villanously to his death therefore by thine owne confession thou doest merit a most ignominious death Straight after the king commaunded that he should be hanged and strangled which was done So this perfidious and disloyall Heber received the reward of his perfidie and breach of Faith as hee himselfe judged to have merited Edward king of England the second of that name was much governed by the Frois lib. 1. cap. 5. 13 14. house of the Spensers which took upon them the handling of all the affaires of the kingdome and despised farre greater lords than themselves The said king having lost a battaile at Esturmelin against the Scots all England imputed the evill lucke of that losse unto the evill government of the Spensers They beleeving that the great lords of England which envied their credit had caused this brute to bee sowne resolved to take vengeance thereof by a most perfidious disloiall meanes For they persuaded the king to convocate a generall assemblie of States to advise and provide as they gave to understand for the affaires of the kingdome The princes and lords of the kingdome not doubting any thing assembled at the kings commaund But incontinent as they were assembled king Edward whome the Spensers had persuaded that his princes and lords meant to get his kingdome from him commanded them to be taken arrested prisoners which was done and without any knowledge of cause he cut off the heads from two and twentie of the greatest lords and princes of the kingdome and amongst them there was beheaded Thomas duke of Lancaster the kings uncle who was a good and a sage prince and who after was cannonized and saincted This perfidie joyned with crueltie for commonly the one goeth with the other was the cause that the said king was deprived by all the States of England of his royaltie as unworthie to carrie the crowne and was confined to prison where he finished his daies And the Spensers authors of such disloialtie were executed and rigorously punished according to their merits For after they had ben drawne on hurdles through the streets all over the citie of Herford their privie parts were first cut away and cast into the fire then were their hearts taken out of their bellies and also cast into the fire after their heads were cut off and carried to London and the bodies of every of them were quartered and every quarter caried into other severall towns to be set on the tops of their great gates in detestation of their great perfidie and disloyaltie which they used towards the said lords It was also a great perfidie in Charles the last duke of Bourgoigne in that hee De Comines lib. 1. cap. 78. and Annal. 1475. gave safe conduct to the contie of S. Pol constable of France to come to him with good assurance and then tooke him prisoner and delivered him to king Lewis the seventh who making his processe at Paris his head was cut off in the place de Greve True it is that the said countie had committed great faults as well against the king as against the duke hee had also alwaies studied to nourish warre betwixt the said two princes yet notwithstanding it was a very dishonorable and infamous thing for the duke to take him prisoner after hee had given him his faith and assurance by the safe conduct which hee graunted him For if hee had not beene hee had according to his determination with his silver fled into Almaigne from thence in time he might have made his peace and againe have come into the kings favour But he was deceived as before and the said perfidie was so much the more infamous and dishonest because it was perpetrated by this duke of Bourgoigne for the covetousnesse to gaine the townes of S. Quinten Han and Bohain which belonged to the said countie which the king gave to the said duke to the end hee would deliver and betray him But behold the just judgement of God who permitted that this duke of Bourgoigne was in the end beaten with the same rods wherewith hee had beaten the countie of S. Pol for being twice overthrowne at Granson and Morat by the Suissers the siege of Nus succeeding evill unto him and also having lost the dutchie of Lorraine which before he had unjustly occupied upon the duke of Lorraine who conquered it all these traverses and troubles engendred such greefe sadnesse and confusion in his spirit and great indisposition in his person that hee was never after whole either in bodie or mind His wits thus comming into decay there came into his braine a distrust of his owne subjects and therefore thought good to serve himselfe with strangers and to chuse a loyall and faithfull nation he addressed himselfe to a countie de Campobache an Italian and gave him charge to bring with him many Italians to his service as hee did This was the last act of the Tragedie of his life For this countie de Campobache ceased not till he had betrayed him unto the duke of Lorraine before Nancy which the said duke of Bourgoigne held besieged and there was slaine in an assault which the duke of Lorraine gave him to constrain him to raise the siege And so in like sort as by perfidie and violating of his faith he had caused the constable of S. Pol to leese both life and goods so by the treason and perfidie of Campobache hee both lost his life and his house was ruinated and â—ent in pieces which was the greatest house in Christendome next unto that of Fraunce He should never have done that would set downe all the calamities mischiefes proceeding of perfidie and breach of publicke Faith It caused the ruine of Carthage the great in Affrica which for a long time was one of the greatest and most flourishing commonweales that ever was in the world It was the onely ruine of Corinth of Thebes of Calchis which were three of the greatest fairest and richest cities of Greece It was the cause of Ierusalems destruction and of all the countrey of Iudea yea breefely there never happened any great subversion and desolation in the world were it of citties commonweales kingdomes empires great captaines great monarchs or of strong and flourishing nations but it came upon perfidie and the breach of Faith True it is that it draweth at the taile with her crueltie avarice and other like companions but yet perfidie is the mistresse and governesse of all She breaketh peace she renueth civile and strange warres she troubleth people nations which are quiet she destroyeth and impoverisheth them she overthroweth right and equitie she prophaneth and defileth holy and sacred things she banisheth and chaseth away all pietie justice and the feare of God she bringeth in Atheisme and contempt of all religion she defaceth all amitie and naturall affection towards parents our countrey and nation she confoundeth all politicke order shee abrogateth good lawes and customes Finally what mischeefes hath there ever beene in the
