and their Captains and Soldiers less diligent in their military imployments as it often falls out in what is recommended to the care of many that whilst one to ease himself a little seeks to lay load upon another the burthen is more weakly sustained by many then it would have been by a few But the truth of these things can but only be discuss'd by probable Arguments to delight our selves in the variety of affairs which present themselves in the ballancing of several reasons which may happen in these great actions For to give a determinate sentence therein we want the ground work of those particulars which we cannot take notice of now in things done so long since and by which all our works especially such as are subject to so many alterations as are all Civil and Military affairs can be only best regulated It is most certain that the Romans who were formerly full of high and glorious thoughts got so much boldness and reputation after having driven Pyrrhus out of Italy with their own proper Forces and overcome him in so many Battels as they did the easilier undertake any War and no Nation in Italy durst ever after oppose their designs whereby they soon opened the way to a large Empire The Fourth DISCOURSE Which of the two famous Roman Cammanders Quintus Fabius Maximus or P. Scipio Africanus brought more of advantage to the Commonwealth of Rome in managing their War FAbius Maximus and P. Scipio Africanus descended from noble Roman Families and endued with excellent parts did flourish in the same Age which happening to be at the time when the Commonwealth of Rome was much molested by the Carthaginian Forces they had occasion to shew their valor in the behalf of their Country and to purchase much glory to themselves They had alike zeal to the common good their love to their Country their strength of mind and knowledg of military affairs was alike but they differed in opinion concerning the management of the War and different was the occasion which they had in exercising it Great was the service which the City of Rome received from these two but they differed much in their ways and ends Fabius led the Armies through Italy against Hannibal for the safety of the City of Rome Scipio fought in Africa against the same Hannibal for the glory and grandezza of Rome being already freed from so many dangers of the Carthaginian Forces The former brought succor and help in a very seasonable time to the affairs of Rome when they were much distressed and raised up the tottering fortune of the Commonwealth The latter by discomfiting many of the Carthaginian Commanders and even Hannibal himself did not only put his Romans in perpetual safety from the Carthaginian forces and stratagems wherewith they had been so long molested but brought whole Africa under their obedience Fabius preserved Italy from the slavery of Forein Nations into which she had certainly fallen had it not been for his actions and advices Hannibal having already possest himself of all the chief Cities But Scipio did much enlarge the Roman Confines and made the Africans confess they were overcome by Italian valor and submit their necks to the yoke of the Roman Empire These excellent Commanders shewed great worth and great experience in military affairs by these their actions each of them using therein their proper qualities and endowments Fabius loved constancy gravity followed late taken resolutions but such as were secure Scipio measuring all things according to the greatness of his conception did wilingly imbrace new Enterprises nothing that was glorious seemed hard to him Fabius feared Hannibal out of wisdom not out of any cowardly mind Scipio despised him confiding in himself and in the valor of his Army Wherefore Fabius thought he had ended the business if Hannibal being reduced to much hardship should be forced to forgo Italy But Scipio as if he had been sure of Victory refusing all offers of Agreement how advantageous soever made by the Carthaginians would hazard the day in that famous place of Zama where the height of Empire was to be decided between two powerful Nations And truly it seems that it was Romes good Fortune which made these two so excellent men be at this time Coetaneans though with different thoughts applied to the Safety and Glory of that Commonwealth For the one with much patience overcoming the bitterness of Fortune and the Insolency of the Enemy freed her from so many dangers into which she was faln the other finding the Commonwealth already restored and knowing how to make better use of his good fortune then Hannibal did by his noble daring add greater splendor and glory to her But here it may be worthy consideration which of these two may be thought to have done things which were better and of more use for the Commonwealth Fabius his actions tended to the safety of his Country when she was reduced into great danger and put a period to her troubles more by good Counsel then by many Forces But the Affrican proposed unto himself the increase of Glory and of Empire of the City of Rome Wherefore not satisfied with what he had succesfully done in Spain he resolved to pass into Affrica where refusing all conditions of Peace he would needs joyn battel with Hannibal wherein his prosperity continuing he won a great and glorious Victory On the one side then Fabius deserts appear to be very great he having preserved the City when it was in a desperate condition so by saving it from the utmost of dangers he made himself a sharer of that praise which is given to the first Founders of Cities And certainly such was Hannibals fortune at that time the worth and reputation of his Army such as all Force indeavoured against him would have proved not onely vain but prejudicial and his being judged by the Senate and People of Rome to be a Commander fit to cope with Hannibal and onely fit to suppress his Forces even then when Scipio that valiant and famous Captain did live and flourish shews that Fabius worth was so highly esteemed as it was not to be exceeded And this is afterwards confirmed by the grave testimony of Paulus Aemilius famous among the most celebrated Romans who being as Consul to go into the Camp against Hannibal highly extolling things formerly done by Fabius whilst he was Dictator said that he would rather be praised in matters of War by him alone then do things which might differ from his actions though they pleased all the people of Rome therein Fabius was indeed excellently well advised in all he did for he was no less valiant in withstanding the Enemy in Battle and in correcting the error and rashness of Minutius Master of the Cavalry who had importunely and contrary to his opinion begun the Skirmish then he was formerly wise in foreseeing the danger and in endeavouring to keep it off His constancy of mind in adversity witnessed his no want of
thought expedient to come to peace with Alaricus King of the Goths leading him and a great number of his men under the Empires pay to make use of them in other undertakings For the Goths being kept in continual pay by some former Emperors amongst other Soldiers which served the Empire and being of themselves conversant in many Wars they were become a valiant People and had learn'd the Roman discipline though not the corruption which overthrew it in the Roman Camp Which though it might be good for the present occasions it did certainly prove very pernicious afterwards For though by this Peace Theodosius was safe from any fear of this Nation whilst he governed together with Gratianus and also afterwards when he held the Empire alone by himself he being a person of singular worth and one who by his industry had somewhat renewed the antient discipline amongst the Soldiers yet after his death the Forces of the Empire beginning again to flag and the Empire falling into the hands of his two sons Arcâ—dius and Honorius who succeeded their Father whilst they were but young and proved not to be of such gallant parts as the condition of those times required many of those who commanded under Theodosius in several parts rebelled who were all of them cryed up Emperors by those Armies wherein they commanded by which occasions being invited the Goths did not only return to rise up in Arms against the Empire but also other Northern Nations who did then inhabit Germany as the Alani Franks and Vandals took up Arms and did at one and the same time assault the States of the Empire in several parts many of them marching more particularly towards Italy and against the very City of Rome which after divers passages remained in prey to these Barbarians the antient Roman worth being so decayed as there was not any one who did so much as provide for the welfare of so stately a City which was the Queen of the World And the Emperor Honorius a thing which is not to be mentioned without much marvel whilst Italy and other Countries were wasted with War and the very City of Rome was reduced to the utmost extremity remained in Ravenna an idle Spectator of his Subjects so great calamity and of the ruine of his State in so base and stupid a manner as being told he might do well to provide for the preservation and safety of so many of the Empires Provinces which being miserably torn in pieces were falling into the power of the Barbarians answered That he could live without them After the ruine of Rome these victorious Barbarians past into France and into Spain where being recruited with other people of their own Nations and the Roman Armies being busied in Civil seditions and in maintaining those Emperors which each of them had chosen they had leisure to fix themselves there and to take possession of those noble Provinces the greatest part of whose antient Inhabitants being extinguished they setled themselves there and did long govern those Dominions and others of them passing into Africa and having won large Territories did with the same Fortune and same thoughts institute their proper Kingdoms But on the other part other People called the Huns fell into Pannonia called now by their names Hungaria and possessing themselves likewise thereof fixt their abode and dominion there So as there was hardly any Western Province of the Empire which was not at this time troubled by this fury of War the Roman Princes and Soldiers not having sufficient worth to withstand them Insomuch that when Attila marched with a furious Army to destroy Italy the Empire not having any Soldiers that they durst confide in to impede his passage the Romans were forced to take King Theodoricus with a good number of his Goths into their pay by whose assistance that cruel Enemy was at that time kept off But the Empires weak Forces being at last tyred and some Commanders being lost in whom there remained yet some worth and discipline the greater and almost fatal ruines of Italy began whereinto when these cruel Barbarians entred they put all to fire and sword bringing total destruction to many noble and populous Cities Which according to the natural order of all things mortal wherein Corruptio unius est generatio alterius gave occasion to the birth of the City of Venice whereunto the remainder of the Italian Nobility had recourse and saved themselves The Twelveth DISCOURSE Why thâ— Commonwealth of Rome though she suffered many Defeats in divers Battels yet did still prove Victorious at last HE who shall narrowly consider the great actions of the Romans will still discover new things therein not onely worthy of praise but of admiration Their prosperity was certainly very great but proceeding as it is to be beleeved from their worth and from certain and ordinary causes The People of Rome made more Wars then ever any Potentate hath been known to do but that which occasioneth the greatest wonder is that their success in all of them was prosperous And that though the Roman Armies were in many Battels overcome yet still in the conclusion of every War the Victories sided with them It will then be worth the while to seek out the truest or at least the most truth-like causes thereof by reasoning thereupon The City of Rome waged continual Wars from the first foundation thereof till Augustus his time which was for above Seven hundred years The gates of that famous Temple of Ianus which were never to be shut but in time of Peace stood always open unless it were once in the Consulship of Titus Manlius nor was there almost any Nation known in those daies with whom the City of Rome hath not at some time made trial of her forces and worth That Commonwealth in so many and so long contentions of War was likewise sometimes favored sometimes frowned upon by fortune so as sometimes she was brought into very great danger yet still she prevailed at last and triumphed over her formerly victorious enemies Long and heavy was the dispute which in her very beginning she had with so many people of Italy and chiefly with those that were nearest who singly by themselves and joyntly with others did conspire against the Romans and did by all their best endeavors seek how to keep the powea of the Empire low which was ordained as was afterwards seen to the height of all greatness Nor was the Commonwealth of Rome secure from the efforts of foreign Nations nay many times she was to withstand the fury of the French who assailed her with great Forces that they might totally subdue her and possess themselves of her Territories as they had done of so many other parts of Italy The Commonwealth made trial of her Forces even in the beginning of her greatness with other Kings till beginning with the first Carthaginian Wars to wage War further from her Confines she proved at last a terror even to the most remote foreign
who were truly wise would be as contented with not ruling over others as most men do what in them â—ies to get prâ—cedencie and command over others Therefore where such a desire is discerned and where there is matter to occasion it as are great riches high places and vain glory a man may with reason suppose that there is there an unsound soul which ought to be taken away lest it infect the whole Commonwealth To take all Nobility all riches all civil preeminencie totally away from a City or Commonwealth as is now done in Turky and as formerly it hath been dâ—â—e by divers Princes that they might rule the more securely relisheth too much of Barbarism and Tyranny though it hath not proved an ill taken advice to them that have known how to use it reputing it just though not in self yet as it hath suited well with such a Form of Government but to rid a City of such things and of such men for a certain prefixt time is such a provision as tends to the preservation of splendor and reputation without either prejudice or danger This is a means whereby vertue and other civil preheminences may be rewarded but not so as the greater part be scorned and opprest for the haughtiness of some few And he who shall well consider it shall find that banishment from a mans Country is not a thing simply and of it self evil or at least not so great an evil but that it may be easily and willingly born withall by him who values the common good so well as he ought But that which makes banishment be thought a mischief is the bad quality which is thereunto annexed when it is inflicted for punishment there being thereby imprinted as it were in indeleble characters that such a one is leudly given and hath committed some fault which is a thing naturally abhorred even by the wickedest sort of men But set this respect aside to live out of a mans Countrie hath no resemblance of evil but is willingly imbraced by many as an advantage and some endeavor it as a badg of honor that they may have occasion to serve their Prince and to deserve well abroad He then who to obey the Laws and Ordinations of 〈◊〉 Commonwealth or State shall live for a certain time from his own home is so far from suffering thereby in his honor as he merits thereby for he may say that by this his obedience he is â—erviceable to his Prince and Country though he do not act any thing So then he receives no injury and may and ought to pass by any particular inconveniency for the publick good Nay it may so happen that that very power and greatâ—â—ss by which a man becomes liable to the Laws is the longer and with less danger preserved unto him though he cannot enjoy it without some parenthesis of 〈◊〉 For we see by experience that these greatnesses and continued prosperities do easily precipitate a man either through the envy of others or by being too immoderately used and sometimes draw along with them the total ruine of the whole Family It may in the last place be alleadged that this exemption from publick imployments and Court service may make him retire to his private studies and enjoy himself which ought to be esteemed one of the chiefest blessings which man can attain unto in this life Insomuch as the Philosopher said that to be kept from preferments is a pleasant breath of wind which sweetly coâ—â—eys the wise man to the Haven of peace of mind and of his lawful studies which many forbear to do of themselves least they may be thought by the world to be vile and abject men and of no abilities By these things it is concluded that Ostracism is a good thing and to be praised and that this custom of the Athenians is fit to be followed and â—â—tated by others But now let us face about What is more necessary for the preservation of a City or State then Justice without which no sort of Government can last long nor merit the name of a Commonwealth or State For take away Justice and you take away the very being thereof and leave nothing but a mis-shapen matter made up of corruption and disorders But in distributive Justice which imports so much towards good and quiet living Reason doth advise it and all good Customs do approve of it that a Geometrical proportion not an Arithmetical ought to be observed insomuch as it is not all men who ought equally and indifferently to share of Hoâ—er and Preheminencies in a City but those who for some good qualities and endowments do deserve them Therefore that Government where the Law of Ostracism is observed must needs be subject to all change and revolts For it cannot but be displeasing to the chiefest and best of the City who seeing themselves whilst they are present threatned with exile and thâ— overthrow of their grandezza and having recourse when they are absent to the favors of other Princes to revenge themselves for the injury they have received may easily disturb the Peace of the City and put the whole Government into a hazardous condition Those who have been driven out of their Country by reason of any Civil faction as it fell out long ago in divers Cities of Italy have always been instrumental to the keeping of those Cities in perpetual troubles and of reducing some of them to slavery which had wont to enjoy liberty And yet what was this banishment but a kind of Ostracism For in these civil seditions none but such as were of greatest power and authority and of whom the rest were most jealous were driven out Nor was this done by the will of one only but by their Decree in whose hands the reformed Government was So as it may be said that these Cities used the Law of Ostracism which hath notwithstanding always proved prejudicial and at long running mortal And to say truth to what purpose could such a Law or Custom serve unless it were the more to exasperate Civil diffention Which the same Athenians having learn'd by experience they did annâ—ll this their Law for the business was come to such a height as they drove ouâ— Citizens out of particular spleen not out of any publick respect as was done by Hyparbâ—lâ— a man of a mean condition and no ways liable so Ostracism who for being an Enemy to Alcibâ—â—les and Niâ—â—as was by their means banished by vertue of that Law But say the Law were kept within its due bounds and used only against such as bore greatest sway and were most eminent to reduce all things to an Equality is â—â—â— only an unjust but a violent action and which doth even contradict Nature herself which did not only make so many different species of things created in the wâ—â—ld but gave various instincts and hidden qualities to those of the same species so as some might prove more generous and of greater worth as is seen not only amongst
which they propounded unto themselves in this their new abode so to do nor did the condition of those times permit it And they were so fenced from the Arm sof Enemies as then both by the natural condition of their situation as also by the salt waters as they needed not to arm themselves for their own defence Therefore their Citizens being by long custom inured to these thoughts they had no thought of taking up Arms though the City were already much increased both in Forces and Authority unless when they were provoked and more to keep themselves from being injured by others or to assist their Friends and Confederates then out of ambition of Rule and of enlarging their bounds And he who shall consider what their greatest and and most difficult enterprises were in those first times will see they aimed all at this end The Venetians fought first with the French and afterwards against the Huns in defence of their Country and of their Liberties and long after with the Genoeses enforced thereunto by necessity and provoked by many grievous injuries For this very valiant and generous Nation would not rest quiet out of an emulation of glory in Sea-affairs wherein though they were oftentimes worsted by the Venetians yet they still found occasion of new Contests The Commonwealth of Venice hath oft-times taken up Arms likewise in times neerer this our Age with greater preparation for War and with more courage to defend their State in Terta firmâ— which they had already gotten with much ado and whereof they were justly possessed insomuch as they have sometimes valianâ—ly repulsed the fury of most powerful Leagues of Princes who were resolved upon their ruine But it becomes not the moâ—th of a Venetian to say how oft they have taken up Arms in defence of their Friends and Confederates lest he may seem to upbraid others with the services his Countrymen have done them But divers People and Cities assisted and preserved by their Forces do witness this And to speak only of things of more recent memory how great a desire hath this Commonwealth shewn to the common good and to this purpose how careful hath she been of the liberty and glory of Italy in sustaining long and heavy War to preserve the noble Neapolitan Territories in the Italian Princes and the like of Milan But he who will look further back and see what they have done will find that the Venetians have undertaken and finished famous enterprises out of zeal to Religion as they did in the Wars of the Holy Land against the Saracens and divers other times against other Princes to preserve and increase the glory of the holy Church and the Papal dignity which amongst many other actions is cleerly and nobly witnessed by the famous Naval victory won from the Emperor Frederick Barbâ—rossa for the which Venice doth at this day enjoy many great priviledges in witness of her great worth and singular merit But it is needless now to particularize in those things whereof all Histories are full It will suffice to touch upon some things whereby it may be conceived what the first beginnings of the City were and what were the intentions and end of her Citizens Romes ends were far different from these who from her very beginning aimed only at Empire and greatness being built by Romalus a fierce and ambitious man who not content to have recovered his Kingdom to his Grandfather Numiter and opened the way to the Lordship of Alba longa resolved by the assistance of a great many young men who followed him to purchase a better fortune and condition for himself and to build a new City which must have a warlike institution to keep the minds of those stirring youth busied in military exercises and to defend himself from his neighbors who finding that the new City aimed at greater designs thought to keep is low Romulus might with reason promise himself to purchase more Dominion and to enlarge his Confines for he built his City in a Country which was possest by many people who were weak and at odds within themselves so as he needed not fear any potent Prince who might oppose his designs or suppress his Forces before they were somewhat better established This was the first foundation of Romes greatness for the City beginning soon to habituate herself to military discipline and to turn her thoughts upon War and aggrandising her State she grew so confirm'd therein with time and with continual military orders as the Militia and all things thereunto tending did continually flourâ— sh in her For those that came after following as it falls out for the most part the example of their Predecessors her Citizens were always desirous of warlike glory and of Empire proving to be like Romulus and those other valiant men from whom they had their beginning and increase Thus they always made one War beget another not being able to endure the suspected power of their Neighbors nor yet the injuries done unto them by their Friends and Confederates under which two pretences they made first many notable acquisitions in Italy and afterwards passing over the Sea in Africa in Spain and in many other Provinces But to pass on now to another Consideration let us affirm that the situation is of great moment for the Rule and Dominion which one City is to have over another as that which affords security for self defence and opportunity to subjugate others this helps likewise to make a City plentiful and wealthy without which States are hardly acquired For where there is scarcity of livelihood povertie is more to be fought withall then Enemies and want of wealth renders a City alwaies weak and easie to be wasted and opprest Hence it was that Sparta though she had excellent Laws and Institutions yet whilst she observed them she could not much inlarge her Dominions for by them the City was bound for what concerned both the private and publick condition to be kept poor and far from any commerce with others and in our time the Cantons of the Switzers though they be a very valiant Generation yet being poor and seated amongst Mountains and for the most part in barren places their Soldiers being fighting under the pay of other Princes they have not been able to do any thing for themselves or to make any acquisitions but have onely preserved their Liberties If we shall then consider the situation of Venice we shall certainly find it very opportune for most things and miraculously well for some things For if we have respect to safety what City can be compared to this which without any Bulwarks of Walls or Garrisons of Soldiers defended by her natural scituation is of her self safe from all injuries and inexpugnable So as she is the onely example after so many Ages of being untoucht by the Barbarians violence If we respect abundance of plenty and wealth the accommodation that the Sea affords her and the so many Rivers which disgorge themselves either into
easiness wherewith they were done can walk hand in hand with those of the Antients amongst whom we see one only Alexander one Pompey one Caesar to have subjugated many entire Provinces and conquered many Nations And not to go further in search of the like examples since one Age alone very neer this of ours can easily furnish us with them Were not the Emperor Charls the Fifth Francis the First King of France and if will pass by the errors of Religion Sultan Solyman Emperor of the Turks Princes great and valiant in all acceptations in whom so many endowments both of Nature and Fortune did concur as hardly any thing remained to be desired in any of them to make and constitute a potent Prince and an excellent Commander fit to undertake any action how great or difficult soever What was it that Charls with his undaunted and dreadless spirit did not undertake Who was ever known to be more ambitious of praise and military honor then Francis never weary nor satisfied with toiling in Arms and in leading Armies Solyman was so fervently bent upon purchasing glory in the Waâ—s as his age though very great was not able to asswage it for he dyed in the Field amongst Soldiers when he was eighty four years old These great Princes were so puissant and so remarkable for the number to Soldiers which they led to Battel for military Discipline and for all that belonged to War as their Age had no cause to wonder at nor to envy any preceding times which were famousest for such affairs Yet he who shall particularly examine their actions will find they come far short of the famous acts of the Antients and that they correspond not with the fame and opinion of such Princes and of such Forces For if we we shall consider the deeds of those few aforesaid not to mention so many others what and how many were the things done by Alexander the Great who having in so short time vanquish'd the powerful Persian Empire victoriously overran the whole East and made the terror of his wâ—apons known to People almost unknown till then and yet died whilst he was very young How many Cities and Provinces did Pompey and Caesar bring under the Roman Empire The first conquered and subjugated Pontus Armenia Cappadocia Media Hiberia Syria Cylicia Mesopotamia Arabia and Iudaea things which though done seem incredible And the other though he did not overrun so great a space of Land did no less admired things if we will regard the condition of the conquered He quell'd the warlike Switzers French and Dutch and made so many and so fortunate expeditions as by his means only above eight hundred Cities were brought under the Government of Rome What can be alleadged on the behalf of these modern Princes which may compare with these for military glory Charls the Emperor led sundry times puissant Armies upon several undertakings but what was the fruit that he reaped by his most famous Expeditions The greatest and most victorious Army which he ever put together was that wherewith he withstood Solyman when he came to assault â—ustria yet he never departed with it from before the walls of Vienna so as all the Trophy of Victory which he got there for so much expence and labor was only not being overcome for his Army never saw the Enemies face The Wars of Germany were very difficult in this behalf yet therein he contended not with any Prince whose Forces were of themselves equal to his nor were they made out of election or hope of glory by new acquirements but out of necessity and for the defence as well of his own person as of the Empire and all the good he got thereby was only the restoring the affairs of the Crown to the former condition so as the Empires authority might not be lessened The Wars made so long between Charls the Emperor and Francis King of France with no less hatred then force did oftentimes weary both their Armies but though Caesar had several times the better yet at last the power of France was not diminished nor the greatness of Charls his command made any whit the larger so as he was master of so many and so ample States rather by his right of inheritance then by means of War thâ— enterprises of Tunis and Algier in Africa might have some greater appearance of generosity the business being very difficult and attempted with great courage and much danger and wherein the glory appeared to be more then the advantage yet the unhappy success of the one did much lessen the honor and praise won by the other and these undertakings did finally produce no greater effects then the acquisition of one or two Cities and those none of the chiefest of Africa whereas one onely Scipio subdued Carthage the Head of so great an Empire and brought all those Regions under the Roman Eagles The Acts done by Solyman were somewhat greater then these but not to be compared to those of old nor peradventure will they appear to be very famous if we shall consider his power and the long time that he lived Emperor He consumed much time and many men in Hungaria making many expeditions against it and yet got but one part thereof which was none of the greatest Provinces neither He wan the Island of Rhodes but what glory could redound to so mighty a Prince by overcoming a few Knights who were weak of themselves and who were not succoured by others And yet he was therein assisted more by fraud then by force He past with his Army into Persia but though he might say with Caesar venâ— vidi yet could he not add vici for as he with great celerity over ran a great part of the Persian Empire and came to the City of Taâ—ris so not being able to fix in any place or establish any conquest he retreated to within his own Confines having lest the greatest part and the best of his men in the Enemies Country routed and defeated by divers accidents These things then and many other the like give just occasion of wonder and incite curious wits to search out the truest causes of such diversity of successes Amongst which nay in the primary place the different means of warfaring in those times and in these may come into consideration wherein if we come to more particulars we shall meet with the use of Forts and Strong Holds which are become more frequent in these our Ages then they were in former times the art of building being doubtlesly in greater perfection with us then it was with them There is hardly any State or Country now adaies wherein there are not many Towns and Cities either assisted by natural situation or else by art reduced to much safety by many inventions found out by modern Professors of Fortification so as almost every place is so fortified as it is able to hold out with a few men against many and he who will in these times enter into another
short time in any whatsoever Estate but the sufficiencie of a Law-maker and the excellencie of Laws is found by the long continuance thereof Therefore those Orders by which the Peoples authority was too much increased cannot be said to be truly Popular but such may be so esteemed whereby the State is long preserved Wherefore many things being ordered in Rome without this temperance in favor of the People they of themselves bereft the State of all solidity Thus Licentiousness of living frequent Meetings Appeals to the Tribunes Freedom in accusing and other such things as seemed to be done in favor of the People served for the building up of Tyranny and wrought Romes final ruine Which was formerly seen in Athens which being constituted by Solon in a too Popular condition soon lost her Liberty and was possest by a Citizen of hers named Pisistratus who followed the same way which the Legislator himself had opened unto him by attributing too much to the People So what is intended for good proves often fatal if not well understood But having discoursed sufficiently of the Form of the Government it will not be amiss to examine some other more general Conditions by which the perfection of every State may be the better known In ordering a City respect is to be had to two things to what belongs to War to what belongs to Peace to the end that she may not be governed by Chance in either of them but by certain Laws and may be equally preserved from forein plots and from home discords and to endeavour that as she cannot always enjoy Peace so she should not be continually molested with War But he who will consider the Actions of the Romans and the Institutions of their City will find them so seriously addrâ—st to Military affairs as he may easily judge that they proposed no other things to themselves then how to increase Empire by making one War beget another wherefore many Armies were instituted and many rewards for military valor to make men bold and valiant against the Enemy but not any thing wereby to accustom them to Justice Temperance and to other civil vertues whereby the City might be maintained in peace and unity 'T is therefore no wonder if that Commonwealth won so much Empire and such Glory in times of War and in times of Peace like rusty Iron lost all her lustre So as troubles from Enemies abroad were no sooner ceased but much greater were excited at home by dissentions amongst the Citizens which did not terminate till things were recalled by occasion of War to the same Warlike order and discipline in which the City was excellently well instituted Which might for a while preserve her but when through the want of occasion of War she could not by that means correct her many disorders nor reduce herself to any setled condition for any space of time being still agitated by storms of Civil sedition she must at last be miserably lost when it was time to begin to enjoy her greatness and prosperity For this cause Scipio Nasica a very wise man would not consent to the destruction of Carthage knowing that that Commonwealth which was ordered onely for war could not last long in idleness How can that Government then be termed good which is so ill disposed towards the attainment of a Cities chief end And who can doubt but that the true end of a City is to have her Citizens live vertuously not the inlarging of her Empire Therefore the Philosopher said well That true civil Felicity was not to be expected from astions which relate to things abroad but from those which are used amongst Citizens It argues not then an excellent Government in that Commonwealth that she overcame the whole world since the perfection of Government lies in making a City vertuous not in making her Mistress of many Countries Nay the increasing of Territories as it is commonly coupled with some injustice so is it remote from the true end of good Laws which never part from what is honest Governments which aim at Empire are usually short lived which denotes their imperfection Which happens not onely because they were not better accommodated in times of Peace but that for the great inlarging of Confines it is necessary to nourish ambitious thoughts in Citizens and such as are too desirous to domineer which are easily turned to the prejudice of the Commonwealth its self For it is not to be affirmed that the same thing can be good in respect of the publick and bad in private Affairs For the general felicity of the whole City and the particular good of every Citizen is one and the same thing they onely differ in some certain respects Then taking ones argument from these things the end of this great Commonwealth might easibly be conjectured which as one said well was overthrown by the wait of its own bulk But grant that the lives of such States may be prolonged it cannot certainly be done without falling upon many other troubles and dangers Let Marius his example serve us to see what advantage Citizens got by the immoderate desire of Glory and Dominion who being alwaies bred up in Arms and having wone Credit and Preferment thereby finding that his antient Reputation began to fail by ensuing Peace raised Mithridates King of Pontus against the Commonwealth to the end that being to make use of his Vallor he might recover his former Repute Thus Athens who once inâ—oyed a peaceful condition under Pericles his good Government when she turned her endeavours of Peace and Quiet to Arms and Dominion and would change her manner of life she reaped the like Fruits of Ambition which by such Orders she had sowed in the minds of her Citizens For Alcibiades out of too immense a desire of Glory was he who of himself did incite the Lacedemonians against his Country by whom she was afterwards robbed of her Liberty and Empire For all this you hear me not say that the study of Arms ought to be neglected which are very necessary in what soever State to defend ones self against the Injuries of Neighbors and to preserve Freedom and Liberty Nay Aristotle reprehends Plato for that he thought Cities had no need of Arms at the first but onely when they began to have Dominion But though they may be useful for some other respects Citizens ought not to fix their studies so much upon Military Exercises as not to know nor value any other praise but that of the Militia and to place their greatest and chiefest Good and the welfare of their City therein But they must know that a man must travel further to find out felicity which is derived onely from vertuous actions reserved in Peace as the true fruits of the labours of War Let us then conclude that this part which was very excellent in Rome lost much of that praise which otherwise it might have deserved for the exquisiteness of its Orders because true use was not made thereof as
a means to obtain the true intent of the City For if Aristotle laught at those who praised the Lacedemonian Commonwealth because she had made her Citizens so valiant in War by her excellent Military Discipline because she exceeded the other Cities of Greece in the largeness of her Confines What would he have said of the Commonwealth of Rome where certainly Military Exercises were studied much more to the end that she might vanquish the furthest distant Nations For in Sparta too boot with such Institutions as appertained to the Militia there were excellent customs for the breeding of Citizens in Civil Vertues And it is seen that Licurgus his intention aimed not so much at Empire as did that of Romulus the former much more respecting the peace of the City and the agreement among Citizens minding Military Affairs onely so far forth as they are necessary for the preservation of Liberty against Forreign Forces Another consideration to be had in regard no less then these is that in a well-ordered City the Laws ought to be confirmed by the Manners and Educations of the Citizens the which is of more force to make men honest then is the fear of punishment nay from hence Actions arise according to true Honesty and Vertue for they proceed from a vertuous Habit which is only acquired by Exercise Therefore where good Institutions of life are wanting the severity of Magistrates is not sufficient to make Citizens obedient to the Laws For when the appetite hath already gotten power and is accustomed to vice 't is too hard a matter to overcome her by force Therefore Aristotle said That Laws though very useful do but little good if men be not endued with such Customs and Discipline as fits with the state of the City Wherefore teaching in the eighth of his Politicks how Citizens are to be made good and honest he proposed three things requireable joyning Reason and Custom to Nature But Custom may be thought so much more necessary then the other two as that a mans natural inclination to Vertue makes him not vertuous unless he confirm his natural disposition by habit accustoming himself to do well Nor can Reason force Appetite but must first find it well reduced by good Education if she will make use thereof in vertuous operations As much more then as this part is necessary so much more failing will be found in that Commonwealth where such orders were not taken by a civil way for the good Education of Citizens Whence it arose that their Laws met not with such due observance as did them of Sparta not written in paper but as it were ingraven in the hearts of every one by the force of custom wherefore she proved truly miraculous by reason of the excellent customs introduced by Lycurgus to breed up Citizens in a vertuous and civil life Therefore Plutarch comparing Lycurgus with Numa preferred Lycurgus for that his having confirmed Citizens by good customs in those orders which he had introduced into the City was the reason why they were long observed Whereas Numa contenting himself with bare written Laws though good and tending to peace not taking any further care for the education of Citizens could not make them be observed for so short a time but that they terminated together with his life And it is found by experience that Lycurgus his Orders were of such force as they preserved the Liberty of Sparta longer then the like of any other of the antient Commonwealths Wherefore Philopomenes having overcome the Lacedemonians yet would he not totally tame them and reduce them under the Achaean Commonwealth till he had cancelled all the antient Institutions of their City wherein whilst young they were so bred up to Liberty as they could by no means be brought to undergo servitude From this discourse it may then be concluded That the Government of the Roman Commonwealth was of a mixt Form but ill proportioned within its self too much inclining towards the corruption of a Popular State and that she came short of the Spartans in three things In the excellencie of Government in the endeavours of Peace and in good Customs The other part remains now to be discussed Whether the City of Rome might have received a better Form of State For the good Orders of a City depend not always upon the Legislators wisdom but upon many other joint Accidents The first thing to be had in respect is the Nature of the People with which the Form of Government ought to have a just proportion Wherefore Polititians say that the Legislator ought not only to consider which is the best Form of Government but what best befits every City and such other Accidents which make so many alterations in States as it cannot be denied but that Fortune hath a share therein Lycurgus was justly esteemed an excellent Legislator but many things concurr'd in him which helped him very much to put his thoughts in effect He was a King and using force at first as it was fit to do he might introduce such a Form of Government as would bridle the Peoples insolencie and increase the auâ—hority of the Senate it made likewise much for his purpose that wealth of the City lay but in a few mens hands so as by bestowing Honors upon them he could as it were by the way of bartering the easilier dispose them to content themselves with an equality of Goods whereby he satisfied the people of Sparta's desire who were but few in number and consequently but weak and the more easie to be ordered in any sort of Government Hence it was that the Legislators of other Cities though they were wise men could not notwithstanding form a Republick throughout so well ordered as did Lycurgus because they found not a Subject apt to receive such a Form and because they wanted that authority and power which was thereunto needful or for other such like accidents which did not correspond well with what they did Therefore Solon though he had had the same intents could not have introduced such a Government in Athens because he was a private Citizen chosen by the Nobility and consent of the People to reform the City so as it behoved him to comply in many things with the one and the other and his small Authority took much of that respect and reverence from the Laws ordained by him which ought to have been given them Wherefore many blamed him and his Institutions so as at last to shun such veâ—ation he was forced to part from his ungrateful Country He met also with another difficulty He found the City divided the People much accustomed to enjoy Liberty and at that time much incensed against the Nobility by the oppressions of Usury under which they suffered so as he was compell'd to the end that they might rest content with their new Government to ease them in their Debts and give them a share in the Government which he could not do without much injury to the Nobility The
