired with whatsoeuer they had in the fields into their Townes and fortified them with men and all sorts of munition razing to the ground Athence of the Megalopolitains For that it seemed a very conuenient place for the enemy It is certaine that whilest the Lacedemonians maintained their good gouernment according to the Lawes of Lycurgus they were growne very great vnto the Warre of Leuctres Since which time they beganne to feele the crosses of Fortune and their gouernment grew worse being full of many discommodities and intestine Seditions with Banishments and ruines vntill the Tyranny of Nabydane whose name they could not endure These are things which haue beene related by many and are well knowne since that Cleomenes ruined the gouernement of the Country whereof wee will speake heereafter when opportunity shall require Philip passing by Megalopolis with his Army drew to Argos by the Country of Tegetane and there past the remainder of the Winter purchasing a wonderfull renowne of all the World aswell for his course of life as for the things which he had done in this Warre beyond the strength of his age Appelles who notwithstanding the Kings Commaundment desisted not from his dessigne laboured by little and little to make the Acheins subiect And when he found that Arate and the rest that were with him were opposite vnto his ends and that the King had them in great Reputation especially olde Arate for that he was in great Authority among the Acheins and Antigonus and was moreouer a good and discreete man he beganne to Traduce him with iniuries Then hee inquires what men there were in Acheia of a contrary saction to Arate and drawes them vnto him To whom hee giues a curteous and gracious reception drawing them by perswasions to his friendship and afterwards recommended them in perticular to the King he gaue him to vnderstand that if hee fauoured the party of 〈◊〉 hee should enioy the Acheiâ—s according to the Contracâ— of the League But if vsing his Councell he receiued the others into friendship hee should dispose of all Morea at his pleasure Moreouer the time of the Election approaching hee had an intent to cause one of the other Faction to be chosen Wherefore hee beganne to solicite the King to be at Egia at the Common Assembly of the Acheiâ—s as if he meant to goe from thence into the Elienses Countrey The King perswaded by his Words came vnto Egia at the prefixed time Where Appelles amazing the aduerse party in the end preuailed with great difficulty By this meanes Eperate was chosen Chiefe of the Acheins and Tymoxenes quite reiected whom Arate had named After these things Philip drawing his Army from Egira and marching by Patres and Dimes hee went to a Castle which the Countrey-men call Mur scituated in the Dimenses Country and lately taken by Euripides as wee haue formerly said As hee hasted with great heated to yeild it to the Dimenses hauing his Army ready in Battaile the Garrison of Elienses was so amazed as they presently yeâ—ded themselues and the Castle the which is not great in Circuit but very strong by Scituation and Walles For it had but two furlongs in Compasse but the VValls had not lesse then seauen Fathomes and a halfe in height Philip deliuering it to the Dimenses presently hee ouer-ranne the Prouince to spoile it After which he put all to fire and Sword and returned to Dime laden with great spoiles Apelles supposed that hee had effected part of his dessigne for that the chiefe had beene chosen according to his desire hee chargeth Arate againe desiring to him into disgrace with the King and raiseth a slander vpon him vpon these causes Amphidamuâ— Chiefe of the Elienses in the Burrough which they call Thalamâ— being taken and sent with the other Prisoners came to Olympia And there hee beganne to seeke by the meanes of some to speake vnto the King To whom when hee was brought hee told him that it was in his power to make the Elienses imbrace his Alliance and Friendship The King perswaded with his Words let him goe without ransome with a Charge to tell the Elienses that if they would entertaine his Alliance hee would deliuer all their Prisoners without ransome and that hee would preserue their Prouince from danger suffering them moreouer to liue in liberty and that hee would giue them no Garrisons nor pretend any Tribute but would suffer them to leuie mercenary men where their Affaires required The Elienses hearing these offers would not accept of them although they were great and profitable Appelles making this the occasion of his slander goes to Philip telling him that Arate and his Confederates kept no true Friendshippe with the Macedonians nor entertained the League sincerely For it was certaine they had beene the cause that the Elienses had not accepted the Conditions of the Alliance which had beene offered them For at that time when as hee sent Amphidamus to Olympia they had vsed speeches secretly vnto him that it was not for the good and benefit of Morea that Philip should be Lord of the Elienses and by this meanes the Elienses disdayning the conditions of Peace obserued their League with the Etoliens and indured the Macedonians Warre This Speech being ended Philip caused Arate with the Acheins to
time hee made Warre against the Etoliens Lacedemonians and Eliensâ—s After this resolution hee drew together the Acheins Vessels and his owne at Leche a Port of Corinthe Commaunding that in the meane time they should inure the Souldiers to the Oare wherein the Macedonians did him great seruice Yo must vnderstand that they are excellent men at Land in a pitcht field and ready at Sea in Combates of Surprize Moreouer they haue not their equalls to Rampire and Fortifie and they complaine not of their paines in such affaires Finally they are like vnto the Eacides whom Hesiodus brings in reioycing more for Warre then a Banquet The King stayed at Corinthe with the Macedonians being busie in the preparation of the Sea Army Appelles who could not alter the Kings humour and disposition nor suffer any abatement in his credite being full of disdaine hee made a Conspiracy with Leonce and Megalâ—e which was that they being present should hinder the Kings enterprizes when opportunity did serue and that for his part he would goe to Chalcis to stoppe the Victualls that should come to the Kings Army When he had plotted this hee went presently thither to put it in practise against the King wherein hee kept his Promise and forced him to ingage his plate and all the rest of his mooueables When as the Army at Sea was drawne together and the Macedonians accustomed to the Oaâ—e and that the Souldiers had receiued Corne and Money Philip set Saile to Corinthe and arriued three dayes after hauing sixe thousand Macedonians and twelue Hundred Mercenaries At what time Dorimache Chiefe of the Etoliens sent Agâ—laus and Scope vnto the Elienses with twelue Hundred Candyets newly leuied The Elieâ—ses fearing that Philip would come and besiege Cyllene leuied Voluntaries with all speede and likewise made a leuy of men within the Citty doing their indeauours to fortifie Cyllene Philip aduertised hereof hee left at Dime the Mercenaries of the Acheins and the Candyots which hee had with him and some Horse-men Gaules and about two thousand foote of the choice of the Acheins for the guard and safety of the place against the assaults and attempts of the Elienses And as a little before he had Written vnto the Messeniens Epirates Acarnaniens and to Scerdilaide to meete him in Cephalenia with their Equipage by Sea hee parts presently from Patres and sailes directly into Cephalenia to the Burrough of Prones But when he saw it difficult to besiege and the Countrey streight hee past on with his whole Army and came to Palea Where seeing the Region fertile in Corne and in all other manner of munition and fit to feede his Army he landed his men and planted his Campe neere vnto the Towne Wals. He also drew his shippes a shore and inuironed them with deepe Ditches and strong Pallisadoes fitting for their defence Hee likewise sent the Macedonians to forrage and himselfe went to view the Towne and resolued to set vp his Engines and to make all necessary preparations to force it meaning to attend the succours of friends and Allies and to make the Towne subiect to his obedience As well to depriue the Elienses of the greatest benefite and commodity they had by Sea for without doubt they sailed into Morea by night with the Cephalenian shippes and spoiled the Sea Coasts of the Epirotes and Acarnaniens as also to prepare this Towne for his Allies as a retreate in the 〈◊〉 Country Now for the Scituation of Cephalenia it lyes within the shore of the Corinthian Gulfe looking towards the Sea of Sycily and bends towards the parts of Morea which turne towards the North and West and likewise towards the Prouince of the Elienses and the parts of Epirus Etolia and Acarnania which haue their aspect towards the South and East VVherefore he resolued to do what possibly hee might to Conquer this Iland for the place was very conuenient to assemble the Allies and well seated to offend the enemies Townes and for the defence of those of the League And when hee saw that all the Quarters of the Towne were inuironed partly with the Sea and partly with steepy Rockes and that there was onely a little plaine which lookes towards Zacinthe hee was fully resolued to plant his Battery there and to prepare and make all things necessary for the siege In the meane time there arriued fifteene shippes of VVarre sent by Scerdilaide saying that for the present hee could not furnish and make ready any more by reason of some mutinies and dissentions which had lately happened in Sclauonia There also arriued succours and supplies from the Epirotes Acarnaniens and Messeniens as he had ordained For the Messeniens maintained the rest of the VVarre freely after the taking of the Citty of Phigalee VVhen as the King had prepared and made things necessary for the siege and the Engines of Battery were appointed in conuenient places hee approaches them to the Towne incouraging and giuing heart to his men By whose meanes after they had mined they presently opened a Quarter of the VVall the which was vnderpropt with great peeces of Timber so great is the experience knowledge of the Macedonians in such affaires Then Philip approaching neerer vnto the Wall hee beganne to summon the besieged to yeilde But vpon their refusall they suddainely set fire on that part of the Wall and ouer-threw it This beeing done hee sent the Souldiers which carried Targets to make the point being vnder the Charge of Leonce commanding them to assaile it and enter that way Leonce remembring his Conspiracy and finding an opportunity to put it in execution perswaded three young men of his followers which marcht before all his Troupes to the assault of the Towne that they should hinder the taking thereof winning the Captaines of their acquaintance and Charging very faintly as if they were affraide By this meanes they were shamefully repuls'd and beaten off from the assault hauing many Wounded and soare hurt Although they might easily haue had the Victory and haue come off with a great deale of honour The King seeing the feare of the Captaines and the multitude that were Wounded raised the siege And from that time hee assembled his Friends and Allies holding a Councell of that which hee had to doe for the future In the meane time Lycurgus entred into Messenia with an Army And Dorimache with halfe the Etâ—liens fals into Thessaly Wherefore Embassadours come vnto the King from the Acarnaniens and Messeniens He of the Acarnaniens intreated him to make a Descent into the Etoliens Country to the end hee might draw Dorimache from his Enterprize and that he would spoile and consume all the Enemies Countries He of the Messeniens demaunded Succours shewing that it was but a dayes iourney from Cephalenia vnto Messena a Northerly Winde blowing And therefore Gorgon sayd that the Voyage would be suddaine and of great profite and gaine Leonce remembring his Conspiracy helde for Gorgon seeing
of Etoliens thinking that he might safely ouer-run Thessaly and by this meanes draw Philip to raise his Siege from Palea But being aduertised of the preparation of Chrysogones and Petrea to come and â—ight with him he durst not enter into the Plaine but alwayes kept the top of the Mountaines with his Army And when he had newes of the comming of the Macedonians into 〈◊〉 â—e lâ—aues Thessaly presently to goe and succour his Countrey where being aduertised of the Kings retreat not knowing what to doe and disappointed in all his enterprizes he remained sad and discontented The King at his departure from Lencade with his Fleete hauing spoiled and wasted the Sea-coasts landed at Corinthe with his Army leauing his ships at Leche Then he sent Letters to all the allied Townes of Morea to aduertise them of the day when they should come in Armes to Tegee Which things being thus ordered without making any long stay at Corinthe he parted with his Army and passing by the Countrey of Argos three dayes after his departure he came to Tegee whereas after he had receiued the Acheins which were there assembled he proceeded in his course passing secretly by the Mountaines he laboured to enter the Countrey of Sparta before the Lacedemonians should be aduertised Where hauing marched foure dayes by the Desarts of the Mountaines he came to those which were right against the City Then leauing Menelaie on the right hand he drew to Amycle The Lacedemonians seeing the Army passe by their Citty they wondred at this strange accident and being terrified with this suddaine feare they knew not what to doe For they were amazed at the valiant exploits which they sayd Philip had lately done at Therme and throughout all Etolia And there was a certaine bruite amongst them that Licâ—rgus was sent to succour the Etoliens As for Philips suddaine descent into the Countrey of Sparta no man had euer thought of it and the rather for that his age seemed worthy of some contempt Wherefore matters succeeding contrary to all hope the world had reason to feare for Philip mannaging the Warre with greater courage and policy then his age did beare he terrified his Enemies And namely as we haue sayd he parted from Etolia and pâ—ssing the Gulfe of Ambracia in one night he came to Leucade where staying two dayes and parting the third earely in the morning he arriued two dayes after at Corinthe hauing spoiled the Sea coasts of Etolia and from thence continuing his course he came within nine dayes to the Mountaines which are right against Sparta neere vnto Menelaie so as they could hardly beleeue it when they saw him The Lacedemonians then terrified with the greatnesse and newnesse of this accident knew not what Counceli to take nor to whom to haue recourse The day following Philip campes neere vnto Amycle It is a place in the Spartains Countrey abounding with all sorts of Trees and wealth twenty Furlongs from Lacedemon Where the Temple of Apollo stands being the most excellent of all the rest of the Prouince as well for Art as wealth being seated in that part of the Towne which locks towards the Sea Three dayes after when he had spoiled the whole Country he went to the Castle of Pyrhus where he stayed two dayes and wasting the whole Countrey he put all to fire and sword and planted his Campe neere vnto Carnia From whence he suddainly marcht to Assina from whence after he had attempted in vaine to take it by affault he raised the Siâ—ge and wasted all the rest of the Countrey marching directly to Tenare From thence â—â—â—ning his way hee drawes to the Lacedemonians Hauen which they call Gythia where there is a safe Port about thirty Furlongs from the Citty The leauing it on the right hand he planted his Campe neere to Elea which is if we consider it well the greatest and best Countrey of the Spartains The which he abandoned to the Souldiers who put it to fire and sword Hee also spoiled the Acriens and Lenques and the whole Countrey of the Boies The Messeniens hauing receiued Letters from Philip were no lesse diligent then the other Allies who leuied men presently within their Townes and sent the most able vnto the King to the number of two thousand Foote and two hundred Horse But the length of the way was the cause they came not to Tegee before the Kings departure And therefore doubting in the beginning what they should doe fearing likewise that it would seeme they had willingly made this delay for the suspition they had of them in the beginning they resolued to enter the Spartains Countrey to the end they might ioyne speedily with the King Being come vnto the Castle of Olympes which is seated neere vnto the Mountaines of the Argiues and Lacedemonians and had set themselues downe foolishly and without consideration for they did not fortifie themselues neither with Ditches nor Pallisadoes neither did they choose a conuenient place But relying on the good-will of the Inhabitants they lodged simply neere vnto the Walls Licurgus aduertised of their comming takes the Mercenaries and part of the Lacedemonians and goes directly to the Enemy Where arâ—iuing at the breake of day he marcheth in Battaile against the Messeniens who perceiuing him abandoned all and fled by heapes into this Castle Licurgus recouered the greatest part of their Horses and Baggage but he tooke not a man he onely slew eight Horse-men The Messeniens after this defeate returned by the Argiues Countrey Lycurgus proud of this good fortune being returned to Sparta vseth all speed to leuie men and to prepare all things necessary for the Warre labouring that Philip might not returne by the Spartains Countrey without a Battaile or danger The King parts with his Army from Elia spoiling all as he passeth and brought all backe on the fourth day to Amycle Licurgus hauing resolued with his Friends and Captaines to giue Battaile to the Macedonians goes out of the Citty and recouers the places about Menelaie with about two thousand Foote commanding them of the Citty to be watchfull and when they should see a signe they should speedily make sallies by diuers places taking their way towards Eurota which is a Riuer neere vnto the Citty These were the actions of Lieurgus and the Lacedemonians at that time But to the end that what wee say may not seeme obscure by the ignorance of places wee must declare the nature and scituation The which we will indeauour to doe throughout our whole worke alwaies ioyning places knowne to the vnknowne For the difference of Countryes doe many times deceiue in Warre as well by Sea as Land Our desire is that all men should know not onely the things but how they were done And therefore the description of places is necessary in all things but especially in Warre neither may we blame the vse of Feâ—s Seas and Ilands for signes and sometimes of Temples Mountaines Townes