that if Sertorius had not been slaine of his own people he had sooner overcome Pompeius than he him Yet Sertorius was but a simple souldier who had neither silver nor treasure he had no authoritie to command neither did any obey him against their wils Spartacus also was but a poore slave which escaping from his master gathered together a great number of people and made strong warre upon the Romanes whom hee many times vanquished And but that Pompeius and Crassus with great armies were greatly busied to hinder his desseignes he had made himselfe master of Italie And was not Cleon another poore slave yet gathered under his conduction an armie of 70 thousand other slaves wherewith he had like to have gotten all Sicilie And Viriatus was but a shepheard on the mountaines of Spaine and gathering together a great number of shepheards and theeves he made infinit worke for the Romanes yet in the end certaine Romane captains sent against him not being able otherwise to overcome him caused him traiterously to be slaine This the Senat found not good but greatly blamed those captains which overcame by so villanous a meane After Viriatus was slaine his people disbanded not but still made warre upon the Romanes insomuch as the Romanes were constrained to give unto them to appease them the towne and territorie of Valence in Spaine to inhabite and so they were satisfied and gave over their armes Of late memorie Philibert de Chaton Prince of Orange Antonie de Leva Andrew Doria the Marquis of Mantua and many others whereof we have spoken in other places which revolted against king Francis the first and did him more hutt than all the forces of the emperour Charles the fift yet were they no great lords in comparison of the king Therefore he which is a wise prince will estimate no enemie to be pettie and little but will guard himselfe from justly offending any man fearing least by that meanes hee procure enemies For enmities will come too fast on a man before hee lookes for them As for that hee saith That the Romanes had colonies in countries which they Titus Livi. lib. 10. Dec. 1. lib 7. Dec. 3. lib. 8. Dec. 4. conquered they did it not to serve their turnes as fortresses in that countrey as Machiavell saith but to disburden the citie of Rome of their too great a multitude of people which were still stirring up rebellions and seditions in their towne as in the time of the consulship of Marcus Valerius and Quintus Apuleius The towne saith Titus Livius was brought to a great quiet and tranquilitie by discharging it of a great part of the common people by deduction of colonies which when they were sent into any countrey that the Romanes had conquered the publick and common fields were divided amongst them yet the old inhabitants were not chased away neither were their goods taken from them but only mingled with the Romans goods which dwelt with them in their townes in houses they themselves builded or els which were publicke and conquered to the Roman commonweale The Romans also set up colonies as a multiplication of their race but not to serve them for fortresses in conquered countries and that it was so appears because they erected not colonies in all the countries they conquered no not in the most strongest places but rather in the amplest fattest and fertilest places These said colonies also were no more faithfull unto them than the other subjects but often rebelled as well as others as was seene after the battaile that the Romanes lost at Cannas against Anniball for then twelve Roman colonies revolted from them and entred league with Anniball And it is commonly seene that citizens transported into other countreyes doe incontinent degenerate taking the manners and conditions of the countrie as came to passe in the townes of Alexandria in Aegipt Seleucia in Siria Babilon in Parthia which were colonies of the Macedonians and to the towne of Tarentum a colonie of the Lacedaemonians for all these foresaid townes were straight despoiled of the manners natures and the originall generositie of their nation and became soft effeminate and cowardly as they were into whose countries they were removed A great and memorable calamitie fell to Philip king of Macedonie by removing Titus Livi. lib. 10. Dec. 4. to other places the naturall inhabitants of the maritime and sea townes of his countrey This king fearing to enter into warre with the Romanes because many of his neighbours went to complaine of him to the Senat of Rome thought it good to stand upon his guard and something distrusting the inhabitants of such townes as were nigh the sea hee tooke away from thence the naturall inhabitants and gave them grounds in Emathia to dwell in and in their places planted the inhabitants of Thracia in whom he trusted This caused in all Macedonie a great discontentment for every one saw to their great griefe their ancient poore dislodged carrying their children on their shoulders weeping and lamenting their calamities and making exercations and imprecations against the king that it might so happen to the king and his race to bee driven from his kingdome and countrey The king being advertised of this universall murmuration began to enter into a distrust of every man and especially of the children of certaine gentlemen which hee had caused to die and hee feared that the saide children making use of the peoples discontentment should attempt some enterprise against him and therefore determined to have seased certaine young children of the slaine gentlemen for his better assurance Theoxena the widdow of a great lord which was slaine by the king called Herodicus resolved rather to make die the children of her and her dead husband than that they should come into the hands and power of the king So she resolved to save her-selfe and them at Athens and yet if the worst fell she provided good swords poisons after shee was embarked with her children to obtaine the towne of Athens shee was followed by another boate of the kings people which when shee saw that they rowed with great dilligence to the barke wherein shee was Loe said she my childen you have now no other meanes to shun the tyrannie of king Philip but death which you may see shewing the swords and the poison chuse which you had rather die on either on sharpe whetted swords or to swallow this poison on my children let the eldest shew themselves most hardy and couragious This exhortation persuaded so much that they slew themselves some with swords some with poyson then she caused them all to fall into the water even when they yet had breath and cast her-selfe after them Straight the kings people ioyned to the barke but they found it emptie of the persons they looked for The crueltie of this fact added a new flame of envie and evill will towards the king so that it seemed to every one they heard the infernall furies preparing themselves to bring
that which Machiavell prescribeth for by oppressing and causing to die al the conjurators and enemies and all their friends and allies he made himselfe so feared and redoubted that there was not in Rome great or little but he trembled for feare only to heare the name of Nero Such great men whose friends and parents were put to death came and fell downe on their knees before him and thanked him for the good and honour he had done them to have purged and cleansed their parentage and alliance from so wicked men as those he had slaine Others in signe of joy for the death of their friends and parents caused their houses to be hung with lawrell and made sacrifices to the gods to give them thankes for so great a good as was happened unto them They celebrated also great feasts of joy as they had been mariages The Senate also for their part being also in a great terrour ordained there should be processions and publicke sacrifices to yeeld thankes to the gods that this conjuration was discovered yea they caused to be builded and consecrated a chappell to the Sunne in the house where the conjuration was made because it shined to the discoverie therof They builded also a temple to the goddesse Health Nero thinking that all these joyes were true and unfained yet were they but simulations exercised still more and more his butcherie and in the end made himselfe so assured by reason he was feared and redoubted of all the world that he was of opinion that he had obtained the upperhand of all his enemies but it was cleane contrarie For by this