Commonwealth of Venice hath gotten an excellent Government but was not at first governed by those Laws which she now is But diversity of Occasions have opened the way to the wisdom of many of her Citizens who adding new Orders to the old have brought her to such a height of perfection Which might the easilier be done because that City was free-born and was from the very beginning ordered according to the true Civil end to wit to Peace and Concord and to the Union of her Citizens But on the contrary other modern Republicks the Cities wherein such Governments were formed having been formerly long accustomed to obey Emperors since they got their Liberty by many Accidents they knew not as not being well acquainted therewith how to use it by reason of the Citizens various dispositions of mind So as wheeling often about with an uncertain Form of Government they in process of time return'd under the command of one These Considerations being applied to the City of Rome will prove that the prudence of her Citizens though they were very wise and valiant men was not sufficient to reduce her to a perfect Form of Commonwealth but they might have amended many great disorders in her which did much shorten her life For he who will consider the conditions of the people of Rome will find them to be such as no Form of Government could better agree with them then a Popular State for they were all warlike men bred up even from the very first foundation of the City in the exercise of Arms. And though a Commonwealth may be formed amongst these which may have a certain similitude to an Aristocratical State when the Citizens being governed by certain Laws partake every man more or less of that Government according to their worth For Military discipline hath a certain species of Vertue though it be none of those that do immediately serve to purchase the ultimate end of a City yet this Government is very seldom met with and though it want the true and proper Form is commonly called by the usual name of a Commonwealth So as though at first the City of Rome leaned much thereunto in a short time the People had a great share therein who not knowing how to moderate themselves made it grow licentious But he who will look back even to her first beginning will find that the Peoples authority did thereby ever increase together with the City For the Peoples power and liberty was great not only after the driving out of the Tarquins but even when it was commanded by Kings that City seeming even from that time to be naturally more disposed to the Form of a Commonwealth then of a Kingdom For after the death of Romulus the People being powerful as having the weapons in their hand and as being the first Founders of that City usurped the authority of choosing Kings who on the contrary side that they might the better confirm themselves in their new Kingdom endeavoured to accommodate themselves to the nature of the People and to purchase their love by granting them many considerable things So as even under the Kingly government it had the power of Appeals as appeared in Horatius his case who being condemned by the Magistrates for his Sisters death appealed to the People and was by them freed In favor of them likewise the City was divided into Centuries with a certain Order of a very small Tax according to which the Degrees of the Militia and the Authority of the Publick Courts things which did all of them appertain to a Popular State were to be distributed To boot with these Laws the great number of Citizens which did even then arise to One hundred and thirty thousand made the Peoples party very powerful as also their having been so ready and so successful in engaging themselves in so many enterprises for the Commonwealth without receiving any pay for their pains But the Nobility was a long time very weak and in but little esteem For the first Founders of the City being Shepherds and all of the same condition there was no distinction of degree amongst them save what was soon after brought in 〈◊〉 Romulus who choosing the Senate out of all that former number that they might be assistant to the King in providing for things requisite for the State by this order he divided some of the worthiest of the People in this new City from the rest who gave the rise to the Roman Nobility But even this Order was very weak for it was at first instituted by Romulus but of a small number of men and though others were afterwards added thereunto yet till such time as the City got her liberty 〈◊〉 never exceeded the number of Two hundred Senators nay even these were much lessened by the cruelty of Tarquinius Superbus and their Authority narrowly bounded by the Counterpoise of Regal power So as when the City put herself into Liberty there were not Noblemen enough to form a State of Optimati in this case did Publius Valerius find the City of Rome after the driving out of the Tarquins when he through Brutus his death remaâ—ning sole Consul was to constitute Laws and new mould the Commonwealth Wherefore desirous to introduce a State differing from the former under the name of Liberty it behoved him not to lessen but to encrease the Authority of the People For else they would not have indured it and by fiding with the Tarquins they might easily have confounded that Government and reduced the City again under the power of Kings For which reason also Brutus though he was first created Consul not willing to lose the favor and assistance of the people without which he thought the new Orders of the City could not be well established perswaded his Colleague Tarquinius Collatinus that to give satisfaction to the People to whom the name of Tarquin was become odious and suspitious to lay down his Consulship By these Reasons it appears that Valerius was compelled to ordain many things in favour of the People as were the Appeals from the Consuls The order that upon pain of death no man should enter into any place of Magistracy without the Peoples approbation the petty punishment appointed for them who should not obey the Consuls commands which was no more but to pay five Oxen and two Sheep Moreover he eased the poor of many grievances and made many other very Popular Laws whence he purchased the name of Publicola But which 't is understood that in ordering of the Commonwealth respect was to be had in many things to necessity and to the condition of those times yet if we shall consider other Accidents we shall find them much contrary to such a necessity for the new Legislator was not Prince as was Licurgus but possest a place of Magistracy for a short time the Authority whereof was hardly yet well known and not much valued So as he could not use force to withdraw the people from a Popular
State as it would have been needful finding the People so disposed as hath been said Therefore the City being after a while to be reformed again the Magistracy of Ten was chosen with greater Authority then was that of the Consuls which took away all Appeals to the end that being more feared and reverenced by all it might without any respect constitute new Laws with great firmness And if Appius his ambition had not ruined the business that Commonwealth might perhaps have been reduced to some better condition but yet not to any very perfect one it being too hard a thing to order Cities well which are already much augmented just as we see it falls out in every particular man who in his tender years may be easily made to undertake any manner of life but when by practise he is settled in as it were a certain proper nature of his own he cannot easily be altered from it And if there have been any one who hath been able to order a City already well grown yet we shall find that that City was not so great nor potent as was the City of Rome at this time of the new Reformation and therefore the difficulties were much less it being a very hard thing and which as saith the Philosopher 〈◊〉 almost exceed humane power to dispose of a great multitude in an excellent 〈◊〉 of Government Then as these things were the reason why this Common-wealth was not well ordered at first so did they in time bring her to great disorders and seditions and finally to her destruction For it is usual that the further he advanceth that is once out of the way so much doth he return backwards is so much the more pusled and the further from the place he intended to go to So the Authority of the people being by these new Institutions alwaies to increase together with the greatness of the City she swarved the further from the end true Liberty to which she seemed to address her self And because this Common-wealth was born with this infirmity the worth of none of her Citizens though it were never so great was sufficient to cure her thereof or to prolong her life As it happens in our humane bodies which contracting some ill disposition of humours at their first entring into the World are soon thereby opprest and brought to death no natural vertue though of force for other things being able to afford any cure 'T is notwithstanding very true that though such like accidents rendred the City uncapable of any excellent Government by inclining her to a Popular State yet had they not so determinately disposed of her but that she might have freed her self of many of her bad qualities had not the ambition of her Citizens by increasing these her natural imperfections made her fall into greater disorders Let us begin to consider what Publicola's actions were from the very beginning of the Commonwealth and we shall easily discover his ambitious thoughts by which he was moved to study so over-much how to please the peoples appetite in every thing These his intentions were apparently seen by taking his being refused in the Election of the Consuls so heinously as that he kept a good while from the Republick as if he had put his hand to the Government for his own Greatness not for the common Good But much more for that having compast that Degree and finding the People jealous of him for having built his house in a high and strong scituation fearing lest together with the Peoples Love he might loose his own Authority and Power he chose so to humble himself as forgetting the dignity which belonged to the Supreme Magistrate of so great a City he made the Fasces the ensigns of Consulship be held in a posture of Homage whilst he made his Oration to shew as he himself said That the Authority of the Consuls was subject to the Authority and Dignity of the People This his desire of being esteemed Popular was the reason why in this new Reformation he went not about to what was very necessary to amend in part those defects which could not totally be taken away to wit to give a just counterpoise to the Authority of the people tempering it with that of the Senate by very much increasing the number of the Senators and by apropriating the weightiest affairs of State to that Order which how necessary it was was afterwards seen but too late put in execution to wit in Sylla's time by whom the first number of Senators was doubled yet but to little purpose the Peoples Authority being already too mightily increased and many seeds of corruption being by this means sown abroad in the minds of the people But Valerius added but one hundred to the uumbea of the Senate neither did make any Law in savour of them both of which he might at that time easily have done For being at the time of the new Reformation to chuse new Senators of the Equestral Order or of some other of the people he would not onely have been content but would have wone much honour by exalting many of his Friends to that Dignity as it was seen he did by those few that were chosen And the People would have had sufficient power in the Commonwealth if without communicating the weightiest Affairs of the Kingdom unto them the indemptnity of chusing and of correcting Magistrates had been reserved to them And then that Appeals might have been granted them by which means they would not onely have had a hand in the City Affairs but likewise they might have secured themselves from being injured by the Nobility a thing much desired by the People and from danger of loosing their Liberties And the Authority and Reputation of the Senate being by this means augmented the Peoples Insolency might the more easily have been moderated in those accidents which afterward happened Which though it seemed as hath been said more harder to have been done in that City for another respect yet the revolutions of Government in the first birth of this Republick did a little lessen ordinary Difficulties For passing from Monarchy which in the Tarquins time was almost become Tyranny to a new condition the Lâ—gislator might have made it an Aristocracie it being as it were natural in the change of States that the Government which had wont to be in the power of a Tyrant passes into the hands of the Nobility who are usually the first who lay hold in pulling down Tyranny as in Rome where Tarquin and Brutus were the first Founders of Liberty Therefore if the People deserved to be made partaker in the new Government for having assisted herein much more ought the Nobility to have their dignities and priviledges increased this common benefit of the City having had its chief rise from them nor would the People have had any reason to complain thereof But Publicola in stead of increasing the honor of the Senate introduced by a very pernicious example small respect to
to endeavour more novelties so as Humility made them not more quiet but more insolent Wherefore having obtained Appeals they would have a Magistrate of their own endowed with supreme authority and having gotten the power of the Tribunes they could not stop there but would be admitted into the Consulship into the Dictatorship and to all other sort of Dignities and having obtained all sort of Honors they began to aspire to the Estates of the Nobles who being too late aware of their Error to keep themselves from being quite dis-robed of every thing and not being able to remedy themselves by the Laws or by Magistracy they were forced to have recourse to Arms to moderate the Peoples Insolencie Whence it may be concluded that the Romans not having used those means neither at the first making of their Laws nor almost at any other time in any of their Actions which were proper to overcome certain bad qualities which they had contracted even from the birth of the Commonwealth was the reason why remaining alwaies as it were a distempered body wherein ill humours did continually encrease she was alwaies sickly perplext by so many civil Discords and and came to a shorter period of life then she ought to have done for many other of her most noble conditions The example of this powerful and famous Republick if we will well obserserve her civil Orders and what proceeded from thence and if they shall be measured by truer and more general Rules may instruct us excellently well how to discern the perfections and imperfections of Modern States And say it will not serve to correct Errors already too much confirmed by corrupt Customs it will at least be of use to know what value ought to be put upon every Government and what length of daies may in reason be allotted thereunto holding notwithstanding that Disorder for a truer Rule then all Orders which is oft times introduced by various and unthought of Accidenâ—s upon which our civil Actions do depend not onely regulated by humane wisdom but subject for ought that appears to us in many things to a certain casualty though they be indeed directed by assured though hidden causes reserved in the bosom of Divine Providence whereunto our Reason cannot reach Therefore if following the usual manner of speech we shall in these our Discourses make often use of the names of Chance and Fortune let them be understood in this true and pious manner The Second DISCOURSE What Success the Roman Affairs would have had if Alexander the Great had turned with his Victorious Army into Italy THE Republick proved more fortunate then any other State in many things so as he had reason on his side who said That Fortune who was usually an Enemy to vertue had made Truce with her that she might exalt that City to the highest pitch of Greatness But this may chiefly be acknowledged from her being freed from the necessity into which the course of time had brought her of making trial of her Forces against those of Alexander the Great who after having conquered Darius and subjugated Persia together with other Nations did not bethink himself of turning into Europe and chiefly into Italy rather then into the utmost parts of the East Or that from having accomplished so many famous Interprizes in Arabia and in the Indies being as yet but in his youth he lived no longer to carry his Victories over the other parts of the world not as yet concerned in his Forces though invaded by his immense desire of Dominion It will certainly be worth the consideration whether if Alexander had at first had any such thought or that he had had time afterwards to put it in effect to think what influence he would have had upon the Affairs of Rome This doubt was put by Livy who in the Ninth Book of the first Decade of his Histories betook himself to discourse of what might have happened if the Roman Commanders had been to have made War against Alexander But without considering any thing which might make against his opinion he bends all his reasons to prove that the Roman Forces would have proved Victorious if they had chanced to have fought against those of Alexander the Great which he resolves for as great a certainty as if the effect had ensued Yet many Arguments to the contrary may be taken out of divers of those things which Livy relates of his Romans We can take no surer way to know what would have been the success of things not done then to consider what hath been done which may guide us by conjecture to penetrate into what might have happened in other things if occasion should have served Let us then cast an eye upon what Alexanders actions were in those times and what those of the Roman Commonwealth and we shall see what might have been expected from the worth of Force and either of them if trial had been made thereof Alexanders Enterprizes were sufficiently famous and known to all men since the recounting of them hath wearied so many Writers And Plutarch who writ the Lives of the valliantest and most magnanimous men of so many ages In his Preface to that of Alexander excuseth himself with he doth not in relating the lives of any others if he be not able sufficiently to write all his actions by reason of their number and worth But the Romans Enterprizes in that age were not in themselves very great nor very greatly cried up by others Though those which they afterwards performed did for glory out-do what ever was done by any other Potentate So as Reputation and Fame which bear so great a sway in all our operations but chiefly in what belongs to War was without all doubt greater in Alexander then in those Roman Captains who flourished in his time when the greatness of the Roman Commonwealth was but in its rise and first beginning But let us come to some further particular The Commonwealth had not as then inlarged her Confines further then into Latium into some parts of Umbria and into Picenum amongst people who were very near the Volsci and the Aequi. Their Armies were not yet marched out of Italy which they did not till they made War with the Carthaginians Whence it is to be gathered that the Commonwealth was as yet but weak and not accustomed to those more weighty and important Actions of War wherein in after Ages it must be confest she did great and wonderful things But at this time many vertues in the Citizens of Rome and the customs of the City not as yet corrupted were more to be exalted then their Military valour which though their souls might be full of yet they wanted illustrious occasions to exercise it And those so many famous Commanders which as Livy says may be paralelled with Alexander Fabius Maximus Valerius Corvinus Lucius Papyrius Titus Manlius Torquatus and others of that Age what great Fears of Arms did they The War was as yet made as it were
the War against the Carthaginians into Sicily and Spain and into Macedonia and Greece against King Philip whist Hannibal waged War with them in Italy AS amongst all the Wars made by the Romans none was more long or troublesom then that which they made with the Carthaginians especially when their Commander Hannibal did flourish so from hence chiefly may noble matter of discourse and useful Instructions for matters of State be gathered Whilst Hannibal was in Italy which was for the space 〈◊〉 Fourteen years the Romans made War notwithstanding in other Countries 〈◊〉 Sicily Spain and Africa against the same Carthaginians and against Philip King of Macedon ïn Greece But as War was made against them in Italy so were they the first Authors of these other Wars which affords occasion of no small wonder to him who considers and doth well weigh this their proceeding One would think that the Romans being set upon at home by so powerful Enemies as it was apparent that their whole Forces were not able to resist should not have resolved by dividing the same Forces to make their defence weaker since the main of all their affairs depended upon the success of their Armies against Hannlbal how can it be thought a good advice to hazard with part of their Forces the whole Fortune of their Commonwealth A thing which when forced by necessity is thought a great misfortune to the State wherein it happens And when Italy should be lost as it was in great danger to be whilst Hannibal was there with a puissant Army to what purpose could any acquisition serve which should be made in Spain or elswhere which must of necessity fall of it self And with what courage could the Romans fight in Forein parts when their own Country was wasted with War their houses wealth and all that they had exposed to utmost danger So as whilst fighting against Hannibal and all their minds being inflamed not only out of a military obligation and out of charity to their Country but out of the natural and powerful love which every man bears to his own affairs one man stood for many So when abroad the unquietness and doubt of mind keeping them afflicted and in jealousie by reason of the dubious case wherein they left whatsoever was most dear unto them would not permit many to stand in fight for one Who can praise the suffering of danger to increase at home out of hopes of purchasing abroad Had the Romans Armies been in another Country and imployed about other affairs reason would have advised them to have sent for them back into Italy when they saw so powerful an Enemy upon their backs For Vis unita fortior Force when united is stronger and better able to keep what is harmful afar off Thus we see it falls out by vertue of mother Nature in our bodies when the Heart is ill at ease all the spirits of the body flock thither to defend it as the most noble part and whereupon life it self depends Hannibal was a powerful Enemy formidable for his excellent worth and military discipline and for the many Forces which he brought with him and moreover Italy was as it wereunarmed at this time and wanted her valiantest Commanders and best Soldiers What could the Carthaginians have more desired for Hannibals prosperity then to see the two Scipio's Gnus and Publius on whom only the welfare of the Commonwealth now so much in danger did rest sent into parts afar off so as they could not in her very greatest extremity return to succor her If Hannibal had had a mind to have lest Italy was not this parting of the Roman Forces and the want of their best Commanders a powerful reason to make him stay And what advice was it to provoke other Princes and People to enmity as must needs be done by sending Forces to molest Spain whilst the Commonwealth was in such trouble and danger as she ought to have made friends on all sides By which they incensed that Nation and drew other African Princes upon their backs who were Friends and Confederates with the Carthaginians And the increasing power of the Romans being formerly apprehended by other People and Princes the condition of those times should have rather advised them to have cloaked such thoughts and not to draw hatred and envy upon them For every one must needs hold that if the Romans being in such calamity and danger would vex other Countries with war no Province would have been free from their Forces when they should have been rid of Hannibal Which made the Romans cause worse and Hannibals better with those in Italy who did not much affect the so much greatness of the Commonwealth and much 〈◊〉 forein Nations Wherefore the French who first opposed Hannibal wheâ—â—â—â—â—nt into Italy did for these respects favor his brother Asdrubal afterwards 〈◊〉 he past with succor through their Country nay many of them joined with his Camp and followe the Carthaginian Colors in Italy to maintain the War with them If the Romans did not know themselves to be sufficiently able to withstand Hannibal in Italy where they had all conveniences and he being a stranger wanted all and could only come by them by force what reason could perswade them to maintain War in Spain at the same time which War must be as incommodious to them as it was advantageous and convenient for their Enemies both for that that Province was at their devotion for the neerness of the City of Carthage and for the accommodation the Sea afforded them in furnishing them with all things necessary to make War which certainly may be done better and more commodiously at home Thus the Cimbâ—ians after having given many defeats to the Romans in Gallia were by them overcome in Italy War is likewise made at home with less danger out of the easiness of recruiting an Army when Battels prove unfortunate Thus the Romans being oft-times worsted by Hannibal did maintain and raise up their abject fortune And the Venetians being assaulted at their own homes by those of Genoa by reason of the commodity they had of assembling all their Forces together did not only wiâ—hstand but did overthrow the Assailants who were gotten even into their Washes and were setled in the City of Chioggia But if we will then consider the particular condition wherein the Romans were at that time we shall find all their affairs in great disorder and such as did advise them rather to lessen then to increase new Expences by undertaking new Wars The publick Treasury was sufficiently decreased by loss of the usual Rents of so many places which Hannibal was possest of in Italy for that what they were masters of in Sardinia was to cease paying usual and great contributions for that the people who were subject to the Romans were so much wearied with continual Wars as they were hardly able to maintain those few Soldiers which they had need of for their own defence not in a case to
Mithridates Iugurth and so many others where the then almost lost name of the Carthaginians did not concur But if it had proved true that the Commonwealth of Rome when Carthage should be destroyed should have remained in idleness so harmful to her liberty if Scipio's counsel had proved successful and those evils had been taken away which be feared would befall the Commonwealth Carthage was not only not to have been undone but her power should have been suffered to increase for it is seen by what hath been said that War of it self was not able to keep the Citizens united but was rather that which did divide them But this peradventure might have been done by War wherein their own defence had been only conceined and the keeping of themselves from danger And yet it is an absurd thing to say that an Enemy must be preserved and men must be continually in trouble and danger of War for the conservation of a City But say I beseech you was thâ—re not forty three years between the first and second Carthaginian war And yet though Rome was free from dangers and from being troubled by the Carthaginians nay for some years every where more quiet then she ever was at any other time yet fell she not upon those great mischiefs of civil contentions which she afterwards incurr'd in the greatest heat of her â—orest Wars This was occasioned because the City was not as yet corrupted as it was afterwards because it grew old and because there was not any that knew by correcting her disorders to return her to her first principles What danger can ensue unto or can harm the common liberty or authority of Citizens either in War or in Peace whilst the Laws are observed And when the Laws are trampled under foot what State can be free from the snares of the Enemy The Spartan Kings had not supreme authority in War but War being governed by good Laws could never injure them Power intrusted in Citizens with due measure and temper was never prejudicial And behold an example thereof On the one side Agesilam King of Sparta being Commander in chief of the Army against Farâ—â—bassus and being entred Asia with great hopes of signal victories when he was called home by the Magistracie of the Ephori readily obeyed On the oâ—her side Caesar being already returned into Italy from the French enterprise will contrary to the will of the Senate keep the Army together and despiseth the authority thereof Cato's counsel of destroying Carthage might then have proved good not of it self but when the Romans being safe for these Enemies and setled in a condition of not being to fear any Forein forces could have ordered unto themselves a firm and quiet Civil State It was known by experience that the other agreement made with the Carthaginians had done but little good For they keeping still the same mind though not the same fortune did not let slip any occasion of throwing off the yoke of slavery which the Romans had put upon them So as the only means to rest secure from their Forces since their words were not to be trusted was to put them out of their antient nest and to make them live far from the Sea as they were commanded to do after that their Country was destroyed so to bereave them of the opportunity of the Sea by means whereof that Commonwealth was grown great and powerful But wherein was the quiet of Rome bettered by the ruine of Carthage if they would have to do with more barbarous Nations and Nations further off not moved thereunto through fear nor provoked by any injury thinking their Empire was only to be bounded by the Confines of the Earth What had the Parthians of common with the Commonwealth of Rome what injury had they then done her to make the Romans take up arms against them yet Crassus had a mind to find them out in those far distant parts whereby to draw upon himself and the Roman Armies so many great losses and ruines as they were to undergo in that War The overthrow of Carthage should peradventure have taken from the Citizens of Rome their desire of continual warfaring as it took from them the occasion of being in Arms but it did not so for the cause which produced and nourish'd these thoughts was internal not external So as they were not provoked to Arms but did rather provoke others and when they fought not for the welfare they fought for the glory of the Empire For all the Orders of that City consisted only in the exercise of the Militia But how could a City be long preserved which was wholly bent upon those things which were the means to bring her to her end how could she enjoy true civil felicity if she knew not what it was and did not value it but did abhor that peace and quiet which begers civil felicity Therefore if that Commonwealth had been well instituted in civil Orders and that when Carthage was destroyed she had known which she did not how to lay down Arms this had been the way to bring her to much good nay to the true and chief good of civil felicity not to the ruine and perdition thereof So as if Scipio doubted that the introducing of Idleness into Rome might bring with it such notable disadvantage it was perhaps because knowing the imperfections of that Government he feared not that Idleness which the laying down of Arms is wont to produce but that which is born and doth increase with the corrupt customs of Cities by which contrary but wholly pestiferous effects are begot en as the making of some Citizens love pleasures and hate labor and toil and others strangely proud lovers of brawls and novelty The Athenians endeavoring to banish this sort of Idleness from out their City committed the care thereof to the chief and most severe Magistrate called Areopagus But that true and vertuous Quiet which is opposed unto Toil and which as a thing to be desired ought to be sought for in a City doth not banish but doth nourish true generosity of mind which makes men willingly enter when need requires into the dangers of War for honesty sake and for the defence of their Country not out of ambition and desire of self-greatness And to free the City from the fear of her powerful and bitter enemies the Carthaginians was not contrary to this So as I may conclude That it was not the destruction of Carthage but the ill Government of Rome which wrought her ruine The Eighth DISCOURSE Why Rome could not regain her Liberty after the death of Julius Caesar as she had formerly done by driving the Tarquins first out and then Appius Claudius and the other Decemviri MAny do not without reason wonder why the City of Rome which after having droven the Tarquins out who had reigned for above Two hundred and forty years And which having afterwards made Appâ—us Clandius and the other Decemvirl lay down their Magistracy who usurpâ—d
natural affairs every thing is not made of every thing but from this or that other assigned matter such or such a thing is particularly generated answerable to the quality of the said matter and to the vertue of the generating cause so in our civil actions every State cannot be fashioned out of every State but these things are likewise determined by a certain order so as from Aristocracie we pass into the power of a few from thence to a Popular condition and at last to Tyranny Yet are these Transitions very hard to be observed in the City of Rome for that her Government was always mixt with divers species of Regiment yet it may be seen how divers Parties prevailed in divers Times so as they came to constitute a different Form of Government At the beginning Vertue was highly esteemed the greatest Honors and chiefest Places were conferr'd upon some few that were the most famous and most vertuous Citizens though the People had always a share therein But Ambition and the desire of Rule and Riches did afterwards mightily increase in the Nobility who deceiving the Multitude by several artifices they reduced so much of the publick Authority into themselves to maintain their private greatness as the Laws having lost their efficacie and the choice of the Magistrates and the resolution in all weighty and important affairs depending upon the will of some few powerful Citizens the City wholly lost the resemblance that she had of an Aristocratical State and took the form of being governed by a few And those very Citizens that they might preserve the power amongst themselves were forced to favor the multitude by promising and permitting unto them things that were both unworthy and unlawful So these men that they might domineer over more noble personages were forced to obey the hase will of the Soldiers and of abject and insolent Popular men which reduced the Commonwealth at last to a base and corrupt Popular State though in former times the peoples Authority was always great but better moderated notwithstanding by the Laws and certain considerations from whence it was more easie afterwards to pass to Tyranny the Plotters using those very means which it hath been observed Caesar made use of to usurp unto himself the sole Government of the Commonwealth Such changes have usually been seen in other Cities and at other times where the condition of Government hath given the same occasion So Athens was alwaies subject to frequent alterations of Government and particularly to Tyranny Insomuch as the wise Legislator Salon who had the charge of reforming it before his death saw it faln from the state whereinto he had reduced it and tyranny brought in by Pisiâ—â—atus for the corruption which was amongst the Inhabitants afforded matter and means to any one who had a mind to possess himself of the Liberty thereof And it is likewise seen of Modern Commonwealths that those wherein the people have had much authority or rather licentiousness they have not been able to keep in a constant Government free from Civil Seditions and have been but short-lived As happened is the City of Florence wherein for the consideration above said it was easier for them who had a mind to suppress the liberty thereof and hard for him who desired to preserve it So as though the House of Medici hath by various accidents been sundry times driven from thence and though Alexander the first Duke thereof lost his life the City though otherwise noble and magnificent being much infected with parties and corrupted by popularity all endeavors of preserving it in the form of a Commonwealth and in true liberty proved vain And on the contrary the Commonwealth of Venicâ— by reason of hen excellent Form of Government which though it be mixt hath little in it of Popular Government and much of the Optimati not having given way to such corruptions as use to trouble the quiet of civil life nor afforded means to any who should goe about to plot against the publick Liberty hath been able for a very long space of time to maintain her self in one and the same condition and free from those dangers into which other Commonwealths have faln for not having a Government of equal temper with that of hers The Ninth DISCOURSE Which is the safer way to be taken to arrive at Honor and Glory in a Commonwealth that which waâ— beld by Cato or that which was pursued by Caesar. JUlius Caesar and Marcus Cato who was afterwards called Uticencis both of them very famous and greatly cried up persons both for their excellent indowments of mind and for the great Authority which they held both with the Senate and with the people did both of them flourish at the same time in the Commonwealth of Rome But they did so differ in Manners and Customs as it may afford occasion of wonder if we will consider how stearing several courses they happened both of them to arrive almost at one and the same end And of doubt in him who shall propound unto himself the example of these two great Personages to purchase Fame and Power in a Commonwealth whether of the two he ought most to imitate Caesar won much love by his great humanity liberality and magnificence but Cato was reverenced for the austerity of his Comportment by the integrity of his life and for the zeal he shewed in the managing of all publick affairs Those who were opprest either by poverty or by enemies had recourse to Caesar for protection and those who hated wicked men and the inventers of novelties trusted that Cato would chastise and suppress them Caesar never spared for any labour by which he might hope to purchase renown and glory and Cato by despising glory became glorious Caesar desired to shew generosity and greatness of spirit in all his actions and Cato delighted in nothing more then in modesty and innocency of life Caesar was much given to all acts of Grace and Cato constant in all acts of Justice Caesar seemed to take delight in Sports Feasts and Banquets and Cato profest openly to scorn all favor save what the merit of his own worth brought with it So as the greatness wherein the Commonwealth then was was said to be most resplendent in Caesar so the preservation of the antient Form of the Commonwealth and of the customs of her first age was held to be preserved in one onely Cato These two so excellent Personages took these two differing ways yet each of them acquired great Renown Fame and Authority Great was Caesars glory by the many things he did in War but Cato was no less celebrated for Civil Affairs Caesar by his great Authority could make France be first assigned unto him and then confirmed upon him where he kept in chief command with his Army for the space of Ten years He also made use of the peoples favour not to aggrandise himself but to make the greatest honors be conferred on his Friends and upon such