in the Reare he pursued the rest and tooke them and their Towne At the same time Cereâ— being one of Ptolomes Commander left it By the meanes whereof Antiochus gained many other Captaines For soone after Hippolochus of Thessaly came to yeeld himselfe to him with three hundred horse And when he had put a Garrison into Aâ—tabyre he proceeded in his iourney pursuing his enterprize and in passing the Country tooke Pelle Came Gepre In the meane time the people of of Arabia agreeing together followed his party Autiochus growing into greater hope drawing victuals from them went farther into the Country and presently tooke Gallate with the Garrison of the Abillatins of whom Nicie a Kinsman and Allie to Nemne was Commander And although that Gadare which at that time seemed impregnable for its scituation held out yet hee tooke it suddainly in besieging it and setting vp his Engines And hauing newes afterwards that a good number of Enemies were drawne together into Rabatamassane a Towne of Arabia and spoyled all the Arabians Countrey which held his party he went suddainly thither with his Army and planted his Campe neere vnto the Mountaines among the which the Towne is scituated And when vpon a view he had discouered that it was not to be forced but in two places he set vp his Engines and other things necessary to force a Towne whereof he gaue the charge to Nicarchus and Theodote and in the meane time attends his other affaires These men carefull of the Battery striued with emulation who should first ouerthrow the Wall whereupon a great part fell sooner then they could imagine This done they fought continually day and night striuing to lose no time And although the Siege continued long yet they could not preuaile in regard of the multitude of men which defended it vntill that a Prisoner shewed them a little Riuer where the besieged fetch their water the which they stopt vp with Pallisadoesâ— stones and such like things Then being out of hope of water they yeelded to the Enemies By this meanes the King hauing it in his hands he gaue it in guard to Nicarchus with a sufficient strength and he sent Hippolichus and Ceree who as we haue sayd had abandoned Ptolomy into the Countrey of Samaria with fiue thousand Foote giuing them charge to continue there for the defence thereof and to preserue all the people which were vnder his obedience From thence he parts with his whole Army and comes to Ptolomais to passe the Winter there When the Pednelissenses had beene the same Summer besieged by the Selgenses and were in great danger they sent to demand succours from Acâ—eus When he had heard them willingly and promised to doe it they endured the Siege with great courage growing more resolute by the hope of succours Finally Acheus sent Gâ—rsyere with sixe thousand Foot and fiue hundred Horse giuing him charge to vse all diligence to succour the Pednelassenses The Selgenses aduertised by the Spies of his comming recouered the streights which are about a place which they call Eschelle with the greatest part of their Army and stop vp all the passages Garsyere entring by force into Myliade and planting his Campe neare â—nto a Towne called Candois he vsed this stratagem seeing that he could not passe for that the Selgenses kept all the passages He began to raise his Campe and to retire making shew that it was impossible for him to succour the Pednelissenses for that the streights of the Country were held by the Enemy The Selgenses thinking they had beene gone as men despairing to be able to succour them retired some to the Campe the rest returned to the Citty to recouer Victuals But Garsyere comes suddainiy backe to the streights whereas finding them abandoned he set men to guard them vnder the command of Captaine Phayle and from thence hee comes with his forces to Perge whereas staying some time hee sent Embassadours to Pamphilia and the other Townes to acquaint them with the insolency of the Selgenses and to solicite them to enter into league with Acheâ—s and to succour the Pednelissenses The Scâ—genses at the same time sent a Captaine with an Army hoping to chase Phayle from the streights But for that matters succeeded otherwise then they expected and lost many of their men in fighting they gaue ouer their Enterprize yet for all this they did not raise their Siege but were more attentiue then before to set vp their Engines In the meane time the Ettenenses which inhabite the Mountaines aboue Syde sent eight thousand men armed to Garsyere and the Aspendiens foure thousand The Sydetes made no shew to send any succours for that they were Friends to Antiochus and hated the Aspendiens Garsyere came to ednelisse accompanied with the Troupes of the Allies thinking at his comming to raise the Siege But when he saw that the Selgenses were nothing amazed he set himselfe downe neere vnto them The Pednelissenses were so opprest with want of Victuals as they could no longer endure the hunger wherefore Garsyere seeing it necessary to vse diligence prepared two thousand men euery one laden with a Mine of Wheat and sent them by night to the Towne The Selgenses aduertised hereof charged them presently and slew the greatest part of them and tooke all the Wheate Wherewith they grew so glorious as they not onely besieged the Towne but they attempted the Enemies Campe. It is the custome of the Selgenses to bee alwaies bold and audatious Wherefore in leauing sufficient forces in their Campe they suddainly assailed the Enemy in diuers place And when the Alarum grew hot so as the Campe was forced in some places Garsyere amazed at this great and suddaine accident and hauing no great hope hee caused the Horse-men to goe forth by a certaine place which was not guarded whom the Selgenses thinking they had fled for feare of being defeated did not pursue nor made any accompt of them These Horse-men turning a little about charged the Enemy suddainly in the Reare fighting with great fury Then Garsyeres Foot-men who seemed to wauer turned head being re-united and fell vpon the Enemy By this meanes the Selgenses being thus enuironed in the end fled The Pednelissenses taking courage hereat made a sally and beate them out of the Campe which had the guard In the chase Garsyere made a great â—laughter for there were aboue ten thousand men slaine of those which remained the Allies retired to their houses and the Selgenses to their Countrey taking their way by the Mountaines The next day Garsyere parts with his Army and makes haste to passe the Mountaines and to approach the Towne before that the Selgenses being amazed with this fresh flight should prouide for any thing Who being full of heauinesse and feare as well for the little hope they had of succours from their Allies considering the losse they had made with them amazed with this fresh misfortune were in great doubt of safety
Romans were vanquished and defeated neere vnto Cannes by the Carthaginians For there wee haue left the actions of Italy and haue written in this Booke and the precedent the proceeding of the same time in Greece and Asia The Warre being ended when the Acheins had made choice of Tymoxines for their head and Gouernour resuming their ancient kind of liuing they gaue order by little and little for their Common-wealth The like did the other Cities of Morea So as they laboured their lands and restored their Games and Sacrifices to the Gods All which things were in a manner forgotten by reason of the continuall warre It is certaine that as they of Morea among all other men are inclined to a milde and curteous kind of life the which in precedent times they did not enioy Being as Euripides saith alwaies tormented by their neighbours and without rest Yet it seemeth reasonable for for all they which tend to a Principallity and haue their liberty in recommendation haue continuall quarrels amongst them they tending to a superintendency The Athenians freed from the feare of the Macedonians seemed to liue in great Liberty but following the besenesse of their Commaunders Euriclides and Micion they payed Tribute in a manner to all Kings and namely to Ptolomy who soone after that time made Warre against the Egyptians For as hee had beene assisted in the Warre against Antiochus they presently abandoned him For that growne proud with the Battaile giuen neere vnto Raphia they would no more obey the King seeking only a Commaunder as if they had beene able of themselues to mannage the Warre the which was soone after done Antiochus during Winter had leuied a great Army and the Summer following past Mount Tauris where making a League with King Attalus he renewed the Warre against Acheus And although the Etoliens found the peace good in the beginning for that the Warre had taken a better end then they expected Hauing chosen Agelaus of Naupacte for their Chiefe Commaunded by whose meanes the peace had ensued yet after some time they blamed him much complayning that by his meanes they had lost the great profits they had drawne from Forreine parts For that he had made a peace not onely with some Prouinces but generally with all Greece But Agelaus bearing their blame with patience abated their fury And so they were forced contrary to their nature to pacifie their Choler Scerdilaide vnder colour of money due vnto him had spoild all those he met and as we haue sayd had taken shippes of Leucade and had rifled a Towne in Pelagonia which they call Pissea with diuers other Citties of Dassarete as Antipatria Chrissndion and Gertonte Hauing moreouer gained a good part of Macedony aswell by perswasions as by force Philip after the peace concluded hauing imbarqued himselfe and his Army to saile thither and to encounter Scerdilaide he tooke land being wholy bent to recouer the sayd Townes Finally when he had fully resolued to make Warre against Scerdilaide holding it necessary to Conquer Sclanouia as well for other Enterprizes as chiefly for his passage into Italy The which is an aduice whereof Demetrius laboured to make him susceptible saying that he had seene Philip do so in a Dreame He did not presse this for any loue he bare him but for the hatred he had to the Romans Thinking by this meanes to recouer the Country about Pharos from whence he had beene expell'd Philip recouered all the sayd Townes approaching neere them with his Army For in Dassarate hee tooke Creone and Geronte and neere vnto the Fennes of Lychnide Enchelane Cerece Sation and Boies and Bantia in the Prouince of the Calicenins and towards the Pissantins and Orgysse This done he sent his Army to Winter It was the same Winter when as Hannibal had spoiled the best Countries of Italy and past his Winter in Daâ—nia and the Romans making their Election created Gaius Terrentius and Lucius Emilius Consuls Whilest that Philip spent the Winter he drew together a hundred Vessels which neuer King of Macedony had done before him thinking it necessary to make prouision Not so much for the Combate at Sea for that he did not hold himselfe equall in forces to answere the Romans as to passe his Army into Italy Summer being come and the Macedonians in-vred to the Oare hee parts with his Army At the same time likewise Antiochus past Mount Tanris Philip then passing by the Euripus and Malea came vnto the Countries which are about Cephalenia and Leucade Where planting his Campe he fortified it with Ditches and Pallisadoes for hee feared much the Sea Army of the Romans But when he was aduertised by his Spies that it was neere vnto Lylibeum his Courage increased and hee proceeded in his Enterprize taking his course directly to Apolonia When as hee was neere those Countries which are about the Riuer of Loia which passeth neere to Apolonia he fell into the same feare which doth many times befall Armies at Land For some of his Vessels which followed in the Reare and had sailed towards an Iland called Sason lying at the mouth of the Ionian gulfe came by night to Philip telling him that they had spoken with some of the Sycillian Sea who aduertised them that they had left the Roman Quinqueremes about Rhegium bending their course to Apolonia and Scerdilaide Philip immagining that the Army was not farre off was amazed And weighing Anchor retired with great feare and disorder hee came the next day to Cephalenia sailing continually by night Where assuring himselfe he stayed some time making shew that his returne was for some pressing affaires in Morea It hapned that this was a false Allarum For you must vnderstand that Scerdilaide aduertised of the great multitude of Vessels which Philip had drawne together in Winter and fearing his comming by Sea had obtained succours from the Romans by his Embassadours So as they sent him ten ships out of their Fleete which was at Lilybeum the which passing neere vnto Rhegium were discouered If the King had not beene amazed without reason he might well haue vanquisht them and performed his Enterprize against Sclauonia And the rather for that the Romans had receiued a wonderfull losse neere vnto Cannes against Hannibal where they were in a manner quite ruined But being then terrified without cause he made a safe flight into Macedony and remained infamous At the same time Prusias did an Act worthy of memory For when as the Gaules whom Attalus had drawne out of Europe into Asia for the Warre of Acheus had abandoned him for the causes aboue mentioned they spoil'd all the Townes of Hellespont with too much auarice and cruelty And when in the end they had besieged the Townes of the Elienses then they of Alexandria neere vnto Troade performed an Act worthy of memory for sending Themiste against them with foure thousand men they not onely rais'd the siege of the Elienses but chast all the
which grow thereby Some take their Leases from the Censors to whom others associate themselues others become suerties for the Farmers and some bring the Inuentory of the goods into the Treasury Of all which things the Senate hath the knowledge For it rests in them to prolong the Terme and to graunt some abatement if there hath beene any losse Finally to remit the whole Debt if there hath happened any impossibility There are infinite cases wherein the Senate may helpe or hurt but those much which hire the publique Rents whereof the Senate hath the charge They also name the Iudges in most of their Conuentions as well publique as priuate as farre as the greatnesse of the cause shall require Wherefore relying vpon their wisdome and fearing the vncertainty of their aaffaires they carefully obserue the instances and oppositions of the Senates aduice They doe not willingly oppose against the attempts of the Consuls For that all in generall wheresoeuer the Roman â—mpire doth extend are vnder their Command as well in priuate as in publique As therefore the power of either of these is such as they may mutually bring profit or preiudice yet they are so fitly vnited against all crosses and disasters as we cannot finde a better forme of a Common-wealth For when as any common terrour shall present it selfe and that they are forced to succor one another the forces of this Commonwealth are so great as there is not any thing wanting neither doth any man faile in his Charge but all tend ioyntly to bring to a good end that which hath beene resolued and that whatsoeuer hath beene ordained may not be delayed beyond the opportunity of time Finally all imploy themselues as well in publique as in priuate to finish the Enterprize Wherefore they haue this peculiar vnto them that their force is vnresistable and they accomplish whatsoeuer they resolue Againe if freed from the publique feare of Strangers they abandon themselues â—o prosperity and abundance of wealth which they enioy by meanes of their good fortunes then vsually they grow insolent and proud allured by flatteries and giuen to delights and idlenesse Then may they easily see how the Common-wealth studies to helpe it selfe For when as any one of the parts will be Mistresse and rule more then is fitting it 〈◊〉 manifest that neither of them being newly erected according to our discourse the Enterprize of either of them may be mutually restrained and hindred so as none of them can fly off nor aduance it selfe either of them continue in their charge as well by an oppositit on to their Enterprize as through a present feare of punishment A Parcell of the Sixt Booke touching the Order of the Roman Armies WHen the Romans haue chosen the Consuls they appoint the Tribunes of the Souldiers that is to say fourteene of those which haue