strange slaughter with so many other wickednesses whereof hee was full hee brought himselfe into a deadly hatred of all the world insomuch as the provinces of the empire revolted from his obedience one after another and in the end he was abandoned of every man unlesse it were of some foure or five of his meanest servants which kept him companie in his flight untill he had slaine himselfe as is said in another place therfore Nero needed to take no thought how to nourish enemies against himselfe as Machiavell teacheth in this Maxime for hee never wanted a great number as all tyrants have ordinarily And how should not tyrants have good store of enemies seeing even good De Com. lib. 1. cap. 107 108 109 100 111. and wise princes doe not want them To this purpose master Phillip de Comines makes a very good discourse saying That it pleased God to give to all princes kingdomes and common weales an opposit and contrary unto them that both the one and the other might the rather bee held in their duties as England hath Fraunce Scotland hath England Portugall hath Castile Grenado hath Portugall the princes and common weales of Italie are contrarie one to another and so it is of all God hath giveÌ„ to every seignorie his opposit countries and seignories of the earth For if there bee any prince or common-weale which wants his opposite to hould him in feare straight one shall see him fall to a tyrannie and luxuriousnesse Therefore God by his wise providence hath given to every seignorie and to every prince his opposit that one by the feare of an other might be stirred up to a modest and temperate carriage And there is indeed nothing saith hee that better holdeth a prince in his duetie nor which causeth him to walke more upright than the feare of his opposit and contrary For the feare of God nor the love of his neighbour nor reason whereof commonly hee hath no care nor justice for there is none above himselfe nor any other like thing can hold him in his duetie but onely the feare of his contrary After that Comines had dispatched this question hee entreth into another which dependeth heereof What is the cause saith hee that commonly princes and great lords have Princes have not the feare of God nor of charitie for want of Faith not the feare of God nor love to their neighbours He answereth the want of Faith for if a prince beleeved verely the paines of hell to bee such as indeed they are hee would doe no wrong to noe man nor retaine an others goods unjustly For if they beleeved assuredly as it is true and certaine that they are damned in hell and are never like to enter into paradise which retaine other mens goods without making satisfaction or that doe any wrong to any without amends unto him It is not likely there would bee found a prince or princesse in the world or any other person which would with-hold anothers goods were it of his subjects vassailes or neighbour in good earnest or would put any to death wrongfully no not to hold them in prison nor take from one to give to another nor procure any dishonest thing against any person If then they had a firme faith and beleeved the paines of hell to bee horrible and great without other end or remission for the damned knowing againe the shortnesse of this life they would not doe that they doe And for example saith hee when a king or a prince is a prisoner and that hee feareth to die in prison is there any thing so deere in the world which hee would not give to come out Certainely hee would give both his owne and his subjects goods altogether As wee have seene king Iohn of France being taken prisoner by the prince of Wales at the battaile of Poitiers who paied 3000000 of franks for his ransome and acquited to the English all Aquitane or at least as much as they then held and many other cities townes and places all which came to the third part of the kingdome which was thereby brought into great povertie that no coine was there currant but it was made of leather with a little naile of silver in the middest of it And all this gave king Iohn and Charles the sage his sonne for the said kings deliverance out of prison And if they would have given nothing yet the English would not have put him to death but at the worst have kept him in prison And yet if they had caused him to die the paine that hee had suffered had not beene comparable to the thousand part of the least paine in hell Why then did king Iohn give all that hath beene said and so overthrew his children and the subjects of his kingdome because hee beleeved that which hee saw and knew well that otherwise hee could hot bee delivered But you shall not finde a prince or else very few that if hee had a towne of his neighâ—ours would yeeld it for the feare of God or the paines of hell It is then the want of faith because princes beleeve not that God will punish the wrongs they doe to another and that they doe not also beleeve that the paines of hell are horrible and eternall as they are Yet is this certaine that god will punish them as well as other men though not
thing deceived when thinking to leade a prince unto a soveraigntie of wickednesse hee furnisheth him with inconstancie and mutabilitie as the windes for as soone as the prince shall cloth himselfe with Protheus garments and that hee hath no hold nor certitude of his word nor in his actions men may well say that hee is abandoned of phisitions and his maladie is incurable and that in all vices hee hath taken the nature of the Camoelion At the hands of such a prince which is inconstant variable in his word mutable in actions and commands there is nothing to be hoped for but evill disorder and confusion How much more notable and worthie to bee engraved in princes hearts is that Titus Livius lib. 6. Dec. 3 sentence of Scipio the Affrican That they are vanquishers which being vanquished doe give place vnto Fortune But the better to understand this I will set downe the occasion of this notable speach After by an evill hap of warre Scipio his father and uncle were overthrowne with the most part of their armie in Spaine the day being come whereupon they elected their magistrates at Rome none durst hazard himselfe to demand the government of Spaine for evill luck which happened to the two brothers Scipioes Heereat the Romane people beeing very sad and sorrowfull cast their eies upon the great men of the citie to see if any of their hearts would arise to demand the government of Spaine and because none did it they esteemed the affaires of the common weale to bee in a deplored and desperate estate The above said yong lord Scipio who after was called the Affrican of the age onely of two and twentie yeeres arose and demanded of the Romane people the said government of Spaine shewing by a grave oration full of magnanimitie and assured constancie That his carriage should be good and that they needed not feare that in regard of his yong age there should bee found in him any temeritie for he would doe nothing but by good counsell And although the name of the Scipioes might seeme unluckie in regard that his father unckle had ben vanquished slaine in Spaine that notwithstanding hee doubted not but to turne the chance of Fortune Briefely by a great and favourable consent of all the people hee was chosen governour of Spaine and generall captaine of the Romane armie As soone as hee was in this estate well assured of his vertues hee began to speake to every one with such a majestie and constancie as all men became fully resolved that hee would well acquite himselfe of this charge to the honour and benefit of the common weale After being in Spaine hee