the Commonwealth was to honor him with the name of Pater Patriae and to compare his actions to those of Romulus and of those that followed next after him from whom as from the first Founders of the City of Remâ— it was generally granted that the rest had received power and vertue to imitate them The custom was therefore always observed in Rome of honoring her Birth-day with solemn sacrifices as that which by its happy Auspices had not only given excellent Auguries but as it were a certain vigor to the so many other Felicities which did at all times accompany her And it was particularly interpreted for an excellent Augury of the City of Rome's greatness and of her increase in power and authority over all the Latines that she was born and increased from the ruines of Alba most of the Latines having been Colonies of the ruined City of Alba. Now if we shall consider what may be alleadged on the behalf of the second Romans we shall find such and so many things to be said for them as the first Garland of the glory of Rome's greatness may seem to be due to them without offence to any others For he who shall weigh things well shall find that this Age brought forth more noble and truer Examples of real worth then any other so as they did not only excell themselves but even all Foreiners For the military valor which flourished in the Citizens of Rome of this Age was accompanied with other excellent vertues and especially with vast charity towards their Country not for their own glory but out of love to her greatness and prosperity Danger was so despised by some of them as some famous men amongst them did even sacrifice themselves and their lives for their Countries welfare as the examples of Curtius and of the two Decii do even at this day much to their glory shew The generous Commanders in that Age did contemn riches as well as danger so as they overcame not only their Enemies but even themselves things which were praised and admired in Quintus Cincinnatus in Fabritius and in Paulus Aemilius But how famous did they prove in matter of War and worthy of that praise which is given to excellent Commanders He who shall consider how Enterprises were managed by the two Papyrii the Father and the Son against the Samnites what the Forces of the conquered Enemies were of what advantage their victory was to the Romans will confess that their merits came not short of any neither in those nor in the following times This Age was often to withstand the Galls who were powerful and bitter Enemies to the Romans by whom the very City of Rome was assaulted and indangered for the delivery whereof Furius Camillus grew so famous But this was not the only occasion of trying the Roman Forces against the French in those times Quintus Servilius Ala and Q. Fabius withstood them when the French returning more powerful then before neer to the City of Rome by means of these illustrious Commanders their whole endeavors proved vain In this Age divers Pâ—ople of Italy did sundry times jointly conspire against the City of Rome which the more formidable she grew to her neighbors the more did a common apprehension make them arm against her And notwithstanding she did not only seem not daunted amidst those dangers but having still the better of those by whom she was infested she increased by the ruine of others For these reasons Forein forces were called in by the very Italians and Pyrrbus was received into Italy that he might wage war with the Romans whose renown was so great as the chief honor in matters of war was given by Hannibal to Pyrrbus And he who in a few words will conceive the worth of the Commanders in this Age let him say that Livy who was much versed in the Roman affairs did attribute so much to the Commanders of this Age as he esteemed them not only equal but superior to Alexander the Great holding for certain that if Alexander after he had conquered Darius had turned into Italy he would have left the glory that he won in Persia when he should have met with the Roman Forces commanded by Fabius Maximus Valerius Coâ—vinus Papyrius Cursor and Titus Manlius But above all things it is worth consideration that in this Age the City of Rome was confirmed and established with more certain and useful orders as well in Civil as in Military Affairs whereby she long after was governed and by vertue whereof she chiefly arrived at such a height of greatness Great were the rewards which were given in Rome to military worth and those Citizens were much egg'd on by glory to great undertakings and sharp sufferings Triumph was a great ornament and glory to victorious Commanders which was first used to honor the Consul Post humius for the Victory he wan over the Sabins The first equestral Statuâ—s were likewise an invention of this Age which were granted to Consuls who overcame the Latins in Battel In this Age the Mural and Civick Garlands were first used to the end that there might be rewards for every mans worth The wintring of Soldiers in the Fields and under Tents was begun to be used by the Romans in this Age a thing which proved so useful and necessary afterwards in greater and farther distant enterprises What did more advantage the City of Rome in her greatest dangers and weightiest occasions then the authority of Dictator a Magistracy of reverend majesty and which proved so often the true and onely remedy to maintain the affairs of Rome in their less prosperous times This was first created in Rome to resist the forces of Forty Populi Latini who were joyned in league together against the Romans and against whom Posthumius was created the first Dictator But how reverend and unviolable the observance of military orders were with the Commanders of this Age may be demonstrated by the famous examples of the severity of Posthumius and of Manlius Torquatus against their own Sons who for not obeying the command of their Superiors though it were accompanied with noble daring and happy success was punished by death And as this age was busied in perpetual Wars new Wars being perpetually raised up by the same people of Latium and Toscany whom they had often overcome so to it that Fortitude Vertue of mind and Military Discipline is chiefly to be attributed by which the people of Rome proved more excellent then all other Nations For this so continual exercise of Arms for so many years together did so accustom the City to Military Affairs as it was not onely easie for those that followed after to tread in the footsteps of these their Predecessors but almost necessary for the preservation of the City which being long accustomed to labor and warlike occupations could not nor would not without intestine disorder live in idleness And as for the orders in Civil Affairs certainly no small praise is likewise
recieved so sore and so irreparable blows from the Barbarians it was brought to such weakness in the Eastern parts by reason of the many great disorders which were in the Head and in all the Members which were now become incureable â—s it was not able to sustain the force of the fierce and warlike Northern Nations And beginning once to fall when its worth was but little it could not get up again as it had done at other times Now if we will apply these more general considerations to some particular chances of this Empire the true cause of its declination will the more easily be known The Affairs of the Empire were almost at all times greatly molested by divers of the Northern People many of which were never reduced to the obedience of the Empire some of which had not been known till they took up Arms but of all the rest the Goths proved the most famous for the ruine of the Empire and for the so many calamities of Italy and of many other Nations and he who shall consider their beginnings and their progress must needs wonder very much and through confusion lose the discourse of humane wisdom To think how this barbarous people and so far remote from our Regions and unknown by them insomuch as at this day their original is not by Authors agreed upon without or Kingdom or Military Discipline falling down tumultuously at first to possess themselves of other mens Countries should soon become so powerful and formidable as that they should overcome the Romans who had overcome the world Who could have imagined that a new and unknown people were to come from forth the utmost Northern parts to destroy so vast an Empire by which so many powerful Kings and famous warlike Nations were subjected The most general opinion is That these men who destroyed the Empire came from Scythia into Europe where they were possest of many large Regions differing amongst themselves in name and habitation those who lived more towards the East being called Estern-Goths and others more Western-Goths But they were thought to be but new Inhabitants of that Country into which they were first come from certain Islands in the Sarmatian Ocean and that being worsted by some of their neighboring people after many contestations had with them their Country being moreover of two smal a circuit for their abounding numbers they betook themselves to seek out new seats and other habitations And thus they passed over very many times in very great numbers into the Provinces belonging to the Empire possessing and indamaging many Countries The things a little before mentioned being the cause why these evils and the greater ruines which ensued were not remedied For the Empire being of a very vast extent was continually troubled with sundry commotions in sundry parts The Princes who commanded were of little worth and the former antient valor and discipline was no longer found in their Armies which were given over to licentiousness Hence it was that whenin the time of Philip the first of that name but in order the Nine and twentieth Roman Emperor the Goths fixt themselves in Mysia and Thrace such forces were not sent against these novelties as might appease them and quell the then but small strength of these tumultuous people For there being no loyalty in the Commanders nor valor in the Soldiers those who were sent by the Empeor against such enemies intended their own particular interest more then the service of the Empire Insomuch as Macrinus and Decius being sent the one after the other to be chief of the enterprise made themselves be cried up Emperors by the Army having first permitted much licentiousness in the Soldiers that they might win their good will And when the same Decius was truly possest of the Empire after the death of Macrinus and of Philip also joyning battel with the Goths he found the effects of nourishing sedition in Armies and in winking at their disobedience and at the non-performance of their military duuties for his Army was routed and put to flight by the Goths and he seeking to save himself by running away was drowned in a marrish ground And when after these losses the Empire ought to have been restored and the honor thereof vindicated by the Successor with new Forces Gallus who had obtained this supream dignity by the Souldiers rashness and who was a poorly spirited man and had come by the Empire by indirect means That he might enjoy his leasure time in Rome which he leudly spent he was easily perswaded to make a shameful peace with the Goths not onely permitting them to â—arry in the Provinces which they were possessed of but obliging himself to pay them a certain sum of money yearly Thus the City of Rome which was Mistress of the whole World became tributary to a Barbarous people who knew not till then what belong'd to Imperial dignity to Wealth nor to Military glory This base Agreement gave a great blow to the reputation of the Roman Empire so as in Galienus his time who soon after succeeded in the Empire so many mutinies and insurrections arose as Italy it self was hardly kept in obedience and the Goths grew so insolent as breaking the Peace which they had made with the Gauls they took many Cities in Bythinia in Thrace and in Macedonia By which prosperous successes others of the Goths being encouraged who had tarried all this while at home where they lived in narrow precincts they sent to the Emperor Valens to demand abode in the Provinces of the Empire with whom fear prevailing more then the antient honor of the Empire and the Roman generosity gave way to their request allotting Bulgaria and Servia for these new Inhabitants to live in suffering the Northern Nations thus to get footing and to increase in strength which had always been the greatest Enemies to the Empire and from whom the Emperors had received such injuries and shame These easie acquisitions and the hopes of greater matters made Alaricus King of the Goths march not long after with a numerous Army from his own Kingdom towards Italy demanding that a place of residence might be allowed him by the Emperor Honorius in France and receiving a denial did in his fury do greater mischief But the same Emperor Valens soon felt the harm of this his ill-taken advice For the same Goths increasing through the baseness and negligence of others and the Huns Alani and other Northern people conspiring together with them they besieged the City of Constantinople and other noble Cities were endangered which made Gratianus choose Theodosius for his Companion in the Empire for the great repute which was had of his valor though he were a Spaniard by Nation But though he behaved himself gallantly against these Enemies and wan some brave victories yet since they had already got great strength and were governed in obedience under their valiant Masters and Commanders and for that the Empire was still busied in other Wars it was
the time of Arcadius and Honorius wherein Italy underwent many miserable ruines as did also the very City of Rome which was the Metropolis of the Empire so as she could not resume her antient greatness as formerly she had done after some adverse events It appears to be and truly is a thing worthy of deep discourse and consideration how this so great and well-founded Empire after it began to totter did so soon precipitate into final ruine If the time of this its duration be measured in respect to the ordinary mutation of humane things and more particularly of State-Governments the time of its continuance may appear to have been long enough but if the greatness and power of the Empire be taken into consideration which was such as that there was no other Potentate that could weigh against it or rather no Country which was not in some sort subject thereunto it may very well invite us so far as may be probably conjectur'd by so great success and where so many various accidents concur and have a share to conjecture whether the Roman Empire would have been longer or shorter lived if it had been still governed in the form of a Commonwealth then it did when it fell into the power of one onely man under the government of Emperors Many things may perswade us to beleeve that in whatsoever condition or form of Government this Empire must have run the same fortune and walked on with some little variation of time to the same end it did First the vicissitude of humane affairs which by reason of their natural imperfections will not suffer sublunary things to be still in the same state of being but will have it so as being carried about in continual motion they must sometimes be raised higher fall sometimes lower Other People and other Nations besides the Romans have flourish'd in other times though not so much nor so highly cried up Other Ages have seen other great Empires so as the rise of the one hath been the fall of the other and it is a great truth that Lordships and Empires as do mens lives nay as befals every thing that is born in time wax old and proceeding on by ordinary and natural gradations have their beginning increase time of perfection declination and final ruine Till Honorius his rule at which time the Empire began palpably to wander from its grandeur and dignity it had continued for so many years as the longer duration thereof would have almost exceeded the common condition of other things this may well be a general reason but one that is so approved of by other reasons and continual experience as it may be reputed certain in particulars though sometimes we ignore the proximate reason But to proceed to more particular considerations why should we beleeve that the Roman Empire should have been of longer duration if it had been governed by a Commonwealth then under Emperors Not onely reason but experience shews that 〈◊〉 Government of one alone is fittest to keep up supream power in large Dominions since all other great Powers and Lordships have been founded and governed by one onely King or Emperor The City of Rome is the onely example of a Commonwealth which hath purchased large Dominion nay we may therein also observe that as soon as she grew to be Mistress of many Provinces that Form of Government behoved to be altered as not fit to sustain so great a weight In the very times of the Commonwealth when any thing was to be agitated or treated of especially in Wars of great importance and difficulty they ran to create a Dictator because the supreme authority which by vertue of that Magistracie was granted to one man alone was held requisite for the good administration of the most difficult businesses The Magistracy of the Dictator did punctally represent the Majestie and Dignitie which the Roman Emperors did after retain Wherefore Caesar when he made himself the Master of the Commonwealth made himself be declared perpetuall Dictator And the name of Emperor was taken from the very name used by the Roman Commanders and shewed the Authority which they had of Emperor which is to command over Armies And certainly the uniting the power of many in one alone doth not onely not weaken but doth much to the strength and power of a Government or State For it encreaseth obedience facilitates resolutions and hastens the execution of weightiest affairs So as had not the Roman Forces when military Discipline flourished most amongst them been with-held oftentimes as if opprest by internal seditions sprung from that sort of Government whereof they did so much partake and which did oft-times retard great enterprises it may be argued that the City would have sooner gotten to that height of greatness and Empire which she arrived at born even even by main force against all these difficulties by the great worth of her Citizens Let us observe in the next place that though the Empire of Rome had changed the Form of Government and reduced the supreme power into one alone yet we finde not that she was bereft of those arms and helps wherewith she had been preserved whilst she was a Commonwealth but did rather encrease them and did very much establish Forces for the Emperors kept alwaies about their persons a great number of Soldiers for the defence of Imperial Majesty which were therefore called Pretorian-bands and Armies in the Garrisons of Provinces which might defend and keep them from any commotion which might be raised either by their own Subjects or by foreign Nations Nor were the Emperors themselves wanting in taking order for Arms and all things belonging to War nay not onely those that were held valiant but even who for all things else were esteemed cowards and given over to all manner of vice did either by themselves or by their Commanders undertake and finish many Wars So it seems likliest that the Roman Empire might govern her self and so long preserve her greatness as she did chiefly for being sustained by the chief Authority and reverent Majesty of one onely Lord which was of such force as it for a long time did overcome that weakness which otherwise might have befaln the Empire by the abject baseness of many Emperors where on the contrary whilst it was a Commonwealth it was divided rent weak and easie to have been opprest if it had then met with the power of any great and valiant Nations which would have supprest it as did so many Northern People do to the Empire And if the corruption of antient customs may be judged to have been the readiest and truest occasion of the ruine of this Empire the Commonwealth was never free from the like but even as for this very cause of having faln from her good Principles that first Government was altered and the City lost her Liberty so might she have done though she still kept the Form of a Commonwealth Avarice ambition immoderate â—ensuality were the maladies
would have been able if not totally to cure such disorders at least so far to have bounded them as they should not have run into so great a precipice And though amongst the Emperors there were some who were endowed with excellent vertues yet could not the affairs of the Empire revert to its beginning because there past sometimes a whole Age betwixt one and another of these good ones And the Empire for a continued series of many Emperors was administred by base men plunged in a multitude of vices Insomuch as it became almost impossible for those who succeeded to reduce the affairs to any good condition which had so long run to the worse Moreover no one mans abilities though never so excellent were able to govern so great a body as was the Roman Empire much less those of such as were so unfit even for Governments of less importance as were many of the Roman Emperors Whence it was that Adrian a wise Emperor thought it fit for the welfare of the Empire to go in his own person and consolidate it with his presence and visit in perpetual progresses sometimes one sometimes another Province for the good Government whereof they being so many and so remote the example of so many rebellous Commanders and Armies shewed how false and unworthy the Ministers had been who had been by the Emperors sent thither But in the Commonwealth there were a great many Citizens who were interessed in the Government and Greatness thereof so as though some valiant man went to the Wars the City remained not without Government or Obedience nor did the appointing a Commander in chief over one Army bereave them of others who might command more Armies if they had need to wage War at one and the same time in several places whereof the Commonwealth of Rome did in all Ages give notable examples Nor can it be affirmed but that the Commanders and Armies of the Common-wealth have made War with people as powerful in Arms as were those Northern Nations whose fury the Roman Empire could not resist For not to mention so many bitter Wars made by those antient Romans the enterprises done by Iulius Caesar in France were they not undertaken against people in whom all the respects met which were considerable in those Northern Nations very numerous Armies for we read that one onely Army amongst many sundry people whereinto France was then divided which was venquish'd and wholly overcome by Caesar consisted of above Three hundred thousand â—ighting men 〈…〉 went over the Mountains to encounter them so as those Barbarians began to be routed and met with a rub to their greatest Forces And afterwards those who had advanced by another way being gotten safe into Italy they sent to desire Marius the General of the Roman Armies that he would assign them some Territories where they might live quietly and they would therewithall rest contented without endeavoring to advance their Fortune any further by their Arms. But they did not then obtain it of the Roman General as did the Goths and other Foreiners afterwards from some of the Emperors who not trusting in themselves nor in their Armies permitted those Barbarous hostile Nations to live peacefully in those Provinces of the Empire whereof they had injuriously possessed themselves Nay though there were not above Fifty thousand Foot in the Roman Army and that they were to fight with six times as many of the Enemy the Roman Commanders did not refuse to join battel with them and did totally overthrow the Enemies Army thereby securing Italy for that time and for many years after from Transalpine incursions But 't is seen that neither the number of the Enemy nor the desperate-mindedness of them with whom they fought nor the discipline nor induration in Armies and military duties all which things were in these barbarous Armies overcome by the Romans were sufficient to discourage the Roman Commanders and Soldiers whilst the Commonwealth did nourish generous thoughts in them and in their Forces And in Augustus his time also because Discipline in War was observed Drusus and Tiberius Nero were able to drive away the Vandals who were then called Borgondi and to frighten other People of the furthermost Northern parts from coming to infest Italy as they were preparing to do No good argument can then be inforced from what hath been said nor can there be any rational judgment given of what would have befaln the Roman Empire if it had still been kept under the antient government of a Commonwealth till the great combustions made by these Northern people by whom it was destroyed Certainly the acquisition or preservation of States does not depend upon the Form of Government whether it be of one alone or of a few or of many for we have examples cleer enough of great Empires which have been won and preserved by a King by the Optimati by a People and by a Commonwealth mixt of divers sorts of Governments But the strength or weakness of every State depends upon particular Orders chiefly in point of the Militia wherewith it is instituted and the force and vertue whereof useth to be such as even Tyrannical Governments which carry with them so much of violence â—â—ve risen to a great height of power and have preserved it long as by woful example to others we may this day discern in the Ottoman Government As then the City of Rome grew great and powerful not for being either formed of an Optimaâ—ical or Popular or mixt Government but for her good Orders and Institutions in military affairs whence it was that when at any time the Romans had â—â—d success in their battels yet all their enterprises did still end in victory So cannot it be alleged for a true and immediate reason of the ruine of that Empire that is fell under the government and obedience of one alone For this Supreme Authority were it either by succession or by election if as it hath been for a long course of time in so many other Countries it had pâ—ssed in a setled and usual manner from one Prince to another whereby the Soldier should have had no occasion to have usurped a very â—â—due and harmful licentiousness in all things and that the antient discipline obedience and military worth had been observed in the Roman 〈◊〉 aâ— it might have been under one only Lord and Master it may be safely said and believed that that the Roman Empire would have suffered no more by the fury of those Northern â—â—undations than it would have done if the State had continued 〈◊〉 a Commonwealth but as the Ciâ—â—bri 〈◊〉 Ambrâ—â—â— all of them people of the same Nations were formerly withstood by the Roman Arms so the violence of Goths Huns Vâ—ndals and all such like might have been stopped It is only so far true that the change of Government afforded occasion to the ruine of the Empire forasmuch as the good orders and Roman discipline were peradventure easilier corrupted when recommended to
the care and diligence of one only Prince who was oft-times unfit for Government then it would have done had it been guarded by many Citizens at once as it was in the Commonwealths time But it is very hard to penetrate into the true causes of so great events and so remote from our memory which are reserved to the deeper judgment of him who is the true and Supreme LORD and who governs and doth dispense States and Empires by ways and ends which are unknown to humane reason The Fourteenth DISCOURSE Why the Grecians did not much extend the Confines of their Dominion as did the Romans and how Greece came to lose her Liberty OF all other antient People there are two that have been greatly famous so as their names and the glory of things by them done hath been conveyed over to the memory of Posterity with large acclamations to wit the Romans and Grecians alike for notable examples of all worth and vertue but sufficiently unlike for the greatness and duration of Empire For whereas the Grecians did not extend their Confines beyond the bounds of Greece herself nor did she long flourish in the same splendor of dignity nor greatness of fame and dominion the Romans did command over almost the whole World and their Empire although the Form of Government was changed endured for many Ages for there past above eleven hundred years between the building of Rome and the time wherein she was taken and sackt by the Goths They then who shall consider these things may with reason desire to know why these two Nations did differ so much in fortune since they were equally worthy It was not in any one City alone that choise men for both all civil and military worth did flourish in Greece as in Italy they did in Rome but many Cities did at the same time produce Citizens excellent in all manner of things It would be a tedious thing to number vp the gallant Actions of Miltiades Themistocles Aristides Phocion Alcibiades Ageâ—ilans Cimon Leonida Epaminondas and of so many others whose â—â—me rings loud amongst us And Plutarch when he writes the lives of the most excellent Romans finds as many Grecians almost to parallel to them who are as highly cry'd up for the same vertues Yet did never any of their Cities nor Greâ—â—e herself the Country common to them all ever rise by any of their actions to that high pitch of Fortune and Command as did the City of Rome and whole Italy by the illustrious deeds of the Râ—mans This diversity of success ought not to be attributed to Fortune but their certain and natural causes If Greecâ— should have enlarged the 〈◊〉 of her Empire into the farthest distant Regions as did Italy through the power and gallantry of the 〈◊〉 she must either have been reduced under the power of one only 〈◊〉 or they must all of them have been joined in an uniform 〈…〉 designs But so many difficulties discover themselves in both theâ—e things when they are considered the wonder ceaseth why she could not encrease her Dominions answerable to the Fame Vertue and Glory of things done by that Nation Greece was divided into many several people who were all of them totally or for the most part governed by proper Laws and Civill Institutions in the Form of a Commonwealth though they were of divers States And though they had a general Councel which was called the Aâ—phictyoâ—â—s wherein men met who were sent from all the chief Cities to treat of the most important affairs and such as did concern the common interests of all Greece yet did not this Councel give one onely and certain Government to all Greece but it was such an Assembly as are the Diets which are in these times sometimes call'd in Germany upon some particular Occurrences wherein many Princes and free Cities of that Province meet which do much differ in State Dignity and Form of Government and who have free votes in counselling and in resolving upon such matters as are therein treated But amongst other people of Greece the Spartans and the Athenians antient people of Greece and who for a long time had by their worth purchast much authority were very numerous and eminent when Greece did flourish most both for publick power and for the admirable worth of particular Citizens For though the Corinthians the Argives the Achaeans and some other people were of greater consideration in respect of other lesser Cities yet they for the most part did rather follow the fortune of the Lacedemonians and the Athenians then their own And the Thebans who for a while were in better esteem then the rest by reason of their Soldiers Discipline whom they called by a particular name of the Sacred Cohort yet because of all her Citizens onely two arrived at any celebrated honor to wit Pelopides and Epaminondas and for that her Militia consisted but of Five hundred men their City never arrived at that degree of Dominion and Glory as did Sparta and Athens But as much as these were greater then the others so much did they the more emulate one another both for private worth and glory as for publick Dignity and Reputation To these did the other people of Greece adhere some being by them commanded others by vertue of particular considerations These two Cities were highly esteemed for the orders of the first Founders of such Commonwealths to with Lycurgus in Sparta and in Athens Theseus so as these people who did long before inhabit the same Country began to take name and authority over the rest Those who did inhabit the Terra firma held for the most part with the Spartans and those of the Islands with the Athenians But yet every City was free and hugely intent not to let the power either of the Spartans or Athenians encrease too much but to keep the strength of these two chief Cities so equally ballanced as when the one of them should go about to oppress the other people of Greece the oppressed might have recourse to the other It is therefore to be observed in all the actions of the Grecians that the rest of the people were never firm in their friendships either to the Spartans alone or alone to the Athenians but when the one of them began to exceed the other they sided with the weakest not valuing any tie of friendship or confederacy when they met with any such respect So as for a long time the affairs of Sparta and of Athens marcht hand in hand though each of them both gave and received many routs and partook both of good and bad fortune in War Sparta was strongest by land and Athens by Sea so as they did counterpoise one another and therefore and for that as it hath been said they had each of them many dependants and confederates they kept the forces of whole Greece divided nor was there means afforded to either of them much to exceed the other Wherefore neither of them could busie themselves
power to assault her the War was diversly administred they not agreeing what City should nominate the Commander in chief the Spartans would have reduced the defence to narrow passages by Land and the Athenians would have put the whole fortune of Greece in their Fleet the situations of their Cities and the condition of their Forces would not permit that one and the same thing should be equally useful and commodious for them all Nor was the eminent danger of the Persians so potent Army able to unite the Forces of all Greece but that some of the chief People as the Thessalians Argives and Thebans would be exempted from out the League and the Argives being requested to adhere to the Confederacie of so many other Cities answered that they would rather obey the Persians then give way unto their antient Rivals and Enemies the Spartans Finally the Grecians having obtained a great and unexpected Victory in the Sea-fight at Salamine when they were to have pursued their Fortune after having beaten the â—leet and made the Enemy retire they of themselves gave over all further hopes and came home to their own Havens for that the Spartans envied the glory of the Athenians and fearing by reason of their being stronger at Sea that if they should have proceeded on in their success they would not have spared their own Grecians but have domineered over them and soon after being more moved by envy and their antient home-contentions then by any hatred to the Enemy when they should have driven the remainder of the Persian Army out of Greece the associate Cities fel upon the Thebans because severing themselves in these common dangers from the Grecians they had recourse for friendship to the Persians So as Greece reaped no good by this prosperous success because the Grecians knew not how to value it nor knew they how to use the Victory when they had got it Mardonius was overthrown at the Battel of Platea together with his whole Army which after Xerxes his flight he commanded in chief But what advantage got the Grecians by so great a victory save their dividing of the prey which made them return all of them the sooner to their own houses Nay there arose greater and more cruel civil wars between them afterwards then had ever been before and the business grew to that height as the Spartans who had always profess'd themselves more bitter Enemies to the Barbarians then all the rest joined in league with them and conspired with Tissaphernes who was Governor of Libia for King Darius to ruine Greece Truces made between them were also often broken and out of too great proneness to adhibit faith to the suspitions which they had one of another the publick faith was broken no tye being strong enough to keep those minds fast together which were so divided by perpetual emulation But of all the rest two things are very considerable as touching this present Discourse and the Judgment which is to be given thereupon to wit of what strength the Grecians were in military affairs and with what Princes they had to do in the time when Greece did flourish most and had most reason to aspire to enlarge her Empire Certainly he who shall well consider it will find that warlike Discipline was neither so highly esteemed of nor of that excellencie and perfection amongst the Grecians as it was amongst the Romans for the Romans valued nothing more then military valor and discipline nay for a long time they studied no Sciences nor Liberal Arts wherein those who took any delight made use of Grecians but did wholly give their minds to military exercises and sought for praise from nothing but from War Whence it was that more Soldiers excellently well train'd up in millitary affairs were to be drawn out of the City of Rome then out of other whole Provinces whereas the Grecians did not give their minds to the study of War but to Learning and to the Liberal Sciences which flourish'd a long time amongst them as either born with them or very well cultivated by them There were as many of them that frequented Universities to become Philosophers as of those who studied the Soldiers craft How many Professors were there amongst them of Oratory and Poetry wherein they proved so excellent as all that ever desired to prove good therein since have observed their rules and trodden in their steps How many rare Artificers have there likewise been of Grecians in all the most noble Arts particularly in Sculpture and Picture-drawing The original or at least the perfection whereof knows no other beginning then from Greece In the memory of all Ages the names of Phidias Polyclâ—â—us Alcamenes Aglâ—â—â—hon 〈◊〉 Parrhasius Zeuxis Apelles and of so many others are celebrated Wherefore Greece was more famous for the excellencie of Learning and of the Liberal Arts then for skill in the Militia Yet was the City of Sparta better then the rest at millitary affairs and Athens was sufficiently famous for her Fleets by Sea and her skill in maritime affairs yet the Spartan Militia was bounded within 〈…〉 ere the Athenians did much mind their 〈…〉 mistocles his time And certainly 〈…〉 ordered for the acquirement of Empire For Sparta 〈…〉 tended to Arms yet did they aim more at their own defence and at the presâ—rvation of Libertie then at the acquisition of Empire not onely private Citizens but even the publick weal being constituted in great poverty and restrained to a small number of Citizens they were forbidden all commerce with foreiners least they might corrupt the Laws and Customs of their Country their lives were austeer and they were contented with a little Whence it was that those Citizens were a long time from desiring any further greatness it being therefore propounded to Cleamenus King of Sparta by one Anaxagoras of Miletum who had caused many of the Cities of Ionia to rebel against the King or Persia to make use of that occasion and take up arms shewing him that he might penerate even to the Cities of Susa and possess himself of the wealth of all those Kings The Spartan laught at the proposition and considering onely the length of the voyage said He would none of those riches which were not worth so much labour Yet because the Government of Sparta preserved it self for a long time without any great alteration or change and grew therefore the stronger it was able to get the Dominion of whole Morea and had afterwards the prime place for dignitie and Empire amongst the Grecians On the contrary Athens which by the opportunitie of the Sea and by divers of her institutions aiming at the increasing of the City seemed as if she onght to have inlarged her Dominion beyond the Confines of Greece could not make good use of her Forces nor reap the fruit which became the worth of some of her most excellent Citizens who were highly spirited and were minded to raise their Country to further greatness because she could never
order her self so as to preserve herself long in one and the same Form of Government but was busied in perpetual Civil disorders precipitating herself sometimes into a corrupt Popular State sometimes into the tyrannie of a few But the Grecians seemed as if all their thoughts were usually bounded within themselves insomuch as it is said of some of their most famous Commanders That they did more willingly exercise themselves in Wars made amongst the Grecians themselves then in Wars against the Barbarians since come what would the advantage and honor of the Victory did remain in Greece But as for what belongs to the Militia some may peradventure think that it may be proved by some famous Victories that the Grecians won from the Medes and Persians that they did much study Military Affairs and were very good at Military Discipline insomuch as for that part there was no more to be wished for in them To this it may be answered That it is not to be denied but that the Grecian Militia might be thought to be good and laudable when compared to that of the Barbarians withwhom they had most to do But that it is no waies to be held comparable to that of the Romans who did excellently well understand whatsoever belonged to the true Militia better then did any other Nation in any whatsoever time Insomuch as by reason of their good orders and of the so many Victories which they wan they propounded unto themselves the conquest of the whole world which out of the same reasons they effected But it is observable in the Victories which the Grecians got against the King of Persia's Forces that they were occasioned not so much through the good ordering of their Militia as by reason of a certain obstinate resolution which they had put on to defend Greece from the eminent slavery of the the Barbarians the fear whereof made them bold to encounter whatsoever danger Many of their actions prove this as amongst others that of Leonid as was sufficiently famous who being left with onely Five hundred of his Lacodimonians to guard the Strieght of Thermopla fell boldly with them one night into the Persian Camp where were sundry Hundred thousands of men not being perswaded thereunto out of any hopes of victory of safety but onely out of a desire to revenge the injuries done by Xerxes to Greece by the slaying of so many enemies and by his own voluntary death Who knows not that in the Naval fight at Salamina it was necessity that made the Grecians so couragious Since the Athenians who were of greatest power in that Fleet were already without any Country their City being burnt by the Enemy so that their ultimate hope of any good consisted in that daies good success And to make the necesfity the greater Themistocles who was their Commander in chief chose wisely to joyn Battel in a place which was far from any friends Territories thereby to bereave every one of any other hopes of safety but by being victorious And the great multitude of the Persians Fleet served rather for confusion to them then for any strength for of above a thousand Vessels which were therein it is said that hardly Two hundred entred the Battel And the Victory which was obtained not long after by land against the Army led on by Mardonius was rendred the less difficult by the reputation which the Grecians had won by their Naval Victory and by King Xerxes his running away whose Soldiers proved no more couragious then did their Master for whose glory it was that they were to fight whereas the Grecians fought for themselves for the safety of their Country their Houses and of all that they had But to boot with all this it may peradventure not without truth be affirmed That the actions of the Grecians have been transferred over to the memory of posterity for greater then what indeed they were For Greece had great store of excellent Writers who according to the custom of the Nation amplifying such deeds as might purchase glory to them have studied very much to set them forth to the best and to make them appear praise-worthy Wherefore Salust in the beginning of his History rendring as it were a reason why he took the pains to write saies That the Actions of the Romans may appear to be the less out of the little care they had of putting them into writing every one being more intent to do praise-worthy actions then to celebrate the actions of other men whereas the Grecians actions were made to appear not what they really were but such as the most excellent wits of good Writers could by their adornments set them stately forth Moreover there met many things in the Romans much differing from what hath been said of the Greeks for their whole study was to make their City powerful by any whatsoever way that they might as they did draw upoâ— any occasion great store of Soldiers from thence This was the original of the sanctuarie wherein wicked men driven out of other Countries were received and afterwards People of many of the neighboring Cities were allowed the priviledges of the City of Rome the more to interess them in what belonged to the honor and greatness of Rome as to that of their Common-countrie yet was not the War administred under divers names or auspices as it was in Greece by reason of the several Leagues had between several People but by the sole authoritie of the Roman Commanders and still in sole respect to what made onely good for the Common-wealth of Rome Now if we will coâ—sider with what forein Potentates the Grecians had to make War we shall find that this also made it the harder for them to acquire other mens Countries for just when the Grecians by reason of their having many gallant men amongst them might have aspired at the aggrandizing of their Empire the Persian Monarchie was grown so powerful as it ruled over all the East And was not onely got near to Grâ—â—a by the possession of Lydia but did also possess Ionia an antient Colony of the Grecians So as it was a very great and difficult undertaking to go about to possess the Territories of so great a Prince who though he should receive a rout might easily recover his loss and put himself in a safe posture of defence by reason of the largeness of his Dominion and the multitude of Soldiers that were at his command So as join this outward impediment to the inward which lay in their home discords and we shall see that the Routs which the Grecians gave to the Persians did no further incommodate the Persians then the loss of those Armies nor did the Grecians receive any further benefit thereby then the defending of themselves and their safety for no long time from further dangers But the Kingdom of Macedon though of much less strength for extent of Empire became very formidable by reason of its good Discipline in War and for the great