followed the Warres fiue yeares and ten others which haue continued ten yeares Among the which there are foure on Horse-backe and sixe on Foote who must of necessity goe vntill they come to the Age of sixe and forty yeares except such whose estate doth not amount to aboue seauen pounds sterling For those they leaue and reserue them for the Sea But if the affaires be vrgent and pressing the Foote-men are bound to serue twenty yeares In regard of the Citty-magistrate no man can execute it before he hath serued ten yeares When the Consuls ordaine a leuie they make Proclamation by the Trumper on what day all the the Romans of sufficient age to beare Armes to meete the which they doe yearely When the prefixed day is come and that all the able men are come into the Citty and assembled before the Capitole the youngest Tribunes diuide themselues into foure parts as the People and Consuls haue ordained For that they make the generall and first diuision of their Bands into foure Legions Then the foure first chosen are appointed to the first Legion the three following to the second the foure subsequent to the third and the three last to the fourth They ordaine the two first of the most ancient to the first Legion the three next to them of the second the two following to the third and to the fourth the three last of the most ancient When the diuision of the Tribunes hath beene thus made so as all the Legions haue their Captaines equally they cast lots vpon euery Race being set apart one from another right against either Legion And they call their Company most commonly fallen by lot out of which they choose foure Young men of like constitution After which the Tribunes of the first Legion make the first choice Then the second the third and the fourth last of all And againe vpon the presenting of other foure they of the second choose first and so the rest in order They of the first begin the last Then of the foure which are presented after these the Tribunes of the third Legion choose the first and they of the second are the last By this meanes making alwaies this election by porrion and as it were by a kind of circulation it fals out that to euery Legion the men are equally diuided When they haue chosen this number the which they doe to the end that euery Legion may consist sometimes of foure thousand two hundred Foote sometimes of fiue thousand if the danger seemes great and that the diuision is thus made they were wont to muster their Hors-men after the Leginaries At this day they are the first by an election of the richest made by the Censor of which they appoint three hundred to euery Legion The leuie being thus made euery Tribune drawes together his Legion and in choosing one of the most sufficient they take an Oath from him to obey his Captaines faithfully and to execute their Commandments Then the rest sweare particularly in passing testifying by asigne that they are ready to doe all things as their first man had done At the same instant the Consull aduertiseth the Gouernours of Townes allied in Italy from whom they thinke good to draw succours acquainting them with the number of men the day and the place when they should meete which should be leuied Who after they haue made their leuie accordingly they send them hauing taken an Oath and giuen them a Commander and a Treasurer But when the Tribunes at Rome haue taken the Oath of the Souldiers they send them backe appointing a day and a place to euery Legion when they ought to come without Armes When they are drawne together on the day appointed they make choice of the youngest amongst them and weakest in their estates to carry Iauelings or Darts Then such as are more aduanced in yeares they carry Armes which they call forked Darts or Iauelings And they which are strong of Body and more aged are made principals But the Triarij are chosen out of the most ancient So many differences of Names and Ages are among the Romans and likewise of Armes in
hee could in reason being vanquished by the wickednesse of those which assured him lost his life seruing for a profitable Example to posterity for two causes First that no man should relye simply vpon any And next that no man should mistake himselfe for his good Fortune but be prepared for all accidents which may happen to man And therefore in the beginning they goe forth as it were to take some spoiles and come by night to the Carthaginians Campe Others held the close way staying at a certaine place full of Woods But Philimene and Nicon approacht the Campe Whom the Watch led Prisoners to Hannibal they neuer discouering of whence nor what they were making onely a signe that they would speake with the Generall Being then brought vnto Hannibal they told him that they would speake with him in secret Who giuing them Audience with great affection they excuse themselues and their Countrey accusing the Romans in many sorts to the end they should not seeme to be come forth about this businesse without cause Wherefore Hannibal commended them much and entertained them curteously Finally hee sent them backe to returne speedily to conferre with him ordering for the present that these men should be let go when they were out of the Campe and in the meane time he would consider what should be most safe This he did to haue conference with these young men and to inquire of their affaires And to the end they should keepe their credit with the Cittizens as if by the Captaines leaue they had made incursions for spoile When as Nicon had Executed his Charge Hannibal was very well satisfied and ioyfull For that he might haue meanes to effect his Enterprize which was then difficult Philâ—mene on the other side affâ—cted the businesse propounded for that they had giuen him a safe accesse to speake and he had found Hannibal very attentiue promising him to giue store of Victuals to the Cittizens Then they not onely got credite with the Tarentins but moreouer they had a good Traine aswell for the accord made as for the Victuals whereof they had sufficient Afterwards making a second incursion and putting euery thing in Execution they assured Hannibal and were likewise assured by him that is to say that the Carthaginians should leaue the Tarentinâ— in their Liberty not oppressing them with any Subside or Tribute nor with any other impost Being also lawfull for them after they had Conquered the Citty to ruine the Romans Houses Finally they agreed that when they should come vnto the Campe the Watch should presently take them Which things being concluded they had power to come and speake often with Hannibal parting from the Citty sometimes to get spoyle and sometimes to Hunt These things being thus agreed vpon for the future most of them had a care of the occasion In regard of Philimâ—ne they appointed him for Hunting For as he was much inclined to it they thought he could do no other thing but to attend it Wherefore they gaue him this Charge to the end he might take wild beasts first to winne Caius Lybius Gouernour of the Citty and afterwards those which kept the Gates which are called Tâ—menides Imbracing this Commission he tooke some Beasts in Hunting others were prepared for him by Hannibal For his part hee continually brought 〈◊〉 prize whereof he shared part to Caius and to the Guards of the gates to the end they might speedily open the Gate called Rhinopile He entred and went forth often in the night by this Gate vnder colour of feare of the Enemy but in the meane time hee made vse of it for his Enterprize When Philimene had obtained this course with the Guards so as without suspition approaching to the Wall if he whistled they opened vnto him the Gate Rhinopile And withall obseruing that the Roman Gouernour of the Gate should be on a certaine day with great Company at Musea neere the Market place they appointed that day to Hannibal He had long before inuented this fiction as if hee were sicke to the end the Romans should not hold it strange that he staied so long there and then he feined himselfe to be more sicke Hee had not beene in the Campe for the space of three daies vpon the approaches of Tarentum The day being come he makes choise of a thousand of the ablest and resolutest men both Horse and Foote to whom he giues charge to carry Victuals for foure dayes Finally hee marcht speedily remoouing his Campe at the breake of day He gaue commaund to foureâ—score Numidian Horses to marcht thirty Furlongs before the Campe and that they should run of eyther side of the Country to the end that no man might discouer the whole Campe but taking some of them that fled the rest which escaped might aduertise the Citty of the Numidians courses When as the Numidians were about twenty Furlongs off they set downe to Supper neere vnto a certaine Riuer in a Rocke which was not easie to discouer Then Hannibal drawing the Captaines together he discouers his Enterprize vnto them and perswades them that first of all they should carry themselues like braue men for that there were neuer such great rewards propounded vnto them And that secondly euery man should keepe his Souldiers in obedience during the Voyage and punish those seuerely that should abandon their places thorough Disobedience Finally they should haue a care of those things which should bee Commaunded and that they should not attempt any thing of their owne fancy contrary to his Commandement This Speech being deliuered in the presence of the Captaines he marcht being yet night meaning to come vnto the Walls about mid-night Hee had Philimene for his Guide to whom hee gaue Synagrie for a Companion in that same Action VVhen as Calus Lybius with his Company were in the day time at Musea according to the conception of the Youth they aduertised him that the Numidians ouer-ran the Country towards the West when as their desire of drinking increased Yet thinking to stay them hee called for the Captaines giuing them charge to go forth at the breake of day with halfe the Horse-men and repulse the Enemy which spoythe Countrey This was all the conceite he had of the businesse As for those which kept Company with Nicon and Tragisque assembling suddainly within the Citty they looked for the returne of Caius And being suddainly ready for that they had drunke in the day time some retiring to certaine places stayed there Others among the Youth go to meete Caius sporting and playing among themselues making shewe to bring them backe which should be found at the Banquet and moreouer as it were transported by reason of the Drunkennesse of Lybius Company as soone as they met they fell to laughter and immoderate sport of either side then turning head they Conducted Caius vnto his House He layd him downe to rest as a man soundly drunke after the manner of those which drinke daily hauing
and the knowledge would bee common to all But as the afore-said things haue a difference not onely betwixt them but also in themselues it is most necessary to know what bee their augmentations and diminutions How can the course and perfections of the Day and Night be knowne without the consideration of the said difference No man can without their experience attaine vnto those things which concernes a competency of time being otherwise forced to worke sooner or later then is needfull Haste in these affaires is more defectiue then the delay of an Enterprize Hee that exceeds the time appointed is frustrated of his hope But hee may repaire it in giuing good order knowing after what time it may be done whereas hee that preuents the opportunity of the approaching time and being discouered not onely failes of his Enterprize but is in danger to be wholly defeated Occasion is the Mistresse of all humane affaires and especially in the Art of Warre A Commander therfore of an Army must haue knowledge of the Soâ—stice of Summer and of the Equinoctials and of the intermixt increases and decreases of Dayes and Nights By this onely meanes hee may hold a meane in things which are to be effected as well by Sea as Land Moreouer hee must know euery point of the Day and Night to the end that hee may vnderstand the time when to plant his Campe and to raise it It is not possible that hee shall attaine to a good end which doth not consider the beginning It is not impossible to see the houres of the Sunne by the shaddowes whilest he makes his course and the distances which are made by it in this world In regard of those of the Night it is a difficult thing vnlesse some doe follow and obserue the Starres after the disposition of the Heauen and the order of the twelue Signes in the Zodiacke It is in truth easie for those which diligently obserue the Celestiall Starres For although the Nights be vnequall yet in euery one of them sixe of the twelue Signes do mooue so as it is necessary that to euery part of the Night an equall portion of the Zodiacke be turned and as daily it is apparent what part the Sun driues behind which is that which it separates from the Diameter it is necessary that accordingly there should be so much consumed of the Night that after this part it appeares eleuated from the rest of the Zodiacke The Signes of the Zodiacke being knowne as well for their number as greatnesse it falls out afterwards that they shew themselues such all times of the Night But when the Nights are cloudy we must obserue the Moone for her greatnesse her light appeares vniuersall in what part of the world soeuer she be And wee must sometimes search by the times and places of the East and sometimes of the West for that in this part there is a knowledge so as she followes the Diurnall differences of the East There is also in this knowledge a manner of easie consideration There is likewise the same end almost within a figure and all are of Sence For this cause they iustly commend the Poet who brings in Vlisses an excellent Prince taking coniecture of the Starres not onely to direct a Nauigation but also to mannage Warre at Land Wee may in truth exactly fore-see vnexpected chances although that many times they be of great preplexity as inundations by Raine and Riuers Snows and violent Frosts and finally Fogs and Clouds with such like things Shall we not with reason be destitute and voide of many things by our owne fault if wee disdaine those which wee may fore see Wee may not therefore contemne or despise any of these things lest wee fall into such a consideration which they say hath happened vnto many others Concerning which wee must now speake by way of Example Arate Chiefe of the Acheins labouring to surprize the City of Cynethe appointed a day to them of the Towne which had the same intelligence who comming by Night to the Riuer which fals to Cynethe he was to stay there with his Army and they of the Towne taking their occasion about Noone should send forth one of them secretly out at the Gate couered with a Cloake and should command him to stay before the Gate vpon a Dunghill and in the meane time the rest should take the chiefe men sleeping who were accustomed to guard the Gate about Noone Which being done comming out of their Ambush they should plant their Battalion against the Gate These things thus concluded Arate came at the time appointed and keeping the accord he laid his Ambush neare vnto the Riuer But about fiue of the Clocke a man hauing weake Sheepe of those which are accustomed to feede about the Towne came forth of the Gate in a Cloake as it was needfull who according to the reason of the time enquired of the life of the Shepheard And staying vpon the sayd Hill looked where hee was Arate thinking they had giuen him the Signe makes haste to gaine the Towne with his men But when the Gate was suddainly shut by the Guards that were present for that they within had nothing ready it happened that Arate was not onely frustrated of his purpose and intention but was the cause of extreame calamities to the Burgesses with whom hee had intelligence For being apprehended they were presently chased away or slaine What shall wee thinke to be the cause of this accident Doubtlesse for that this Commander had executed this agreement with more lightnesse then was fit who being young had not an exquisite knowledge of these two accords nor of the things annexed The affaires of Warre haue an alteration in a moment wauering from one side to another in the Euents When as likewise Cleomenes the Lacedemonian had resolued to take the City of Megalopolis by practice he agreed with the Guards of the Walles that hee should come in the Night with his Army to the Gate which they call Pholee at the third renewing of the Watch. For they which held his party had then the guard of the Wall But when he had not foreseene that the Nights were shorter at the rising of the Pleiades hee parting from Lacedemon with his Army at Sun setting and as hee could not come thither in time arriuing when the Sunne was vp he was repuls'd making his attempts in vaine and without reason with a great and shamefull losse of his men and in danger to lose all Whereas if hee had aim'd truely at the time appointed by the agreement and had brought his Army when as his Confederates had power to let him in he had not failed in his Enterprize In like manner Philip as wee haue formerly sayd hauing plotted a secret surprize of the City of the Meliteens failed doubly He brought not Ladders of a sufficient length as the businesse required neither did he obserue the time For hauing resolued to arriue at Mid-night