convocated the old bands which remained after the defeating of his father and unckle and used unto them good words reasons giving them thanks for the fidelitie they had borne to his diseased father and unckle and that ioyfullie they had received him for their captaine generall although hee was yong of age for the good hope they had of him which was of the race of their dead captaines and that hee would so well performe his dutie that they should truely know that he was of the race of their dead captaines The publike Fortune said hee of the Romane common weale and your vertue must needes keepe us from all despaire of our affaires For this good luck hath ever beene fatally given us being vanquished in our great warres yet ever notwithstanding to remaine victors by resisting by constancie and vertue all malignitie of Fortune The same Scipio another time but long after speaking to Zeusis and Antipater Titus Livius lib. 7. Dec. 4. embassadors of the king Antiochus which demanded peace of him after he had beene vanquished used these words full of gravitie and wisedome The peace saith hee which you demand now that your are vanquished wee agree unto you with like conditions as you offered before our victory For in all fortune good or evill we have Constancie stirreth not for prosperitie or adversitie alwaies the same courages neither can prosperitie exalt us nor adversitie humble us too much And if you your selves were not good witnesses thereof I would aledge no other testimonie then that of Anniball who is in your army Therefore make knowne unto the king your master that wee accord unto him the same peace which wee offered him before our victorie Heere may you see how constant the Romanes were in vertue without any change either of prosperitie or adversitie Heere is no Machiavelizing wee must not goe to the schoole of Scipio nor of the ancient Romanes nor of any other valiant princes to learne Machiavells doctrine to have an unconstant and mutable courage to change and to turne as the winde This must bee learned in the schoole of a sort of Italian Machiavelists resembling harlots which love every man yet love no person and which with doubtfull and unstayed mindes runne heere and there like Tops Wee commonly say That the king is the lively law of his subjects and that the prince ought to serve for a rule to his people but is it not a ridiculous thing to say That the law ought to bee a thing unconstant and mutable with every winde Nay contrarie the law ought to bee firme constant permanent inviolable and inviolably observed else it is no law And therefore amongst all mortall men the prince is hee which ought to bee most constant and firme to shew that hee is the true and lively law of his people and subjects unto whom his carriage and actions ought to serve for a rule A prince then must bee of one word and to take heede that he bee Constancie of a princē wherein it ought to be employed not mutable nor double of his promises and that hee alwaies have a magnanimous and generous courage tending to vertue and the publike good of his kingdome principallity and that no trouble nor adversitie may abate that generositie and constancie of courage nor any prosperitie make him swell with pride whereby to draw him from vertue In a constant course hee must shew himselfe grave and clement these two should be in him with a temperature such gravitie is requisit for the majestie of his calling with such clemencie and affabilitie as his subjects desire in him In all his actions hee must alwaies shew himselfe to bee one man loving and amiably entertaining men of vertue and of service and alwaies as constantly rejecting vicious people flatterers lyers and other like from which hee can never draw out good services Finally hee ought to bee constant in retaining his good friends and servants and not to take a sinister opinion of them without great and apparent causes and in all things to governe himselfe constantly by good counsell and to bee master of himselfe that is to say of his affections and opinions for to direct them alwaies to good and sage counsell such as were those great Romane monarches Augustus Caesar Vespasian Traian Adrian
would please you to have pitie and compassion upon them They are your naturall subjects and they and their ancestors have ever been under the obedience of your majestie and your auncestors Alas Sir what greater evill hap can there come unto us than to be now cut off and alienated from the kingdome and from the Crowne of France They are borne and have been nourished in the French nation They are of manners condition and language naturall Frenchmen What a strange and deplorable miserie should it now be to them to bend themselves under the yoke and obedience of the English a strange nation altogether different from us in manners conditions and language shall not this be unto them a cruell and slavish servitude now to become subjects unto them which of long time have not ceased to vex this poore kingdome with warre For if upon some divine punishment and for our sinnes the poore town of Rochell must needs be violently plucked and seperated from France as the daughter from the mothers dug to submit it selfe unto the sad servitude of a stranger yet that evill should be farre more tollerable to serve and yeeld to the yoke of any other nation than to that which so long time hath been a bloudie enemie of Fraunce and hath shed so much of our bloud Wherefore most humbly we beseech you Sir said they with teares that you will not deliver us into the hands of the English your enemies and ours If in any thing we have offended your Majestie for which you will now leave and abandon us we crie you mercie with joined hands and pray you in the name of God and of our Lord Iesus Christ that it would please you to have mercie and compassion upon us and to retaine us alwaies under your obedience as we and our auncestors have alwayes been We are not ignorant Sir that your Majestie having been prisoner in England hath been constrained to accord with them to their great advantage and that we are comprehended in the number of the Townes and Countries that must be delivered but yet we have some hope that we may be taken from that number by silver and for that purpose your poore town of Rochell offereth contribution to yoâ—r Majestie all that it hath in her power and besides we offer to pay with a good heart hereafter for our Subsidies and taillies halfe the revenue and gaines of all our goods Have pitie then Sir upon your poore Towne which comes to retire her selfe under your protection in most humble and affection at obedience as a poore desolate and lost creature to his Father his King and his naturall Lord and Soveraigne We obtest and beseech you most deare Sir in the name of God and of all his Saints that you will not abandon and forsake us but that it would please your clemencie and kindnesse to retaine for your subjects most humble them which cannot live but in al vexation languishment and bitternesse of heart unlesse we be your subjects The king having heard the piteous supplication of these poor Rochellois mourned and pitied them greatly but he made them answere That there was no remedie that which he had accorded must needs be executed This answere being reported at Rochell it is impossible to speake what lamentations there were through all the Towne this newes was so hard that they which were born nourished French should be no more French but become English Finally they being pressed constrained by the kings Commissaries to open the Towne-gates to the English Well said the most notable