worth of some of her Kings amongst which Philip the Father of Alexander who as he proved a great Prince and of deep designs so was he very pernicious to Greece For divers People of Greece having recourse to him for help against some other Grecians that were their Enemies they were willingly received and their request graciously listned unto that so he might nourish their discords and weaken all their Forces by continual Wars by which means he made himself Arbitrator of all Greece insomuch as there were not any of them who did not sometimes apply themselves unto him either for Peace to themselves or for help by War against others Wherefore Philip discovering his intentions at last that he was resolved to rule over all Greece he entred thereinto with powerful Forces and was no less grievous to those who first called him in then to the rest against whom he declared his coming to be So Thebes which was the first City which made use of his Forces and did it oftner then all the rest was one of the first though with prejudice to all the rest that tasted the bitter fruits of her unadvised Councels being ruin'd and destroyed by the same Philip who being much allured by the taking of that City and by hopes of greater matters resolved to make himself Master of other Cities of Greece To which design whereas all Greece ought to have opposed themselves for the common interest they went about though by several and divided councels to join themselves with him and to place their own safety in his friendship and fidelity Thus did all Beotia Thessaly and other Regions adhere unto him and the Athenians who encouraged by Demosthenes took up Arms themselves and endeavored to raise whole Greece against Philip being but in weak condition after the so many defeats received from the Lacedemonians they also had recourse to him for safety by the way of favor and peace not only for themselves but for all Greece So as the Spartans being left almost alone to oppose Philips Forces they proved much too weak to withstand such a power so as Greece being opprest by Forein forces fell at last into the hands of the Macedonians And when there was a likelihood by the death of Philip who had not as yet well confirm'd his government over them that the Grecians might have shaken off their yoke of servitude Alexander succeeded in the Kingdom so valiant a Prince as he was a terror not only to his neighbors but to all the East who by his supreme greatness and excellent worth made all his Soldiers so inamor'd of him as some of the Grecian Commanders who had followed him in the Wars in Persia stuck not to affirm that there was not any one in Greece who ought not to desire as the greatest happiness that could befall them that Alexander might sit in the Throne as King of Persia. But after Alexanders unexpected death Greece seemed to have a better opportunity offered her to remit herself into her former liberty being just at that time in Arms for the Athenians with many other people were rebell'd against Alexander and had an Army on foot of Thirty thousand men besides a numerous Fleet discontented because he would have received into their Country a great many of Citizens who had been banish'd for diversity of Factions And moreover the divisions of Empire made by Alexander among so many of his Commanders and the contentions which suddenly arose amongst them were things which gave Greece great opportunities of not being any more subject to be commanded by a Foreiner Yet could she not lay hold thereon either because their former valor and generosity began to fail in them and their antient Customs to be corrupted for many who had received favors from Philip and from Alexander loved better to be governed by one man alone then to restore their Country to her liberty and chiefly for that the People having for the most part had great authority in those days the best and most valiant Citizens were rewarded with banishment and other injuries for their service Or else it may rather be said that the same reason of Civil discord which had at first made Greece weak and not able to maintain herself in a free condition did concur at this time likewise to make her relapse into slavery Thus the Achaeans and the Argives who together with the Athenians had taken up Arms against the Macedonians either out of fear of Antipaters Forces to whose share in the division of the Empire after Alexanders death Macedonia and Greece fell of which Provinces he was formerly Governor or else egg'd on by envy they soon forewent the League which they had contracted lest the City of Athens might have returned to her former greatness and so suffered the Athenians to be made a prey of by the Macedonians And the Spartans out of their same antient respects standing idle Spectators of other mens miseries and not thinking that the same afflictions might befall them minded more to secure their own City with new Fortifications then to oppose themselves as they ought to have done to these Forces of the Enemy and not have suffered them to increase by the Forces of Greece herself and by those whom they had subjugated After this Greece enjoyed peace and quiet some of them enduring patiently the Macedonian government and others not fearing as they ought to have don the like mischief because it was not as yet come home unto them So when by the various accidents which befell the Macedonians in their own Kingdom Greece might have kept them low or at least have kept them from further domineering permitting Cassander Antigonus and Demetrius to live peaceably and quietly for all them and sometimes too much believing their flatâ—eries and allured by a certain appearing Liberty wherewith those Princes thought good to keep the Grecians in obedience to them they knew not how to make use of any of so many occasions till at last in Philips time that Philip with whom the Romans had Wars so long who proved so gallant a Prince and possest himself of Macedonia together with other Provinces she returned to her antient revolts And as Philip the Father of Alexander made himself Lord thereof by the same means whereby he had got entrance thereinto for King Philip entred Greece being call'd in by the Argives and Achaeans who were made War upon by the AEtolians with whom many of the Cities of Greece were so ill satisfied as to shun being governed by them they voluntarily put themselves into the power of King Philip who hae the way at last opened unto him to the end that no part of Greece might be safe from the Macedonian Forces to fall upon Sparta with which City Philip was before upon good terms and in peace For the Lacedemonians not being able to endure that the Achaeans by Philips favor should grow too great in Morea the Principality whereof they had for a long time held breaking
Men but amongst bruit Beasts yea even amongst Vegetables Then since this Equality is not to be found amongst Men it is great injustice to distribute things equally in a Government to those whose parts and deserts are unequal For in conferring of honors or pâ—eferments in a City or State a Geometrical not an Arithmetical proportion must be observed It is the vertue and merit of every one that must be weighed He who is richer then another may be serviceable to his Country by great and frequent contributions to the Publick He who hath many Clients and Friends may by his power and authority dispose 〈◊〉 Peoples minds to believe â—ell and act well in the Cities occasions and affairs He who is advanced above others in glory must have deâ—erâ—â—d it well of the Commonwealth by some noble action and 〈◊〉 confirâ—t himself therein by some other like action And he Who is â—â—â—re generally given to any Vertue be it or Warlike or Civil is always 〈◊〉 then others to serve his Country and Prince upon all occasions So as to drive 〈◊〉 men as these out of the City is no better then to cut that member from the body which is loveliest and fitter then the rest to be serviceable thereunto Such an Instiâ—uâ—ion then can have no admittance but in Tyrannical governments And the examples alleadged of Thrasâ—â—alâ—â— and Tarquin are examples of Tyranâ—â— who being resolved to preserve themselves by violence in their usurped dominionr were to be jealous of all the best and most powerful men and endeavor to be quit of thâ—â— for their greater security But a just Prince must not imiteate such examples â—ay even in a Politick Government these Proceedings would be pernicious For he who will thereby preserve himself must change the Form of the whole Government and reduce it to a Despoâ—ical and servile condition with which such Orders holding some proportion and conformity they may for a certain time prove useful for the maintaining of that Tyrannie as it hath done to the Turks in these later times and formerly in some other Nations wherein the whole Government hath related to the sole and peculiar accommodation of the Lord Paramount without any respect to the good of the Subject and more according to will then to Law Nor is it true that the power of Citizens or greatness of Barons in a Kingdom proves alwas harmful it may rather upon many occasions prove the safety of that City or State But this may be ill uâ—ed as many other things are the which notwithstanding whosoever should go about to take totally away from a City would ruine it not bring it to perfection Therefore the Law ought to provide for taking away the abuse of things not the things themselves when they are not simply and in themselves evil And if the Authority which the Roman Commanders held in their Armies had been well regulated and their continuing is their military Commands moderated by a shorter time Caesar could not have made use thereof as he did to the prejudice of the Commonwealth he having continued so many years Commander in chief of the same Army and in the same Province Nor had they needed to have raised Pompey to such a height to oppose Caesars greatness But when when they had let it run on too long to declare him an Enemy to his Country and drive him out of Italy proved a violent remedy and mortal to the Common-wealth Neither can that benefit be expected as is pretended by the banishment of so many Citizens who being become too great are for suspition drives out of their Country of securing themselves from their power rather Injury added to Ambition serves for another incitement to make them endeavor some innovation in the City and makes them the more sollicitous in plotting by the means of such as are their friends and adherents in their own City or State to râ—ise some revolt in it for which they have easie recourse to the favor of other Princes So as the trouble of being offensive to those States from whence such men are expell'd is rather increased then diminished We have infinite examples in all Ages of those who being driven by banishment out of a City or State have been the occasion of notable mischief and ruine thereunto For though it cannot be denied but that the â—o great power of Citizens in a City or of Lords and Barons in a Kingdom begets suspition and is dangerous and doth usually cause no small difficulties to the good and peaceful Government of that State yet some other remedy thâ—◠〈◊〉 may be used to obviate those disorders which such excesses do 〈…〉 For that is only to suffer a â—ore to grow old and to gangrene that they 〈…〉 wards forcâ—d to 〈…〉 or sword to heal it In a well-govern'd State 〈…〉 be had and caâ—â— taken both by the Law it self and by the Prince who rules is chief therein not to suffer any one to grow to too 〈…〉 And if any 〈◊〉 do arrive at such a condition as he begins too far to overtop the reâ—â— the foundation and groundwork of his power must dexterously be taken away and of his ploting thoughts so as he may not thereby be able to work any novelties or disturb the publick peace Which may easily be done by his wisdom who commands in chief the same men ought not to be suffered to continue long in the same imployments and especially not to exercise them too long in the same place such things ought not to be left in their power which may serve for fuel the more to kindle their ambitious thoughâ—â— to the prejudice of the publick good which may be done under a pretence of honor so as the Princes may not be noted for injustice nor can the particular persâ—nages account it as an injury done them If any one do abound in riches let him have expensive imployments that he may lessen that wealth which made him appear more eminent then others If he be of too great authority in the Court or amongst the People as having had the management of important affairs along time send him to some place of Magistracie or other imployment a far off and change him often from place to place If he be great and remarkable for glorious actions done by him give him hard and difficult imployments wherein if he succeed not well his reputation will soon grow less with the people who judge by the events But if such a one appear too much ambitious and be so as many men are seen to be out of a certain vain-glory but without any malice of heart he may be contented and kept quiet by confering honors upon him of glorious appearance but little profit But the remedy will prove peradventure harder in those who boast themselves to be more nobly descended and of better blood then others fâ—r many several respects meet often times in them to make them great and powerful yet even against these remedies may be found without
test the Wars proved very heavy unto them which they were forc'd to 〈…〉 did not joyn against them because they saw that if that Dukes State fell into the power of the Venetian Commonwealth the way would be laid open to her for much greateâ— matters in Italy whereupon a noble Victorie which was already almost gotten was impeded Hereby it may be then conceived how much the condition of the times was averse to the Commonwealths inlarging her Precincts by Land partly by reason of her self and partly through other various accidents which though they were somewhat more favorable unto her in what concerned the Sea yet met she not with small interruptions therein to her enterprises For the Eastern Emperors being Masters of Greece and of other States and Countries wherein the Commonwealth was to have inlarged the Confines of her command by Sea she could not make any great acquisitions whilst they preserved themselves in such reputation and strength as became their State But afterwards when that Empire began to decline she began to increase and flourish gloriously and her worth was waited upon by much prosperitie as was seen when the Venetians went in companie of the French to the business of the Levant and after many noble warlike actions they took the City and Empire of Constantinople of which acquisition the Commonwealth had so great a share as that their Dukes did then assume the title of Signoridella quarta parte é Mezza di tutto L' Imperio della Romania And soon after with the like prosperous success they did by sundry means reduce many Islands and chief Maritime Towns under their obedience and the Commonwealth marched on apace to greater power and command But this course of glorie and victorie by War was much slackened by the original Customs and Orders of the City as has been said which related more to Peace and Merchant affairs then to War Insomuch as the Venetians seemed for a while to make use of these new acquisitions rather for the better accomodation of their Navigation and Traffick then for any occasion of other enterprises Their business did therefore infinitely increase at this time insomuch as there was not any City famous for merchandizing in the Levant whither the Venetian Ships and Merchants did not flock Nay a great number of men of that Nation did usually remain in those Cities through whose hands the most precious Merchandise of those Countries past to the great advantage of the City and of her private Citizens So as the Genoeses plying the same places at first a certain rivalship and emulation arose amongst them as well for the profit of merchandizing as for the expertness and glory of Sea affairs till at last they came to open and cruel War which kept the Commonwealth so busied and perplexed by disturbing Navigation and even private affairs as for a long while they had no leasure to undertake other enterprises though they had met with opportuity for it and that they had been thereunto disposed For the Venetians having sundry times hazarded their Fleets upon the doubtful event of Battel they tasted both prosperous and adverse fortune insomuch as they were to fight in their own Gulf not more for Empire then for the safety of the City Thus whilst the Commonwealth spent her best years partly in these private affairs and merchandizing business partly in the so long and troublesome Wars against the Genoeses another Power arose in the Levant much greater and more formidable then was the Grecian Empire For the Ottaman Lords beginning by divers accidents but chiefly by reason of the discords among Christians to make notable and successful progress in their rising Empire grew quickly very great and powerful not onely by Land but also by Sea having reduced the City of Constantinople into their hands a very fit place for Sea enterprises whereby the Commonwealth of Venice was not onely bereft of all hopes of further increasing their Dominion by Sea having so great and powerful an â—nemy to near at hand but even what they had already got was exposed to hazard so as being to maintain a bitter and difficult War and to manage it with unequal Forces against this their sore and perpetual adversarie she had more reason to think upon her own defence then by force of Arms to win what belonged to others Let us in the next place consider the conditions of the nearest neighboring people amongst which she was to inlarge her Confines whereby we may also know what difficulties the Commonwealth met with for at the very first she was to overcome the Dalmatians a Nation not onely very valiant but of a quick wit given to sedition and desirous of novelties Whence how great her difficulties were in quelling these may be conceived by this that the Commonwealth of Rome having so many and so far distant Nations yet could she never handsomely put the yoke upon Dalmatia which never was under the Roman Empire until the time of Qctavius Augustus but had still before notably indamaged the Roman Armies It is then no wonder that the state of a Commonwealth should be less which had to contend with such Enemies and who may not know by the actions of this Commonwealth that she rather wanted occasion then worth for the further encreasing her State and fortune Let us now likewise consider the condition of the times wherein the Common-wealth of Rome had her happy beginnings and made the first progress to her Empire Which we shall find to differ much and to be free of the so many difficulties which the Venetians met with Rome had not at her first rise any powerful neighboring Prince for the Assyrians had then the Monarchie whose confines did not extend beyond Asia and after the concourse of many years it was carried by Cyrus amongst the Persians with whom it remained for about Two hundred years till it was destroyed by Alexander of Macedon who though he made greater conquests and made his Forces be felt and dreaded much further off yet dying young in the height of his Victories he could not get into Europe nor afford the Romans occasion of making trial of their Forces with a powerful and valiant Prince And by his death he having left no issue either legitimate or illegitimate behind him that Monarchie was soon destroyed and his Empire was divided between his chief Commanders so as several Kingdoms were thereout framed with which severally the Romans did afterwards much to their advantage make War So as Asia having then been the chiefest Seat of the Empire the Provinces of Europe were not at that time any waies annoied by the power thereof and those that were further from thence as was Italy less then the rest But Greece which was then in high esteem for the excellencie of her Inhabitants genius for what concerned both Civil and Military vertues was divided into many several Peopledoms who contending within themselves for the dignitie both of the soveraigntie of that very
Province it so fell out that aspiring either wholly or chiefly thereat they minded not the annoying of other Nations by their Forces In Africa the Carthaginians were very strong the power of Carthage being almost at the same times as much increased as was the like of Rome in Italy So as she had the Dominion of many provinces of Europe and did possess the greatest part of Spain but this power did not any waies molest the Romans first designs not did it hinder them from making qcquisitions in Italy not from confirming therein those Forces with which she afterwards did subdue the World For the Carthaginians came not near the Romans for little less then Five hundred years till such time as both the Commonwealths inlarging their Confines they grew to be neighbors Whereupon at last they commenced War out of the envy and jealousie that each 〈◊〉 of other This was the condition and 〈◊〉 of times wherein the Commonwealth of Rom◠had 〈◊〉 rise and encrease Whence it may be observed that though there might be some great 〈◊〉 then yet was there none which might compare with the Roman Emperors who had a greater Monarchy then all the rest besides they were so far off as their greatness could not impede Romes increasing though she were as yet but a new-begun City But she met with the like prosperous condition both of affairs and times in relation to her neerest neighbors For Rome had not only not any great contestation with any powerlike Prince in her first and weakest beginning but for the space of three hundred and sixty years till the first French war she had no occasion of making trial of her Forces against any powerful people for then Italy was not only not subject to any one Prince alone who might be greater by other Forces and other States as it happened afterwards in the Venetians times but being divided into many parts as well in respect of dominion as of other separations each Country contained many people of differing government and power So as Latium alone of herself which is now called Campagna di Roma contained four Nations or rather Communalties the Hernici Latini Volsci and Equi with whom the People of Rome did for a long time make war I mention not the Cecinensi the Crustumeni Antinati Sabini Albani and other Nations of less esteem against which in her beginning she exercised her Forces whilst she learned as a man may say the first rudiments of her Militia Tuscany though being taken all together she were very powerful and whose Confines were then much larger yet was she divided into so many Signories or Lordships as the Forces of every People apart by themselves must needs be weak and of small moment which may easily be known by this that bare Three hundred men of the Family of the Fabli were able to wage War with the Veienti who were the chief of that Region with whom they oft times fought with display'd Banners and with dubious event and were at last supprest more by the fraud then force of their Enemies So likewise the other parts of Italy which were neerer Rome were so weakly inhabited as it is not much that a new City but yet well instructed in weapons might get unto herself State and Dominion Nay he who shall consider what the increase of that Commonwealth was from time to time will wonder how that People who got afterwards the dominion of the whole World was so late in enlarging the Confines of her Territories upon her Neighbors when they were to contend in War with those that were weaker then they and that the bounds of their Empire did extend to beyond Italy For for above the space of four hundred years when the City was so much increased in Citizens as she raised Armies of Forty thousand Foot besides Horse the affairs of Rome were notwithstanding in such condition as they made War even under the Walls of Rome with the Equi Volsci and Veientes her first Enemies And this wonder is not a little increased when you shall consider that Military discipline did flourish even from the very first in Rome and was ever afterwards held in great esteem by her Citizens who were bent with all their might to augment the power of their City not being content as were the Venetians to enjoy peace and security Wherefore the Romans gave easily way for friendship to all Foreiners that they might by the multitude of their Citizens render their City more powerful and fitter to worst Adversaries And their first King Romulus set up a Sanctuary where all sorts of men whether free or slaves good or guilty might have receptacle But that Commonwealth had also her imperfections whereby being troubled with perpetual civil discords she found many impediments and much difficulty in effecting her Citizens generous designs But being gotten to a great height of power the Counterpoise of forein Forces ceasing by her own greatness she was able for a time to bear with her so many discorders till at last she was brought to her final ruine We must now be permitted to take some other things into consideration which appertain to particular order of this Commonwealth A City which aspires unto Empire must above all things else be well provided of Arms so as she want not any thing that is requisite for War but she stand◠no less in need of good Laws which are for many respects of great importance in all Governments as also for that when the licentiousness of Arms intrusted in the hands of Citizens is not corrected by the authority of Law that which was destin'd for the good and preservation thereof it turns at last to her ruine Therefore it is requisite that a City be constituted with such Laws as may result both to safety from foreign Enemies and to union between her own Citizens by which civil agreement the strength and reputation of a Commonwealth is much increased Of these two conditions which ought to make a City powerful and so as that power may continue long the Commonwealth of Rome had the first in perfection but was very faulty in the second On the contrary excellent provision was made by the Founders of Venice for the second but much remains to be wish'd for in the former Thus then had Rome a naturally warlike people which she kept continually exercised in Arms observing exactly Military discipline and orders But she was much disorderly and confused in Civil affairs nor knew she how to keep any setled from of Government leaving too much authority in the People and wanting usual means to suppress the immoderate power of Citizens Whereas in Venice the form and order of Civil Government is in every particular well disposed of and excellently well understood so as she is the only example which in so many Ages and so many accidents both of good and bad fortune hath never been troubled with any important domestick discords But then as for Military orders they are
she took in hand and won much honor So as in this happy conjunction the Venetians ought not to abandon their good Fortune lest they might too late repent for not having known how to make good use of their prosperity They were to be ruled by the example of things past For having oftentimes let sâ—ip many opportune occasions of increasing their Dominion by Land whilst their Enemies were but weak and not well setled in their States the like enterprises being by them undertaken afterwards in a less convenient time proved more difficult unto them Others thought that for the like reasons the Venetians should have forborne to meddle with the affairs of Pisa for said they the City was so situated as it could not be defended by them without much expence and inconvenience they being to take a long compass about the Sea before they could furnish it with things necessary and then the City it self was not so great a purchase as deserved so much labor to purchase it They added moreover that at the same time the friends of the other Princes did much envy the Commonwealth for her great prosperity so as it had better become the wisdom of that Senate to endeavour by concealing their thoughts of aspiring to greater things to allay this envy then further to increase it as they did by attempting so great a novelty No doubt but those wise Senators who sate then at the helm of Government did reflect upon these doubts and suspitions but it is to be believed that they were easily free of them considering that the Commonwealth when she was not yet so powerful nor strong had undertaken many difficult but glorious enterprises in parts far off and had gotten notable victories against the Saraâ—ens who were then very strong both by Sea and Land and had placed Trophies of singular worth and great zeal to Religion in the Holy Land that she had many times taken up Arms in the behalf of the Emperors of Constantinople against divers other Potentates and upon occasions had reduced many Cities into her power which had formerly belonged to that Empire and that likewise she had for many years maintained sharp Wars against the Genoeses and had put a period to many other gallant affairs by apparent victories So as they thought that the Commonwealth had reason to promise herself good success in this her noble design of taking upon her the defence of Pisa and of the affairs of Tuscany Wherefore then ought they to distrust that the Commonwealth might keep the City of Pisa at her devotion in times when her power and authority was much increased and being accommodated with so many Ships and Gallies which were usually upon the Sea and having the Island of Corfu in the Gulfs mouth to receive the Ships in the mid-way which sailed from the one Sea to the other But on the contrary who does not know how very opportune this situation was for many other things and of what use for the Commonwealth Their having got footing in Tuscany might according as occasions should be offered open them the way to greater acquisitions and the Haven of Ligorn was extreamly commodious for the Navigation and Traffick which the City of Venice holds with the Western Provinces which may the better be known now for that since the affairs which had wont to be transacted in the East being now turn'd to the West Ships which come from thence laden with sundry sorts of Merchandise putting into the Haven of Ligorn to shun further Navigation do there unload themselves from whence their Loading is afterwards brought by Land to Venice So as it seems those wise Senators did even then foresee what high esteem was to be put upon that situation But their desires have at least prevailed thus far as that this Country is possest by very wise Princes who are great friends to the Commonwealth with whom an excellent intelligence being held as hath been of late and as it is to be hoped it will be for time to come Commerce will always be open safe and free in those Countries So as no reason can perswade that the fear of being envied by other Princes should keep the Venetians from attempting so beneficial a thing For if these thoughts which ought not to be admitted of by any generous Prince should have been sufficient to have stopped the course of the Commonwealths good fortune she must not only have abstained from this but from other enterprises and so her Dominion and Fame would have been shut up within her own Washes if that peradventure might have been permitted them It was therefore necessary for the preservation of themselves and of their liberty to provide themselves of sufficient Forces which cannot be had without Territories to resist such as would offend them for the keeping of others well-affected is not sufficient to keep off injuries But War is not alwaies made out of fear of another Princes power and with a mind to secure ones self therefrom but most commonly out of contempt and out of a beleef of being able easily to effect what you undertake against them and envy is oftentimes more supprest in the very height of good fortune when a mans condition is raised much above that of others then when it is kept within common and usual precincts But what Princes envy ought the Commonwealth to have feared If you will say any Transalpin Princes they had not as then any such firm footing in Italy nor so ready Forces nor peradventure had they their thoughts so interessed as that they were to make War upon that account with the Venetians if you mean Italian Princes every one of them were weaker then the Commonwealth and the diversity of their ends and interests would be sure to keep them from joyning together Nor was it likely that they would conspire with greater Princes against the Venetians since it became all of them to apprehend forein Forces lest they might all suffer in a common ruine And if it be said that notwithstanding it fell out so afterwards as was seen by the league of Cambray which proved so pernicious to the Common-wealth it may be answered That things are not done especially among Princes as reason would perswade and no certain judgment can be given of Actions wherein Fancy reigns But let it be said that the condition of things times and respects were altered by reason of many much differing accidents and actions when these more heavy Wars began but chiefly because the French being become more powerful in Italy by their acquisition of the State of Milan and more desirous of subduing her they resolved to leave nothing unattempted which might bring this their design to effect so as it was from hence that all the troubles and dangers came upon the Commonwealth whereas she ought rather to have expected thanks and good offices from the Crown of France so as peradventure there may be more reason to blame the Commonwealth for having called the King
and facilitate their undertakings then did the reputation of their victory Amidst so great amazement and astonishment nothing was left unattempted by Luigi Gritti and Christofero Moro who were the Provedatori del Campo to uphold the Commonwealths fading fortune They betook themselves to rally the remainder of the Army they comforted the Captains and Soldiers with hope of better success they intreated the Nobility and people of Brescia and of other Cities that being mindful of their Loyalties and of other things done in service to the Commonwealth in former Wars had with Philip Maria Visconte they would be like themselves and with like constancy keep themselves under the moderate command of the Venetians and abhorring the severe Transalpine Dominion they would with one onely inconvenience free themselves from many grievous mischiefs But they were all so possest with a Panick fear as no entreaties nor reason could be listned unto those who had escaped the Battel were unfit either for strength or valor to attempt any thing against the Enemy no disposition to defence was found in the City no not so much as to keep themselves from plunder there were but few Forts at that time in the State and those few of no condition of holding out long What was then to be done to whom was any recourse to be had If all Princes and Countries were become Enemies who were to be trusted If all memory of former benefits were laid aside so as least gratitude was found in those who had been most obliged how could new men be raised and provisions made for a new War The armed Enemy was already at the gates nay even within their houses threatning assured ruine What was to be done in such a general dispait but to give way and suffer the cloud to pass which they saw there was neither wit nor counsel sufficient to withstand And as sometimes it falls out in greatest Tempests that the skill and labor of the Marriners being overcome by the malignity of the weather they take down their sails and suffer the ship to drive up and down whithersoever the Sea carries it So in cases of greatest danger into which States do sometimes fall he that sits at the helm must comply with his fortune be it never so bad till the fury of those tempests being past over the Commonwealth though born down yet not quite sunk may rise again and make way for her pristine greatness The Army being then to retreat and the loss of the City drawing other losses after it as one stone that gives against another it was thought the best course to free the people from their former oathes so to preserve them from sacking and plunder which they must have undergone if they should maintain their loyalties and to free themselves from the tax of rebellion if they should submit to the Enemy Such a resolution might appear willing and therefore less generous but it was really necessary prejudicial to him who doth consider meerly the present condition of things but which might prove useful in the future At first sight it appeared to proceed from rashness and fear and yet it proceeded from wisdom from charity and in respect to the good of the State and of the Subjects The piety nor prudence of the Senate could not admit of the onely hope which was offered in this sad condition of times to be used for withstanding so many enemies wherefore the Venetians did magnanimously refuse those helps and assistances which were offered them by the Turks though but little before as some writers affirm they had been very much sought unto by other Christian Princes as by Frederick of Aragon and Lodovicâ—â— Sforza for the defence of their Dominions and not long after by the Emperor Maximilian to be made use of against the Venetians but neither did the justly conceived anger against so many conspiring Princes nor the desire of recovering what was lost prevail with those most wise and religious men but that it was over-born with the zeal of Religion and with a firm resolution of preserving the glory of their other atchievements against the Infidels immaculate neither would the reason of State if well-understood considered in the example of others suffer them so to do and especially in the unfortunate success of the Emperors of Constantinople who having unadvisedly call'd in to their assistance the Ottoman Princes who were much more powerful then they had drawn a greater ruine upon themselves which proved the occasion of the fall of that Empire But being unwilling notwithstanding to give over all hopes of accommodating the afflicted condition of affairs with some ease the Senate resolved to have recourse to the Pope and to Caesar though they had then appeared their bitter Enemies to treat of some Agreement They were moved much hereunto by the respect and reverence due to that holy See and the pious and religious apprehension they had of Ecclesiastical censures to which they were subject and they trusted more in prevailing with Caesar then with the King of France For what hopes were there to do any good by intreaties with him who being first bound to the Common-wealth by obligation and confederacie had spurn'd at all those respects out of meer desire of novelties To these then they granted all that they pretended unto for being to make them quickly jealous of the King of France his greatness they knew some way would be found out for the Commonwealths better fortune But how is it possible to pass over here in silence another thing not at all differing from this by which such base aspersions have been endeavored to be cast upon the Venetians since by this our present discourse we go about to vindicate them by searching into the truth We read in Guicchiardine a Modern and to give him his due in many things an excellent Historian an Oration published by him in the name of Antonio Iustiniano sent by the Commonwealth to Caesar wherein it is said that the Venetians begging pardon at Caesars hand with much subjection and servility of mind did offer to submit the Commonwealth to be perpetually tributary to the Empire and to acknowledg to hold their liberty lives and livelihood from him with some other base unworthy expressions not only not true but not likely to be so For first it is very certain that Iustinian being sent Ambassador to Maximilian and finding him at Trent was never admitted to have audience peradventure for fear of offending the Confederates and making of them jealous Then it is most certain that the Senate gave no such Commission And let him who will not believe it listen but to reason and then he will be perswaded to the contrary The Commonwealth had then lost all her Territories by Land but at the same time she enjoyed all her State by Sea wherein were not only one or two Cities but divers Provinces and noble Kingdoms their Naval accoutrements were very great and equal if not superior to those of whatsoever
Potentate at that time all entire and whole not having suffered any thing by this thunder of War which had only overrun their Terra firma their Treasure but little diminished from what it was at the begining of this War which continued afterwards and was maintained for the space of many years The City of Venice placed by her miraculous situation in compleat safety all attempts which could be made against it being to prove rash and vain as the effects proved afterwards A great Train of Artillery and of all things requisite for War a quiet People and obedient at the beck of their Nobility and a constant and resolute mind in all the Nobles to demonstrate all the proofs of worth and love towards their Country But that which followed afterwards in their defence of the City of Padua against the Forces of all the Princes of the League will suffice to prove that the Commonwealth was not so weak either in Counsel or in Power as to have recourse to thâ—â— last extremity of making that Ciâ—y tributary which had maintained her first freedom for above the space of a thousand years Say I beseech you was not the Commonwealth powerful by Sea and sufficiently valued by all other Potentates before she had any State in Terra firma Nay she was oft-times seen to neglect occasions which were offered of making acquisitious in Terra firma thinking her self safe and powerful enough without them What was it then which could move them to make themselves Servants and Subjects who had no reason to doubt not onely their liberty but nor their chiefest most antient and most proper Dominion which was that of the Sea for the preservation whereof as affairs stood then they had no reason to make such haste to Caesar for friendship Who can with reason blame the advice as the condition of things went then of giving and yeelding that up to Maximilian which could not as then be kept from him to wit some of those Cities in Terra firma which he pretended right unto since some agreement ensuing with him by such concessions and injuries ceasing on that part the way might be opened to straiter and more particular and advantagious conventions with the same Caesar who was naturally desirous of novelties whereby the Fortune of the Commonwealth was again to be raised up And this counsel tried afterwards with others had good success when they joyned in a new confederacy with the same French against Maximilian who scorning their frâ—endship would not listen to their propositions These were the counsels these the actions of the Venetians from whence some would take occasion to detract from the praise and dignity of their Commonwealth and particularly from the excellency of their Government But we may better know how injuriously this blemish is laid upon them if we will examine how other Princes and States did behave themselves when they were in like adversity which I do not alleage as taxing any one but to shew the usual course of affairs by the example of others Observe what art the King of Aragon used to preserve his State when Charls the Eighth King of France came against them in hostile manner Alphonso who possest the Kingdom having tried the extremity of fear before the danger grew near out of the meer report of the French Forces departed from Naples leaving all things at six and sevens whilst their Army was yet in Rome and Alphonso the Son who had boasted that he would defend himself and to that purpose had mustered a great many Soldiers retired with them into the narrow passes of the Kingdom without making any triall either of his fortune or of his valor and yeelding rather to the Fame then to the Forces of the Enemy suffered them to take free and quiet possession of that most noble Kingdom But Frederick of Aragon who was reinvested in his State by the favor of the people and by the assistance of other Princes with which the Venetians did readily joyn what use did he make of other mens labors and of his own fortune Soon after the Kingdom of Naples was assaulted by Lodowick King of France and by Ferdinando King of Spain at which assault being much discouraged he would not lâ— sten to the advice of his Commanders who advised him to keep the field but made some slender provisions for the Towns and soon after thinking more how to escape then how to defend himself he fled into Ischia and went from thence into France and put himself into the power of the same King his Enemy contenting himself rather to live a private man in peace and safety then to reign in trouble and danger But what shall we â—ay of the French who boast so much of their valor and glory in War How easily when they met with the first misfortune did they suffer themselves to be bereft of all they had before so happily acquired in the Kingdom of Naples And that so hastily as it seemed that they had freely yeeled up the possession of so many and so noble Cities to the victors the Spainards by agreement and as it were in reward for the day which they had won Nor is this the onely example since we have seen the same French who were faln with such fervency with their Forces into Italy and had with miraculous prosperity recovered the State of Milan but a little before resolve suddenly to forgo all that they had won and to retreat to beyond the Mountains after the roâ—â— which they had received from the Swizzers at Novara the succour which they met withal by the way as they fled not being able to make them halt Who was more famous then for dexterity of wit for the managing of weighty affairs then Lodorica Sforza Duke of Milan yet when a great deluge of War came upon him what use could he make of all his Artifices Could he shew that constancy and generosity which he had many times before publickly boasted of The onely news of the league made against him by Lodowick King of France and by the Venetians did so astonish him as losing all understanding and leaving his Affairs unprovided for he resolved at very first upon what ought to have been his last and most desperate advice to fly into Germany foregoing the defence of that State which being once lost he did afterwards in vain seek to recover But in this point I may help my self in looking a little more backward and trying whether the gallantry of the antients so much commended did produce other effects then those that I have spoken of The Romans who conquered the whole world met sometimes with adverse fortune wherein let us see how they behaved themselves for he is very timerous who is not bold and generous in prosperous affairs In what peril and hazard did Brennusâ— Prince and Commander of the Galli Senones put the City of Rome after the defeat given to the Roman Army under the unfortunate conduct of the Fabii no