inaccessible Rocke as well by Nature as by Art It is enuironed with Riuers For towards the South runs a Riuer of the Townes name and on the Westerne part towards the Winter Solstice passeth the Riuer of Hypse The Fortresse is seated vpon the side of the Summers East The which hath without an inaccessible valley and within it one approach to the City On the top is built the Temple of Minerua and of Iupiter Aâ—abarin like as at Rhodes For as Agragas hath beene peopled by Rhodiens their God with good reason hath the same name as at Rhodes Finally the City is stately adorned with Temples and Porches In regard of the Temple of Iupiter Olympian it is none of the most sumptuous But likewise it seemes not lesse in its height and greatnesse then any other of Grecce The Oration of Chlenee Embassadour for the Etoliens to the Lacedemonians IT is so true my Maisters of Lacedemon that your power hath beene the beginning of Seruitude to the Grecians the which I hold so certaine as no man at this day will say the contrary Wee may iudge of it in this manner For what a multitude of Grecians are there in Thrace whereof the Athenians and Calsidonians haue planted Collonies What City hath had a greater estate and power then that of the Olynthiens The which when as Philip had made Captiue and ordained to serue for an Example hee hath not onely beene Lord of all the Cities of Thrace but hath moreouer made subiect the Thessalians being terrified with feare And when as afterwards hee had subdued the Athenians by Armes he vsed his Fortune nobly not so much for the good of the Athenians for there wanted much but to the end that by the same of his benefits towards them he might draw others to a voluntary obedience In regard of the authority of your City it seemed for a time to fauour the other Grecians Wherefore propounding what hee thought good he went to Field with an Army and in spoiling the Countrey he hath ruined and sack't your houses and finally your Countrey distributing part to the Argiues part to the Tegeates some to the Megalopolitains and the rest to the Messeniens seeking without reason to benefit others to the end he might endammage and and annoy you Alexander hath since taken vpon him the power and command Who thinking that there was yet remaining some comfort for Greece in the City of Thebes I conceiue you all know how hee hath ruined it But what neede is there to relate in particular the Deeds of those which haue succeeded them and how ill they haue intreated Greece There is no man so negligent of the actions of Warre which doth not know how Antipater the Grecians being vanquished neare vnto Lamiai did most wickedly intreate the miserable Athenians and others To whom hee was so outragious and vniust as hee sent Inquisiters for Fugitues and sent to the Cities against those which had contradicted him or in any fort offended the honour of the Macedonians Whereof some being violently drawne out of the Temple and others from the Altars themselues haue beene miserably defeated and slaine the other Fugitiues haue beene chased out of Greece There was no freedome but onely in the Nation of the Etoliens In regard of the executions done by Cassander Demetrius and Antigonus Gonas who is ignorant of them The knowledge hath beene manifest seeing they haue beene done without any disguising Some of them placed Garrisons in Townes others setled Tyrants By which meanes there hath not beene any City free from the name of this kind of seruitude But leauing this Discourse I come in the end to Antigonus to the end that none of you considering plainely my intent may thinke himselfe beholding to the fauour of the Macedonians Antigonus in truth hath not made Warre against you for the preseruation of the Acheins neither for that he was offended with the Tyranny of Cleomenes he desired to set the Lacedemonians at liberty it were too great a folly if you were of this opinion but for that he saw his power was not assured if the principality of Morea were vnder your gonernment and withall he saw the industry of Cleomenes and that Fortune smiled vpon you the which he feared with enuie He came not to giue succours to Morea but to rauish your hopes and abate your greatnesse Wherefore the Macedonians are not so much worthy of loue Lording it ouer this City which they haue ruined as to be held for Enemies and odious seeing he hath alwaies hindred you when you had meanes to command all Greece In regard of the iniquity of Philip what neede is there to vse any long discourse His execration towards the Gods for the outrages committed in the Temple of Thermes is plainely declared And as for his cruelty to men it is fully exprest by this preuarication and the accord violated with the Messeniens Finally the Etoliens haue alone among the Grecians made head against Antipater in the view of all the World so as they liued in safty which were outragiously afflicted They haue also withstood the attempt of Brennus and the Barbarians which accompanied him And they alone being called haue endeauoured with you to set the principality of Greece at liberty But it is enough of this Subiect Wee must now aduise in some sort and take order touching this present Councell as with them that resolue for the Warre Wee must consider it according to the truth I am also of opinion that as the Acheins as the weaker should not onely forbeare to spoile your Countrey but also giue great thankes vnto the Gods if they may preserue their owne The Eliences and Messeniens will make Warre against them for the league they haue with vs the like you will doe As I vnderstand Philip will desist from his Enterprize being assailed by the Etoliens at Land and by the Romans and Attalus by Sea It is moreouer easie to iudge of the future by the actions past For making Warre onely against the Etoliens hee could neuer subdue them how then will hee support this present Watre Take these words according to my first proposition that it may be notorious to all men that you ought not by a rash and vnaduised Councell but by a mature setled deliberation rather giue succours to the Etoliens the Macedonians And if you haue formerly preuented and giuen order for those what meanes can there remaine If you haue granted vs present succours before you haue receiued the benefits of Antigonus wee must with reason enquire if it be fit that in yeilding to the succeeding benefits you should contemne the precedent which you haue enioyed How this liberty and safety being published hath beene consumed by Antigonus there are some which reproach it vnto you and turne these things to euill demaunding often whither you should follow the party of the Etoliens or Macedonians You would enter League with vs in many things to
that many haue giuen it forty which is not true Wee spake not by heare-say but vpon a certaine knowledge for that we haue seene the places and at this day they containe no more Scipio hauing drawne his Army together with that at Sea began to make remonstrances vnto them without vsing any other arguments and reasons then simply to propound the things whereof wee haue partly spoken and shewing them that this attempt was feazable and in relating in particular things done by prowesse he extenuated that of his affaires Finally he promised Crownes of Gold to those which should first ascend the Wall and the accustomed rewards to others which should carry themselues openly like braue and valiant men And in the meane time he affirmes that Neptune had appeared vnto him in sleepe and had shewed him this kind of attempt to assaile the City And consequently promised that during the assault he would worke so apparently as the efficacy of his Succours should be manifest to the whole Army By his remonstrances and euident reasons together with the promise of Crownes of Gold and moreouer by the prouidence of God he imprinted a vehement desire and courage in the Youth The next day hee drew his ships into the Maritine places furnished with diuers Engines to cast whereof he gaue the charge to Caius Lelyus And taking at Land two thousand able men with those that carried Ladders he began the assault three houres after Mago on the other side who had the guard of the City diuiding his Battalion of a thousand men leauing the one halfe within the Fort and plants himselfe on the Hill which lookes towards the East and appoints about two thousand strong men furnished with Armes which were in the City to the Gate which drawes to the Isthmus and the Enemies Campe Commanding the rest to runne vp and downe the Walles and to defend them with all their power When as Publius Scipio had caused the Trumpet to found to the assault Mago caused a sally to be made by the Gate hoping to terrifie the Enemies and to frustrate their attempt As they fought valiantly with those that came marching in Battaile towards the Isthmus there was a braue Combate euery man giuing courage to his Companion But the attempt was not equall for that their Succours were not alike For that the Carthaginians came running forth but by one Gate within the space of two Furlongs whereas the Romans came suddainly and from many places Scipio restrained his men neare the Campe to drawe the Enemy farre from the City being confident that if he defeated this Battalion of Commons he should subsequently defeare the rest and that no man would dare to make a sally It fell our that the Combate was for a time equall for that on either side they had made choise of their ablest men to make the point But in the end the Carthaginians being repuls'd by the force of those which came running from the Campe turne head so as many were slaine during the Combate and retreate There were many likewise slaine at the Gate After this all the people of the City were so amazed as they which were on the Walles fled and the Romans had like to haue entred with the Run-awayes Moreouer they set vp the Ladders diligently whereas Scipio vndertooke the danger the which he did wisely He was accompanied with three men carrying Targets the which couering Scipio hindred the fight from the top of the Wall defended him thus couered By this meanes striuing vpon the flankes and difficult places he was of great vse in taking this City When he saw what was done being also discouered to all the Souldiers fighting he gaue them great courage so as no danger was auoided and hee imployed himselfe cheerefully with the rest as it was reasonable in euery occasion that was offered to purpose When the first ascended the Ladders resolutely the multitude of Defendants did not make the assault so dangerous as the height of the Walles For this cause they which defended it were more assured seeing the difficult which happened For some of the Ladders brake by reason of the multitudes which mounted on them They also which ascended first were so dazeled with the height of the Ladders as if the resistance and defence had beene any thing they must haue cast themselues downe headlong And when as any such accident happened striuing to get ouer the Wall they were ouerthrowne to the ground And although such things happened yet they could not repulse the Romans from their assault so as when the first were fallen their next neighbours stept into their places But as the day was farre spent and the Souldiers tired with the toile of the assault the Commander caused a retreate to be sounded Wherefore they of the City reioyced as if they had repuls'd the danger But Scipio attending the time when the Tide should retire appointed fiue hundred men for the Lake with Ladders In regard of the Gate and Isthmus he set fresh men and after that he had preacht vnto them he deliuered them more Ladders then formerly to the end they might mount vpon the Walles more thicke When they had sounded to the assault and that the Souldiers went vp the Ladders with great courage there grew a great trouble and alteration in the City For when they thought they had beene free they saw the danger renewed by another assault But when they found themselues destitute of Darts and were heauy for the great number of those which perished they were discontented at that which happened yet defending themselues no lesse valiantly Finally the ebbing of the Sea beganne during the Combate of the Ladders The height of the Poole was much diminished by the ebbing of the Tide the which was great falling by the mouth into the Sea so as it seemed incredible to those which saw it without consideration Scipio hauing his guides ready commaunds those which he had appointed to enter and to carrie themselues valianty Hee was as fit and industrious as any man to put courage into his Souldiers and to make them resolute to whom he preacht When they obeyed him and striued thorough the mud all the Army held that which happened to be done by some Diuine prouidence Wherefore remembring those things which they had heard and the prowesse of Scipio they were so inflamed as they drew to the Gate close and with a violent course and seeke to breake it open with Hatchets and Axes The others approaching the VValls through the mud and finding the toppe nakeed of men they set vp their Ladders not onely without danger but they past the Wals without difficultie The Citizens in truth were drawne to other places neither did they thinke that the Enemy would euer assaile the Wall by the Lake Moreouer by reason of the extreame crie and the confused noise they could neither see nor heare any thing that was done The Romans hauing gotten the VVall seeke first vnder colour
the Children willing them to reioyce and that within few dayes they should see their Parents In like manner he perswades the rest to be of good hope and to write vnto their Cities and Friends that first of all they had their liues saued and were well intreated And that secondly the Romans would send them all home to their houses in safety if their Friends could imbrace their alliance This Speech being ended he gaue the most commodious spoiles of the Army to euery one according to his Race and age as to Children Feathers and Bracelets and to young men Swords When as among the Captiues the Wife of Mandonin the Brother of Andobale King of the Lecheteins had cast her selfe at his feete demanding with teares that he would haue a better respect to her honesty then the Carthaginians had had being moued with compassion he demanded of her what necessary things she wanted Shee was an aged woman and carried the shew of some great Dignity And when she held her peace he calls for those which had the charge of the women who presenting themselues and affirming that the Carthaginians had furnished the Women with all things necessary she touching his knees againe repeared the same words Scipio viewing her and thinking that they vnto whom he had then giuen the charge shewed themselues lyers through negligence commaunded the Women not to be discontented and that hee would giue order to place other Commissaries to the end nothing should be wanting that was needfull for them Then staying a little Captaine she said thou mistakest my words if thou doest thinke that I require thy assistance to content the bellie Then Scipio hearing her conceite and obseruing in her face the vigour of Andobales daughters and of many other Potentates was forced to weep for that this Lady discouered her Calamitie in few words Wherefore when it appeared that he vnderstood her conceit taking her by the Hand as he did the rest willing them to reioyce promising to haue them in as great recommendation as his owne sisters and children and that according to his promise hee would appoint trusty and confident men to haue the Charge ouer them Finally hauing deliuered vnto the Questors all the Wealth found in the publicke Treasure of the Carthaginians which amounted to aboue eighteene hundred Thousand Crownes So as ioyning them vnto other twelue hundred Thousand which the Questor of Rome had the whole summe would be aboue three millions At the same time certaine Young men hauing taken a Virgin passing in the flower of her age and the beauty of her body all the rest of the Women knowing that Scipio tooke delight in it they came vnto him bringing this Virgin and staying him told him that they presented her vnto him Publius amazed and-wondring at her beauty if I were sayth he a priuate person there is no gift could be more pleasing vnto me But being a great Commaunder there is nothing lesse in my affection Letting them vnderstand as it feemes by this answere that in time of rest and idlenesse the vse of such things is pleasing to young men But when affaires do presse it ingenders in them which vse them great hinderances both in body and minde Finally hee thankt the young men And calling for the father of the Virgin hee restored her vnto him giuing him charge to marry her as he thought good to some Cittizen By this meanes hauing made shew of the Chastity and modesty of his Heart he became very pleasing to the Subiects These things being thus ordained and the rest of the Prisoners deliuered to the Captaines of Thousands hee sent Caius Lelyus to Rome to the fiue Yeares Sacrifices with the Carthaginians and the other prisoners of note to make knowne in their Countrey the accidents which had happened Many in truth which despaired of the Warre in Spaine applied themselues vnto the present in diuers manners resuming Courage againe where as the newes was directed publickly Scipio staying some time at Carthage practised the Army at Sea continually And hee taught the Captaines of Thousands this kinde of Exercise for the Foote-men He appointed the Souldiers to runne thirty furlongs armed on the first day And on the second they should all furbush and cleanse their armes And on the third they should rest But on the fourth they should fight with Swords of Wood couered with Leather and with plummets teaching them to cast Darts And on the fift to fall to their running as in the beginning In like manner he solicited the Artizans and Workemen carefully to the end that nothing should bee wanting in the true Exercises of Armes He also appointed part of the Commissaries to this Worke and went vp and downe daily soliciting euery man vnto that which was necessary Finally whilst the Armie at Land practised often before the Citie the Marriners vsed their Exercises at Sea with their turnings and returnings And they which should be in the Citie should Furbush Forge and Worke and that all should be carefully imploied to prepare Armes There is no man but would haue held the City for a shoppe of Warre according to the saying of Xenophon if he had seene it then As all things seemed good vnto him and conueniently dispatcht for necessary vse and that consequently hee had put a Garrison into the Citie and rampred the Wals he dislodgeth with his Army as bending both by Sea and Land towards Tarragone hauing the Hostages with him He marcht with his Army as in his iudgement such marches are requisite in all occasions In the which hee must alwayes accustome the Horse-men as to mannage a Horse to handle a Iauelin and moreouer to bound and gallop and to turne on the right hand or the left Sometimes they disbanded the Commanders of ten out of the midst of the Army and they which commaunded twenty vpon the two wings and sometimes they drew them together and stayed them according to the troupes of horsemen vpon the wings or else they made an extent of two wings by an interposition or by the pollicy of the Captaines of the reareward In regard of their exercise in a throng hee sayed it was not necessary as hauing one course vpon the way They must in all alarums bee accustomed to charge the enemy and to make their retreate that they should alwayes approach as nimbly as they could marching vnited and in the same order They must moreouer obserue the spaces betwixt the bands for if the horsemen vndergoing the danger breake their rankes there was nothing so dangerous nor preiudiciall When hee had taught them all these things especially to the Captaines hee enters into Citties to inquire first if most of them obeyed the things which had beene commanded them and finally if they which had the gouerment of Citties were sufficient to execute the constitutions with iudgement holding nothing more necessary then the Prudence of Gouernors These things being thus ordred hee assembles the horsemen of Citties in a certaine