townsmen seeing we are forced to bow under the yoke and that it pleaseth the king our soveraigne lord that we should obey the English we will with our lips but our hearts shall remaine alwaies French After that the English had been peaceable possessors of Rochell and all the other countries abovenamed king Edward invested his eldest sonne the prince of Wales in that government a valiant and very humble Prince towards greater than himselfe but haughtie and proud towards his inferiors who came and held his traine and court at Bourdeaux where having dwelt certaine yeares he would needs have imposed upon the countrey a yearely tribute of money upon every fire But to withstand this new impost and tribute the Lords Barons and Counties of those countries but especiall the Countie d' Armignac de Perigourd de Albret de Commenges and many others all which went to Paris to offer in their appeales against the Prince of Wales Arriving there they dealt with king Charles le Sage for king Iohn was then dead about their appeale who answered them That by the peace of Britaine which he himselfe had sworne the dead king his father for him and his successors to the Crowne had acquited and renounced all the soveraignetie of the said countries and that he could not with a good conscience breake the peace with the English and that it greeved him much that with good reason he could not accord their appeale The said Counties and Barons contrarily shewed him by lively reasons That it is not in the kings power to release acquite the soveraigne power and authoritie of his subjects and countries without the consent of the Prelats Barons Cities and good Townes of those Countries and that was never seene nor practised in France and that if they had been called to the treatie of Britaine they would never have consented unto that acquittance of soveraigntie And therefore humbly praied his Majestie to receive their appellation and to send an huisher to adjorne in case of appeale the Prince of Wales to appeare at Paris at the Court of Fraunce to the end to quash and revoke the said new ordinance for the said tribute Finally the king Charles was nothing offended to heare them so speake of a kings power much unlike our Machiavelistes at this day which call them culpable of treason which speake of Estates neither replied unto them that the power of a soveraigne Prince ought not to be limited neither that they spoke evill to revoke into doubt that which his dead father had done but contrary rejoycing at that limitation referred the cause to the debating and resolution of the wise men of his Counsell And after he was resolved that it was true which they said he accorded unto these Counties and Barons their demaund and sent to adjorne in case of appeale to the Court of Paris the Prince of Wales which done the said Counties and Barons easily revolted from the English obedience so did Rochell get all Englishmen out of their towne and castle This done the duke of Berry the kings brother would have entred there but for that time with good words they refused him the entrie thereinto saying they would send unto the king certain Delegates to obtaine some priviledges and therefore desired of the duke a safe-conduct which he willingly granted and having the same they sent twelve chosen for that purpose amongst their Burgesses which finding the king
folly to make account of such people which have their faith as variable as fortune and as for his offer to deliver the towne of Arpos he did it for no good affection hee bore to the Romane common-wealth but because he saw the affaires thereof dissolve and decay But Fabius reasoned in another sort Masters said he they which have spoken before seeme to give their opinion as if we were alreadie in good peace forgetting the time lately passed and not considering that we are yet in the heat of warre As for me I think we stand in need to devise all the meanes wee can find out to containe our allies from revolt But if the necessitie of times lately past and their weakenesse have drawne them on once to a revolt and if after it bee not lawfull for them to returne and to reconcile themselves who can doubt but at length all our allies will turne from us to the Carthaginians My advice then is That we should not reject a reconcilation with such as revolt from us although they have not been so constant as they should bee in a faithfull adherence unto us The opinion of Fabius was followed by all the Senate and by the meanes of Altinius the Romanes reseased the towne of Arpos But it seemeth that the persuasion which Quintus Metellus used in the name of all the Senate unto Aemylius Lepidus and Fulvius Nobilior censors of Rome is very worthie the marking to shew that vengeances and enmities ought not to bee perdurable in great lords but ought to appease themselves and be reconciled one to another The said two censors beeing two of the greatest princes and lords of Rome which had been consuls and endued with other great offices and estates and at that time were censors which was the greatest office of all For censors tooke cognisance of all the abuses of magistrates and senators and might put them out These two being enemies although companions in one charge the Senate determined to seeke meanes to agree them so they sent unto them a great number of the principall senatours amongst which Quintus Metellus who had the charge to speake for all in a temple where the censors were begun to remonstrate and tell unto them as followeth Wee know right honourable censors that you are now in an estate to reprehend and correct the manners and faults even of senators yea it is in you to governe and correct us and not in us to reprehend you Yet have wee one thing from the Senate to say unto you whereat all good men in you are offended and scandalized When we consider of you apart we know you to be such as in all the towne there cannot bee found men more capable and fit to bee censors and correctors than you but when we looke on you together we feare you are not well coupled neither is that wherein you please us so profitable unto us as it may be domageable unto us if that you two disagree together Therefore wee all in generall entreat that you will finish in this temple your enmities and rancours and that in a good union of counsell and amitie you will establish elect senators review our knights and exercise all other points of your censorship Titus Tatius and Romulus warred one against another yet after governed in this cittie together in good concord and amitie When warres are finished it is often seene that men become good friends and faithfull allies which before were mortall enemies There is a common Amities ought to be immortall and enmities mortal proverbe worthie of observation That amities ought to be immortall and enmities mortall Therefore good masters censors we beseech you bee reconciled together and hearken unto the Senates just petition Straight after this short oration although either of the said censors desired and were instant to make it appeare to the said senators that with good just cause they hated one another yet they both submitted themselves to whatsoever arbitrement of those senators The said Senators then thought it good that they should give their hands and faith one to another in token of reconcilation and amitie and that both should sweare in that temple that earnestly and without all fiction they finished their hatred and in all true love reconciled themselves This they did and solemnely swore that with a good heart and without all hypocrisie they banished and departed from all