French-men have who were left behind for the defence of the Kingdom of Naples and the City of Novara which though it were back'd with the Kings men who to this purpose kept his Army a long time together after the Battel was reduced to so great streights by the Colleagues as the King was compelled to yeed it up upon Articles to Sforza would it not soon have been taken by the sole reputation of the victoâ—y Neither would this have been an occasion of dissention as afterwards it was amongst the Colleagues and which bereft them of the chiefest advantage which that confederacie could hope for These are the Considerations which we may conceive did move those Princes to resolve upon following the French Army and to join battel with it But that which amongst such diversity of reasons seems more answerable to reason is that the Battel was not occasioned out of an absolute resolution and resolute advice but happened party out of necessity both Armies being already drawn very near and partly upon a resolution taken by the Commanders upon the very place But the Princes of the Leagues truest intention was to necessitate the King of France when he should see so great a preparation for War to be made against him to hasten his departure the more and to enforce him to draw so many more of his men from the Kâ—ngdom of Naples that so he might make his passage the surer And that the Kingdom not having sufficient Garisons to defend it might the more easily fall into the power of the Aragoneses for whom the same Colleagues were preparing a Fleet by Sea to assault it Nor was it judged by the example of things formerly past that the States of Italy were free from the insolencies of the French unless the Prâ—nces of Italy should either put themselves into a posture of War or if they should keep their Forces far distant from the way whereby the King was to return for France since in his former passage to the enterprise of Naples though he was more necessitated to make hast and haâ— greater need of making himself Friends more by favor then by force he had notwithstanding used strange novelties in Tuscany which the Florentines did much â—esent And who could have ascertained that he would not do the lâ—ke in his return in all other parts where meeting with no obstacle he might meet with opportunity of pleasing himself or procuring any thing of advantage The Colleagues seeking to provide for these mischiefs rather to shun new inconveniencies then endeavor to repair their past losses they thought it the best course that their Army should follow that of the Kings so to keep him in perpetual jealousie and suspition and hinder him if he should make any attempt hoping likewise as they had like to have done that this was the way to make the King come to some good agreement with them which had been often endeavored and not without hopes of good success even when the Camps were very near together But the Colleagues incited either by the Armies being so near together by the desire of glory or hope of victory or perchance being inforc'd so to do as it usually falls out when the Enemies Army is reduced to straight passages they fought the French the Commanders of the Leaguâ—s Army were then to have considered that they had more reason to hope for victorie then to fear loss in that daies fight as the effect did in part prove it being the common opinion that had not their own men been put into great disorder by their own light-horse who fell too soon to pillage the Enemies Camp they would have had a full and glorious victory But though the business should have succeeded otherwise they knew the state of affairs to be such as the victory oâ— the Kings behalf could not occasion them those great mischiefs which upon such an occasion have been considered the Kings Forces not being so great when most entire much less being much weakened by the conflict as could prove very formidable Such like events may teach us not to attempt such things in which it is hard to resolve and wherein the profit which may accrue is very doubtful nor to bring our selves to such a condition as the necessity of putting on another resolve bereaves us of choice Nor will it be a less useful precept for Princes to have a great care and to be very well advised in chusing their Commanders which are to have the chief imployment in great enterprises for if their nature and customs be not conformable to the thoughts and intentions of the Prince it is in vain to give them any Instructions or Commissions for oft-times a resolution is to be put on upon the main concern wherein a mans natural inclinations may prevail over whatsoever strict command which the Commonwealth of Venice had experience of particularly in this daies fight in the Marquis of Mantua and some years after with much more danger and damage in Bartholomiâ— d' Alviano at the Battel of Giaradada in both which personages natural ardor and too vehement a desire of glory prevailed over the Senates wise and moderate counsels The Fifth DISCOURSE Whether or no the Forces of Leagues be fit for great Enterprises AMongst those things which fall into discourse when people talk of weighty State Affairs and of War enterprises one and a chief one is that of Leagues and Confederacies in which divers Potentates do joyn either out of some particular design of their own or for their better securitie or to abate the power of others And the weakness of Potentates who are wanting in the antient military worth and discipline hath been the occasion why we read of more examples of such unions in these latter times then we have heard of formerly So as now adaies as also in some later times past when any great enterprise is debated upon recourse is forthwith had to Leagues by means and vertue whereof it is usually thought that greater ends may be compassed then can be hoped for from the peculiar power and vertue of any one onely State and chiefly to curb and keep under those Forces which do threaten whole Christendom with most danger and damage Those who speak in the behalf of these Leagues and who heighten the hopes thereof use these or the like reasons First because reason natures self doth teach us that the multiplication of the force and vertue of the movers makes the motion the greater and more powerful and that power and perfection which in humane affairs is denied to one alone is easily found amongst many There is hardâ—y any one so weak or so little befriended by the gifts of nature or fortune who may not be some help to another by adding that little which he hath to the much more of the others This is the cause why in humane actions and especially in such as are of the nobler sort the perfectest are those which are most compounded The best
mans Country with an Army intending to possess himself thereof must first win all the Castles and strong Holds upon the Frontiers for it were ill advised to advance forwards and leave such places behind them since his victuals may be thereby hindred and he may several waies suffer much damage and be greatly disturbed Moreover to be â—aster of the field leave the Cities and strong Holds unreduced would be but to labor hard to get possession for a few daies which being founded only upon the Forces of a field-Army when that should be worsted all things formerly won must of necessity fall of themselves Hence it is that since much time must be spent in lying before a Fort or Citadel and that many men are requisite to take it and all this often-times in vain the attempts of modern Princes meeting with this difficulty are not so soon nor so sadly compast as they were by the Antients who met not with such obstacles And how can it be expected therefore that many great victories should be won since they meet with so many rubs by means of these strong Holds whereof we see many clear examples in the actions of the aforementioned Princes The Emperor Charls made War several times with numerous Armies against the King of France propounding great matters unto himself which proved all but vain at last by his having met with strong Cities well munited such as required much time and labor to take them wherefore though his success in War was sometimes prosperous yet it came so late as he hardly got any advantage or benefit thereby as was seen when after much time spenâ— and mâ—ny men lost before the Fort of St. Desir which was seaâ—ed in the midst of France whither he was fortunately advanced though he reduced it to his own power yet was he at last forced to come to agreement with the Enemy as finding his Forces much weakened by that acquisition that he might fall upon another Enterprise The same and for the same cause befell Francis King of France who having sent his Son the Dolphin with powerful Forces to the Pyrenean Mountains to the end that he might break into Spain promising himself easier success therein by an unexpected assault and because he had assaulted at the same time other parts of Caesars Dominions with other Armies The Dolphin being at the very first to take Perpignano a Fort placed upon those Frontiers he there met with such and with so many difficulties as this sole encounter was sufficient to keep those Forces from penâ—trating any further Solyman being entred with a powerful Army into Hungarie intending to pass into Austria wasted so much time in expugning the strong Hold of Buda as it proved the safety of that Country and chiefly of Vienna before the which he was in that respect the longer a coming and by this delay afforded the defendants the more time to provide for their own security so as the City being of it self very renable it may be said that she did not onely save her self but by the preservation thereof all Austria and other Provinces of Germany were preserved then and several times since So likewise in the War which was made by the same Solyman against the Venetians though he was come thither himself in person with powerful Forces both by Sea and Land yet his Forces being repulst by the Fort of Câ—rfir which was forcibly but in vain attempted by the Turks he was forced to withdraw from before it whereas without the help and advantage of such a strong Hold both the Island of Câ—rfee and other places belonging to that State must have submitted to so great and warlike a preparation By reason then of these difficulties and such occasions the undertaking of later times have proved less glorious for matter of action then those of former daies When Alexander had overcome in Battel Darius the powerful King of Persia he soon made himself Master of his whole Kingdom and passing further into the Country even to the ocean Sea he found the way so opeâ— as the onely difficulty he met withal was the overcoming of those Fortresses of Rivers and Seas which nature had furnished the Country with Insomuch as those who writ his actions speak but of two strong Holds of any importance about which he was necessitated to spend some time amongst the Indians in his victorious over-running so many Countries But Pompey made such way in following Mithridates and in planting Trophies of victories in all places whereby he past in so many Eastern Provinces amongst people that he had rather march'd over then over-come as it may be easily conceived that he mâ—â— no where with any impediments by strong Holds which were able to stop the course of his victorious Forces Caesar found it somewhat a harder business to subjugate those people of Europe with whom he was to fight but this was more out of the nature of the situations and the savageness of the people then by reason of any stout resistance made by any well fortified Cities yet in the space of Ten years he compleated so many victories as he subjugated There hundred several sorts of People It these though great Princes and most valiant Commanders had been put to the expence of moneths and years in the taking of one only Fort certainly their atchievements would have been fewer and their glory not so much cry'd up This was manifestly known by the example of other Ages For it may be observed that the so great progresses of War have been made chiefly in the Eastern parts where at all times peradventure by reason of the largeness of the Country the use of strong Holds hath been least had so as not only Alexander the Great and Pomâ—ey both of them more famous then all other Commanders but some of the Roman Emperors have by their Chieftains subjugated spacious Countries in a short time And in later times Selymus the Great Turk by the same reason was able totally to subjugate the Soldan of Caire's Empire For having had the better in many Battels and not meeting with any strong Hold to withstand him the whole Country which was under that Empire fell as a prey into the power of the Turks who were Victors and Masters of the Field But such acquisitions as they are very easie to be made so are they but seldom peacefully possest which was the cause why the Roman Emperors could never so govern those furthest Eastern parts but that either by the Inhabitants themselves or by their neighboring Kings â—umults were continually raised So as it behoved them to subjugate the same Provinces several times But if these difficulties of winning Forts and strong Holds did retard the course of Victories certainly they ought not to lessen the praise of modern Princes and Commanders but when they deserve it by their own military worth and industry as great discipline cunning constancie and sufferance is discovered in this sort of Militia and as such acquisitions
with such expence and with the loss of so many men only to retain and keep some Territories This was the tree from which the boughs or sprouts could not be so fast cut off but that one War soon succeeded another wherewith Italy was long perplex'd till in the year 1529. the Princes being tyred and the People ruin'd agreement was made in that famous Meeting at Bolognia in which so sound foundations of the peace and quiet of Italy were laid as they may almost be said to have continued till now with fair hopes of longer continuance For though fâ—r thus many years there have been some commotiens in Italy made both by her own Inhabitants and by Foreiners yet in respect of the calamities she underwent in those former Ages they may rather be termed uprores then wars This condition of affairs and of affectionâ— being changed and the materials being removed by which the fire of war was fed Italy remained in great tranquility Soon after this introduction of Peace the Statâ— of Milan by the immaâ—ure death of Francisco Sfâ—rza who left no issue behind â—im fell into the power of Charls the Emperor and afterwards into his son Philip's in which Princes no such respect concurr'd as lately have been mentioned whereby the peace of Italy might be troubled as it had been before For these Princes by reason of their other great possessions being peacefully Masters of so fair and noble a part of Italy as is the Kingdom of Naples and Dukedom of Milan they had no reason to trouble the peaceful condition of affairs either out of any apprehension of their own businesses or out of a desire to enjoy what appertained to others They were treed from fear not onely by the friendship solemnly established and ratified by the other Portentâ—tes of Italy but much more by their own power and greatness and thâ— knowledge that to intreach upon one might easily move all the rest and afford occasion of bringing â—orein Forces into Italy whereby to disturb â—heir own setled possession of so large and nobe a share â—hereof kept thâ—m from dreaming upon the possessing of other mens estates So likewise the Commonwealth of Venice was at this time in such a condition as being only to covet peace she might hope to injoy it safely because she was neither so great nor powerful as to hope after new acquisitions being counterpoised by greater Forces in Italy who upon the least discovery in her of taking up Arms would oppose her and not suffer hâ—r to increase to their prejudice neither was she yet so weak as she might dread being easiâ—y opprest by others so as to secure herself from such a danger she might be constrained to think upon novelties or to procure new friends The Câ—uâ—ch Territories being secured no less by the reverence due to religion then by force of Arms remained safe and quiet nor had the Popes any reason either to fear their own affairs not yet to desire a greater temporal â—state for having recovered many Cities which the Church had formerly lost discords being ceased and the faction wherewâ—th she had been troubled beâ—ng almost eâ—â—inguished and the authority of the Barons of Rome being moderated that holy See was in a condition of as great dignitie and safety as she had been at any time before and Duke Cosâ—o de Medici Duke of Florence being allied to the favor and friendship of a potent Prince wherein he was very fortunate was safe enough and being likewise a new Prince in â—uscany he was to think as he wisely did rather how to setle himself well in his noble Dominon then to dream of becoming the Author of new Wars and of increasing his State Hence it was that the Forces of these greater Potenrates being ballanced and theit thoughts tempered all occasions of making any great change or alteration of States in her was taken away such as had hapned in the former Ages through the commotions of the very Princes of Italy As for such dangers as might happen from abroad Italy was at this time secured by various accidents If wâ— shall first consider the Empire from whence her greatest troubles had often tâ—mies come those Emperors knew very well by what had succeeded to Charls in the Imperial dignity that they had not Forces sufficient wherewith to betake themselves to forein enterprises out of any particular interest or ambition without the help of Germany which was but little inclined to increase their power and authority But though the moderate minds of those Princes which was alwaâ—es inclined to Justice and Equity must be greatly praised the eminent danger their States lay in by reason of the Turks Forces was above all other things able to keep them from thinking of molesting other mens States which Turks being so near and so powerful neighbors have kept them busied and molested and in a condition of thinking rather how to secure their own affairs then to increase their fortune by new acquisiâ—ons not onely when they were forced to take up Arms for the defence of Hungary and Austria but even in time of peace and greatest security The French I must confess have been more intent to trouble the peace of Italy on which they had a long time set their minds out of a desire to get some footing there But though the Forces of that flourishing and powerful Kingdom were very formidable before these Civil Discords yet experience hath shewed that their attempts when they have had none to receive and to uphold them in Italy have caused more dread then damage for their Armies being to be furnished with all necessaries from a far off they have been overcome by weaker â—orces and oft-times by their own wants Therefore because in these later times when they past over the Mountains they were not conâ—ederate as formerly they had been with any great Potentate in Italy therefore have they been able to â—arry there but a while nor have they made the noise of their Trumpets be heard a far off though they havenever let 〈◊〉 any occasion out of a desire of Novelty and glory so as all those who have at any time been ill satisfied by the Imperiâ—lists and then by the Spainards have been easily received into friendship with them This was the defence of Sieâ—na imbraced a City opprest by the severe Government of Caesars Officers Thus were the Ferneâ—s taken into protection to keep them in their possession of Parma and Piacenza out of which the Emperor would have driven them Thus was the Prince of Salerno listned unto who by his favor and the insurrection of the people furthered the hopes of great acquisitions in the Kingdom of Naples Thus Paul the Fourth met with good correspondencie in Henry King of France as soon as he discovered himself to be ill affected towards Caesar and that he would take up Arms against him for he hoped to attain those things by the friendship and conjunction of a powerful Prince and one who according
it yet more questionable whether strong Holds be a greater safety or weakening to a State and where there are many and very great ones the doubt is made the greater since so many Soldiers must be imployed in their defence as if the Prince be not very powerful he shall hardly find Forces sufficient to keep several Armies as they may be termed on foot some within the Forts and some in the Campagnia Nor can it be made good that strong Holds are of themselves sufficient to secure the whole State for though they may entertain the Enemy for a while and stop the first brunt of an impetuous assault yet at last unless they be back'd with Forces from without and timely succored and relieved being overcome either by power length of time or necessity they must yield and fall into the power of the Enemy which cannot be denied no not by the very Professors and Favorers of Fortification And yet it cannot be denied but if a Prince have sufficient Forces to keep the Field in his own Country he may thereby keep himself from being injured for men do not easily put things to hazard where they think to meet with stout opposition and the only opinion and reputation of such Forces is able to keep off the greatest dangers For the Enemy who did design to assault such a State becomes jealous and doubtful nor is he bold enough to enter far into such a State as is guarded by a good Army and chiefly in situations such as are almost in all Countries as are naturally fortified by Hills Vallies or Rivers where it is hard to enter and harder to retreat And if any well experienced Captain command over such Forces he will be likely enough to defeat the Enemy without endangering himself by keeping him from victuals and so imployed and busied in sunâ—ry ways as he shall neither be able to keep long in the Country nor much less imploy himself in the taking or sacking of any Cities since he knows he is hourly subject to surprisals and to be ruâ—n'd and strong Holds securing nothing but those quarters where they are situated they do not secure the State if they be but a few and if many they require all the Forces for their own defence and leave the Enemy master of the Field to the Prince his prejudice and the Peoples despair So also if they be but little ones and incapable of such Works and so many men as are requisite to make them hold out long they and the Soldiers which defend them are lost and if they be great and contain large plots of ground as is most in fashion in these days they may be more perfect in themselves but they need so many men to defend them as those Forces which ought to be imployed for the safeguard of the whole Country or a great part thereof are bounded within a little compass in defence of some City or Ciâ—adel And yet these very Soldiers when drawn out into the Field may do much better service for being fashioned into the body of an Army they become as it were a moveable Fort which secures at once many Cities and a great Tract of Country nay by these the Enemy is much â—â—damaged and the troubles and danger of War are kept far from a mans own home For as hath been said diversions and preventions may be made by these Forces they may be carried into another mans State and set another mans hoâ—se on fire before it take head in ones own house but he who placeth his safety in strong Holds puts himself into a condition of being at his Enemies disposal in whose will it lies to choose what shall make most for his advantage with great prejudice to the opposing party For he may either pass by the Forâ—s over-ruâ— the Country enrich his Soldiers by booty impoverish the Subjects of that Country which is assaulted and cannot be releived by reason that the Forces thereof are disperst and imploid in the defence of the strong Holds or if he will make any certain archievement he may sit down before any Fort and without indangering his own men whilst he shall live upon the Enemies Territories he may in time take it by siege and effect his own desires for as hath been said no strong Hold can promise it self long safety where no succour is ready at hand But let us come a little closer to the business and let us suppose that these strong Holds may be brought to such a condition as they may be assuredly able to resist any open force which shall come against them and not be deceived in that their beleef as often times they are How can they secure themselves from treacherie and from such dangers as they may be subject unto by the negligence of Soldiers or falsehood of the Commanders that have the custodie thereof in which case the Princes danger is so much the greater and more irreparable for that his Enemy is in the Dominions in a well munited seat from whence he cannot hope to drive him without much labor and difficultie But in greater Cities wherein are a multitude of people and where these cautions and suspitions are not to be found others no whit inferior to these do arise for such quantities of victuals is requisite to feed the many men that are therein inclosed as no Prince is able to provide for so as may serve them for a long time and if this fail to what end serves Walls Weapons or Soldiers To this may be added that the safety of such strong Holds does in a great part depend upon the pleasure of the people who being of themselves naturally fickle do often favor forein Princes out of very slight reasons and sometimes out of a meer desire of noveltie and plot by sedition and by open force against the present State and deliver themselves and the City into another mans power And though they may afterwards repent themselves of their folly they know not how to mend it when a powerful Army is within the City Walls nor can this be done by him who defends the State because he cannot keep so many Forces together as are able to defend several places at â—nce and because loving his Subjects as a legitimate Prince ought to do he is loath to destroy a City of his own though whole Armies be therein But if the State be open and not pestred with Fortifications though it may the more easily be lost by sudden assaults or by ill affected Subjects it will be the more easily regained and as soon as the Prince who is deprived thereof shall have means to rallie his Forces which by misfortune may have been beaten he soon makes head again and recovers what he had lost the Enemy not having any safe hold wherein to abide And of this there are many apparent examples If the Commonwealth of Venice in the times of her greatest calamitie had had her State in Terra firma so well provided of strong
that Kingdom as he did being more encouraged thereunto by the weakness and backwardness of the Imperialists who if when they had done their utmost had done nothing at all and the Turks knowing that Charls the Emperor being imploâ—ed in other very considerable Wars would not be alwaies able to afford his Brother so great assistance was not this a great incitement to them quickly to renew the War to the greater prejudice and danger not onely of Hungary which Ferdinand laid claim unto but even to the like of Ferdinands own Territories and not long after the fact it self shewed what might have been foreseen by reason for Solyman could not onely not be perswaded to quit the protection which he had taken of his Pupil King Steven but before he should come to any accord with Ferdinand demanded tribute from Austria and the conditions both of the War and Peace growing daily worse and worse the greatest part of Hungary being lost after the notable discomfitures of the German Armies at Essechlo and Buda and the other part continuing still in great danger the certain loss was known which did redound unto them by not hazarding a Battel at this time when the fears and hopes were at least alike on both sides But say that this had been too rash or too difficult a thing to have been effected what hindred them or disswaded them from passing through their own Countries and marching with their Army to between Dava and Sava a Country which had not at all been prejudiced by the late Wars and therefore fit to furnish their Army with victuals and where there are many mountainous seats which were advantagious for the Imperialists and incommodious for the Turks in respect of their Cavalry whereby they might have preserved two Provinces which were Patrimonâ—al States of the House of Austria and therefore ought to have been the more carefully kept Carinthia and Stiria which being abandoned were left a secure prey unto the â—urks who utterly destroyed them by fire and sword endangering likewise the loss of some of their chief Cities for the way would have been block'd up and kept Solyman from coming thither if it had been first possessed by the Imperialists and Solymans reputation would have been much lessened if he had tarried behind leaving that Country untouched which he was come to assault with so great an Army But to do as the Imperialists did to keep so many men with so great a Train of Artâ—llery and all necessaries for War barely to defend one City which lay not open but was begiâ—t with walls which was held to be a strong Forâ—ress and which being but meanly provided of men had formerly repulsed great Turkish forces what was it but by this new and prejudicial example to confirm the Turks and even our own men in the opinion that the Christian Militia was inferior to that of the Turks and that our Princes being intent upon their own defence and not without some fear to imploy their utmost endeavors therein were for their parts to suffer the Turks to enjoy their large Empire in peace and safety Which the Ottoman Princes have brought to so vast a greatness not by letting their Forces lie idle and by being content to defend that Title which they had gotten at first but by going every where to find out the Enemy fighting him upon all occasions and by making their way by their swords into other mens Countries How oft have the Turks entred into the Consinus of Persia nay wrought themselves in even to her inmost parts chiefly intending to come to a day of fight with the Persians Armies which they have often enected though the Persians were rather to be feared then to be despised for their antient honor in War and for the manner of their Militia and yet at last they have in these last Wars got safe possession of the chiefest part of this most noble Kingdom What then is more to be said but that if this way of proceeding have proved prosperous to those that have walked therein he who takes another way walks on towards destruct on and either through ignorance or too great a thirst after quiet and secuâ—ity involves himself into greater troubles and difficulties And though the loss be made by peece-meal which may peradventure make it appear the less yet at last the whole falls into more certain though a later ruine And to speak of more modern affairs how had not only the Commonwealth of Venice but several other States of Christian Princes been preserved from the Turkish power and insolencie if the Leagues Fleet shunning all occasion of fight had retreated without that famous Victory of Lepaâ—â—â— But it was afterwards more cleerly seen that Charls his intent on in this War was far from joining battel with the Turks either that he would not hazard his glory and honor or manifestly confess himself interior to Solyman in Forces when Hungary and Austria being assaulted at another time by the same Solyman in stead of succoring of assisting his Brother who was in emient danger he went to try new adventures in Africa of a much more inconsiderable nature If a day of Battel be ever to be had what else was there to be done to keep off the ruine which doth threaten Christendom every day more and more He who hazards may lose but he may also win And he who stands idly and does nothing whilst he endeavors security by useless means does by degrees daily fall into new dangers and doth as it were voluntarily but for certain basely submit himself to the yoke of a grievous and unworthy slavery If Germany and Italy had been so forward to furnish men and monies for this enterprise the authority of so great a Prince who was the chief Author and Head thereof being considered as upon other occasions which did happen not long after these assistances might have been sooner hoped for When were the whole Forces of Germany seen so united as they were at this time Nay it was rather to be doubted that many seeds of discord were to grow which were already spread abroad throughout this Province by reason of Religion and State-policie whereby Germany might be weakned and divided From whence then was there any good to be hoped for against this so formidable Enemy if so great a preparation for war proved altogether vain and useless The condition of present Times and of long Custom will not suffer us now to hope that we may see what formerly fell out in that famous Councel of Clerement that at the words of an Hermite at the bare exhortations of a Pope Christian Princes and people should readily take up Arms against the Infidels being content for bond of firm union to be all of them signed with the sign of the Cross. But now when any such thing is treated of such disputes are made upon every point every one looks so much to their own particular ends not measuring things aright nor minding the common
liberty of Rome recover'd by Caesars death 51. That he endeavored it when 't was too late 53 C. CArthaginians why they came to aid the Romans against Pyrrhus 23 For a long time friends to the Romans ibid. Should rather have been afraid of the Romans then of Pyrrhus 25. Were stronger at Sea then they 36. Often subdued 45 Catâ— Major causing sigs to be brought from Carthage into the Senate-house gives counsel that that City should be destroyed 45. How such counsel might be useful 49 Cato Uticensis what things they were which ingratiated him with the Senate and the People 55. Did many times prevail against Caesar ibid. Founded his greatness upon nobler courses 57. What demonstrations he received from the People of their singular favour to him 58. Because his manners were not suitable to the form of that Republick he could not hold out his reputation among them to the utmost 59 Charls the Great having freed Italy from the slavery of the Northern Barbarians made his son Pipin King of Italy 183 Charls the Eighth King of France his passage into Italy for the conquest of Naples 140. At his return assaulted by the Italian Princes and whether they were well advis'd in it discoursed upon at large ibid. Charls the Fifth Emperor compared with Solyman 22. His great wars with Francis the First King of France and his famous expeditions 157. Why his enterprises against the Kingdom of France proved vain 158. Why he shunn'd hazarding a set battel with Solyman 162. How the State of Milain fell to him 165. Whether he was well advised in not parting from before the walls of Vienna when Solyman was come to assault it 185 A City well ordered how it should be qualified 10. For preserving of unity among the Citizens whether the courses which Caesar took or those used by Cato were more available 5â— When it is grown to a great height 't is a hard matter to order it aright 14. That which aspires to a large Dominion must have two things 1â—1 What is most necessary for its long continuance especially such a one as is cast into the form of a Republick 104 Of how great importance the situation is 114 Citizens of singular quality banish'd from Athens for ten years 3 104 To make them vertuous three things necessary 7. By what means they may acquire greatness 56. That quietness and concord between them is of main importance for the felicity of the State and how it may be preserved ibid. 121 A Citizen very potent how to be corrected that he disturb not the common Quiet 95 Cleomenes King of Sparta accounted the riches of the Persians not worth the trouble they would stand his Soldiery 98 Colonies when first used by the Romans and how beneficial to them 63 172 Of the Venetians why sent into Candy ibid. Constantine the Great divided the Empire between his three Sons 67. Why he transferred the Empire to Constantinople 71 Constantine son to the above-named what part of the Empire fell to his share 67 Consalvo Ferrante why kept under by King Ferdinand 106 Consuls of what authority in Rome 2-4-5 Customs how profitable good ones are to Cities 10 D. DAlmatians with much difficulty subdued by the Venetians 119 Decemvirate held the form of a Republick 50. Why Rome was able to free herself from its tyrannie 51. Why driven out from thence 52 Docius Emperor of Constantinople routed by the Goths flieth and is drown'd in a Fen 75 Discords sprung up in Rome from War not from Peace 48 Dictator upon what occasions chosen by the Romans 12. Of what relief to Rome and who was the first 62. Esteemed necessary in times of great danger and what his dignity was 86 E. EDucation good how useful to a City or State 9 Elephants imployed by Pyrrhus in his wars against the Romans 26 Emperors of Rome favour'd assisted and maintained by the Soldiers and the People 69-72-73 Thirty at one time assum'd that title 70. Why some were chosen to be their Companions in their lives and their Successors after their deaths 72. When those of Caesars race ended ibid. Which were slain by the Soldiers for desiring to reduce them to good discipline 73 Empire of the Romans when it began 68. When it began to decline 6â— The causes of its declination and ruine 71. When it was void of worthy men and valiant Commanders 89. became tributary to the Goths 76 Equality or parity of goods why observed in Sparta 3. Of all the Citizens in government is not good 6. What equality is convenient for a Common-wealth that it may last long 104 Event the surest way to know what is likely to follow 19. That War is far more subject to divers unexpected events then any other actions of ours 31 That it is the master of Fools 38. Not the event of things but the advice wherewith they were done makes them either praise-worthy or blameable 132 F. FAbius Maximus his action and worth 29 c. Deserved to be praised not only for Prudence but for Courage 31. Feared by Hannibal ibid. overcomes Hannibal when Conqueror ibid. Why he took a contrary course to that of Scipio's 33 Fame and Reputation of great importance in all our actions but especially in War 85 Ferdinand King brother to Charls the Fifth why it would have been far better for him quietly to have suffered John King of Hungary to be his neighbour then to pull upon himself the Turks forces 196 Ferdinand King of Spain why he kept under Consalvo 106. Not just in his league with the Venetians 152 Florence why she could not keep herself in a firm state of Government free from civil dissentions 54 The Florentines succoring the Dukes of Milain and Ferrara with men and monies hindred the Venetians in those enterprises 124. Not well thought of and indeed hated by the Italian Princes for the correspondence which they held with the French 128. How their Fortresses put them to much trouble and damage when they were seised upon by the French brought in by their King Charls the Eighth 171 Forts or Fortresses of how great furtherance to a State 148. The doubts for which it may seem they are not available 168. Other more certain and no less grievous 171. Why called i ceppi della Toscana ibid. Arguments and reasons to demonstrate the great benefit of Forts 172. How to be rightly disposed and regulated 176. The defence and praise of rearing Forts ibid. The doubts and arguments against them resolved ibid. Fortune what is to be understood by that name 18 The Fortune of the Romans overborn by Hannibal 41. Why she easily rose up again changing for the better 45. When she proved cross they still kept the same minds 48 Fortune very cross to the Venetians 106 France the Romans put sore to it ere they could take it in 48. Whence the late troubles and discords arose 106 The French oftentimes assaulted Rome 61-63 How timorous they shewed themselves when the wars in