the most part they are methodicall Sciences Wherefore it is a very profitable portion of a well composed History Of Antiochus THe Aspasiens dwell betwixt Oxus and Tanais Of which Riuers the one fals into the Hyrcanian Sea and Tanais into the Lake of Meotis They are Nauigable for their greatnesse So it seemes wonderfull how the Tartarians passing Oxus aswell by foote as Horse-backe come into Hyrcania There are two opinions conceiued The one is credible the other strange although possible Oxus drawes his Springs from Mount Coucasus but augmented much in Bactria by the descent of smaller Riuers it passeth by a violent Course by the Country of Pedâ—a There it fals into a Desart and runs with a violent streame thorough certaine Rockes and Pits for the great number and vehement beating of the places lying vnder it so as its violence ouer-flowes the Rocke in the lower Countries aboue a Furlong By this place neere vnto the Rocke the Aspasiens as they say passing the Riuer both on Foot and Horse-backe descend into Hyrcania The other opinion hath a more propable reason saying that for that place hath great Ditches into the which this Riuer fals with its force shee makes hollow and opens the bottome by the violence of her Course And by this meanes the Riuer takes its course vnder ground for a small space and then riseth againe The Barbarians hauing experience hereof passe there on Horse-backe into Hyrcania When as Antiochus was aduertised that Euthideme was about Tagure with an Army and that a thousand Horse kept the passage of the Riuer of Aria hee proceedes and resolues to besiege it hauing no more confidence in his resolution And when he was within three daies iourney of the Riuer he marcht the two first slowly And on the third hauing fed his men hee causes his Campe to march at the breake of day Then taking the Horse-men and his strongest souldiers with a thousand Targetteers he makes hast in the night Hee had vnderstood that the enemies Cauallery was at the guard of the Riuer in the day time but at night they retired to a City some twenty Furlongs off When hee had performed the rest of the way in the night for those Countries were conuenient for Horsemen he past the Riuer at the break of day with the greatest part of his Army The Bactrian Horse-men being aduertised by their Scouts crie out and fight with the Enemy vpon the way The King seeing that hee was to maintaine their first Charge giues Courage to those which had beene accustomed to accompany him in such encounters which were two thousand Horse and commands the rest to cast themselues betwixt both with their Troupes put into battaile as of custome Finally hee fights with the Bactrian Horse which presented themselues Antiochus seemed in this danger to haue fought more valiantly then his men so as many perished on either side Yet the Kings men defeated the first troupe of Horse But when the second and the third charged them they were repuls'd turning their heads basely But when as Etole had giuen charge to the great power of the Horse to march in Battaile he freed the King and his Company terrifying the Bactrians who were in disorder and put them to flight Wherefore when they were charged by all the Etoliens they ceased not to flie vntill hauing make a great losse they were ioyned vnto Euthideme And when as the Kings Horse-men had made a great slaughter and taken many in the Citty they presently retired and planted their Campe neere the Riuer It happened that in this same Combate Menippe was wounded and dyed loosing some of his Teeth with a blow Finally hee purchased a renowne of Valour After this Combaâ—e Euthideme retired with his Army to Zariaspe a Citty of the Bactrians A PARCELL OF the Eleuenth Booke of the History of POLYBIVS ASdrubal did not allow of any of these things But seeing the Enemies march in Battaile when as matters changed not hee caused the Spaniards and Gaules that were with him to fight Setting the Elephants in Front beeing ten in number and after hee had ioyned the Battalions close vnited and in length and had put all the Army in battaile in a short time casting himselfe in the middest of the Ordonance neere to the Elephants hee assailes the Enemy vpon the left flancke hauing resolued to die in that battaile The Lybian presents himselfe with great Courage to the enemy and in charging fights valiantly with his troupes Claudius Nero one of the Consuls appointed for the right side could not ioyne with the enemy nor yet inclose them for the vneuennesse of the ground wherein Asdrubal trusting he had charged the enemy on the left hand Wherefore as he was perplexed and in doubt for that he lost time hee learned what he had to doe Taking therefore the Souldiers of the right wing he goes beyond his Campe neere vnto a passage behind the Battaile and on the left hand and giues a charge vnto the Carthaginians neere vnto the wing where the Elephants had their station At that time the Victory wauered For in truth the danger was equall of both sides considering that neither Romans Spaniards nor Carthaginians had any hope of safety remaining if they were frustrated of their intention Finally the Elephants were of vse to both of them in the fight For when they were inclosed in the middest and assailed with Darts they aswell brake the rankes of the Spaniards as of the Romans But when as Claudius Troupe had charged the enemy in the reare the Combate was vnequall for the charge giuen vnto the Spaniards both in Front and behind So as it happened that in the beginning of the Combate there was a great laughter made of Spaniards So likewise there were sixe Elephants suâ—ine by the force of the men they carried the other foure brake theirâ— râ—nckes being alone and destitute of their Indians they were taken And when as Asdrubal had beene formerly and vnto his ende an able man hee lost in fighting valiantly his life worthy to be commended Hee was brother to Hannibal who vndertaking the Voyage of Italy gaue him the Conduct of the Warres of Spaine And afterwards being practised by many encounters against the Romans hee hath indured many and variable Fortunes And in this also that the Carthaginians sent Commaunders to succeede him hee alwaies carried himselfe like a man worthy of his Father Barca bearing vnto the ende like a man of Courage all disgraces and losses Wee haue declared these things in regard of the precedent But now we will decide the last Combats in that which seemes worthy of Consideration Seeing before our eyes many Kings and Commanders which hauing great Combates concerning their whole estates haue alwayes cast their eyes vpon the most excellent Actions and of Consequence and who often enquire and Discourse how they shall helpe themselues in euery good Fortune And who moreouer care not for mischances not consider of the meanes nor that
Simie of whom he then made vse marching against the Tyrant and his Company on the other side of the Ditch Machanides had at that time two men with him that is to say Anaxidamus and a strange Souldier When hee prest his Horse to take a certaine commodious passage of the Ditch Philopomen doubling vpon him gaue him a mortall wound with a Iaueling and soone after another killing the Tyrant valiantly The like happened to Anaxidamus by the Horse-men which marcht with him The third man despairing of the passage escaped the danger by flight whilest they slew the other two After their death Simies Company stript them and brought away the Head and Armes of the Tyrant to make his death knowne vnto the Troupes whereby they might with more diligence pursue the Enemies into their City the which serued much to moue the Commons For by this meanes they reduced the City of Tegea vnder their obedience after which prize they camped neare vnto the Riuer of Erota after they had made themselues Maisters of the Champion Countrey And as they could not chase the Enemy out of their Countrey for a long time they then wasted all the Lacedemonian Prouinces without feare hauing lost few men in Battaile and the Lacedemonians aboue foure thousand besides many Prisoners and the taking of all their Baggage and Armes Of Hannibal and the Carthaginians ANd therefore who will not wonder at the gouernment vertue and power of this man in his valiant exploits of War decided in Field hauing regard to the length of time and knowing Hannibal as well in Battailes as encounters as in sieges of Townes alterations and euents of times and in the fulnesse of all the Enterprizes and resolutions according to the which hee hath made Warre in Italy against the Romans for the space of seuenteene yeares and hauing neuer broken vp his Campe but kept it still entire as vnder a good Leader and commanded so great a multitude either without mutiny towards him or among themselues although he did not imploy in his Army men of one Nation not of one Race He had vnder his command Lybians Spaniards Phenicians Italians and Grecians among the which the Lawes nor customes nor the Language had any thing common But the industry of the Commander made this great multitude of different Nations obedient to the Commandments of one man according to his desire although the Euents were not alwayes answerable but diuers and that many times Fortune smiled vpon him and was sometimes opposite These things considered you may safely say in wondring at the vertue of this Commander in that which concernes this point that if hee had first assailed the other Countries of the World and then the Romans he would haue preuailed in all that he had attempted But seeing at this day hee hath begun the Warre against those which hee should haue assailed last hee hath made both the beginning and the ending Asdrubal hauing drawne together the Souldiers from those places where they had wintred prepares for his voyage and campes neare vnto a City called Elinge building a Pallisadoe on the side of the Mountaine with plaine spaces before fit for skirmishes and encounters Hee had three score and ten thousand Foote foure thousand Horse and two and thirty Elephants Publius Scipio on the other side sends Marcus Iunius to Lochis to receiue the Bands which hee had leiued being three thousand Foote and fiue hundred Horse In regard of the other Allies he accompanies them taking his way to the place appointed When hee was come to Catalongne and to the places which were about Becyle and had ioyned his Army with Marcus and with the Troupes of Colichante he fell into a great perplexity for the apparent dangers For in truth he had not a sufficient Roman Army without the forces of the Allies to hazard a Battaile It seemed an vnsafe thing foolish and rash for those which put their hope in the forces of their Allies to hazard a Battaile But as he was for a time in suspence and that the affaires concluded that he must vse the Allies he came to fight with the Spaniards to the end that by this meanes he might make the Enemy imagine that hee fought with his whole Army This being resolu'd he marches with all his Troups being forty fiue thousand Foot and about three thousand Horse And when he was neare the Carthaginians so as he might well be discouered he camps about certaine little Hils right against the Enemy Asdrubal thinking to haue found a fit time to charge the Romans in Camping he fell vpon their Campe with the greatest part of his Horse-men and Massanissa with the Numades hauing a conceite to surprize Scipio suddainly But he hauing formerly fore-seene the future he layd an Ambush of Horse-men behinde a certaine Hill equall in number to those of the Carthaginians who charging by surprize many in the beginning turning head in regard of this vnexpected Charge of the Romans fell from their Horses others affronting the Enemies fought valiantly But for the dexterity of the Roman Horse-men in fighting the Carthaginians being troubled and discontented after some little resistance gaue backe retiring in the beginning in good order But when the Romans pursued them they tooke their flight vnder the Campe. This done the Romans assure themselues the more to vndergoe the danger and the Carthaginians did the contrary The dayes following they draw their Armies into the Plaine which lay betwixt them and making skirmishes as well of Horse-men as of their most valiant Foote and trying one another they resolued to Battaile It seemed then that Scipio had practised a double stratagem For when he saw Asdrubal slow in ordring of his forces and to put the Lybians in the midst and the Elephants vpon the two wings Then as hee was accustomed to obserue the opportunity of the time and to make head against the Lybians by Romans and to mingle the Spaniards vpon the wings on the day which hee resolued to fight hee doth now the contrary giuing by this meanes great comfort to his forces for the Victory and weakning the Enemy Presently at the Sunne-rising he giues all the Souldiers notice by men appointed that all they which were to fight armed should stand before the Pallisadoe This done when they had obeyed him cheerefully for the hope they had conceiued for the future he sends the Horse-men before and the ablest Souldiers giuing them charge to approach the Enemies Campe and that in skirmishing couragiously they should begin the Battaile For his part he marcheth at Sun-rising with the Footmen And being come into the midst of the field he drew his Army in Battaile after another forme then he had bin accustomed For he put the Spaniards in the midst and the Romans vpon the wings When as the Horse-men approacht the Pallisadoe and that the rest of the Army was in sight and ready the Carthaginians had scarce time