evill will and became ever after good friends All the Romane Senate saith Titus Livius praised and greatly approved this reconcilation in these censors It is then an act of a good man and of an honourable nature to bee facile and prompt to reconcilation and not to engrave in our hearts perpetuall enmities and rancours as Machiavell teacheth and good men ought not only to be facile in reconcilation but they ought also to contemne and disdaine all revenges by way of action and violence as beeing a course unlawfull unfitting and unbecomming him that would conserve in himselfe the reputation of an honourable good man And this is it which the hystorian Salust notably saith A good man saith he loves better to bee vanquished than by evill meanes to doe injurie and to vanquish in what sort soever it be if on the vanquished there be practised too bitter a revenge it is an evill and damageable thing which often bringeth the totall ruine of Commonweales Moreover generous and vertuous princes ought not onely to bury and blot out all old injuries with new benefits but also even recent and new offences which doe more nigh than old touch the heart ought to bee forgotten in consideration of ancient pleasures and merites The Caerites the Romanes allies and neighbours breaking their faith and treatie of confederation aided and succoured the Tarquinian people which made warre upon the Romanes The Tarquinians and their succours being vanquished the Caerites could doe no better than in all humble manner submit themselves to the Romanes unto whom they sent embassadors which in substance made this oration to the Romane people Masters said they may it please you to remember how in the time of your callamitie when the Gauls tooke pilled and burnt the citie of Rome that you sent into our towne of Caeres all your priests Vestall nuns and all the sacred images of your gods insomuch as then Caeres was as your holie revestrie yea the onely refuge safegard for all your holy things which there were well received and conserved Wee therefore pray you in favour of the gods whose sacred Images wee have preserved in the ruine and combustion of Rome that now in this prosperitie you will take pittie and bee mercifull unto us as wee had of you in your adversitie If now wee have committed any hostile thing against you it came rather upon furie and follie than of any good counsell wee beeseech you therefore that you will not suffer our ancient good deeds which wee placed and bestowed upon people far from all ingratitude to perish by
was no great warriour But the cause why the Romanes delivered so great and honourable a charge unto him was because the great Scipio the Affrican his brother had declared that if Lucius his brother were chosen generall captaine to goe against Antiochus he should be there as his lieutenant As then they both were in Greece with the Romane armie making warre upon that king it so happened that the only sonne of Scipio the Affrican was taken prisoner by Antiochus souldiers Antiochus having this young lord in his hands entertained and used him very honourably knowing that that great Scipio was of such Clemencie that he would never forget that the pleasure and that the amitie of so great a personage might stand him in good stead in some great necessities as losse of a battaile or of a captivitie or such like Not long after Scipio fell sicke whereof Antiochus hearing he sent him his sonne without ransome fearing Scipio would die with greefe and melancholie by whose death he doubted to leese a good refuge For that king saith Titus Livius trusted more in the Clemencie and authoritie of Scipio alone for the uncertaine and doubtfull haps of warre than in his armie of 60000 footmen and 12000 horsemen Is not here thinke you an admirable effect of Clemencie that an enemie dooth better assure his estate upon his enemies Clemencie than upon his owne forces But what need we any more to amplifie by examples or authorities this point doth not ordinarie experience shew and ever hath done that all good and clement princes have alwaies been very assured in their estates as Augustus Vespasian Traian Adrian the Antonines and many other Romane emperours and the most part of our kings of Fraunce which were clement and debonaire doe fully proove this which I say for they raigned very peaceably died of naturall deaths and after their deaths were greatly lamented of the people Here I may not forget a notable sentence of the emperour Antonius Pius which hee received from Scipio the Affrican Capit. in Pio. Sueâ— in August cap. 35. which was this That hee loved better to preserve one of his subjects than to sley a thousand of his enemies Assuredly a sentence of a good and clement prince who delighted not in shedding of blood as our Machiavelists doe at this day which are so covetous of such blood as they account their enemies that whensoever any of marke fals into their hands they will not give him for an hundred pounds They may well say contrary to Scipio and the emperor Pius that they had rather slay an enemie than save an hundred friends Are not these people worthie to commaund Neither make they any account more of their princes subjects than of slaves which men may beat scourge or sley at their pleasure as beasts as indeed there hath been lately a burne-paper-fellow a writer for wages one of these Machiavelists who durst publish by writing That the authority of a prince over his subjects is like that which a lord hath over his villaine and slave having power over death and life to sley and massacre them at their pleasure without forme of justice and so to despoile them of their goods And how comes this Thinkes this sot that the office of a king is like to the office of a gally captaine to hold his subjects in chaines and every day to whip them with scourges Surely they which hold that opinion doe merit to be so handled yea that some good gally captaine would twice or thrice a day practise that goodly doctrine upon their shoulders but how much more notable and humane is the doctrine wee learne of the life of Augustus Caesar who so much feared that men had such an opinion of him that he would not take away but onely diminish the libertie of the people that he could never abide and suffer to be called Dominus that is to say Lord but abhorred it as an injurious name full of opprobry because it hath some relation to Servus which is to say servant or slave he being farre from the affectation of such great and magnificall names as many great men have since well liked of without shewing the effect of them The third point now remaineth which is to shew That the Clemencie of a prince A prince by Clemencie encreaseth his domination Dionis Halic lib. 2. Plutarke in Caesar Alexand is cause of the encreasement of his domination Hereupon we reade a memorable hystorie of Romulus who was so clement soft and gentle towards his people which he vanquished and subjugated that not only many particulars but the whole multitude of people submitted themselves voluntarily and unconstrainedly under his obedience The same vertue was also cause that Iulius Caesar vanquished the Gaulois for he was so soft and gracious unto them and so easie to pardon and used them every way so well farre from all oppression that many of that nation voluntarily joyned themselves unto him and by them he vanquished the others When Alexander the Great made great conquests in Asia most commonly the citizens of all great cities met him to present unto him the keyes of the townes for he dealt with them in such Clemencie and kindnesse without in any thing altering