Army 51. Subdued for the Romans above eight hundred Cities 65. The laudable way and art by which he brought people to obey the Romans and facilitated his enterprises 163 The People of Rome of what authority in the Commonwealth 5. How from the beginning it was of great power and increased it more and more 15 Loving liberty how it came to lose it 51. Sought by seditions to obtain from the Senate all things though never so unjust 52 The People That to curb it Severity prevails more then Meekness 16. That out of its natural fickleness it useth to favour a Forein Prince and by seditions and violent attempts to plot against the present Power 170 A Prince shall do well and wisely to have a care that no Subject of his grow to be suspected for his greatness 106. Must not for his own relief make use of Forein aids that he may be too strong for his Native forces 103 Princes what sort of Militia it is best for them to make use of in their expeditions and other matters of War 155. Sage advice to them in points of War and the choice of Commanders 145. Those of Italy have used to imploy foreign Commanders and foreign mercenary Soldiers 122 See more in States R. REpublicks how their divers Forms may be known 6. How their continuance may be known 18. How at last they grow to be Tyrannies 54. That a State deserves not the name of a Commonwealth or Republick where the Decrees of the People and not the Laws carry all the command 6. For the long preservation and quietness of them nothing more necessary then a Parity 104. A poor one cannot enlarge its Dominion 112 Rome was a mixt but imperfect Commonwealth and why 3-11 Was too Popular 3. Why it could not free it self from many disorders 14 How long it held its greatness 68. When and how she might have freed herself from her many bad qualities and defects ibid. How she abounded in Soldiers and Commanders 39-64-74-80 How she made way for Monarchy 39. She scatter'd her corruptions amongst the Nobles and the Communalty 50. That those Citizens proved worst oppressors to her whom for the meer conservation of her Liberty she had too much exalted 51 Her first second and third Age 59. Her first seven Kings of what considerable benefit they were to her 60. At what time she deserved the praise of good Government 61 Romans why they refused the Carthaginians aid against Pyrrhus 26. Refused to have peace with Pyrrhus ibid. For what causes chiefly they had the better of the Carthaginians 39. They regarded not so much present dangers as future 45. Out of one War they still framed another 46 Why they were invincible according to Polybius 78. The two pretences under which they made their most notorious acquisitions 161. How by Colonies they kept their new Subjects in loyalty and obedience 173 Romulus a man fierce ambitious and desirous to enlarge his Estate train'd up the People according to his genius 113 S. SCipio Africanus his worth and actions 29-33 Why he took a course differing from that of Fabius 33. His passage into Sicily of what benefit it was 35 Scipio Nafica when Carthage was taken disswaded the Senate from destroying that City 46. Whether that counsel of his were founded upon good reason ibid. The Senate of Rome what number it consisted of and when first instituted 14 Its authority 4. The generous answer she gave to the Ambassadors of Pyrrhus 26-89 Little esteemed of by Julius Caesar 46. Subject to corruptions 50. Severity in what sort of Commonwealth it doth good 57. Was very great in Cato ibid. Sylla brought into Rome licentious living 51. Increased the Order of the Senators to counterpoise the Communalty Gave honors and riches to his Favorites ibid. Soldan of Caire how and why he lost all his Kingdom in a short time 160 Solyman parallel'd with Charls the Fifth 22. His endowments of mind and fortune 157. His great atchievements 158. Why he made no great progress in Hungary 159. nor at Corfu against the Venetians ibid. Why he made that expedition into Hungary 195. Had under his command four Empires and eighteen Kingdoms 196 Sparta a mixt Republick very excellent 5. Her Laws not written 11 That authority which the Kings had there not prejudicial to it 48. Many worthy men flourished in it by reason of the form of its government 58 For want of money could not enlarge her Empire 82 Spartans when and why of great power in Greece 96. By what people followed and favour'd ibid. Stronger then the rest in Land forces ibid. Why they would not have their Cities begirt with walls 171 States whence their divers changes come 53. How men grow desirous of their change 72. Are augmented and preserved by the same things which gave them their beginning and corrupted by the contrary 73. Where they have been ruin'd by intestine discords the over-great height of some of their own hath been the cause 105. That they have their beginning increase stay declination and ruine 86 Sâ—ilico a Barbarian and by nation a Hun called to the command of the Roman Army betrays the Empire 89 T. THebans much esteemed of for the discipline of their Soldiers called the Sacred Band 94. Pelopidas and Epaminondas famous Commanders of theirs ibid. Themistocles what his advice was and his Naval victory against the Persians 99 Tiberius Gracchus slain by the Nobles of Rome without any revenge from the People 17 Tribuneship in Rome of how great power and its insolence 6. Called Sacrosanctus 52 Triumph in Rome when first instituted and to whom first granted 62 Turks their assistance refused by the Venetians and yet sued for by other Christian Princes 136. Why they cannot so suddenly nor easily do any signal enterprises by Land 161. Are accustomed for their own security to destroy the inhabitants of such places as they take in especially those of the better and richer sort 172. Their chiefest strength consists in their Cavalry 187 Their Law promiseth everlasting reward in heaven to every one that loseth his life in their Soveraigns quarrel 194 V. VAlerius Publicola why in reforming the government of Rome he yielded many things to the People 14-15 That he might have order'd the City better ibid. Venice in time brought her Government to perfection 12. How she hath been able to preserve her Liberty thus long 54. What her Government is ibid. When it began 77-116 Her Founders lovers of Peace and of an intent and end differing from that of the Founders of Rome ibid. Her greatest and most difficult attempts have been either in their own Defence or for Religion or in Assistance of others 115. What wars and efforts of fierce Nations she at her first beginning underwent 117. Why she made use of Foreign Soldiers and Commanders 121. That for having accustomed to imploy Foreign Commanders she hath not been able by reason of their disloyalty to prosecute such Enterprises of hers as had been
well begun ibid. Venetians what course they took to free themselves from the danger they were in of the Genoa-forces 43. That the practice of Merchandising is not to be blamed in them 116. Some of their illustrious and famous Princes ibid. What title their Dukes assumed for the taking in of Constantinople 118 How prejudicial to them the Ottoman Empire hath been ibid. That had it not been for the treachery of their Commanders the State of Milan had been theirs 121. Their weighty and glorious enterprises by Sea and Land against the Saracens for the Emperors of Constantinople and against the Genoeses 129. Why they called Lewis King of France into Italy 130 Why almost all Christian Princes entred into a League against them 132-180 How discreetly they have continued Neutrals in the discords of Princes that thereupon Peace might follow in these latter times 167. Why they sent into Candy new Colonies of their own Gentry 172 Vertue what two vertues are necessary for him that proposeth great matters to himself and aspireth after glory 88 Vertuous To make men vertuous three things are needful 11 W. WAR brought home to the Enemies own doors how advantagious 28 When it ought to be carried on with protracting of time 31. War and not Peace was the cause of Romes ruine 46. It is subject to divers successes and chances more then any other action of ours 31-183-185 Wars made by the Romans after the subduing of Carthage 48. Made and maintained by them in many places at once 65. Particulars most necessary for them 149. The manner of Wars now used is the chiefest cause why the enterprises of modern Princes prove not equal to those of the Antients 148 The end of the second Table ERRATA Pag. lin 4-45 AFter not read only 5-7 Dele not 8-17 For licence read licentiousness 10-27 For temperance read temper 11-38 For them read those 15-25 Before what insert do ib. 48 Dele more 19-19 For of read and for and read of 25-38 Dele only 26 ult After obedience insert iâ— 35-26 After â—ighting read they 37-43 After these insert rather 38-14 After of Insert all this 39-12 Before the insert to 43 pen. After as insert if 53-12 After 〈◊〉 insert the less 55-31 After not insert only 60-3 After not insert only 73-17 Dele and the first Pag. lin 74-27 Before Goths insert great valor of the ibid. 31 For Commanders read Soldiers 82-50 For Rhodosius read Rhodanus 89-30 For Soldiers read Commanders 112-30 For where read were 113-48 Dele then by 116-20 For a read the. 124-7 For them into his read him into thâ—â— 126-34 After mens insert thoughts 152-25 Before Pope insert with Francis King of France 157-5 After if insert we 158-45 For sadly read easily 159-26 For Corâ—â—r read Corfâ— ibid. 29 For Corfee read Corfâ— 176-47 After thereof insert more 199-2 Before not insert it ibid. 3 Dele it 20â— 19 Dele be THE FIRST BOOK The First DISCOURSE What was the true and proper Form of Government observed in the Commonwealth of Rome and whether she could be better ordered in Civil affairs having Armed people on foot THere are many who reflecting upon the Greatness of the Commonwealth of Rome wonder at her so many prosperities by which she flourished a long time and at last obtained the mastery of all other Monarchies And thinking that it is enough to admire her feats of Arms and management in Peace do not care for enquiring into the reason thereof so as ballancing thereby every of her several operations they may know what they were that were truly worth praise and imitation and what blame-worthy and to be avoided But certainly these men seem not to know to how many and how great and various accidents all humane works are subject and what the true rule and measure is whereby the perfection of States is comprehended For that is not simply the greatness of an Empire to which she at the beginning riseth by Fortune and which is increased by Injustice but that may well be said to be the true Form of Government by which people living in peace and union may work righteously and obtain Civil felicity He therefore who will judge aright of the actions of that Commonwealth without suffering his eyes to be dazeled wiâ—h the splendor of the Roman greatness let him consider them nakedly as void of that reputation which Antiquity and the power of Empire purchased them and he will find some things peradventure amongst the many for which she worthily deserved to be cryed up by all men which are more to be observed for the amendment of present Governments by their example then for imitation out of hopes of attaining any true praise or apparent good But as there is nothing of greater importance in a City then the Form of Government by which as by the soul thereof every good act is produced so of all other observations which may be had of the City of Rome there is not any more worthy or of more use then to examine what was the truest Form of her Government that we may afterwards see whether she might have been beâ—ter ordered in Civil affairs then she was without disordering her Militia and whether she could keep together the People armed and obedient to the Laws To know then what the condition of her Government was and thence to comprehend whether that supreme excellencie were in it as hath been thought by some men following the Rule which Philosophy teacheth us which says that every Form of Republick is not convenient for every City but that they must be varied according to the divers natures of the people and according to other accidents we must examine what that State was in it self and then what proportion it held with that City But because it would be too difficult a business to assign any certain condition unto her which may equally correspond to all times she not having so punctually observed one and the same Form continually but varied it somewhat accordingly as it inclined more or less to a Popular State we must have our eys most fixt upon that Age wheâ—ein the glory of that Commonwealth did most flourish not so bearing notwithstanding to touch upon such things in other times as may conduce to our purpose He who would diligently consider all the parts of the Republick will find not only so much diversity but even contrariety in them as he will not be able easily to resolve which was her properest Form of Government For if respect be had to the great Authority of Consuls especially in Armies we may not without reason believe that that City under the name of a Commonwealth was governed with Laws befitting a Kingdom since that Form of Magistracie did use such Authoâ—ity in managing of Arms in concluding Peace and in agreeing differences between potent Kings as one onely Prince could hardly have treated of those thing with more absolute power differing from Monarchy only in this that they kept this Authority but for a
short time and did acknowledg it to proceed from the will and favor of the People But he who will consider what a share of the most important resolutions of the Commonwealth the Senate had as that which governed the publick Treasury the chief foundation of a State and to which the priviledg did belong first to treat of and then to resolve of such things as were to be propounded to the people will be of opinion that such a Commonwealth did lean more towards Aristocracie then any other Government Yet passing on to further Considerations and finding the Authority of Consuls Senate and Tribunes to be so often baffled and nullified and the Supreme Magistracies oftentimes contaminated by the meanness of popular men who have had the exercise thereof will vote otherwise and think the Government to have been meerly Popular Wherefore â—olybius being willing in the sixth Book of his Histories to assign some certain Form of Government to the City of Rome would not restrain it under any one particular Form but called it a mixt Republick as was that of Sparta Which opinion is sithence followed by some modern Writers who treating of the differing Forms of Commonwealths and particularly of that of Rome do punctually agree with Polybius And certainly they were thus far all in the right to wit That the divers manners of Rule by which that City was governed could not be expressed by any one name For what gives the true Form to a City but the communication of Government which as it is participated by Citizens makes such alteration or mutation in a State as the Philosopher was of opinion that though the City did totally remain the same the variation of this only was able so to metamorphose it as it cannot be said to be what it was before For it is not the Walls nor the Inhabitants but the Form of Government which makes it be so Therefore he who will determine the Form of a City must have respect to whatsoever doth therein help to the attaining of Magistracie that he may infold all parts that belong to the managing of a Commonwealth So as since men of all conditions according to the divers respects either of Liberty Nobility Wealth or Worth were admitted into Government these divers communications will not admit the ascription of any peculiar or particular form Agreeing therefore herein with Polybius we will now endeavour to find out what is more hard to know and is better worth knowledg to wit what sort of mixture this was For though a mixt Commonwealth may be perfect it follows not that all mixtures may make her so nay rather where several differing parts are wound up together so as a third kind of nature is produced by their connexion such a composition will rather increase the imperfection of the State and be the reason why it cannot long continue under such a disproportionate mixture And as it falls out in our bodies which being compounded of four Elements continue so long in life as that proportion is maintained which when it is destroyed they are likewise wasted and corrupted For that part which becomes too prevalent changeth the rest into its self and dissolves the form which they made when all together So that Commonwealth which is composed of divers parts may continue in one and the same State as long as the Authority of Government is proportioned with equal temperament as it ought to be to each part But as soon as any one part begins to domineer too much it is apparent that she grows towards corruption For the prevalent part by consuming the rest doth by little and little reduce them all into its self and alters the aspect of the City Therefore such a disposition is required to this Form of Government as no disorder may be therein found whereby that mixture may be broken or confused Wherefore as divers Faculties concur together to the forming of Man but are notwithstanding so well ordered in that union as all of them partaking of some office or other they have their several degrees of dignity so divers Citizens reduced to live together in one City though all of them may in some sort participate of Government yet the â—mployments must be diversly disposed of so as some of them may hold the first place and as certain primary Causes must give motion to other things which are done in the Commonwealth These considerations being applied to the City of Rome will make it appear clearly that there was no such equality nor order in her as is to be desired in a mixt Commonwealth to render it excellent and long lived For the immoderate Authority which was by the Laws granted to divers Magistrates but much more the extraordinary power which was intrusted in many Citizens shews how ill that so necessary proportion was observed in her And on the other side the Peoples power and the admittance thereof without any difference to all manner of Negotiations gives manifest tokens of a confused disposition all Orders being mixt together without distinction either of Office or Degree and the baser sort being oftentimes exalted above the more worthy Hence it was that amongst such confusion many customs might be introduced which were not onely corrupt but even contrary one to another as was that of prolonging the time of Magistrates which was repugnant to the great Authority which was reserved to the people and that other of suffering the wealth of private men to increase to such a height in a City where there was no prefixt boundeur of wealth appointed by the Laws for being a Citizen Which Laws or Customs do some of them tend to the power of a few and other some of them are proper for a Popular State But if we proceed further we shall find their disorders so far advanced as not being able to consist together in one subject they were the occasion of that Commonwealths dissolution The confirming of their Authority whose Magistracy was by the usual time appointed by the Laws expâ—red was introduced at first with some appearance of advantage but with very bad example for that having begun important affairs in Countries far off they might finish them and weaken the Enemy before their return home Thus was the charge of the Province lest to Marcus Fulvius who fought in Asia against Antiochus after he was out of the Consulship the which was done likewise to Gneus Manlius to bridle the daring Aetolians and to appease the affairs in Greece and the like upon many occasions was done to divers others and very long in ensuing times with very pernicious example but the disorder ceased not here for without need the City Magistrates were so far prolonged as the same were seen to return ten times to be the peoples Tribunes Which made the Citizens infinitely ambitious and afforded them occasion by being so long in Power of plotting many things and of molesting the Common-wealth divers waies by the peoples Insurrections Nor was it less
a desire of their own greatness the City was reduced oftentimes into eminent dangers Thus the Roman Plebeians thinking almost that they had not a common Country but that it did only belong unto the Nobility forsook it and retired into the Aventine valuing more the increase of their own power by necessitating the Senate to yield to their desires then their putting the City into such a disorder The Nobles likewise more sollicitous to abase the People and to increase their own fortunes then to preserve peace and union in the City did nourish Civil discord by usurpiâ—g the Common goods and by reducing the People to great Poverty through Usury By this discourse it may be comprehended how badly proportioned the Orders were in that mixt Government But it may be more cleerly seen by comparing this Commonwealth with that of Sparta which proved more excellent then any other in that mixt Government and preserved it a long time free from all discord by vertue of her most excellent Laws In Sparta the Princes power ended not but with his life to the end that he being preferred before all others for making the Laws be observed he might the better do it being detained by no self-respect from deposing of Magistrates or from being judged by the People But his Authority was notwithstanding so limited as he was rather a Custos of the Common Liberty then a true Prince in the City The People had as great a share in Government as their condition required For it being they who were to make use of the Magistrates it seemed they might better know their abilities as we see it falls out in other Trades that the excellencie of the work is better known by him that is to use it then by the maker thereof The People had the power given them of choosing and of correcting Magistrates but greater authority was granted to the Senate which was placed as in the midst to defend the Commonwealth from the Princes power and from the peoples insolencie to the end that thereby it might the better temper the one and the other Now let us see how in the joint union of these three Governments certain Conditions were appropriated unto every of them but neither so many nor yet such as made them of clean contrary qualities but so as they might very well be united in one and the same person The Prince had perpetuity of power but this stood so corrected by the Laws as it might easily consist with the other States The Senate which was made up of Forty eight of the prime Citizens represented a true Aristocratical Commonwealth but because they acknowledged their Dignity from the People their power was not such as bereft others of their Liberty But the Peoples authority in ordering rewards and punishments as it was not dangerous so it afforded place for a modest Popular State and rendred that Government more perfect by mixture of all the three best But above all things else there was a miraculous proportion observed in Sparta in sharing out those things which use to cause Civil dissentions amongst Citizens For the Noblemen had the greatest part in Honors but the People were equal to them in Wealth all the Revenues being in common so as the ambition of the one and the necessities of the other were satisfied and all of them being content they enjoyed much Peace and Tranquility so as that Commonwealth may endure longer then any of the antient Reipublicks And if at the first she had been a little more large in communicating her Government by encreasing the number of her Senators so as there had been no occasion in Theopompus his time for the better regulating their too great Authority of introducing the Magistracy of the Ephori whereby the City began to be a little too popular and leaving Licurgus his antient Institutions gave it self over to licentiousness nothing could have been desired in that City to have reduced her to the highest pâ—tch of perfection Therefore as far as the Roman Government differed from this it must be confest it fell so far short of true excellencie The Consuls of Rome had great Authority and it may be more free then became any Magistracy in a Commonwealth but the little durance thereof made it less beneficial to the the Republick For their Power being soon to be given over made them less diligent and less bold in undertaking Publick Affairs For Consulship being laid aside the way was opened of revenging private 〈◊〉 by the Tribunes So Cicerâ— who freed his Country from Catalius Conspiracy when he was out of Place was banished But the Senate because it had not any Ordinary Magistracy from whence no Appeal might be made by which is might curb the Peoples Insolency had not that respect given to it by which the ignorant common people is Governed So as the people not being held back by this Bridle ran into such lâ—centiousness as they dared to commit divers Indignities even against the chief Magistracy of Counsulship as they did when they plucked the Consul Camillus Hestare from the Tribunal that they might by force obâ—aâ—â— admittance to that Supream Magistracy The weakness of the Senate was likewise the occasion of the increase of the power of some Citizens for the peoples resolutions prevailing over the like of the Senate the way of ariving at great power by the favour of the people in despite of the Senate was opened to such as were ambitious Thus did Marius cause himself to be declared Consul contrary to the Laws and Caesar to be confirmed in his Province And to suppress these mens immoderate greatness which tended towards Tyranny it was requisite since the Commonwealth had no usual means to do it to prefer other Citizens of the Nobilities side whose greatness proved afterwards no less pernicâ—ous then that of those whom they thought through their Authority to suppress wherefore the City became wholly divided so that private injuries were with horrid cruelties revenged by Sylla though he professed to vindicate the Common welfare And Pompey to maintain his Greatness put rubs in the Treaty of Agreement with Caesar Wherefore betaking themselves to Arms the Commonwealth could not at last but fall These disorders were occasioned through the weakness of the Senate But the people possessing themselves of other mens Places usurpâ— the best imployments of the Commonwealth and being equall to the Nobility in pâ—â—nt of liberty would without any respect to other things purtake equally of Government So the right disposure of the Honors and Orders of the City were confused which require Geometrical and not Arithmetical proportion in such sort as the same things be not granted to all men but to every one that which is most convenient for him And certainly to constitute a City of that form as all her Citizens should be equal would be no better then to make a Consort of Musick consisting all of the same voyces for as the latter produceth no true Harmony so doth no
underneath the City Gates Nor did these as Consuls or Dictators lead Armies to fight against any save the Aequi Sanniti Toscani and other neighbouring Nations which were but weak Commonalties whose Dominions extended no further then their own Cities and the Territories thereof None of all those Countries being as then reduced under the power of any one Lord. Yet Livies words and the deed it self of having had recourse so often to the Dictator and having had War so many years with the same Nations shews how much so weak Potentates were feared by the Romans who cannot notwithstanding be said to have been much superior to them either for strength and worth of their Militia since it behoved to fight so often with them and hardly could they after so many dangers and a long course of time extinguish them or rather make them their Companions and Friends Who can then justly compare these things to Alexanders great atchievements to his so many Victories won over the greatest and most potent Kings of Asia What though Darius his men may be said to have been rude and base it cannot be denied but that they were Three hundred thousand armed men and of that Nation wherein the Monarchy had long been And Alexanders victorious Forces overran more Countries in little more then ten years then did the Romans in a much longer time when they were at their greatest The before-named Roman Commanders are deservedly praised for divers vertues But what could there be desired more in Alexander to make him be an excellent Commander Who had his share in more Battels then he Who shewed more boldness in undertaking enterprises greater constancie in prosecuting them more hopes in effecting them What other Commander was ever more highly esteemed and dearly beloved by his Soldiers Those vertues which divided amongst many men have made many Captains worthy to be praised met all of them abundantly in him Would Alexander peradventure have been afraid to pass into Italy who shewed his undauntedness in entring into the Desarts of Arabia without any other hope of bringing himself and his Army safe back save what his courage and his happy Genius promis'd him But how easily might he have passed into Italy Greece which was formerly conquered by his Father King Philip being at his devotion and to boot with the abounding commodities which that Country and his own Forces might have afforded him might not he have hoped to be received and assisted by so many people who were express enemies to the Roman Commonwealth who would not have refused to have obeyed so great a Prince as was Alexander so to avoid submitting themselves to the Dominion of a City like to one of theirs and with which they had long and grievous contestations Nay the hatred and envy which they bore to the Romans greatness would have made them all have sided with Alexander against them Was not Pyrrhus invited into Italy for this purpose by the Sâ—mniti and Tarentini and did not many of the Cities which were under the Romans obedience put themselves for the same reason under the power of Hannibal being thereunto moved rather out of their hatred to be commanded by the Romans then their fear of being supprest by the Carthaginian Forces It now remains that we consider some things of Alexanders Militia and of that of the Romans By which it will not be hard for him who will not willingly be deceived to know on which side the advantage and the disadvantage might have been Since if the numher of Combatants be to be valued who can doubt but that the Armies of which he was Lord who was Lord of so many Provinces as was Alexander were much to exceed those which one only City though very populous and very watlike as was that of Rome could put together And if Alexander would do most of his famous Actions with his Macedonians only it was out of his choice and judgment not out of any weakness for he thought an Army of a few valiant and expert Soldiers fitter to undertake a great enterprise then a great multâ—tude which oftentimes bring more confusion then aid So as having when he had overcome Darius made that so memorable Order of his Soldiers of Thirty thousand young men chosen out of the Flower of many subjugated Provinces and made them be instructed in the Macedonian Militia he little regarded his own Macedonians whom as it is written he permitted out of favor and in reward of their former service and at their own requests to follow his Ensigns and to pass with him into India to new undertakings But the so many Battels which he so successfully made may sufficiently witness the excellencie of his Discipline in the Militia as also his taking of so many Cities his long Voyages the perpetual exercise in military works By which things it may be conceived that no more Veteran Army could be found in those times which was more expert in all that belonged to the Militia more obedient to their Captains and more observant of all Military order then then was that of Alexanders The ordering of Soldiers used by Alexander which was called Phalanx is at this day celebrated in which the Ranks of Soldiers standing close being as it were woven together and covered over with great shields they made a solid and safe body of an Army able to sustain whatsoever charge of the Enemy Livy does afterwards consider that the Counsel of a wise Senate as was that of Rome would have prevailed over any one mans Resolves such as was Alexander but he considers not on the contrary side how that in affairs of importancie and chiefly in matters of War the supreme authority and command of one alone is requisite The Romans themselves were of this opinion who in cases of great difficulty had recourse to a Dictator whose Commissions were not limited but he was only charged to take such care as that the Commonwealth might undergo no loss nor prejudice Nor for all this is the authority or reverence due to a Dictator who is Magistrate but for a short time and subject to give an account for what he does in this to be compared with the majesty of a Kings command and of so great and so esteemed a King as was Alexander How often fell it out in Rome that when supplies were to be sent to an Army discords were importunately sollicited by the Tribunes and the Army hindered from being listed Was there any such thing in Alexander in whom supreme Authority and Empire did consist Nor did he yet want some more confiding Friends whose counsels he was accustomed to make use of and those but a few wise and wholly intent upon the good of that Prince upon whom all their greatness did depend as Counsels ought to be in business of great weight to the end that they may be maturely resolved upon and readily executed Which happens not where any command with equal authority and oft-times with much differing thoughts and ends
overthrow of the Enemy he returned time enough to Rome to lay down his Magistracie Hannibal being withdrawn from the walls of Rome and kept at gaze by Fabius his cunning stayed in Italy expecting succor from Africa to renew the War with greater Force Scipio's advice and actions were only able to draw him out of Italy so as carrying the War elswhere at the same time he freed his own home from the troubles and danger thereof He who should have asked Fabius what the signs were what the fruits of his Victories what could he have shewn No Enemies taken no Cities won no Gold nor Silver brought into the Comon-Exchequer But many things prove the glory and deserts of Scipio So many Prisoners taken amongst which Syphax the great and famous King of Numidia so many Cities subjugated in Africa and in Spain the annual Tribute imposed upon the Carthaginians the rich Pillage brought â—â—me from the Enemy What is there then 〈◊〉 like not to name equal between these two which may make them contend for military glory But certainly it may be affirmed for truth that the one and the other of them are come to the height of glory though they took several ways to arrive at it For each of them shewed wisdom and valor in their actions becoming advised Statesmen and great Commanders Divers accidents concurred in their several actions which perswaded them to proceed after a differing manner For Fabius being to withstand Hannibals violence who being already advanced into the very bowels of Italy and being drawn veryneer to Rome herself had filled all things with fear did not think it fitting in this confusion of affairs to hazard all the fortune of the Commonwealth in a day of battel For the neerness and power of the Enemy did not allow time to recruit and stop the course of Hannibals Victories in case that Army wherein the chief hopes of Romes welfare did consist should have been beaten But Scipio having to do with the same Hannibal when he and his Army were in Africa and neer the City of Carthage knew that if any thing of ill should befall him he should only lose those men that were with him which loss might easily be recovered the condition being considered wherein the Common-wealth then was And it being his fortune to overcome Hannibal he reduced the affairs of the Carthaginians whom he had worsted in divers other battels to the utmost of dangers Wherefore by the victory he got great rewards for himself great glory and increased the Empire of his Commonwealth Scipio had also other reasons which perswaded him to fight his being in a forein Country his keeping of the Enemy from recruiting after their late losses and he being shortly to lay down his command so as to spin out the War in length was to deprive him of his conceived hopes of victory and to lessen what he had already done Scipio therefore had as much reason to engage in battel as Fabius formerly had to refuse fighting This is confirmed by the several ways of proceeding of the same Hannibal an excellent Commander who at first when he was in Italy desired nothing more then to come to a pitch'd battel out of the aforesaid reasons so afterwards being withdrawn with his Army into Africa shunn'd encountring Scipio as much as he might the different condition of affairs advising him differently And it is a general rule That those things ought to be avoided which please the Enemy for the respects being different that which makes for the one must needs be bad for the other It must afterwards be considered that if Fabius had pleased when he was made Dictator after the unfortunate Fight at the Prassemine Lake to lead that Army into Africa which was destined for the safety of the very City of Rome it must have been exposed to apparent dangers of the Enemies victorious Forces with uncertain hope of success in Africa nor would this diversion have been then peradventure a sufficient means to have freed it from danger as it did afterwards when Scipio's counsel was followed in an opportune time when after divers bad successes both in Spain and Africa Hannibal was sent for back to assist the much weakned affairs of his Commonwealth He therefore who will go about to imitate the actions of these two Captains if he will reap good thereby must first very well consider every particular of those things which he goes about and therein accommodate himself either by hazarding battel and hasting on to the end of the enterprise with sudden and resolute Parties or else must harass and overcome the Enemy by drawing things out to a length and by reducing him to many inconveniencies He also who will advise wisely touching the assaulting of another mans Country to keep his own from danger or who will else make good his own affairs only by way of defence must have divers respects in consideration which lead to the knowledg what in his case is fittest to be done and by so doing he may hope for the good success which these two famous Roman Commanders had But howsoever though their affairs fall out less prosperously he will win the praise of being either a wise and circumspect or else a valiant and bold Commander as befell Scipio and Fabius because each of them knew how to manage the War so as the condition of Times the quality of their own and of their Enemies Forces the diversity of the Place and other respects and accidents which in such cases ought to regulate our actions did advise them to do The Fifth DISCOURSE Whether War being to be made against the Romans Hannibals Counsel was good to carry it into Italy HAnnibal a cried up Carthaginian Captain intending to wage War with the Romans resolved to lead the Army which he had already raised in Spain into Italy by land passing first over the Pyrenean Mountains and then over the Alps that he might approach as near as he could to the City of Rome the Seat of the Empire This is thought by all men to be a bold and generous advice but it is much doubted whether it were advantagious for the Carthaginians and for Hannibals own defigns He thought that being to quell the Roman Power he must shake it in those parts where it had taken deepest root That the Romans would be furnished with Soldiers Victuals Moneys and all things else from Italy wherewith they were wont to maintain War against several Nations and to encrease their own Glory and Empire that whilst they were Masters of this they could not be much prejudiced by any thing that could be attempted against them in other parts That usually his advantage was very great who assaulted another at his own door because he keeps the perils and greatest losses of War far from him He increaseth courage in his own men and takes in from the Enemy and makes the way more easie to Victory not onely by Forces but by Reputation and also by the
fear which he infuseth into the Enemy but the farther off the War is catried and the nearer the Enemy is assaulted in the Centre and very heart of his State the more are such advantages got If the Romans who were alwaies wont to molest other mens Affairs should be forced to fight within their own Confines and were to wage War not to inlarge their Dominions but to defend themselves and what they held deerest they would prove less then themselves because their courage would fail them and the splendor of the Roman name would be obscured which did so much help to the atchieving of their Enterprises Therefore the Romans knowing by experience the disadvantage of making War at home and open enmity being professed between them and Phillip King of Macedon fearing least the Carthaginian War being ended he would assult Italy as Hannibal had done but a little before would be the first who should pass with their Army into Greece and carry the greatest trouble and danger of War into the States of others But the longer and more difficult the way was for Hannibal to conduct his Carthaginians into Italy so much greater Honor would he win when he should have overcome these difficulties That without great constancy and worth in the Commander and Soldiers so hard an Enterprise could not have been undertaken such craggy mountainous feats passed over and their way be made by the Sword amidst an Enemies Country To this was added that there were many in Italy who were not pleased with the Romans Empire by whose Colonies sent by them into other peoples Countries they were robbed not onely of their Goods but of their Liberty That the fame given out that Hannibal would free these from the Roman slavery and the whole world from the fear of their ambition and power might alienate the minds of such as were Neighbors to the Romans and reconcile them so much the more to him Hannibal did likewise consider as he whose intention it was not to make Inâ—odes into the Roman Territories to make a sore and long War with them that there were many in the Carthaginian Senace who were not well pleased with this enterprise some being moved by respect of the contrary Faction others by envy to his glory and others by zeal they bore to their Countries quiet That if he should be with his Army in some neighboring Country and that the Romans should be but weakly invaded and not soundly set upon it might in likelihood fall out he should be sent for home and Peace be concluded He feared likewise lest his Army which was composed of divers Nations when his Soldiers should find themselves near their own houses they might the more easily disband Being therefore onely intent to come with his Forces into Italy he would shun all occasions of trying his men against the Romans in a pitch'd Field when Publius Scipio went to encounter him at the Banks of Rhodanus Moreover it would not satisfie the high and magnanimous end which he had prefixt unto himself of freeing Carthage his Country from the Tribute to the which she was made liable by the Romans to molest them in any part further from the State but he must march against the very City of Rome the Seat of the Empire to allay or at least to weaken much their power Other smaller things might have given some trouble to the Romans and have retarded their greatness but in the same danger and uncertainty of War whereby she had provoked so powerful an enemy against her the reward and the benefit were not equal in both the cases Very great and difficult undoubtedly was such an enterprise but befitting Hannibal who as it was said had through the magnanimity of his spirit proposed unto himself to imitate the deeds of Hercules and had taken up arms against the Romans not out of any hatred he bore them but for the dignity of Empire So as what would have infused fear into another did set his mind the more on fire He thought likewise by force of necessity to infuse into his Soldiers that strength and constancy of mind which was as an excellent vertue in himself whilst fighting should be enforced all occasion of flight being taken away to put all their hopes of safety in their Swords This most expert Commander knew likewise wherein his Forces did exceed and therewithal he would make trial of their worth Wherefore passing with his Army safe over the Mountains he foresaw he should find large Plains in Italy wherein he might fight the Romans upon great advantage his Army abounding in Horse and the Infantry being the Romans chiefest strength Then as this counsel was taken by Hannibal with reason so if this action be particularly considered it may be said that he was very successful therein for the first time that he had to do with the Roman Armies in Italy thought the Armies of two Consuls were joyned together against him that which was first sent against him into France and that which was destined to encounter him when he should have descended the Mountains he came off with such victory as he put Rome into great terror both for that the City was not wont before to hear such bad news from their Captains as also for having so powerful and so victorious an enemy so nigh at hand But what can be added to the victories gotten at the Lake of Thrasymenus and at Cannae places made famous for the calamities which the Româ—ns suffered there to make his glory greater and the good thereof was answerable to the greatness for those of the Empire rebelling every where and flying from the Romans distressed fortune to Hannibals favor and obedience he soon made himself Master of almost all Italy and put the very City of Rome to great danger and confusions So as it was either his noble daring which begot such prosperous effects or else it was thereby accompanied Yet there wanted not other reasons and respects which may make Hannibals advice of leading his Army into Italy appear less useful and less praise worthy and it may be said that if he had passed into Italy with almost all the whole Carthaginian Forces bringing along with him Veteran Soldiers and the greatest strength of the Carthaginian Empire he ought to have considered that undertaking to make War against the Romans a warlike powerful and fortunate Nation the Carthaginian State was not likely to keep unmolested by their Forces Reason not permitting it to be believed that they who formerly not provoked by any injuries but rather excited by a desire of Government had happily waged war with the Commonwealth of Carthage would now stand only spectators of their own misery and repulsers of offence but that they would rather endeavour to carry that fire which was kindled in their own houses either into Africa or Spain to keep the Carthaginian Forces from succouring that part where their own danger was increased And so did the effect ensue for the Romans having