Scipio secretly commands the Captaines Milleniers that they should goe and meete with the Rebels and in choosing fiue of the chiefe of the Mutiny euery man carrying himselfe courteously at their encounter they should bring them to his Pauillion if this could not be done yet at the least they should conuay them to the Banquet and to this kind of assembly And as for the Army which was with him he gaue them notice three dayes before to make prouision of Victuals for a long time as if Marcus should goe to Andobale to fight whereof the Rebels being aduertized they were the more assured They expected to enioy a great power if the rest of the Army being separated they were admitted about a Commander when they approacht neare the City he commands the other Souldiers that being prepared the day following they should come forth at the breake of day In regard of the Milleniers and Captaines he giues them charge that after their comming forth of the City they should stay the Souldiers in Armes at the Gate hauing first lodg'd the Baggage and that afterwards they should diuide themselues by the Gates and haue a care that none of the Rebels should escape They which were appointed to receiue them ioyning to those which came vnto them entertained the offendors courteously according vnto that which had beene enioyned them Their charge was to seaze vpon these men at such time as they should be set at the Banquet and to keepe them bound So as not any of the Company being within should goe forth but onely he that should aduertize the Commander what had beene done Wherefore when the Milleniers had performed their Charge the Generall seeing in the Morning following those to be assembled in the place which were arriued he causeth an Assembly to be called When the aduertisement was giuen they all came running as of custome whether it were with a desire to see the Commander or to heare those things which were to be spoken of the present affaires Scipio sends to the Milleniers which were at the Gates and commands them to bring the Souldiers that were armed and to enuiron the whole assembly Then marching forth he amazeth them all at the first sight A great number in truth thought that he was not well disposed But when contrary vnto their opinions they found him sound and safe they were amazed at his presence Finally hee vsed this Speech vnto them saying that hee wondred for what cause some of them were offended or vnder what colour they were mooued to attempt a Rebellion There are three causes for the which men presume to fall into a mutiny against their Princes and Country VVhich are when as they blame their Gouernour and indure them vnwillingly or when they are offended with the present Gouernment or vpon a conception in their opinions of a greater and better hope I demaund of you sayth he which of these three hath mooued you Are you angry with me that I haue not deliuered you Victualls It is not my fault For you haue not wanted any Victuals vnder my Leading It is the errour of the Romans which haue not yeilded that vnto you now which hath beene formerly due vnto you Should you then accuse your Country so as you should Rebell and become its Enemy then being present to speake vnto me and to intreate your friends to assist you The which in my opinion had beene much better It is true a pardon may bee giuen vnto Mercenaries if they abandon those from whom they receiue pay But it is not fit to pardon such as carry Armes for themselues their Wiues and their Children For it is euen like as a man should come vnto his Father and charge him that he had villanously cozened him in matters of money and kill him from whom hee holds his life Haue I opprest you more with toiles and dangers then the rest giuing them more Commodities and profites then vnto you In trueth you dare not speake it neither can you conuince me although you durst attempt it I cannot coniecture the cause for the which being incensed against me you haue attempted this Rebellion I would vnderstand the occasion from your selues I thinke there is not any man among you that can alledge or pretend any thing You cannot in trueth be sad for the present When was there euer greater abundance of all things nor more prerogatiues of the Citty of Rome When was there euer greater hope for Souldiers then there is at this day Peraduenture some one of these desperate men will thinke that at this day the profits are greater in shew and the Hope better and more firme with the Enemy Which are they Is it Andobale and Mandonin Which of you doth not know that as they first falsified their Faith with the Carthaginians comming to vs And that now againe they declared themselues our Enemies inviolating their oath and Faith Were it not an honest and commendable thing that in giuing them your Faith you should become Enemies to your owne Country And yet you haue no hope in them to enioy Spaine You were not sufficient being ioyned to Andobale to fight with vs neither yet alone Whereto then did you aymâ— I would know it from your selues if you haue put your confidence in the Experience and Vertue of the Captaines which now are appointed you or in the Rods and Maces which march before them whereof of there is no honesty to vse any longer Discourse But in truth there is nothing of all this neither can you inuent any thing against me nor your Countrey Wherefore I will answere for Rome and my selfe propounding those things which seeme reasonable to all men which is this the People and all the Commons are such as such as they are easily deceiued and moued to any thing Wherefore it happens to them as to the Sea For as the Sea of it selfe is without offence and safe to those which make vse of it And if it be tormented with the violence of the Winds it is such vnto Saylers as are the Winds wherewith it is beaten The Commons in like manner are made like vnto those which gouerne them which are their Commanders and Councellors And therefore now I suffer all your Leaders vnpunished promising that hereafter I will quit all reuenge But as for those which haue beene the Authors of the Rebellion I beare them an implacable hatred for this cause we will punish them conueniently for the crimes which they haue committed against their Countrey and vs. And when he had vsed this Speech the Souldiers that were in Armes and round about made a great noise with their Swords in the Proches and presently the Authors of the mutiny were brought in naked and bound Finally the multitude grew into a great amazement for the horror of the Executions which were done in their sight so as when as some were whipt and others executed they moued not an eye nor any man spake a word remaining
Campe acquainted Scipio with that which the King had done These things being heard hee presently sends backe an Embassie to Syphax to tell him that hee liked well of the accord and desired a peace but the Senate and Councell were not of that Opinion saying that they would pursue their Enterprize The Embassie came to Syphax and declared these things vnto him Scipio had sent these Embassadours to the end hee should not seeme to haue broken the accord if during a parley of Peace hee should attempt any Enterprize of an Enemy conceiuing that hauing signified this vnto the Enemy whatsoeuer he should doe would be blamelesse Syphax was much discontented with this newes considering the hope hee had of a Peace Hee goes to Asdrubal acquainting him with that which the Romans had signified vnto him whereupon doubting they consulted how they should carry themselues but they were farre from knowing the resolution and designe of the future accidents As for standing vpon their guard or to beleeue that any disaster or misfortune were at their Gates they had no thought thereof It is true their whole intent was to draw the Enemy into the Plaine Scipio gaue many presumptions by his preparation and summation that hee had some Enterprize against Bysarthe Finally about Noone he sends for the Captaines Milleniers whom hee held for his loyall Friends and acquaints them with his intent giuing them charge that an houre after Dinner they should put the Army in Battaile before the Pallisadoe when as all the Trumpets according to custome had giuen the Signe The Romans haue a custome that during the repast all the Trumpets and Clairons sound before the Generals Tent to the end that during that time they should set watches in conuenient places When hee had retired his Spies which hee had sent vnto the Enemies Campe hee conferres and examines the Reports of the Embassadours and considers of the approaches of the Campe making vse therein of the aduice and councell of Massanissa for the knowledge of the places And when as all things were ready for the Execution hee marcheth with his Army directly towards the Enemy the first Watch being changed leauing a sufficient number to guard the Campe. They were threescore Furlongs off And when they were come vnto them about the end of the third Watch he deliuers halfe the Army to Caius Lelyus with all the Numidians giuing them charge to assaile Syphax Campe and perswading them to carry themselues like braue men and not to attempt any thing rashly holding for certaine that the more their sight is hindred by darkenesse the more courage and confidence they should haue to finish Nocturnall assaults Finally hee assailes Asdrubal with the rest of the Army Yet his purpose and resolution was not to put it into execution before that Lelius had first set fire of the Enemies Being thus resolued hee marcheth a flow pace Lelius on the other side diuiding his Army in two assailes the Enemies suddainly But as the lodgings were built in such sort as if they had of purpose beene destinated for the fire where the first had cast the fire and consumed all the first Tents it fell out so as they could not succour this Disaster Both for that the lodgings stood close together and for the abundance of stuffe wherewith they were built Lelius stood still in Battaile But Massanissa knowing the Countrey placed Souldiers vpon the passages by the which they which fled from the fire must retire Not any of the Numidians vnderstood that which was done nor Syphax himselfe thinking this fire had beene accidentall Wherefore they goe rashly out of their lodgings and Tents some being yet asleepe and others drinking So as many were crusht in peeces by them at the sally of the Pallisadoe and and many were burnt In regard of those which fled the flames they were all slaine falling into the Enemies hands not knowing what should befall them nor what to doe When at the same time the Carthaginians saw this great fire and high flames thinking the Numidians Pallisadoe was on fire some went presently to helpe them all the rest ran out of the Campe without Armes standing before their Pallisadoe amazed they expected what the end would be When as things succeeded according to Scipio's intent he falls vpon those which were come out of the Campe and pursuing others into it hee presently sets fire on their lodgings The like happened to the Phenicians as well by fire as by other miseries and misfortunes where with the Numidans were afflicted But when as Asdrubal had discouered by the euent that this fire of the Numidians was not accidentall but by the policy and courage of the Enemy hee ceased suddainly from giuing Succours making haste to saue himselfe for that there was little hope remaining The fire suddainly wasted and consumed all There were no more passages for Horses Sumpters and men among the which some were halfe dead and burnt with the fire others were terrified and amazed so as they which made preparation to defend themselues valiantly were hindred neither was there any meanes of hope by reason of the trouble and confusion The like happened to Syphax and to the other Commanders But either of them escaped with some few Horses the rest of the Troups of Men Horses and Sumpters perished miserably by this fire Some were ignominiously slaine by the Enemy after they had fled the violence of the fire and defeated not onely without Armes but naked and without apparrell Finally all the place of these Campes was full of howling horrible cries feare and vnvsuall noise and moreouer with a violent flaming fire Either of the which had beene sufficient to amaze and terrifie humane Nature and the rather for that these things happened contrary vnto all hope Wherefore it is not possible for any man liuing to imagine this accident considering the greatnesse for that it hath exceeded the policy of all precedent actions And although that Scipio hath performed many deeds of prowesse and valour yet this seemes to be the most excellent and hardy of them all At the breake of day the Enemies being some defeated and others fled with amazement he gaue charge to the Commanders to pursue the Chase. The Chiefe of the Carthaginians budg'd not in the beginning although he were aduertised by many The which he did relying vpon the fortification of the City But when hee saw the Mutiny of the Inhabitants among themselues hee fled accompanied with those which had escaped with him fearing the comming of Scipio Hee had fiue hundred Horse and about two thousand Foote The Inhabitants being agreed yeelded themselues to the Romans Whom Scipio pardoned abandoning the spoile of two Neighbour Cities to the Souldiers These things being thus decided hee returned to his first Campe. The Carthaginians were discontented that the hope which they had conceiued in the beginning had succeeded so contrary They expected to haue besieged the Romans inclosed within the Fort
assemble the people and consult in despaire of their necessities First of all they decree to giue liberty to their Slaues to the end they might willingly become Companions in the Combat And consequently drawe all their Wiues into Diana's Temple and the Children with their Nurses into the Schooles and finally their Gold and Siluer into the Market place and the richest apparrell into the Rhodiens Galley and that of the Cyziceneins When they had decreed these things and had with one accord executed the resolution they make another assembly choosing fifty of the most ancient and men of credite being strong and able to execute the decree and make them sweare in the presence of all the Citizens that if they saw the Wall taken by the Enemy they should then kill their Wiues and Children and set fire of the sayd Galleyes casting according to their Oath the Gold and Siluer into the Sea Finally they call their Prelates who coniure them all to vanquish their Enemies or to dye fighting for their Countrey This done after they had sacrificed they force their Prelates and their Wiues to make execrations vpon the Sacrifices of the said things These things thus confirmed they did not countermine aginst the Enemies Mynes resoluing that if the Wall sell they would stand vpon the ruines fighting to the death Wherefore some one may with reason say that the folly of the Phocenses and the ioy of the Acarnanians hath beene vanquished by the courage of the Abydeins The Phocenses seeme to haue decreed the like for their Kinsfolkes although they were not wholly in despaire of the Victory for they were to fight in field with the Thessalians The Acarnanians fore-seeing the attempts of the Etoliens resolued the same in their eminent danger whereof wee haue formerly spoken in particular The Abydeins being shut vp and in a manner desperate of their safety desired rather by a common consent to try this Fortune with their Wiues and Children then liuing to deliuer them into their Enemies hands For which reason wee may blame Fortune for the ruine of the Abydeins Seeing that hauing compassion of the calamities of the former shee hath suddainly relieued them yeelding vnto the desperate hope and safety whereas contrariwise shee hath beene incensed against the Abydeins The men were slaine and the City taken their Children with their Wiues fell into their Enemies hands For after the fall of the Wall planting themselues vpon the ruines according to their Oath they fought with such great courage as when as Philip had sent supplies vnto the Macedonians at the assault vntill Night hee was in the end forced to take breath and to despaire of his attempt The Abydeins did not onely fight with great confidence standing vpon the dead bodies in danger and with resolution with their Swords and Iauelings But hauing no meanes to vse them they cast themselues with fury vpon the Macedonians ouerthrowing some with their armes charging others alwaies with the stockes of their broken Iauelings and repulsing them thrusting directly at their Faces and other naked parts Night being come and the Combat ceasing Glaucides and Theognite assembling some few of the ancient changed for the hope of their priuate safeties that seuere and noble vow of the Citizens in regard of the great number that had beene slaine at the Wall and for that the rest were weakned with toile and wounds Wherefore they resolued to abandon their Wiues and Children to Captiuity and at the breake of day to send their Priests and Wiues with their Diadems and head-bands to Philip to the end that intreating him vpon their knees they might deliuer him the City At the same time King Attalus being aduertised of the Siege of the Abydeins sailes by the Egean Sea to Tenedos In like manner Marcus Emilius the younger a Roman came by Sea to Abydos For when the Romans had beene truely aduertised of the Siege of Abydos and would expostulate with Philip according to their charge and to vnderstand the cause why hee assailed the Kings they sent this Emilius vnto him Who when he had audience of Philip in Abydos he let him vnderstand that the Senate admonished him not to make Warre against any Grecians nor to meddle with the affaires of Ptolomy And whereas hee had done outrage to the Rhodiens and Attalus he should make a promise to giue them satisfaction in doing which hee should remaine in peace but if he would not obey he should prepare to haue Warre with the Romans When as Philip laboured to let him vnderstand that the Rhodiens had beene the first Assailants Marcus interrupting him said What haue the Athenians Cianeins and Abydeins done which of them hath first assailed you The King studying what to answere to these three demands told him that hee pardoned his arrogancy in words for that first he was young and without experience Secondly that he was the best man amongst them as in truth he was The Romans sayd he haue no reason to breake the Accords nor to make Warre against mee but if they did he would defend his owne valiantly and inuocate the Gods for aide This Speech being ended they parted one from the other Philip hauing gotten the City of the Abeydeins he presently tooke all the Goods which had beene carryed away by them When he saw the people and their fury who slew burnt and strangled themselues their Wiues and Children casting them into Wells and hanging them in their houses hee was amazed And being discontented at that which was done he let them know that he gaue them three dayes respite that would hang or kill themselues But the Abydeins preuenting him according to their first resolution could not suffer any one of those to liue which were not yet bound nor tied to this kind of necessity holding themselues in not doing it for Traytors towards those which had fought and were dead for their Countrey All the rest without delay dyed according to their Races Of Philopomene and the deeds of the Acheins ANd when as Philopomene had considered the distances of of all the Cities and that they might come to Tegee by one way hee wrote Letters to all the Cities and sends them to those which were farthest off and diuides them in such sort as euery City had not onely those which were directed vnto it but also those for other Cities lying vpon the same way Hee hath written to the Magistrates in these termes When you shall haue receiued these Letters vse all diligence that such as are able to beare Armes may assemble in the Market place euery man furnished with fiue Dayes victuals and seuenteene Sous and sixeteene Deniers in Money And when they shall be all assembled lead them to the next City where being arriued deliuer the Letters to the Magistrate and performe the contents In the which was contained the charge which had bin giuen to the former only the name was altred but he place was not named whither the Voyage