their estates that they liked better to be his than their owne Anniball having taken the towne of Saguntum in Spaine was so feared and redoubted Titus Livius lib. 2. Dec. 3. that the most part of Spaine submitted themselves under his obedience and abandoned the Romane societie because they had not aided Saguntum against Anniball The Romanes to repaire their fault whereat they tooke much greefe sent great forces into Spaine under the conduction of Publius Scipio father of the African and of Cneius his uncle Anniball to containe in obedience the Spaniards tooke in hostage their children their brethren or parents of all the nobilitie of the countrey and the notablest citizens of the good townes and set them under guard at Saguntum under the charge of some small number of souldiers God would that those hostages should find meanes to escape from their prison yet it was their haps to fall into the hands of the Scipioes The Scipioes having possession of them in place to revenge themselves upon them as they feared for the fault they and their parents had made by their revoltment from the Romanes they welcommed and dealt with them very graciously and sent them all to their parents and houses This Clemencie and kindnesse of the Scipioes was cause that soone after all Spaine forsook the obedience of Anniball and the Carthaginians and fell under the government of the Romans which they would never have done if these hostages had been dealt with after the counsels and precepts of Machiavell Yet the example of Clemencie in Scipio the Affrican is more notable than this Titus Livius lib. 3. Dec. 3. of his father and uncle After the deaths of his said father and uncle this young lord full of all
or approch to any good seeing the patternes hould nothing thereof Patternes then which men propose to imitate must bee the best set downe that they can bee that if in our imitation wee hap to erre from a perfect image of Vertue yet we may so so in some sort expresse it in our manners But what meanes Machiavell when hee saith That men must leave behinde that which authors have written of a princes perfection to draw us unto that which is now a daies practised What is this but in a word to tell us wee must leave the good precepts of vertue to abide and stay our selves upon vices and a tyrannie For they which have written of a princes perfection have set downe nothing which may not well bee practised and if a prince cannot fully doe and practise all the precepts which are written hee may at the least practise part of them one more another lesse But wee must not say that if a prince cannot bee perfect that therefore hee must altogether forsake and cast off all vertue and goodnesse and take up a tyrannie and vice For as Horace saith Hee that in highest place cannot abide Let not the meanest place him bee denied So that it seemes Machiavell knowes not what hee would say when hee houlds That wee must not stay upon that which authors have written of a princes perfection but upon that which is practised and in use For if hee meane that vice alone is in use hee then giveth wicked counsell and advice and if hee will confesse that good and vertue is in use and practise then will it follow that wee must not reject that which is written of a princes perfection although a man cannot come to the perfectnesse thereof for alwaies it is good and praiseable to come as nigh thereunto as wee can And touching that which Machavell saith That a prince who is a good man can not long endure amongst so many others that valew nothing I see well that hee meanes heereby to persuade a prince to apply himselfe to the wicked and to doe as they doe and to bee wicked with them which valew nothing But if Machiavell had well considered That goodnesse and vertue are alwaies in price and estimation yea even with men of no valew which are constrained to praise that which they hate And if hee were resolved as it is certaine that subjects doe commonly apply themselves willinglie to imitate their prince Dion witnesseth that in the time of the emperour Antonine the philosopher many studied philosophie to be like him hee would never have given this precept to a prince to accommodate himselfe to the vices which are in facion and use but contrary hee would have taught him to follow goodnesse and vertue to draw his subjects thereunto and to receive honour and good reputation in the world But in truth wee neede not mervaile if Machiavell hould opinions so farre discrepant from the way of vertue for that is not the path whereby hee pretends to guide and conduct a prince but his way is that which leadeth to all wickednesse and impietie as wee have in many places demonstrated The ancient Romanes one day found certaine verses of their prophetesse Sibilla where it was said That the Romanes should alwaies chase out of Italie every strange enemie if the mother of the gods were brought to Rome The Romanes which were very superstitious in a vaine religion sent straight embassadors to Delphos towards the oracle of Apollo to know where they might finde the mother of the gods The oracle sent them to king Attalus of Pergamus Attalus led them into Phrigia and shewed them an old Image of stone which in those quarters they had alwaies called the mother of the gods The said embassadors caused that image straight to bee embarked and brought to Rome whereof the Senate being advertised it fell in deliberation amongst them who hee should bee that at the gates should goe to receive the mother of the gods and it was concluded that that must be the best most vertuous man in the citie When then it came in question who was the best in all the towne every man saith Titus Livius desired the lot might fall upon him and theere was not any but he loved better to be elected the best man The title of a good man more esteemed of the Romanes than to be Consull or Dictator of the citie than to bee chosen either Consul or Dictator or into any other great estate The election fell upon Scipio Nasica coosin germane of the Affrican who was a young man but a very good man and the sonne of a good father who went to receive that old goddesse of stone mother of the Gods But I doe demand of you if those good Romanes had beene instructed in the doctrine of Machiavell and had learned of this Maxime That it is not good to make a straight profession of a good man would they so much have wished that this election had fallen upon them and preferred this title of a good man before so high dignities of a Consull or Dictator certainely no but they which hould contrary to the doctrine of Machiavell make more estimation of goodnesse and vertue than of the greatest riches and dignities And indeed there is nothing more certaine but that it is the goodliest and most honourable title that a man can possibly have To bee a good man And let it not displease great lords which are imbarked in the highest title of honours of Constables Marshals Admirals Chancelors Presidents Knights of the order Governours and Lieutenants of the king and other like great States for all those titles without the title of a good man valew nothing and indeed are but smokes to stifle them which have them But I confesse that if they have the title of a good man with these titles then are they worthie of double honour and to bee beloved and respected of all the world 28. Maxime Men cannot bee altogether good nor altogether wicked neither can they perfectly use crueltie and violence IOhn Pagolo saith Machiavell usurped Peruse which was Church land by murdering his cosins and nephewes to come to the seignourie This vvas a man accomplished in all vices vvithout conscience and kept his owne sister Pope Iulius the eleventh in Anno 1505 going about to reunite to the Church such lands as vvere dismembred from it by the usurpation of many particular lords tooke his iourney to Peruse without any armes accompanied of many Cardinals vvith but a simple guard yet this traine vvas garnished with baggage and moovables of valew inestimable Pagolo vvho knevv vvell that hee came thither to dispossesse him of his seignorie yet had not the courage to sley both him and his Cardinalls although he might easily have done it and have enriched himselfe with the bootie but suffered himselfe to bee taken and carried away by the Pope his enemie This was not any remorse of conscience that made Pagolo commit this fault