of the Roman name and vilor But this was seen afterwards by experience when he first began to undertake the taking in of Cities and when entring into Umbrid and being incamped about Spoletum he spent much time there to little purpose and finding how strong defence was made by a little Roman Colony he saw how vain his designs would be of stom◠〈◊〉 City of Rome And though many of the chief Cities of Italy fell into his hands this happened through the renown of Victories which he had won which working upon many people who did accommodate themselves to the Victors fortune they gave themselves willingly over to the Carthaginians and rebelled against the vanquished Romans But to besiege Cities required time and time afforded means to the Romans who were at their own homes to recruit their Forces and reduced Hannibal who was a stranger into many inconveniencies and necessities Insomuch as it is aâ—â—rmed by Writers that when Hannibal had the means of fighting afforded him which he so much desired but had little reason to hope for by Terentius the Consuls rashness who was afterwards routed and overcome his affairs were reduced to so great and desperate straits as manifest signs of revolting over to the enemies Camp were discovered and in himself a mind to save himself by flying away into Africa by Sea But let us take the end of War into consideration which we will be better able to judge by then by its beginning And though it is usually said that Event is the fools Schoolmaster yet it often falls out that things are known by the event which would never have been formerly thought upon and the best instruction is that which is learnt by experience Hannibal after having with various and uncertain success but with very great and certain dangers oftentimes tried the event of sundry Battels with the Romans was constrained not so much out of obedience to the Carthaginian Senate as out of necessity to forgo Italy and to lead the remainder of his Army which was already very much lessened back into Africa to relieve the City of Carthage which was by Scipio reduced into great danger and with his like former boldness though not with the like prosperous success come to a day of Battel with his enemy Wherein his Army being overthrown and with that Army which was the strength of the Empire all hopes lost of ever being able to make head against the Romans the War was finally ended upon new conditions and by the agreement but in effect by the ultimate ruine of the Carthaginian Commonwealth And together with the loss of her Liberty she was bereft of all her maritime Forces for amongst other grievous conditions she was injoyned to burn all her Ships whereof she had great store so desirous were the Romans to keep her from attempting any novelty But how can we pass over these great actions without reflecting upon the wonderful variation of humane affairs and without marvelling at the several fortunes of these two powerful Nations For the Carthaginians having as Conquerors over-run all Italy and bereft the Romans of almost all their Forces when it seemed as if their Commonwealth following this her miraculous prosperity was in a short time to mount to a supreme greatness of Monarchy they fell from these high hopes into the extreme of misery being bereft not only of the gallantry of Command but of Liberty And on the other side the Romans who having not many years before her Armies so notably defeated by Hannibal as they were glad to imploy all their care about the safety of the very City of Rome did on such a sudden rise to such a height of reputation and power as driving the Carthaginians out of Spain and having put the affairs of Africa into great confusion they forced them to recieve their Laws from the Romans This victory of the Romans was that which opened them the way to that Monarchy at which they afterwards did in a few years arrive for having quell'd the Carthaginians and increased their own Power by the ruine of the Forces and Dominion of others there was not any other Potentate who could long resist them Other people seemed not to be ashamed to yeeld to them who had conquered the Carthaginians and made themselves Masters of their Commonwealth No truer nor better reason can be 〈◊〉 for this indeed so miraculous diversity of condition and fortune which 〈◊〉 two great and powerful Commonwealths then the excellency of Military Discipline which was better ordered and understood by the Romans then by the Carthaginians For hence it rose that every Citizen being amongst the Romans imployed in the Militia they had greater store of Commanders and Soldiers So as though they were oftentimes worsted by Hannibal they could notwithstanding soon muster other Armies and get new Forces Which the Carthaginians could not do who having had a notable rout at Zama were totally opprest not being ever able to rally again because they had no other Soldiers nor Commanders under whose conduct they might hope for better events But when the Romans were overcome they wanted not Fabius Maximus Marcellus Claudius Scipio and many others who behaved themselves more fortunately in that War and did better service the Commonwealth and they could easily send Recruits unto their Armies and supply the places of such as were slain in Battel out of their own Citizens of Rome Which was caused by the committing of the Government of the War to their Consuls which place of Magistracy enduring but a year occasion was offered to many other Citizens to get experience in military affairs and all others were so obliged to the Militia as after the Carthaginian War was ended they who had not served in the Wars for the space of four years at the least were by the Censors noted of Infamy and blotted out of the publick Muster books But the Carthaginians having through the power of the Barchinian Faction transferred the Supreme Authority of administration of Arms upon some few Citizens as it was formerly upon Hannibal the Father to this man and after him upon this Hannibal and his brother Asdrubal when Asdrubal was slain in Italy in the conflict which he had with Claudius and when Hannibal the Son was abandoned by his former good Fortune and by the reputation he had formerly gotten and the Commonwealth being also wonted to make use of mercinary Souldiers the Army of antient Soldiers being lost in the Battel of Zama they could not recruit it with their own Citizens nor withstand the blow of so dire a mischance These and such like things may be argued concerning this great action of Hannibals and these important successes of War but rather out of probabilities then any certain demonstration Yet these very considerations may serve for useful instructions in hard and difficult resolutions to foresee what end is likely to befall the undertaking of great Princes The Sixth DISCOURSE Whether it was well done by the Romans to carry
furnish other Armies with monies as Writers affirm Others add that the affairs of the Romans were grown to so great a strait by maintaining so many Armies so long a time in several Countries as that the Scipio's writing to the Senate that they could no longer maintain their Soldiers who were grown needful of all things the Commonwealth was faln to beg aid from those who had gained much in former times by publick Impositions so to provide out of private purses for the paying and victualling of the Army An example of much charity to their Country which was brought to so great a necessity but withall of ill advice and but little wisdom in those who had brought it to that pass The Romans affairs were so weakned in Spain as Gneus Scipio contrary to the custom of the Romans was forced to make use of many Soldiers of that Nation to recruit his Army which though the deceit of those Barbarians was the cause why he received a notable Defeat wherein he himself likewise lost his life It might at first peradventure be thought an useful advice to assault the Carâ—haginian States so to remove Hannibal by diversion from Italy But since experience proved the contrary how can the increasing of danger at home to carry it abroad be praised 'T was already eight years that Gneus Scipio had made War in Spain and Marcellus had labored long with various successes in Sicily when Hannibal was notwithstanding still so powerful in Italy as marching with his whole Army from Capua he went to assault the very City of Rome where all things were full of tumult and confusion And had not the Romans had good fortune by the great store of rain and water which falling from the skies retarded the first assault of Hannibal all the hoâ—â—â— of so flourishing a Commonwealth had been disparch'd Who then in such 〈◊〉 ity of danger in which with great uncertainty of success the Walls and Gateâ— of Rome herself were guarded did not wish that Marcellus the two Scipio's and the rest that were at war in Sicily and in Spain had been there present who if the City of Rome should be lost must be made a prey unto the enemy The very fame and honor of such a Victory being sufficient to make all that the Romans in so long process of time had taken from the Carthaginians return to their former obedience On the other side if so many Commanders and Roman Soldiers wasted in wars so far off had been all joyned together in Italy how could Hannibal have so long withstood so great a power The first onset of the Carthaginian Army was great when it advanced so far as the fortune of the Romans began to give back and the Romans to confess themselves overcome having had many great routs But when Fortune began to face about and the worth of the Carthaginian Soldiers began to flag who were deboished with the delights of Capna which was the cause why Hannibal tarried long in Italy without doing any thing of note reason tells us that if he had been assailed by so many Roman Commanders and Soldiers he must have been forced to have left Italy And he being gone and the danger removed to further distance from home the Romans having a valiant and an expert Militia and having won great reputation by this Victory the other enterprises which they should have afterwards have undertaken either against others or against the Carthaginians themselves at their own homes would have proved more easie and more certain And experience proves clearly that the Affairs of Italy would have given the Law to all other proceedings and that upon the success thereof the whole War did depend for the Romans could never drive the Carthaginians totally out of Spain till the rout given to Asdrubal Brother to Hannibal by the Consul Claudius by which the power and fortune of the Carthaginians growing less in Italy they fared alike in Spain But the War undertaken by the Romans against â—hilip King of Macedon at the same time when Italy was all on fire with the Carthagâ—nian War may peradventure be thought a business of greater importance For Philip was a great Prince and might easily have troubled the Romans affairs by reason of the neighborhood of Greece whose people were his friends and confederates And though Philip had shewed himself not to be very well affected to the Commonwealth of Rome since he had first sent his Ambassadors to Hannibal to treat of joyning with him in confederacy against the Romans and had afterwards set upon and taken the itics of Apolonia and Orico that he might have as it was suspected the better opportunity to offend the Romans yet the present condition of Affairs seemed rather to advise them to dissemble their injuries and suspitions then by unimportunely revenging the one and assertaining the other put their affairs in greater danger and make him a certain and open Enemy who was as yet concealed and doubtful And time might have opened the way uâ—to them to have made him their friend and to have brought him into their parts which it was formerly known he had mind enough unto of himself but being put in fear and jealousie of his own affairs by Hannibals so great prosperity he was diverted from it And counsels which bring certain mischiess with them ought not to be undertaken out of hope of evading another evil which is further off and uncertain when he who useth it is in so weak and dangerous a condition as the addition of any new inconvenience how little soever is sufficient to ruine him and this was the condition of the affairs of Rome at that time Yet it may be said that the very Authority of the Romans name was a thing of great moment and so much the greater as the event approved of their counsel For Hannibal could not have been drawn out of Italy but by troubling the affairs of Africa and by putting the Carâ—â—â—nians into the same hazard and dangers as they had endeavored to put the 〈◊〉 to They considered then that Hannibal having shewed such constancy and worth in leading so numerous an Army consisting of divers Nations into Italy and having found that Fortune according as is usually said favoured his boldness their chief hopes of overcoming him lay in making him be his own ruine and suffering his Army to moulder away through harpships And this manner of warfaring used by Fabius Maximus had saved and restored the Commonwealth which the different opinion on of other Commanders by hazarding themselves upon the fortune of a Battel had almost quite undone Now to compass this it was necessary to keep the Carthaginian Forces so imployed abroad by diversion as they could not relieve Hannibal in Italy For if so many of the Carthaginian Armies might have passed safely into Italy as the Scipio's did defeat in Spain they would have so overflown Italy as there could have been no escape for the affairs of Rome This very
if the City which was the beginning of so many Wars had been reserved to be the end thereof These and other such like reasons may be alleadged for the War undertaken against the Carthaginians but that which they made against Philip may be said to be caused rather by necessity then choice For Philip for his part being already resolved to follow Hannibals fortune and expecting large recompence had sent his Ambassadors several times formerly to him to conclude a confederacie with him wherefore the Romans thinking it better to prevent the Enemy then to be by them prevented fell suddenly upon him with their whole Fleet and Army hoping to suppress him though they did not wholly effect their design But they continued their War against him afterwards in Greece incited by the commotions already raised in that Province by the Italians knowing that unless they should interpose themselves Greece must either fall into Philips hands whereby the power of a People that were Enemies to the Romans and already very formidable of themselves would be greatly increased or else they must have recourse to the assistance of King Attalus as the Grecians had already protested to the Romans and so they must suffer the neighborhood of another King who was already powerful in Asia and might at another time trouble the affairs of Rome And the wisdom of the Romans was always such as not being cast down by any adversity they never seemed so much to apprehend present dangers but that they had an eye to those which might ensue and in time grow greater And this peradventure was that which did prove the Romans power and worth more then any thing else since when as they were as yet but masters of a small State and that their affairs were reduced into great difficulties both by their so many bad successes in battel against Hannibal and by the risings of their Friends and Confederates yet they resolved to maintain War at one and the same time in four several Countries to wit in Italy Sicily Spain and Greece and they were able to manage them all And certainly such advice was no less useful then generous For he who should overcome the Romans in any one place could not hope quite to subdue them since they had other Armies and valiant Commanders who might make good their fortune and raise it up again So as things formerly alleadged for arguments to asperse this their resolution may peradventure be allowed of in such States and amongst such Princes where there is not that worth discipline or power as was amongst the Romans but in them or such as they they are of no force and very Experience by the issue of those Wars seems to confirm and approve of the Counsels by which they were undertaken The Seventh DISCOURSE Whether the defâ—ruction of Carthage was the rise of the ruine of the Roman Republick CArthage a glorious and famous City both for the command she had in Africa and Spain and for being long Rival in glory with the Common-wealth of Rome being at last to yield either to the great worth or happy genius of the Romans was not notwithstanding made tribuâ—ary to Rome but was burnt and destroyed even to the ground The Carthaginians were oft times overcome in battel by the Romans and had severe Laws imposed upon them yet were those undaunted fierce minds never well quell'd but beginning to heighten their hopes and augment their Forces after the second Carthaginian war they molested those that were friends to the Romans and contrary to their Articles began to sail upon the Sea with Men of War These things being therefore treated of in the Senate of Rome caused variety of opinions Some were for the total ruining of the City of Carthage since otherwise the Commonwealth of Rome could not be free from their injuries and molestations and Cato was very â—tiff of his opinion who bringing some fresh Figs which were gathered in Carthage shewed what dangers they were always subject unto by reason of their Enemies neigborhood But others endeavoring the contrary sought to prove that totally to extinguish the Carthaginians was no good advice and Scipio Nasâ—ica a man of great authority was greatly averse to this resolution being thereunto moved as he said not through any pitty to the conquered enemy but for the advantage of his own Citizens who when they should be free from the fear of the Carthaginian Forces would suffer many evils through Idleness So as it was the common saying and opinion that the destruction of the Carthaginians would hasten on the ruine of Rome And Salust in the beginning of his History of Catilines Conspiracy describing the abusive customs of the City of Rome at that time seems to be of opinion that the overthrow of Carthage did more harm to the Commonwealth by introducing idleness and pleasure then the keeping of her flourishing and in arms would have done Yet there were other considerations which did thwart this opinion shewing that it was not peace and idleness but the continually being verst in Arms and War which was the true cause of the Civil discords and change of Government in Rome This it was which fomented ambition in the Citizens this it was that did too immensely increase their power Finally it was this that divided the City and through discord brought it to utter ruine And how can it be said that the City of Rome was ruined by Peace since she never tasted thereof Insomuch as for the space of Six hundred eighty five years that famous Temple dedicated to Ianus by Numa Pompillius that it might stand open in time of War and shut in time of Peace was onely twice seen to be shut once in the Consulship of Titus Manlius after the end of the first Carthaginian War and once more in Augustus his time after the Naval Victory over Mark Anthony Thus were the Romans and chiefly the most valiant amongst them great enemies to Peace not so much endeavoring to procure greater strength to the Publick Empire as to encrease their own glory and power Therefore one War was made to beger another no time being ever to be found wherein the City was to injoy honest and civil leasure And Provinces and the authority of administring War was oft times confirmed to those who commanded their Armies who either desired to continue in their command or occasion requiring it to be so that they might put an end the Wars begun As it fell out in the second Carthaginian War where the time of tarrying in that Province and the continuing of his command was prolonged to the Consul Scipio who waged War in Spain to the end that he might finish what he had begun The like was done to Fabus in the Wars which he made against Hannibal in Italy and upon other occasions a thing which being done contrary to the rule of Law though it made somewhat for the Publick advantage at the present yet was it cause of great disorders afterwards Thus Marius
whilst he was abroad in the Juâ—urthan War was created Consul and made chief Commander against the Cimbrians though he ought not in his absence and in time of contumacy to have been chosen to that Magistracy Caesar after having commanded the Roman Armies five years when he was sent to wage War in France had his place of command cont nued unto him for five years longer and not herewithal content but being accustomed to rule he asked leave of the Senate to keep abroad and to continue in the Army which when the Senate would not give way unto they too late opposed his desire he being grown so powerful by reason of his continuation in military command as he valued not the Senates Authority nor the being declared an enemy to the Commonwealth But if we will consider the beginning of Civil Discords how and where the siding began which insected the minds of the Citizens with pestiferous corruption we shall find that this happened not in time of Peace in Cities or by reason of Civil Affairs but in the Camp amongst Weapons and when the Commonwealth was bufied in weighty Wars For Marius being drunk with the desire of military glory and not being able to endure that it should be taken from him or diminished by Sylla as he imagined it might happen by reason of Syllas happy success in the Jugurthan War wherein having taken Iuguâ—tha alive he had the glory to have put an end to that War He began to think of establshing yet more greatness in himself by making many of the Order of Cavaliers and of the people partial to him and impudently corrupting the Citizens first with moneys and afterwards with open force of Arms making the Magistracy and command of the war be conferred and resolved upon in him as he did in the Consulship and Proconsulship against Mithridates The Nobility being afrighted at this mans greatness by reason of his authority and reputation with the Soldiers they mightily encreased Sylla's power who was an enemy to Marius till at last they came to taking up Arms and shedding of civil blood But who knows not that Caesar moved thereunto more out of a desire of his own greatness then out of his alliance with Marius raised and maintained his Fraction in Rome and that his power encreased not in Peace and in the Market-place but in War and in the Camp So for the same reason for which Sylla was advanced a little before it behoved the Senate to confer more greatness upon Pompey then became the condition of civil Government so as the whole City was divided and with those arms by which though taken up and made use of against enemies the first occasion of contention among private Citizens was given the very Commonwealth must be wounded which stood in the midst between them so as her vitâ—l spirit of liberty being taken away her throat was cut by those whom she had most favoured But whence did the so many other corruptions of those times arise save from the so many prosperous successes of war by which the Citizens being much enriched and made proud could not betake themselves to live parcimoniously and with civil equality And it is said of Caesar that he corrupted the people of Rome by moneys which he had got in the War so to make them confer places of Magistracy as he listed upon such as were his friends and partial to him Out of these respects the wise Legislator Lycurgus intending to lay the foundation of a long lasting Government in Sparta though he introduced Military exercises to the end that the Citizens might be able to defend their Country yet he ordered the City so as it could not much increase its power by any Forgein War But the Commonwealth of Rome not being ordered for peace could never find out not enjoy a peaceful condition How is it then given out that peace and idleness was the ruine of that City How should she beleeve that her Arms should remain idle if she would have the whole world for her enemy as Mariâ— said to Mithidates that who would not recieve Law from the Romans must make themselves more powerful then they So as the counsel which Scipio gave to his Romans of not utterly destroying Carthage might be good in another respect for the preservation thereof might encrease that glory to their Commonwealth which many of her valiant Citizens seemed greatly desirous of to wit to have easily pardoned their enemies when they should have humbled themselves as the Carthaginians had then done haveing not onely with great humility begged peace of the Senate by their Ambassadors but given many of their chief Citizens for hostages to Scipio and great store of Arms to secure the Romans that they would keep their Articles And truly the destruction of that noble City did differ from the usual generosity of the Romans who had wont after Victory to grâ—â—t the Cities and Kingdoms to those very enemies with whom they had fought making both King and People in all parts or Tribuâ—ory or Confederate to the Senate and People of Rome But I see no reason at all why they should forbear the rooting out of these the Romans antient enemies for fear lest they should be undone with idleness and that civil discords should thereupon ensue How many years were there between the second and third Carthaginian war and yet when was the Commonwealth of Rome free from Foreign war though these her Enemies did not appear to be so The last Carthaginian war being hardly ended did not they wage war in Spain with the Numantines for the space of fourteen years And yet in these times the bounds of the Roman Empire may be said to have been very narrow in respect of what they were afterwards France which then was Mistress of more Provinces then now she is was not as yet subdued nay the difficulty and length of that War bringing along with it the prorogation of Command since Caesar commanded the Armies for ten years together did much increase those disorders which did at last prove the ruine of the Commonwealth But how much did Pompey enlarge the bounds of the Roman Empire in Asia over how many conquered Kings and Provinces did he triumph Armenia Cappadocia Media Iberia Syria Arabia Phaenicia and other Nations were reduced under the Romans power by this sole Commander It will seem strange and yet it is related by authentical Writers that nine hundred Cities were made subject and tributary to the Roman Empire by Pompey and almost as many more by Caesar And he who will consider it well shall find that the Roman Commanders did flourish most and were most cryed up after the destruction of Carthage Rome wanted then neither means nor will to exercise her Arms not to mention so many Wars which were all of them famous if not for the greatness of acquisition at least for other weighty accidents and if not for their strength yet for the wisdom of the Enemy That of Tigranes
Tyranny could put her self into a free condition why I say she could not do the like when Brutus and Cassius had slain Iulius Casar when it appears they ought rather to have done so now the people being more numerous and powerful and the City in such greatness as the liberty nay rather power which the people had in ordering that Commonwealth ought to have been more esteemed and held dear To this may be added that in the time of Kings the very name of Liberty was not well known much less was the good thereof injoyed Wherefore a good which they had not known ought to have been of less power with them And in the Government of Kings the City had been so successful as it seemed she might run a hazard by chusing a new form of Government which she had not formerly experienced And in the time of the Decemviri the affairs of Rome were also in a very weak condition nor ought the Liberty or command of that City be reputed a thing of such moment as it became afterwards by the wonderful felicity by which she marched to the height of all Glory and Greatness Besides the Government of Ten retained a certain shew of a Commonwealth and many being therein interessed she seemed to have thereby also a better ground for her subsistance Whereas in Caesars time he having reduced the main of all affairs into himself and begun to accept of the Title and Honors of a King all Form of a Commonwealth and of Liberty was lost and he having maintained himself in that degree onely by his own Greatness and in a City so full of Nobility at that time and of so many generously minded men his Principality must of necessity be the weaker and easilier to be eradicated which when it should fall it seemed that the former Government of Common-wealth must of it self rise up again These and other such like reasons afford occasion of seeking into the cause why contrary effects were seen to ensue We will herein consider first what the customs of the City of Rome were in each of these times and what effects were prevalent in the peoples minds men not being accustomed to imbrace such things as are truly useful but often such as by the predominate affection are held to be so Whilst the City was in an humble condition and that her Citizens were not begun to be corrupted by an immoderate ambition of Governing there was no siding nor partaking studied amongst them which crept on by little and little and did so contaminate all orders as it reduced the Commonwealth to such weakness as wanting strength to rule her self she must fall and being once down could not rise up again This corruption began amongst the Soldiers in whom the Commanders did permit such unbridled licentiousness to the end that they might dispose of them as they listed to oppres their particular enemies and sometimes against the very Commonwealth As Sylla did to lessen Marius his power and Marins no less to counterprize Sylla by the same means things growing into such disorder as he made the servants of the Commonwealth to take up arms against his enemies the Syllaniaâ—s and this authority did so continue in great Citizens and in the Commanders of Armies as it seemed a wonder that Pompey the Great who had exceeded all others in Glory and Power after his return into Italy having prosperously ended his enterprise against Mithridates should be content to quit the Army when every one feared that he would enter Rome therewithal and do even then with Rome as Caesar did not long after assume unto himself the chief Government of all publick affairs So great was the disorder and so little was the Authority either of Laws or Senate esteemed But his Design who plotted tyranny in the succeeding time prospered the better for that this corruption which was first entred into the Soldiers was past into the Nobility and spread every day abroad amongst the people For those who had been Generals of the great Enterprises of War being grown exceeding rich did several waies purchase the popular votes turning and winding them as they liked best to the end that the places of Magistracy might be conferred on them or upon their Friends and Adherents Neither was the very Senate free from this contagion but being long before accustomed not to be at their own command but to depend upon the power of those who were of supreme Authority in the Armies they fell headlong into the same errors into which the people were faln manifestly adhering by way of Faction not by any civil favor to particular Citizens who headed parties and the authors of novelties which was at first done with some appearance of honesty to maintain the Commonwealth and to defend Liberty against those who had been too immoderately exalted by the peoples favour to the injury of other more deserving Citizens and to the prejudice of Liberty But in the process of time and affairs those who had taken up Arms in behalf of the Commonwealth proved no less burthensom much power thereby encreasing in one particular person then those themselves against whom Arms were taken up For an immoderate desire of encreasing in power and wealth began to possess the souls of many who were already accustomed to rule longer and with greater authority then was sitting to be done in a Civil Government So as all things were put into great confusion and now not those who were worthy and valiant but those who were most bold insolent found places of greatest honor in the Commonwealth Hence it was that it being observed that those who had adhered to Sylla's party when his Adversary being overcome he was become almost the sole Arbitrator of all things had often gotten great riches and preferments in reward of their wicked actions the wealth of those who were proscribed by Sylla being given to these and such being easily proscribed at his Favorites pleasure whom they would rob of their Palaces or of what they valued most Many allured by hope of getting better things and more easily then they could have done in a well-governed Commonwealth loved confusion and favoured the Government of one alone thinking that they might obtain Honors and many other favors which are usually bestowed freely upon such as are partial to them by those who will preserve themselves in height of Power Hence then it arose that Brutus and Cassiâ—s the murderers of Caesar were not so backed nor met not with that general approbation from the City to uphold their fact and the common Liberty as Iunius Brutus and Virginius did when they raised the people to free themselves from the Tyranny of the Tarquiâ—s and of the Decemviri The latter had recourse unto the Camp and kindled a servent desire in the Soldiers to vindicate the injuries and msolencies used by the Tarquiâ—s and by Appiâ—s But what favour could Bruâ—â—i and Cassius expect from the Soldiers themselves being contaminated and more desirous
to preserve the chief command in one onely person that they might keep the power in themselves then to remit the Commonwealth into Liberty whereby their uncurb'd licentionsness was to be corrected Therefore as soon as Octavius the adopted son of Iulius and who afterwards took upon him the name of Octavius Caesar and of Augustus returned after Caesar's death into Italy he was freely accepted by the Army he being well beloved by the Soldiery out of memory to Iulius Caesar and out of hopes that if he should succeed him in power they might share in the same favors and priviledges But Brutus and Cassius were compell'd to gather together sufficient Forces to defend themselves to have recourse for help to Forein Princes and with their Soldiers to fill those Armies which were to defend the Liberty of Rome So much were the Customs of the City altered in those times and those generous Roman spirits extinguished who for a long time had loved the name of Liberty more then any other thing and then any other Nation And though the fact committed by Caesars Murtherers was approved of by the Senate yet there were many chief men and of great authority who being Caesars friends and depending upon him did much deâ—est it amongst whom were Marcus Antonius and Lepidus Caesars intimate friends who did openly and powerfully maintain that Brâ—tus and Cassius were to be pursued by the publick Arms as Enemies to the Commonwealth and that Caesars death should be revenged This diversity of inclination in the People and in the Senate towards the former and these latter Vindicators of the Liberty of Rome to boot with the diversity of Customs by which the City was swayed at these several times were much furthered by the differing conditions of the persons interessed For the name of the Tarquins was become hateful to all the common people of Rome not only because they kept them always busied in laboring their own grounds but because they were become hateful to all people by reason of their haughty carriage so as they had no Fautors who did desire or endeavour their return to Rome but some few young Noblemen who were well pleased with that former Government by reason of their intimacie with the Kings sons which secured their insolencies But these were not of themselves of any authority to disturb the peace and common liberty and those in whom the publick authority did reside were so well disposed towards the good of their Country and so uncontaminable by any other affection as Brutus condemned two of his sons to suffer death because they were of the number of those who had conspired in favor of the Kings sons And in the time of the Decemviri Appius was not held to be proud but cruel and yet not so really but in appearance which by the common people is held to be as bad For he had ordered many Lictors to walk always before him and his Colleagues with many Fasces in their hands and having afterwards taken away Appeals he seemed in all his actions to aim at Tyranny which is always injurious to the People So as it is no wonder if they did not afterwards resent that such men should be removed from Government wherein they had behaved themselves so ill and did desire to return under the Government of Consuls and other Magistracies To this may be added that the People had then almost the same authority which some particular Citizens did afterwards usurp and did go about to obtain all unjust things from the Senate by sedition as these did in the ensuing times by force of arms So as no such way being opened in the first State of the City the People knew that when the Decemviri should be driven away they might obtain many things of favor to themselves as indeed they did For Appeals were not only again allowed of but much amplified and the Tribunes of the People were declared to be Sacrosancti But Caesar using therein either his natural endowments and worth or some wonderful cunning had wrought himself into much favor with the People by his humanity magnificence liberality by his familiarity with all men by easily pardoning offences making of noble and frequent Shews by his sumpâ—uous and costly Feasts and by his rich Gifts and by these means secured his Tyranny upon the sound foundation of universal favor and upon the favor of many partial Friends whom he had made great and by many singular favors bound them fast unto him and interessed them in his own greatness and power So as he who will consider these things duly must confess that in Brutus and Cassius the intention was more to be commended then the act for their danger could bring no true safety to the Commonwealth as they themselves were soon aware of by flying from that City which they ought to have summoned to Liberty and making themselves the Heads of those who should rise up in their behalf But the business being inopportunely undertaken miss'd of that success which opportunity might have brought it For Caesar might easily have lost the Peoples favor either for that thinking himself sufficiently setled in his Dominion he might value it so much in the future or for that they being naturally given to love change might grow weary of his too great power which was already begun to be much suspected by his having accepted of the title of King and of many other Honors which he had formerly refused Things which made the People aware of their error in being too conformable to the will of one sole Citizen If such an occasion had been waited for he who should have had a mind to have restored the Commonwealth to her Liberty might have had some better foundations for the effecting of his desire And if it shall be objected that the City could not throw off the yoke of servitude after the death of Caligula and Nero though they were very vicious and much detersted by the People it may be answered That then the power of the Emperors and authority of the Soldiers were too strongly confirmed who put Caligula and Nero and other of their successors to death not out of any desire of restoring the City to liberty as Brutus and Cassius had done but for that they were weary of their Empire and hoped to be better rewarded by those who were by them cryed up for Emperors in place of those that were flain The cause of such diversity of success may likewise be known if we will consider some things more in general Whilst the City of Rome was in such a condition by reason of her Laws and Customs as she was of herself well given to Politick Government it was impossible to introduce Tyranny so as it could be continued there For the Body of the City not being organised so as became such a Government which is the Soul of the City such a Union could not be setled there as might assume vital Form And as it falls out in