although hee were yet but young for hee scarce past the Age of Thirty yeares He was the first which past into Greece with an Army A certaine Parcell MAn-kind which seemes to bee the most cunning and malicious of all the Creatures hath greater meanes to be more vicious The others seruing their corporall Desires are onely deceiued by them But Mankind sinnes no lesse by a desire of glory through negligence and inconsideration then by Nature More of Titus and the Grecians Actions ANd when as Titus could not learne where the Enemies Campe was seated and being assured that they were come through Thessaly he commands them all to cut stakes and to carry them with them to the end they may bee ready at necessity This without doubt seemes according to the custome of the Grecians impossible being easie to the Romans The Grecians in truth are no good Commanders of their Bodies in Marching and doe hardly endure toile But the Romans hauing their Targets hanging at their backes in a Belt of Leather and carrying their Head-peeces in their hands beare the stakes There was a great difference betwixt them The Grecians held a stake that had many branches at the foote very commodious But the Romans vse stakes with two or three or foure branches at the most so as they are easie to carry for a man carries two or three Faggots together There is also this difference For the Grecians stake planted before the Campe may be easily pull'd vp When that onely which is strong is fixed in the ground and hath many and great branches if two or three of them shew themselues and draw the stake vnto them it is easily pull'd vp And whereas this happens there is a breach easily made by reason of the greatnesse and then the ioyning of them is vndone by the shortnesse and mutuall height of this kinde of Pallisado The Romans doe otherwise They plant themright vp and interlace them in such sort as it is not easie for any one to discerne or know from which the of the stakes stucke in the ground the shootes take their growth nor from what stockes the branches come Finally it is not possible for him that seekes to pull them vp to put to his hand for that they are very thicke and intermixt together And if they bee carefully planted he that shall lay hold on them shall not be able to pull them vp easily for thatall their ioynts take their force from the Earth Secondly hee shall bee forced to transport many shootes together which shall lay hold of one branch in regard of their mutuall interlaâ—ing Neither is it likely that two or three will seaze vpon one stake Yet if it happens that some one pulls vp one or two yet the space cannot be discouered Wherefore there is a great difference for that this kinde of stakes is easie to finde and easie to carry and the vse is more safe and firme So as it is apparent that if the Ramans haue not any thing touching the mannaging of the War which is worthy of imitation yet this kind of stakes at the least in my iudgement deserues it When as Titus had prepared all things ready to serue him at neede he marcheth a slow pace with his whole Army And when he came within fifty Furlongs of the City of Pherees hee camped there The day following at the breake of day hee sent forth Spies to seeke if they could by any meanes discouer where the Enemies were and what they did But when as Philip had receiued aduertisement that the Romans were at that time Camped neare vnto Thebes raising his Campe from Larissa hee prepares his way towards Pherees with his whole Army When he was within thirty Furlongs planting his Campe there hee commanded them to haue a care of their Victuals At the breake of Day awaking his Army hee sent forth those that were appoynted for Scouts giuing them charge to gaine the Hills aboue Pherees Then at the Sunne-rising hee parts with all his forces It happened soone after that the Scouts of both Armies met on the top of the Mountaines Knowing one another in the Darke they stayed a little distance off and aduertised their Commanders of that which had happened And when they required Directions what they should doe they were called backe The day following either of them sent forth Horse-men and about three hundred Souldiers to discouer with whom Titus sent two Bands of Etoliens for their experience of the places The which assailing one another neare vnto Pherees and Larissa they fought valiantly But when the Etoliens of Epoleme fought with great courage being also called the Italiques it happened that the Macedonians were prest But after they had skirmished some time they retired to their Campes And when as the day following the Plaine was displeasing to either of them for that it was full of Trees Hedges and Gardens they raise their Campes Philip tooke his way towards Scotusse making haste to the end hee might draw Victuals from the City and lodge his Army with more aduantage Titus coniecturing what would happen parts with his Army at the same instant making haste to spoile the Scotussiens Corne before the comming of Philip. But for that in the marching of the two Armies there was a great interposition of high Hills and Mountaines the Romans nor the Macedonians could not discouer one another in the direction of their way Wherefore that dayes iourney being ended Titus came vnto Eretria and Philip to the Riuer of Onchiste and presently planted their Campes there vnknowne to one another And when as the day following they had marched on Philip stayes at Melambie of the Seotusseins and Titus about the Thetidie of Pharsalia where they were againe vnknowne one to another And as there fell a Raine and the yearely Thunder it happened that the day following in the Morning there arise a great fogge the which falling they could not see what was before their feete Yet Philip making haste to dispatch that which was offred Campt wandring with his Army But being hindred by the troublesomenesse and difficulty of the way in regard of the fogge he aduanced little and pallisadoed his Campe. Finally he sent Phedria and giues him charge to gaine the tops of the Hills interposed Titus likewise being Camped about Thetidie and being doubtfull where the Enemies were he made choice of tenne Bands and about a thousand of the most valiant sending them before to search diligently and to enter the Countrey who marching to the tops of the Hill fell by indiscretion into an Ambush of the Enemies by reason of the darkenesse of the day Eyther of them at the first were somewhat troubled but soone after they charge one another They likewise send to informe their Commanders of this accident But when as the Romans in this Charge were prest and in danger by the Ambush of the Macedonians they sent vnto their Campe for Succours Titus commanding the Etoliens
Macedony beeing accompanied with all those which had escaped from the Battaile Hee presently sent vnto Laressa the second Night after the Battaile one of the Archers of his Guard giuing him charge to teare and burne the Royall Letters doing therein an Act worthy of a King who in his aduerse Fortune had not forgotten that which was to bee done He knew and did well perceiue that if the Romans were once seazed on his Commentaries there might be many occasions offered vnto his Enemies against him and his Friends It may bee it happened and fell out to him as to others who not able to containe their power moderately in prosperous things yet haue borne and suffered many Crosses and Disasters with patience The which happened vnto Philip as wil be apparent by the following Discourse So as ayming at that which was conuenient wee haue plainly shewed and declared his Attempts tending to reason and againe his change to worse and when how and wherefore these things were done hauing plainely set foorth and exprest his Actions Wee must by the same meanes declare his Repentance and dilligence whereby beeing changed thorough his aduerse Fortune hee carried and behaued himselfe at that time like a wise and discreete man Finally Tytus hauing giuen good order after the Battaile for those things which concerned the Prisoners and spoile he went to Larissa A Parcell of an imperfect sence TO define folly we cannot for that they are desirous of the same meanes This kind of remisnesse and dulnesse is often 〈◊〉 in many Neither is it to be wondred at if it hath place among others But among those in whom this Spring of malice is found there is another cause for the which that wise saying of Epicharmes doth not agree Watch and remember that thou must distrust This is the bond of hearts Of a certaine Accord betwixt Antiochus and the Romans AT the same time came from the Vargyles Publius Lentuluâ— with ten Legats and from Thasse Lucius Terentius and Publius Villius When their comming was suddainly declared vnto the King they assembled all within few daies at Lysimachia After whom followed Hegissiâ—nactes and Lisias sent at that time to Titus Finally the conference in priuate betwixt the King and the Romans was gracious and courteous But when the assembly met for affaires they imbraced another disposition Lucius Cornelius required that Antiochus should leaue all the Cities the which being subiect to Ptolomy hee had taken in Asia In regard of those which were subiect to Philip hee contested much to haue him leaue them For it was a mockery that Antiochus comming he should reape the fruites of the Warre which the Romans had made against Philip He likewise aduised him not to meddle with the free Cities He also sayd that it seemed strange that without reason he had past into Europe with an Army as well by Sea as Land That no man could conceiue it to be to any other end then to make Warre against the Romans These things being propounded by the Romans they held their peace The King in answere said that he wondred for what cause they debated with him for the Cities of Asia and that it was more fitting for any other then for the Romans Finally hee intreated them not to vsurpe nor to deale with the affaires of Asia And that for his part hee would not meddle with any thing that was in Italy In regard of Europe he had entred with his Armies to recouer the Cities of Cherronese and Thrace For that the command of all those places belonged to him this gouernment in the beginning being due to Lysimachus But when as Seleucus made Warre against him and had ouerthrowne him in Battaile all the Kingdome of Lysimachus became subiect to Seleucus by force After the time of his predecessors Ptolomy was the first who violently the sayd places vsurped them The like did Philip. And that for his part he recouered them accommodating himselfe to his owne times and not to those of Philip. And as for the Lysimachians ruined without reason by the Thracians he reduced them to himselfe no way wronging the Romans and restored them to their Countrey The which he did to shew this mercy to the affaires of Seleucus and not to make Warre against the Romans In regard of the Cities of Asia they ought not to enioy liberty by the commandment of the Romans but of grace And for that which concerned Ptolomy that with all his heart hee gaue him thankes and that he vnderstood that hee had not onely concluded Friendship with him but made a League When as Lucius was of opinion that the Lampsaceneins and Smyâ—niens should be called and audience giuen them it was done accordingly There Parmenio and â—ythodorus presented themselues for the Lampsaceneins and Cerane for the Smyrnien When as these men debated freely the King being incensed to yeeld an accompt of their debate before the Romans interrupting the Speech of Parmeâ—io cease sayth hee to plead so much I am not well pleased to dispute with my Enemies before the Romans but rather before the Rhodiens and then by this meanes they brake off the Assembly without any mutuall affection Another Parcell MAny men desire actions of courage and prowesse but the experience is rare Scope in truth and Câ—comenes haue had great occasions for Combats and hardy Enterprizes For as Scope was formerly taken hee had resolued in the same hope with his Seruants and Friends but hee could not saue himselfe Finally his iust death hauing led a wretched life hath giuen testimony of his great weaknesse And although that Scope was aided and assisted with great Forces hauing the gouernment of the King in his nonage and was of his Councell yet he was soone ruined For when as Aristomenes knew that hee had assembled his Friends in his house holding a Councell with them he sent vnto him by his Guards to come vnto the assembly But hee was so transported in his iudgement as hee did not that which hee ought to haue done neyther could hee being called be obedient vnto the King which was the greatest folly in the World vntill that Aristomenes knowing his basenesse lodg'd Souldiers and Elephants neare his House and sent Ptolomy the Son of Eumenes with the Young men to bring him with faire words if he would come willingly if not to vse force When as Ptolomy was entred into his house and signifying vnto him that the King demanded Scope he did not at the first obserue his woâ—ds But casting his lookes vpon Ptolomy he was long in that estate as it were threatning him and wondring at his presumption But when as Ptolomy approacht with assurance and layd hold of his Cloake then he required helpe of the Assistants Being in this estate and a great company of the young men comming about him being also aduertised that his house was enuironed with Souldiers hee followed him obeying the times being accompanied by his Friends When as hee was come to the Assembly
Râ—batamassana yeelded to Antiochuâ— The Pednelissenses besieged The policy of Garsyere A Mâ—â—e is about two of our 〈◊〉 weighing an hundred and ten pounds The Victory of Garsyere against the Selgenses Logbase sent Embassadour by the Selgenses A truce made with the Selgenses Communication with an Eâ—y is dangeâ—ous Loghbae and his Children slain A peace concluded betwixt 〈◊〉 and the Seâ—genses The Army of Ptolomy The Army of Antiochus The hardy attempt of Theodote Andrew the Kings â—hysitiaâ— slaâ—e The order of Ptolomes Army in Battaile The order of Antiochus his Battail A Battaile beâ—twixt Ptolomy and Antiochus The Combate of the Elephants The Elephants of Lybia feare them of India Ptolomes Victory against Antiochus Antiochus sends Embassadours to Ptolomy An Accord made betwixt Ptolomy and Antiochus An Earthquake at Rhodes Presâ—nts made to the Rhodiens by many Cities Ptolomy hiâ—preâ— sent to the Rhodiens The â—ist of Aâ—tiâ—onus to the Rhodiens Chryseas giâ—t Seleucus his prâ—sent Lycurgus called home Arate prepares for the Warre Calames taken in Treason by Lycurgus A Mutiny among the Megalopolitains Lyce defeateâ— Euripides chalcea spoild by the Acheiâ—â— Fleete Agatin and Cassander taken by Scordilaide A defeate of the Elienses by Lyceus The Etoliens circumuented by a Stratagem Bylazon taken The indiscretion of CoÌ„manders blamed The scituation of Thebes Thebes besieged by Philip. Thebes yeelded to Philip. Embassadours come to Philip. A peace betwixt Philip and the Eloliens The Speech of Agelaus Tymoxines Chiefe of the Acheins The Athenians abandon Ptolomy Antiochus passeth Mount Tauris The Etoliens blame Agelaut for making of the peace The Exploits of Scerdilaide Demetrius his aduice to Philip. Philips enterprize against Sclauonia Philip leaues his Enterprize for feare Succours sent by the Romans to Scerdilaide Prusias defeatâ— the Gaules A diuision of Gouernment A true Monarchy A true Aristocracy A Democracy Sixe kinds of Gouernments A Monarchical Gouernment of one alone by feare Ochlocracia is a Gouernment of the mutiny of the people The beginning of gouernements Principallity or Monarchy A Royalty Tyranny Aristocracia Olygarchia Democracia Chirocracia a Gouernment by the mutâ—ny oâ— the people The Romans The Office of the Consuls The duty of the Senate The authority of the people Towns for the retreat of such as are voluntarily Banished The mutuall knitting together of three Common-weales The manner of the Tribunes in the choise of the Legionâ— The diulsion of Souldiers in euery Legion The forme of a Buckler The light Iaueling The forme of a Target The Spanish Sword The manner of choosing the heads of Bands Gouernment Constancy and good Counsell required in a Captaine The Roman Cauallery armed after the Greeke manner The docility of the Romans The order of two Watches The Romans manner in giuing the word To whom the suruey of the watch belongs The manner how they punish such as faile in the Watch. The manner of recompencing the Souldiers valour The pay or entertainment of Foote and Horse A Septier is two Mines and a Mine two London bushels The order of the Campe in marching The Thebeins The Athenians The Lacedemonian