they certaine times administred Iustice to every man after these lawes with great uprightnesse and equitie And amongst other Potentates there was Appius Claudius who shewed himselfe very soft and affable to the meanest people and heard them patientlie and did them very good and speedie Iustice so that the people made no account of the Tribunes thinking they needed not to runne unto the Tribunes for help since Appius alone performed not onely the Office of a good Iudge but also of a Tribune to sustaine the good right of the meane people But this good Iustice endured but a yeere for the second yeere the said Potentates being made to continue but for a yeere in their estates resolved altogether so to remaine without ever despoiling themselves of that Office And to gaine people to their faction they beganne to doe Iustice cleane contrarie to that of the first yeere using favour and subornation alwaies giving sentence to the profit of them which were on their side to sustaine their tyrannie By this meanes they drew many persons to bee of their factions and wrought a great partialitie within the towne of Rome some houlding for the ten Potentates others against them But in the end their imperious and tyrannicall arrogancie towards one and others was the cause that the partialized people accorded and great and little set themselves all on one side against them wherupon fell their totall ruine insomuch as the first yeare of their estate by their good Iustice they brought and maintained a good peace in the citie but in the second yeare by their evill and wicked justice they reduced all into troubles and confusions within the citie Vnto this example of the tenne Potentates might we compare the wicked partiall and venale Iustice which hath raigned in France since fifteene yeares which is and hath bene the principall cause and as it were the nurse of all troubles and seditions and that little of good Iustice which wee see to shine as a lightening which soone passeth away after the first troubles in Provence when the President de Morsen and certain Counsellors were sent thither For the little good Iustice which they did in that quarter in so little time as they remained there was the cause that the people of Provence which naturally are very hot and furious carried and guided themselves in the other following troubles more modestly than any other of the French nation We have before said That Quintius patiently heard all them which demaunded justice of him which is a point that all Iustices and Magistrates ought well to observe For according to the right of nations and of naturall equitie none ought to be condemned without being heard In the time that the Tarquins were chased from Rome they underhand practised many citizens by promises and otherwise to commit a treason to the commonwealth and to establish Tarquin the Proud in his estate The corrupted citizens procured to them many slaves of the best sort of citizens by promises of libertie and other good recompences insomuch as all the hired people being in a very great number concluded upon a secret conspiration that the said citizens should one night seize upon the strongest places of the towne and that the said slaves should sley their masters in their beds as soon as they should hear a noice that should be made through the towne for a watchword and this being done some should goe and open the gates to the Tarquins There were two brethren Marcus and Publius Laurentius which were of this conjuration these many times were tormented in their beds in sleepe by hideous and fearefull dreames this made them go to their Divines to know from whence these dreames proceeded The Divines told them they proceeded from some wicked enterprise which they had in their heads which they could not well bring about it were good they left off that they might be no more tormented with such dreames This was the cause that the two brethren discovered all the conspiration to Servius Sulpitius one of the Consuls Sulpitius saw an evident and nigh perill to the commonwealth if suddainly it were not provided for yet did he not thinke it good to deale in the punishment of the culpable before they were well vanquished and plaine matters averred against them as our Machiavelists of this time doe which take law against men after they have slaine them but secretly communicated the fact to the Senat. The Senat referred to him to proceed in that matter as he thought fittest for the utilitie and conservation of the common-weale Sulpitius considering then that amongst the conspirators there were many great persons and well allied and that he might reape great envie and hatred if hee caused any to die without an open conviction of the fact hee resolved to bring the cause to a cleare and evident proofe He then tooke such order as the strong places of the citie were guarded by good men on a certaine night assigned and so sent to Tullius Longus his companion in the Consulship who then besieged the towne of Fidenes that he should come to Rome with a good part of his armie and he dealt so as he arrived nigh the gates at the houre of midnight at the night assigned and that there he should stay til Sulpitius sent him word This done he gave charge to the two brethren Laurentines which had discovered the enterprise unto him to advertise their complices as from the side of the Tarquins to execute their desseigne that night and that they all should meet in the market place the better to know what every man should doe This was so done insomuch as the conjurators being altogether assembled in the publicke market the Consull Longus was assigned to enter into the towne with all his forces and so in the market place were all the conjurators environned and wrapped in by the good order that Sulpitius had taken so that they were all by this meanes convicted of the fact insomuch as none of their parents or allies could denie the crime This was the cause that every man said after when it came to the punishment of the conspirators that it were a good deed to punish them and that Sulpitius had well performed his dutie Breefely by this cleare evident proofe which Sulpitius drew out of this conspiration he obtained great honour and praise whereas hee should have heaped upon himselfe great envie and evill will of the allies and parents of such as were culpable if he had caused them to be executed without great and evident verification of the crime Helpidius also lieutenant of Iustice at Rome in the time of the emperor Constantius Am. Marcel lib. 21. A Iudge ought to feare to offend his conscience shewed himselfe a good and sincere Iudge For being commaunded by the emperour to racke and torment a poore accused person he would never doe it because he found no matter nor sufficient proofes against him to do it but humbly besought the emperour