Common-weale The Common weale of Candy Two principles of euery Common-weale Platoes Common-weale is to be reiected The Roman CoÌ„mon-weale more excellent than the Lacedemonian The Carthaginian Common-weale A Comparison betwixt the Roman and Carthaginian Common-weales The pompe of the Romans to an honourable person All things subiect to corruption Hannibals proceeding after the Battailâ— of Cannes The Riuer of Lisson An accord made betwixt tho Carthaginians Macedonians and Grecians A signe of the Sardins negligence The Citty of the Sardins taken by assault The order of the Engines of Battery Philip causeth Arate to be poisoned Honours done to Arate after his death A sally made by them of Lisse Lisse taken by Phâ—lâ—p Bolis Combyle A Treason practised against Acheus by Cambyle and Bolis To Candize with the Candyots Laodicea the wife of Acheius Acheus taken and brought to Antiochus The Race of Acheus The condemnation death of Acheus The strong fort yeilded to Antiochus He 〈…〉 to the Carthagininians Taâ—â—ium betrayde to Hannibal Philimâ—â—â— appointed for Hunting An accord made by the youth of Tarentum with the Carthaginians Tarentum taken by Hannibal They kill the poâ—â—er Caius saues himselfe A skirmish betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians The Riuer of Erota Hannibals Remonstrance to the Tarentins Appius besieged by Hannibal A wise Consideration of Hannibal Hannibal within 40. furlongs of Rome The amazement of the Romans The superstition of the Roman Dames The Carthaginians waste the Countrey about Rome The Romans is Field A defeate of the Romans by Night Lacedemon taken by Epaminundas Epaminundas vanquished by Fortune The duty of a Commaunder The knowledg of the diuersities of Dayes necessary for Captaines Homer The errour of Arate The errour of Cleomenes The errour of Philip. The errour of Nicias What a Ladder for the Warre ought to be Geometry necessary for the Warre The carelesnes of Souldiers for the Sciences The circuite of Megalopolis and Lacedemon The City of Agragas Philip subdued the Thessalians Alexander ruined Thebes Antipater Antigonus The blame of Philip. The blame of Nomarche and Philomale Alexander the Epirote The Coast of Tarentum The Crotoniates Vnderstanding more commendable then Fortune The disposition of Publius Scipio The courage of Publius Publius Scipio and his Brother created Ediles Aâ—emonstrance of Publius Scipio to his Army The number of Scipio's Army at Land Carthage besieged The scituation of Carthage The beginning of the fight for Carthagena The Carthaginians repuls'd Carthage assaulted by the Romans A second assault giuen to Carthage by the Romans Carthagena tsken by assault Scipio assailes the fort Mago deliuers the fort The order of the Romanâ— in the diuision of the spoile of a Towne The Souldiers Oath touching the pillage Scipio's prouidence concerning the Prisoners The number of ships that were taken The Wife of Mandonin The chast answere of Scipio Exercises appointed by Scipio for his Army both at Sen and Land The duty of the Commander of an Army The Royall City of the Persians Many Riuers comes out of Tauris Hecatomphilon Diogenes fights with the Barbarians The City of Tambrace Syringe besieged by Antiochus Syringe taken by Antiochus A defect in the Text. Claudius Marcellus wounded and taken Common excuses of ignorance and negligence A Remonstrance of Edecon to Publius Andomale and Mandonin Asdrubal abandoned by many Spaniards The aduice of Asdrubal for the Warre Andobale speaks to Publius Scipio publiuâ— answer to Andobale Publius saluted King The Spaniards ioyne with the Romans The Carthaginians assailed by the Romans The defeate of Asdrubal Scipio saluted King of the Spaniards The Commendation of Publius Cornclius Scipio Attalus against Philip by Sea Aduertisements by fire The aduise of Eneas touching signes by fire Another kinds of aduertisement by fire inuented by Cleomenes and Democrites 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. r. p. r. A skirmish of the Bactreans with Antiochus A Battaile betwixt Asdrubal and
in the depth of Winter had retired into Macedony and that Eperate Chiefe of the Acheiâ—s was made a scorne to the Youth of the Towne and to the Mercenaries and was not obeyed nor made any preparation for the defence of the Countrey Pyrrhee whom the Etoliens had sent to the Elienses for their Captaine accompanied with thirteene hundred Etoliens and a thousand Foote as well Souldiers as Burgesses of the Elienses and with two hundred Horse being in all about three thousand men aduertised thereof spoiled not onely the Countries of the Dimenses and Pharenses but also of Patres Finally he pitched his Campe neere vnto the Mountaine Panachaique which lookes towards Patres and wasted all the neighbour Region The Townes thus vexed being no was succour'd they payed the Taxe and charge vnwillingly The Souldiers would not be drawne to succour them for that their pay was delayed By this mutuall trouble the Acheins affaires were in bad case And the Mercenaries retired by little and little the which happened by the negligence of the Commander And when the affaires of Acheia stood in this estate and that the time of the Election was come Eperate left the gouernment and the Acheins in the Spring made choise of old Arate Thus past the Affaires in Europe But seeing that in the distinction of times and the order of actions we haue found a conuenient place for this Subiect let vs passe to the Warres of Asia vnder the same Olympiade Relating first as we haue promised in the beginning of our worke the Warre of Syrria which was betwixt Antiochus and Ptolomy And for that I know well that this Warre was not ended at such time as I left to treate of the Actions of Greece and being resolued to follow this perfection and distribution to the end the Readers may not be deceiued in the true knowledge of euery time I hope to leaue a sufficient instruction for those which desire to know it in setting downe at what time in this present Olympiade and of the deeds of the Grecians the beginning and ending of other actions happened Moreouer wee esteeme nothing better nor more honourable in this Olympiade then not to confound things to the end the discourse of the History may be plaine and easie And that distinguishing matters by order as much as may be possible vntill that comming to other Olympiades wee may yeeld to euery yeere its actions according to order And for that we haue not resolued to write them all nor the actions of all places and that wee haue vndertaken with greater affection to write Histories then our predecessours haue done it is fitting wee should be carefull to expresse them in order and that the generall worke of the History may with its parts be plaine and apparent Wherefore we will now write the Reignes of Antiâ—chus and Ptolomy reducing things from farre and pursuing our discourse from a beginning which may bee notorious and which squares with that which wee haue to say For those ancients which haue sayd that the beginning is a moiety of the whole they haue vndoubtedly taught vs that in all things wee should vse great diligence that the beginnings may be well ordered And although some thinke they haue vsed a high Stile yet in my opinion they doe not seeme to speake with truth Without doubt you may boldly say that the beginning is not onely a moiety of the whole but hath also a regard to the end Tell mee how canst thou make a good beginning if thou hast not first comprehended in thy vnderstanding the end of thy Enterprize And if thou knowest not in what part to what purpose and the cause why thou wilt make it For how can a History haue order if at the beginning or entrance thou doest not deliuer plainely from whence and how or wherefore thou art come vnto the relation which thou doest presently make of actions Wherefore they which will haue things heard and vnderstood fully thinke that the beginnings doe not onely serue for the one halfe but also for the end wherein they imploy themselues with great care and industry the which I will carefully indeauour to doe Although that I am certaine that many of the ancient Historiographers haue bin confident to haue done the like when as they pretended to write all generally and to haue written a longer History then their predecessours of whom I will forbeare to speake much or to name them Among the which I excuse Ephorus the first and onely man which hath attempted to write a generall History But I will vse no longer discourse nor name any of the rest But I will say that some Historiographers of our time comprehending the Warre betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians in three or foure small Pages brag publiquely that they haue written all It is certaine that for as much as there hath beene many and great exploits performed in Spaine Affricke Stoily and Italy and that the Warre of Hâ—nnibal hath beene the greatest and longest except that of Sicily We must also vnderstand that the excellency of this warre hath beene the cause that wee haue all cast our eyes vpon it and the rather for that wee were in doubt of the end This is a Warre which euery man be hee neuer so dull and simple knowes Yet some of those which haue handled the History writing onely superficially the actions of some times yet they imagine they haue comprehended the deeds of the Grecians and Barbarians Whereof the cause is for that it is an easie thing to promise many great things by mouth but it is not easie to bring a great enterprize to an end And therefore this other is common and as a man may say in the hands of all men so as they haue courage But the last is rare and few men attaine vnto it Finally the arrogancy of some which glorifie themselues too much and commend their Writings hath caused mee to make this digression But now I returne vnto my enterprize When Ptolomy surnamed Philopater had seized vpon the Empire of Egypt after the death of his Father and had made away his Brother with his adherents thinking there was no more cause of feare in his Family for the afore said crime and that for strangers Fortune had in good time assured all things considering the death of Antigonus and Seleucus to whose Realmes Antiochus and Philip had succeeded who were scarce eighteene yeeres old he abandoned himselfe to pleasures whose example the whole Countrey followed For this cause his owne people made no esteeme of him And not onely his subiects but also the rest which mannaged the affaires both within and without Egypt The Lords of the lower Syrria and of Cypres haue made Warre against the Kings of Syria as well by Sea as Land They also which hold the chiefe Cities places and Ports which are along the Sea-coasts from Pamphilia vnto Hellespont and the Country of Lysimachia confined with the Principalities of
Asia and the Ilands And as for Thracia and Macedony the Princes of Enos and Maronia and of Townes that were more remote had alwayes an eye ouer them Wherefore imploying their forces to assaile forreine Princes farre from their Realmes they were not troubled for the Empire of Egypt Their chiefe care then was for the Warres of forreine Countries In regard of this King of whom wee speake there were many in a short time who for his infamous loues and ordinary excesse in drinking had an eye vpon him and his Realme Amongst the which Cleomenes of Lacedemon was the first He made no alteration whilest that the other King liued who was surnamed Benefactor as if he were perswaded that during his life he should want no meanes to reconquer his Realme But when as after his death the affaires required his presence Antigonus being also dead And that the Acheins with the Macedonians made Warre against the Lacedemonians which they maintaine according vnto that which hee had aduised them in the beginning being allied to the Etoliens Then hee was forced to thinke of his departure from Alexandria Wherefore hee first solicited the King to send them backe with an Army and sufficient munition And when as the King would not giue eare vnto it he intreated him at the least to suffer him to depart with his family for the time was now come when as great opportunities were offred to recouer his Fathers Realme The King neither considering the present nor fore-seeing the future for the causes aboue specified like an ouer-weening man and without iudgement neuer made any esteeme of Cleomenes But Sosibius who chiefely gouerned all the affaires of the Kingdome at that present holding a Councell with his Friends was not of aduice to suffer Cleomenes to goe with an Army at Sea and munition disdaining forreine affaires and holding this charge lost considering the death of Antigonus fearing likewise that this death being so fresh the way might be made easie to stirre vp some Warre And there being no man found to resist Cleomenes he would soone make himselfe Lord of all the Citties in Greece Finally they feared he would become their Enemy considering the present in regard of the Kings manner of life which was well knowne vnto them With this disaduantage that Sosibius saw the Prouinces of the Realme to lie one farre from another and to haue great opportunities of reuolte For there was neere vnto Samos a good number of Vessels and great Troupes of Souldiers neere vnto Ephesus Wherefore he did not hold it fit to send backe Cleomenes with an Army for the afore-sayd reasons But when they considered that it would not be profitable for their Common-wealth to let goe so great a personage who afterwards might proue their open Enemy there was no preuention but to retaine him by force The which notwithstanding the rest disliked conceiuing that there would be great danger to keepe the Lyon and Sheepe in one fold Sosibius was of the same opinion for that or the like cause At such time as they resolued to take Mega and Beronice and that they feared to bring their enterprize to a good end in regard of the fiercenesse of Beronice they were forced to drawe together all those which followed the Court and to make them great promises if they preuailed Then Sosibius knowing that Cleomenes wanted the Kings fuccours to recouer his fathers Realme and that he had found him by experience to be wise and politicke in great affaires he discouered his whole secrets vnto him propounding vnto him great hopes Cleomenes seeing him pensiue and fearing the strangers and Mercenaries perswaded him not to care promising him that the Souldiers should not trouble him and that moreouer they should giue him great assistance to bring his enterprize to an end And when as the other stood in admiration doest thou not see sayd Cleomenes that there are about three thousand men of Morea and a thousand Candyots all which will bring vs where we please Hauing these whom else doest thou feare What The Companions of the Warre of Syrria and Caria And when as Sosibius liked of his words hee entred more boldly into the Action And afterwards considering of the Kings soolery and negligence hee often called to minde this Speech and had alwayes before his eyes the Courage of Cleomenes and the affection the Souldiers bare him Wherefore considering this at the same time hee gaue the King and his other familiars to vnderstand that hee must seaze vpon him and keepe him close and priuate For the working and effecting whereof hee vsed this meanes There was one Nicagorus a Messenien a friend to the father of Archidamus King of the Lacedemonians betwixt whom there had formerly beene some friendship But at such time as Archidamus was chased from Sparta for feare of Cleomenes and fled to Messena hee not onely gaue him a good reception into his House with his friends at his first comming but hee alwayes liued with him afterwards during his flight so as there grew a great and strict familiarity betwixt them When as after these things Cleomenes made shewe of some hope of reconciliation with Archidamus Nicagorus beganne to treate of the Conditions of peace VVhen the accord had beene made and that Nicagorus had taken the faith of Cleomenes Archidamus returned to Sparta assuring himselfe of the conuentions of Nicagorus whom Cleomenes meeting vpon the way slew suffering Nicagorus and his company to passe away In regard of Nicagorus he carried the countenance of a very thankfull man for that he had saued his life But hee was vexed in his Soule and incensed for the deede for that hee seemed to haue giuen the occasion This Nicagorus had failed vnto Alexandria some little time before with Horses whereas going out of the ship hee met with Cleomenes Panthee and Hippite walking vpon the strande whom Cleomenes perceiuing saluted curteously demaunding what businesse had brought him thither To whom he answered that he had brought Horses I had rather sayd Cleomenes thou hadst brought Concubines and Bawds for these are the things wherein the King at this day takes his chiefe delight Then Nicagores held his peace smiling VVhen as within few dayes after he discoursed by chance with Sosibius by reason of the Horses he related vnto him that which Cleomenes had arrogantly spoken of the King And seeing Sosibius to heare him willingly he acquainted him with the cause of the â—pleene he bare him VVhen as Sosibius knew him to be wonderfully incensed against Cleomenes hee did him great curtesies for the present and promised him great fauours hereafter Finally hee wrought so that imbarquing he left Letters concerning Cleomenes which a seruant of his brought after his departure as sent from him The which Nicagorus performing the seruant vsed speed to go vnto the King assuring him that Nicagorus had giuen him the Letters to carry to Sosibius The Tenour whereof was That if Cleomenes were not soone dispatcht