elswhere Moreover he who does that which of it self is good can never want a reward For though he do not purchase those exterior demonstrations which are usually gotten by worth and which do more illustrate it he notwithstanding feels that true content within himself which springs from well-doing and which is held by wise men to be the best reward of good actions For he who loves and favors Equity and Justice makes the Laws be observed prefers the publike good before private interest thinks nothing an injury wherein the Commonwealth is not offended this man may be truly said to be a great Citizen for that publick dignity and greatness maintains his private credit and estimation Nay such men as these if by any ill fortune or bad accident they fall from favor they find always as it were by some occult power of Vertue some others to protect them As was seen in Cato who having drawn upon him the enmity of the greatest part of the Nobility and being but little befriended by the People for impeding the Agrarian Law though he were for a while held low he was notwithstanding created Consul in rivalship with Metellus who was favored by Pompey And by a more notable example Murena himself who was accused in Judgment by Cato was not only not his Enemy afterwards but defended him against Metellus and Cato's reverend authority prevailed over Metellus his fury who being accompanied by a number of armed men was come into the Piazza to promote the Law of making Pompey return with his Army to the City in the time of Catalines Conspiracie And we read that when he returned from Cyprus the Magistrates Priests the whole Senate and very many of the People went in such numbers to meet him as the banks of Tybur were full of them on both sides as if he had entred into the City in triumph And another time being in the publick Assemblies put by the Pretorship by the violence of the Consuls Crassus and Pompey yet he being but a private man was accompanied home to his own house that very day with more men then followed the Magistrates If then we will know in this diversity of affairs which of these two courses it is best to follow since by what you have heard equal credit may almost be given unto both we must weigh what his natural inclination is who will set these examples before him to follow them what the true end is which he proposeth unto himself and after what Form of Gornment that Commonwealth is ordered in which he is born and which he serves for without such considerations it is hard to know what course of life a man must take He who seeks to win favor must above all things shun affectation as that which makes a man always suspected to be ambitious and his actions not acceptable For he whose genius is naturally given to humanity and to a sweet and pleasant manner of conversation if leaving that he will put on a Socratical severity and gravity he cannot hope to use it so but that some other end being discovered to be in him he will not onely not win credit but will sometimes become ridiculous So on the contrary when a man is known not to be wittily or facetiously given but that his nature is rather given to be grave if he will appear to be civil and very familiar fauning and flattering with humble words and in a base manner he incurs the same mischief for such forced behavior denotes affectation and grows tedious Cato was born with this sevetity as he had witnessed all his life time by all his actions He was a Sloven in his feeding and in his apparel he went on foot to his Country-house and sometimes when he was in place of Magistracy he would give Audience unshod and in Garments unfit for the Bench. In fine all his actions were unpollished severe despising such things as others did most value The clean contrary was seen in Caesar who was given to quaint behaviour humanity and grace They therefore by their several ways proved both of them great men and famous because they followed their natural genius and inclinations In the next place the end which a man propounds unto himself who endeavors to get Honors and Imployments in a Commonwealth is to be considered for if he aim onely at the publick Service and at his Countries good it is fittest for such a one to lay aside all particular interest and not valuing any private favor to attend onely a punctual observance of the Laws and the depression of such Citizens who to the prejudice of the publick Liberty will become too powerful as did Cato But if one who is meerly byassed by ambition propounds unto himself the becoming great and powerful by any whatsoever means those arts and applications which are pleasing to most men and which purchase applause and universal liking will certainly lead him more safely to that end and conduce most to his purpose as they did to Caesar who abasing himself that he might mount the higher giving that he might get the more being subservient unto others to the end that he might command over them knew so well how to cover his most affected and ambitious thoughts as at last he did not onely attain to the greatest Authority that is usually granted to any one in any Commonwealth but drew all Dignity and publick Authority upon himself Next it must be had in consideration what the Form of that Commonwealth must be in the which a man who lives therein propounds unto himself the acquisition of place and honor For if the Form be Optimatical wherein vertue is esteemed above all things certainly Cato's Manners and Customs will better sute with such a Government for in such a Commonwealth the Magistrates in their dispensation aim chiefly at those things which were very eminent and much commended in Cato But if the peoples authority be great in the City Caesars Manners and Artifices will be better beloved and likelier to win approbation and consequently the peoples savor in their sâ—â—trages which may carry them to the height of Civil preserment Therefore in Spâ—rta which was an Optimatical Commonwealth divers men did flourish who in their lives and manners did resemble Cato as on the contrary those Citizens were most esteemed of in Athens which was a Popular Commonwealth who knew how to win the Peoples good will after Caesars way whence it was that she fell easily afterwards into the power of many Tyrants insomuch as the liberty of the Commonwealth was possest at one and the same time by Thirty such men But in Rome where the Government was partly Popular partly Optimatical both Caesar and Cato might win renown for divers Citizens were diversly minded according to the diversity of Government in the administration of publick affairs but in that mixture Caesar might get firmer and more setled authority then Cato in civil dissentions because the Popular Faction was much the greater
So that Cato siding with the Senate to the very last and being according to his wont and worth unwilling to be exposed to the licentious will and pleasure of the Conquerors he was born down together with the Senate and reduced to the necessity of making himself away And Caesar being by the Soldiers suffrages and by force confirmed and setled in Power and Authority which were already too immoderately granted him in the Commonwealth by the peoples favor he possest himself of the common publick Liberty and destroyed all Form of Civil Government The Tenth DISCOURSE To what Age of the City of Rome the greatest praise and merit is to be given for the prosperity and greatness whereto she arrived SUch and so many are the Grandeurs and prosperities of the City of Rome as the consideration thereof affords always new matter of discovering divers mysteries therein very well worthy to be examined and observed but if we shall consider amongst many other things how her prosperity did still from time to time increase both in state and reputation a particular desire will arise in us of knowing to what Age the chief praâ—se and merit of that Cities arrival at such a height of Greatness and Glory is to be attributed Three Ages may chiefly be numbred wherein that great City did still more and more increase and grow greater in Reputation To wit the first which may be termed her Infancy from the foundation of the City till the driving out of the Tarquins and to the first Consulship of Iunius Brutus and of Tarquinius Collatinus which was the space of Two hundred twenty four years The second which shall be her Adolesence from that time till the beginning of the second Carthaginian War betwixt two which times there passed the space of Two hundred forty six years The third her Youth which was the flowre of her years and of her greatest prosperity may be termed the rest of that time which past from the beginning of the said War which was in the Consulship of Appius Claudius sirnamed the Bold till Caesars Dictatorship the space of Two hundred and twenty years which makes up the full number of Seven hundred and ten years which the Common-wealth of Rome lasted which might be so termed for the temperate Government of the first Kings and for the authority which the Senate held therein also as long as their Dominion lasted For what concerns the times of Emperors no mention needs to be made thereof for what concerns our purpose For to boot with the corruption which insued of the first â—orm of Civil Government they enjoyed and for the most part but unworthily the labors of other men and though the City maintained herself in great height for the space of four hundred years nay though many gallant and magnifick things were by the Majesty of the Empire and by the Emperors power yet these did not concur to the first foundation of the Empire which is that which is now particularly enquired into but the Empâ—re did for the most part decline in divers parts and in sundry times till at last it began to hasten more headlong to ruine The chief and greatest praise then of this most noble and most artificial Fabrick may be attributed to the first that laid the first foundation For those that succeeded them finding that they might thereupon safely erect the great structure of the Roman Empire their Counsels were excited and their work chiefly helped by those who did first think thereupon and did so work as the City being well ordered and disposed of with good principles might rise to a greater degree of dignity and Empire But those of the third Age having noble examples of worth before them and seeing so good and gallant a work already so prosperously increased and raised up went more couragiously on to greater and more noble works having framed a conceit unto themselves out of the former prosperous successes that they might be able to make as they did their City the Mistress and Monarch of all Nations The first Age was governed by seven Kings of differing natures and customs for the most part but well fitted to what concerned the service of the new City and Romes rising greatness For Romulus the Father and Founder thereof was excellent at Arms so as accompanied by other military men he began the first habitation and did so order things as the new City might subsist of herself without putting herself under the protection of any neighboring people But Numa who succeeded him that he might give the form of a true City to the new Inhabitants ordering them by certain Laws and chiefly by Religious worship did so behave himself as in all succeeding times that City was always much given to Religious affairs which though they were false of themselves yet did he thereout draw good advantage concerning Civil affairs The third King Tullus Hostilius reassuming Arms bridled the boldness of the neighboring people who conspired the ruine of the City and getting many victories over them began not only to think of such things as concerned the safety of the City but to enlarge her Confines by way of Arms in her neighbors Territories Anus Martius did study Civil affairs more and minded the multiplying of people in the City and the making of divers Orders which might reduce it to the form of a great and well-governed City Tarquinius Priscus accustomed the People to know the majesty and dignity of Empire by which reverence he to the great service of publick affairs increased obedience in those who both then and afterwards were to command in the City and in the Armies But Tarquinius Superbus the City being already got to her full growth procuring his own ruine by his rashness and unbridled licentiousness opened the way to the liberty of Rome and to her greater greatness By which things it may be conceived that the second Age found the City already well instituted in Arms and Religion much increased in People and Buildings accustomed to know the dignity and majesty of Empire she being esteemed and feared by the neighboring people an Enemy to Tyranny and finally fit to receive a good Form of Civil Government and able to govern herself by her own Orders and Forces So as those who followed in the ensuing Age finding the way chalk'd out unto them to lead the City on to a greater degree not only of safety but of glory they found less of difficulty in all their undertakings As it is usual in all things whereunto it is harder to give a beginning then to augment them Wherefore the praise is due to those first Romans which is given to the first Invertor of things of knowing how to put on generous thoughts and use good counsels when the City was so weak as she knew not how to nourish them nor had any example of her own men Therefore in the following Age the height of praise which was given to any one that had deserved well of
due to this Age for not to touch upon many particular Laws and Institutions the most famous Laws amongst the Romans of the Twelve Tables made in the Decemvirate of Appius Claudius and his Colleagues by which the City of Rome was chiefly governed were Institutions of this Age industriously taking divers things from the Grecians amongst whom more then in any other Nation all learning and all the most noble Arts did then chiefly flourish Amongst other things great was the wisdom of allowing the Latius to be free Denisons of Rome for hereby the City was notably augmented and her Empire established For she did not onely for ever free her self from the vexation which she had had for the space of Four hundred years by the Forces of these people whom they had often subdued and who had often rebelled against the Romans and could not by Force be kept within the bonds of obedience but being hereby obliged so fast and so interessed in the same Affairs with the Romans she was much assisted by them in the so many Wars which the Romans made afterwards The use of Colonies was of great advantage likewise to the Roman Empire for it served to ease the City when she was opprest with too many Citizens and to keep others in obedience who were daily reduced under the Roman Empire And this use of Colonies though it had a certain weak beginning when Romulus sent some to inhabit in the City of Fidena yet was it oftener and more orderly introduced and confirmed in this second Age So as experience shewing the good of this institution to those that came after this custom was ever after followed by the Romans This Age is likewise a great argument of the civil wisdom of the Citizens for though there were therein important Insurrections often made and so great broils between the People and the Nobility and though it were harder to keep those in obedience who had continued to serve in the Commonwealth in her Wars for the space of a hundred years after the driving out of their Kings without pay yet were they able to appease all discords without the effusion of any civil blood as it happend afterwards in the third Age wherein great tumults arose from little ones so as Civil Wars or at least dissentions and partakings continued amongst the Citizens for about Fifty years from Sylla's Dictatorship to that of Caesars thereupon the final ruine of the Commonwealth ensued It also gives a great proof of the perfection of the orders observed in the City of Rome in these times that she was twice able to shake off slavery First that of the Kings and then that of the Decemviri which the Third Age could not do which being once faln under the command of Sylla though he himself forewent the vast authority which was granted him and left the City in Liberty continued notwithstanding still in factions which soon after brought her past all remedy under Caesars most express Tyranny And certainly great was the endeavor after Liberty in this second Age in respect whereof all things else were set at nought insomuch as Brutus did not pardon his own Sons life it being suspected that he had had to do with Tarquin to the prejudice of Liberty and the whole people of Rome condemned Manlius Capitolinus to death he who had saved the Capitol and the City of Rome for being suspected his actions tended towards Tyranny Those who lived in the hardest times of this second Age shewed their constant generosity when the City of Rome being burnt and destroyed by the French they would not abandon her and go to live at Veij as their forlorn fortune and the condition of these times seemed to advise them to do but kept their hopes alive for better things which if they had then abandoned that name and fame of Rome had peradventure been for ever lost which her happy genius promised her So as he who shall consider the works and actions of those Citizens of Rome of this second Age may with reason think them worthy of great praise so as it may seem they had nothing to desire whereby to have been made as illustrious in the sight of the world and their actions equal to those of the Third Age then to have had occasion of greater enterprises as they had But on the contrary these mens actions are more to be commended for the integrity of their manners for their love towards their Country and for their other noble vertues whereas in those of the last Age the splendor of their glorious actions in War was oft-times obscured and stained by other vices by Ambition Avarice and immoderate Liberty to which things the Third Age was so addicted as they brought her in the height of her greatest prosperity to utter ruine But before we pass this sentence it will become us in justice to hear what those gallant Romans can say in their own behalfs who by the cried up Fame of their stupendious actions have filled the world with the glory and wonder of the Roman greatness And how much shorter the time was wherein the supreme Monarchy was founded and established so much greater demonstration is thereof the generosity and worth of these men who had the boldness to undertake so many Enterprises and could bring them to a good end For the first time that the Romans carried their Forces out of Italy was by reason of the Carthaginian War wherein amongst other things it was not only a thing commendable but much to be wondred at that the Romans being till then unexperienced in Maritime affairs did so soon learn that manner of Discipline as they overcame the Carthaginians in many Sea-fights who for so long a time before had profess'd themselves to be Sea-men and had the first place given them by all other Nations for their Naval preparatâ—ons But whereby can the excellent Military Discipline of the Romans be better known and their unvanquish'd worth then by their deeds done in the second Carthaginian War wherein at one and the same time they were able to maintain so many Armies in Italy Sicily Spain and Greece And yet one only City of Rome could furnish them all with Commanders and Soldiers out of her own Citizens and Italian Colonies and that in so great a number as that there was above Eighty thousand fighting men of the Roman Army in the Fight at Cannae On the contrary Carthage though her Dominions were large and powerful after she had been several times routed by the Romans in Spain being willing to defend Africa nay the very City of Carthage the head of the Empire was forc'd to recall that her Commander in chief and those her Soldiers which she had in Italy The Romans thrice overcome in battel by Hannibal took still fresh courage and assuming new Forces did even face Fortune whom they won at last to be their friend and in a manner obedient to their deserts But the Carthaginians when once overcome by Scipio in
affairs when the Commonwealth was much increased The Roman Armies recâ—ived so notable defeats in the War which Pyrrhus made against them as the whole affairs of the Commonwealth seemed to be in no little danger having so potent and victorious an Enemy within their bosoms yet at last not being dismayed for any adverse fortune but treating freely with their Enemy rather as vanquishers then vanquished they reduced their affairs to such a condition as Pyrrhus thought it his best course to quit Italy and leave the Romans quiet It is herein to be considered that the Romans being so long accustomed to continual Wars with their neighbors the Italians and particularly with the Samnites a little before this time against whom the Romans marched with numerous Armies and had good success winning many famous victories insomuch as Val. Corvinus kill'd above thirty thousand Samnites in one day made much for their withstanding so great an Enemy as Pyrrhus and for their maintaining themselves against Forein Forces against the use of Elephants and other new ways of warfaring which Italy had not known before whence it was that the City of Rome did at this time abound in valiant men and who were expert in the Militia So as Cynneas who was sent by Pyrrhus to Rome told him that he had seen a City so very full of Inhabitants as he feared if his Highness should continue his war with the Romans he should go about to overcome an Hydra And Pyrrhus himself hath more then once admired the worth of the Roman Commanders Who doth not even with wonder consider how many Commanders and how many Armies the Commonwealth of Rome could set out in the War with the Carthaginians and especially in that with Hannibal which did more endanger the affairs of Rome then all the rest since it mainâ—ained War in so many several parts at one and the same time in Italy Spain Africa and Greece Which they were able to do by reason of the infinite number of men wherewith Italy was then inhabited who were all well disciplined by reason of their long exercise in War We read that when the Romans made War with Hannibal they had sometimes what of their own proper Soldiers and what of their Associates who did all neighbor neer upon them twenty three Legions which made about an hundred thousand Soldiers for defence of their Empire Moreover whilst the Common-wealth kept her Forces divided in several parts as she did with wonderful judgment in the Carthaginian war which was the sorest of all the rest though she tasted of adverse fortune sometimes in some parts yet were not all her Forces utterly destroyed for that part of their Forces which was yet safe and entire was able to make good the fortune of the whole Commonwealth Thus after those notable Routs which the Roman Armies had the one by the Tygurian Gauls when the Forces were commanded by Lucius Cassius the other by the Cymbrians when they were led on by Caius Servilius Cepio in which two Battels the Romans lost above Eighty thousand Soldiers they were able notwithstanding to recruit themselves and defend their affairs because they had another victorious Army at the same time commanded by Marius who had just at that time gloriously ended the War against Iugurth Thus when the Commonwealth of Rome seemed to be utterly ruined by reason of the two discomfitures given them the one at Thraâ—ymenes the other at Cannae she was restored again by her prosperoussuccess in War with Spain Thus when two of her Armies were worsted in Spain the Common-wealth was preserve in safety by fortunate success of their Wars in Sicily and in Italy When the Romans were in greater danger then ever there being at the same time two great Carthaginian Armies in Italy and two most valiant Generals Hannibal and Asdrubal yet would not the Romans keep all their Warriors in Italy but did at the same time maintain and reinforce their Armies in Sardiâ—ia Sicily France and Spain And though by reason of so many Wars which begot one another the Commonwealth must needs oftentimes run great hazards especially since she oft-times exposed her Armies to the doubtful event of Battel yet did they thereby receive this of good and safety that by reason of their continual exercise of Arms they were the more easily provided of valiant and experienced men and were the better able to govern themselves in adverse fortune The Carthaginians on the contrary not being able to make use of many good Commanders or Soldiers for they did not make use of their own peculiar Militia as did the Romans but did imploy some few of the chief of their City-Factions in commanding their Armies could not so easily recruit and reinforce their Armies when they were weakened by any adverse fortune nor had they whereout to pick better or more fortunate Commanders when any of theirs were faulty Insomuch as when the Carthaginians were overcome by Scipio in Africa they were forc'd to recal Hannibal from Italy suffering the Romans to take breath in those parts where they were most molested and Hannibal himself not having means to recruit his Army which he had brought with him from Africa and which was wasted and weakened by long march and adverse fortune was necessitated to give way to the valor and fortune of the Romans It made not a little likewise for the Government of the Roman Commonwealth and for the maintaining of her in her weak beginnings that the Militia was exercised for many years without any pay to the Soldiers So as whâ—lst their means was yet but small and yet they must still be in Arms by reason of their being still infested by many of the neighboring Nations the want of monies was no cause of not maintaining their Armies as it hath been the ruine of many Statâ—s but if they happened to receive a Rout the Army might be recruited by other chosen and commanded men But afterwards when the City was much better peopled and much stronger so as she was able to make greater undertakings the publick Exchequer was so enriched answerable to what became a well-ordered Government and which aspired to the heighth of Empire as she was not for this cause so incommodated as that she must yield under the weight of War nor yet for any her greatest mifortune Whereas in some other Commonwealths as in that of Sparta the poorness of the Exchequer introduced by Lycurgus his Laws hindred her from enlarging her Empire and when she aspired thereunto she was forc'd for want of things requisite to flie for help to the Kings of Persia so as in lieu of domineering over the rest of the Grecians she became a servant to Barbarians because she exceeded those Terms and Rules wherewith her Government was founded and established After these considerations some things may be added which proved likewise very advantagious for the securing of the Romans greatness As the continuation of the Militia out of a duty imposed upon every Citizen
in far off affairs nor against strangers because they were still at contestation between themselves And if at any time they went about to do it they were either hindred or diverted as were the Athenians when they past with their Fleet above Sicily under pretence to assist the Leontinians but in effect to get the Island to themselves aspiring by advice of Alcibiades who had higher conceptions then any former Greciah had had to pass over into Africa against the Carthaginians the Spartans having discovered the design and not being able to endure that the Athenians should to their prejudice grow more powerful resisted their Forces and succor'd Messina when the City was ready to be lost and also assailed the Athenians in their own Territories to divert them from that enterprise The same thing for the same occasion fell out when the Athenians passing with their Fleet into Egypt had induced the Egyptians to rebel against the Persians and very powerful Forces were already brought by Sea from Greece to Cyprus to assault the King of Persia's Territories But the Lacedemonians growing jealous of their greatness frustrated that design opposing them so many waies and by so many Forces as if the business had been not to have abased but to have exalted the power of the Persians the common and continual enemies of Greece But these things were done by the Spartans as they gave out onely to curb the immoderate ambition of the Athenians and to maintain and defend the liberty of whole Greece upon which pretence they undertook and for many years maintained that famous War of the people of Morca which did much molest whole Greece and kept their Forces very low Therefore in the time when these two greater and more famous Commonwealths did flourish they made use of their Forces more against themselves then against foreiners and in domestick War which was the cause why Greece grew weaker not more powerful For whatsoever of prejudice befel either of the parties was prejudicial to Greece her self and the fame and glory of their victories was blemish'd and lessened by the loss of those Grecians that were overcome Therefore she never became formidable to other Nations as did Italy where when the fame and worth of the Romans began to prevail and the other neighboring Potentates were extinguished her force and power being all of a peece the Roman Arms were dreadful to all people nay they were all finally overcome by them But Greece never having been able to reduce her self to a condition that all her forces should be under the power of one onely Potentate and that War was administred under the Auspice of one onely Commonwealth she was of necessity to be alwaies too weak and impotent to inlarge her Confines much So as that which made the Grecians be much esteemed to wit her having so many Commonwealths did much diminish the glory and dignity of Empire to which otherwise her many signal vertues might have carried her if her Forces had been in the power of one onely or Prince or Commonwealth or at least if there had been a greater union and better intelligence amongst the so many Commonwealths that were in her But too great a desire of Liberty which made it harder for one People to be obedient to another People was directly that which made them injoy it the lesser while For being weak and divided amongst themselves the way lay open to any who who would assault and oppress them But the better the Grecians were accommodated with all vertue and discipline which made them esteem all others besides themselves barbarous so much the more were they born away with too much vivacity of spirit to such an elâ—tion of mind as none of them could indure to see themselves equall'd either in publick or in private by mother nor any City to his nor any of his Citizens to himself So as every more valiant man and every more generous action grew suspiciâ—â—â— to others and were more envied and disturb'd then the rest all their ambition 〈…〉 upon themselves It is reported that Pausanias who was 〈…〉 against the Persians did in token thereof present the Temple of Apollo in Delphos with that famous golden Trevet whereat the rest of the Grecians being greatly scandalized made Pausanias his name be raced out and placed in stead thereof the names of all the Confederate Cities whose People were present at that Victory And 't is said of Alcibiades that full of vexation he had wont to say that he could not sleep for thinking of the Triumphs of Miltiades But there are a thousand examples of such like things which shews how fervently they did contend one with another in point of glory Themistocles and Aristides were profess'd Enemies so were Alcibiades and â—icias and many others of the most famous and valiantest Citizens of Athens Where there was such contention amongst themselves and so great care was had that no one man should exceed another very much notwithstanding any action which might make him more glorious and potent as Ostracism was ordained which was the banishment of such Citizens for ten years who were very remarkable either for excellency of parts or prosperous fortune more then were the rest by which means they lost their best Citizens nay sometime made them bocome their Enemies as was seen in Alcibiades Themistocles Pericles and some others who were born for the aggrandising of that Commonwealth and yet through the corruption of the Orders thereof proved prejudicial to it Whereupon Xerxes who favored and gave entertainment to such men had wont to say that he prayed God that his Enemies might still banish such Citizens The divers Forms of Government made likewise much against the union of the people of Greece Some of their Cities were much for Democracie as Athens and some others lean'd more to Aristocracie as Sparta Such dâ—versity of Governments produced diversity of Customs and cogitations so as they could hardly be all of them pleased with one and the same thing every one measuring their actions with peculiar respects divided from the rest So as when in the time of Lysander King of the Spartans the City of Athens was taken to the end that they might master it the better they changed the Form of Government reducing it from a Popular condition the form of its former Government under the authority of a few as that which did more resemble the Spartan Government And in the following times when the Spartans ran the same fortune with all the other Grecians and was compell'd to obey the King of Macedon it was requisite to alter the Laws and Institutions of that City which were at first ordained by Lycurgus These things did beget and maintain so great a disunion in Greece as she could not only not unite her Forces together to carry them against other Nations but hardly could she defend herself with them As was seen when being mightily endangered by an Army of the Persians which came with a great
they possest themselves of divers parts and Cities of the Empire sparing noâ— friends nor enemies and placing their Regal Seat amongst them they grew soon much more powerful being favored therein by the great dissentions which still continued amongst the Grecian Nobility and other neighboring Lords as those of Servia Bulgaria and Albania interessing themselves therein they together with their own interests drew along with them the destruction of many other States and gave just occasion to postery for ever to blame their ill taken counsels For if the Grecians had been at unity within themselves and as solicitous to keep the Turks from advancing their power as they were to abase that of the Latin Princes they might certainly have hoped to have kept that fire a far off which hath burnt and consumed so many noble parts of Christendom Since it is seen that the Grecian Forces whilst their Lords after being driven from the City of Constantinople by the Latins kept in the parts about Natolia which was for above fifty years although they had already begun to be governed by one alone Prinâ—e under a just form of Empire were yet able to keep them bounded within the mountains of Natolia in barren places not suffering them to make any acquisitions of moment nor to enter into Europe as they did afterwards But it was the particular imperfection of this Province and of that in all other respects most noble Nation that she understood not or knew not how to make use of her many and valiant Forces Since if we will look back upon antient stories when Philip had reduced Greece into his power he put so high an esteem upon the value of those Soldiers as he undertook by them chiefly to effect his antient desire of making the enterprize of Persia whch not being able as hindred by death to effect was after so gloriously ended by his Son Alexander And it is related that being thus minded Philip had already mustered Two hundred thousand Foot and Fifteen thousand Horse in Greece and that Alexander desirous to prosecute his Fathers intentions but by different advice building his chiefest hopes in the body of an Army of but Thirty thousand valiant Soldiers many of which he raised in Greece did by their valor chiefly end so many glorious Enterprises The Fifteenth DISCOURSE Whether Ostracism used by the Athenians be a just thing or no and whether it be useful for the preservation of a Common-wealth IT was instituted by the Laws in some antient Commonwealths that such as were very eminent above the rest either for Riches Glory Friends or for any other Civil power or who did exceed the other Citizens for any particular worth should be banished the City not out of punishment or penalty but for the common good to the end that Equality being the better maintained and as it were a certain Consonancie amongst the several ranks of Citizens observed the Government might be the safer and more durable Which custom was for a long time observed by the Athenians and chiefly then when their Commonwealth did flourish most and ten years was the limited time for this exilement This Law was commonly called Ostracism whereof Aristotle toucheth a little in his Third Book of the Politicks But whether such a Law be just or no and whether it may make for the preservation of a Commonwealth or State for which end it was instituted is a Consideration of no small moment in point of Police there being much to be said on both sides both in praise and dispraise of so strange a Law and Custom In the behalf thereof these things may be had into consideration That nothing is more requisite for the long preservation of a City especially of such a one as is governed in form of a Commonwealth where the Government is in the hands of many then Equality amongst Citizens whereof the more excellent the temper is and the more it is tied fast by strict Laws so as it cannot be exceeded on any side the life of that City or Commonwealth will be so much the longer more quiet and more secure A City may be resembled to a humane Body compounded of divers Elements and consisting of many Members and that as that humane Body is more healthful and more handsom wherein every elementary quality is better distributed and every member better proportioned so that City or Commonwealth wherein every degree of Citizens hath a moderate authority state and fortune and well proportioned to the whole doth preserve it self the longer and keep freer from the contagion of civil seditions Though the Head be the noblest part of the Body and the Eyes the like of the Head yet would they not be of ornament when either that or these were bigger then their ordinary and natural form they would rather take away all Decorum and beauty which is nothing but a due proportion in all things Then though it may seem a gallant thing to shew the greatness and nobleness of a City or Commonwealth that there be many very wealthy men therein and of excellent civil gifts and that the supreme Degrees and Negotiations of the Commonwealth be bestowed upon these yet another reason may perswade the contrary for this eminencie spoils the proportion of the whole and doth not represent a City of Free-men and partakers of the same Government but the form of a Tyrannical Government consisting of Lords and Servants hateful names in good Governments Therefore all the best Legislators have chiefly aimed at the reducing of all things as much as may be to an Equality in that City where they would introduce a Politick Government and a peaceful and durable condition Insomuch as Plato to take away all occasion of civil discord would have all goods to be common in that his Commonwealth which he propounded to himself for the most exact form of Government So as there should be no such name as Rich or Poor but only that of Citizens of the same Country and who live under the same Law So as no man could out-doe another by altering this so necessary and useful Civil Equality which not being to be had where there is a Propriety of Goods the Athenians would provide against those inconveniences which the unequal condition of Citizens produced by driving at a certain time out of the City such as had caused the disorder and who were suspected to be the Authors of Novelties and of trouble to peaceful living And truly he who shall consider what the beginnings of those evils have been which have inwardly vex'd and troubled both Commonwealths and other States as well in antient as in these more modern times shall find that all the confusions and civil disorders which have after a long time brought many States to their ultimate ruine have sprung from this root How was partiality and the corruption of good and antient Orders introduced in the Commonwealth of Rome whence all great things may take example if not from having suffered avarice
passing by a violent and illegal way to the driving them out of the City or State their friends or kindred may be kept low and humble whereby their power is lessened if they commit any excess in case of Justice as such men out of arrogancie often do be severe unto them take their priviledges from them declare them to be for a certain time uncapable of any Publick imployment and do some other such like things which being done upon some just occasion although the parties concerned be therewithall displeased yet not being disliked by the generality their hatching of mischievous plots against the present Government and Weal publick will have less fewel to feed upon But what shall be said of him whose worth and vertue doth exceed that of all others by what pretence can a just Prince or a well-governed Commonwealth humble such a man or keep him low or aloof from partaking of their Councels To this it may be answered that if this supposed personage be endowed with true vertue he will not be subject to any suspition nor will it be imagined that he will do any foul or wicked thing which may be prejudicial to his Prince or Countrie but that all his endeavors shall aim at the common good and it is just and convenient that such a man should alwaies bear sway in every well-ordered Commonwealth But if the vertues which render him so great and eminent tend to policie that is when a man does that which is good and honest having his mind bent upon some other object then meer worth and honesty as most men use to do out of hopes of glory or of bettering themselves which things notwithstanding are so far vertueâ— as they are helpful to the State and have a certain resemblance oâ— true worth it will not be amiss that such a one who may be suspected to misimpâ—y his good endowments be proceeded against in manner aforesaid We may then conclude that the custom of the Athenians concerning Ostracism ought neither to be praised nor practised in relation to the act it self but may admit of commendation and imitation as far as the intention thereof reacheth viz. to provide that the ambition or malice of a few rob not many of their quiet nor do perturb or confound the whole State The end of the First BOOK THE SECOND BOOK The First DISCOURSE Why the Commonwealth of â—enice hath not so far inlarged her Precincts as did the Roman Commonwealth MEN may be allowed to wonder not a little if they take it into their consideration why the Commonwealth of Venice having so excellent Laws and Institutions and having so long preserved her self in power and authority hath not notwithstanding much inlarged the preciâ—cts of her Empire as did the Common-wealth of Rome in a lesser space of time and in a form of Government which was not void of many imperfections The thought thereof hath made me oftentimes desire to search into the true causes of it I find this hath been taken into consideration by some other modern Writers but to bâ—ot that his discourses are already buried in oblivion it may be the things by him alleadged have not been such as may give full satisfaction to one who shall look narrowly into the â—arrtiage of our civil actions He was of opinion that the greatness of the Roman Empires was â—oly to be attributed to the vertue of her Ordinations and Form of Government from which since the Venetian Commonwealth doth differâ—â— he thinks that the cause why she hath not been able to make so great acquisitions And he is so resolute in this opinion as without distinguishing between things things between 〈◊〉 and times he doth so equally extol all the orders and actions of the â—eman Common-wealth as he doth propound some things for example to all 〈◊〉 Princes and Commonwealths as are rather to be blamed then to be imiâ—ated and which were the reasons of the ruine of that Commonwealth as the diâ—â—enâ—ions which was between the Nobility and the Common People and other such things which are rather disorders then orders and more apt to confound then to establish States Insomuch as his opinion is That if there were a City at this day in Italy which had the same â—rom of Government as Rome had of old that City might as the other did make herself Mistress of the World As if the condition of times and the so many variouâ— accidents upon which humane actions and especially the augmenting and change of States do depend were to be held for nothing and that it be in the power of a wise Legislator to give the Empire of the World to that City which he knows how to govern by good Laws But experience teacheth us much otherwise since we have known many antient Commonwealths founded by very wise men and confirm'd with excellent Orders equally for what concerns Peace as War yet not any one amongst so many hath been able I will not say to acquire so much Dominion as did the Commonwealth of Rome but nor hardly able any ways to extend their Precâ—ncts amongst their Neighbors The intâ—insecal Orders of the State are not simply of themselves sufficient to make so great Atchievements though they may peradventure concur very much thereunto Nor ought the State of Venice her not being Mistress of larger Territories be attributed to any defect in this behalf but many other things are to be taken into consideration whereby the truest causes of such effects which amidst the uncertainty of such like affairs can be found out may be discovered by looking into To know then whence such a diversity proceeds we must take the business a little higher and examine First what was the original beginning of these two Cities Rome and Venice what their Founders were and then what their situation what the inclinations studies and vertues of their Citizens and lastly the condition of times and qualities of their neighboring Princes must be examined All which things appertain to this Consideration as well as the Orders of the Commonwealth and their Form of Government He then who shall look upon the first Founders of these two Cities willfind them even in these theâ—r first beginnings not a little differing which occasioned differing intentions and differing ends and therefore peradventure a differing state and differing condition The first Erectors of Venice where men who were peacefully given as those who having been wearied by the so many calamities of Italy occasioned by the inundation of the Barbarians had withdrawn themselves that they might shun the danger of War into that piece of marish ground in the Adriatick Sea which was then greater then now it is and the chiefest of many small Islands which by a common name were called Venetiae So as they lived for a while without any Orders either Military or Civil those first Inhabitants contenting themselves to live in peace and quiet without dreaming of any greater matter For it neither stood with the end
the neighboring Sea or into sher own Gulf are such and so many both for the conveyance of victuals and of merchandize as it is no wonder that so great a multitude of people can live in her with such abundance of all things and not onely her own Citizens but even foreiners who inhabit there grow rich therein But as for Empire and command as she is miraculously accommodated for the imployment of Forces in Sea enterprizes so for what belongs to the like on land she hath not those conveniencies which peradventure are requisite Therefore it was long ere she bethought her self of purchasing any Territories in Terra firmâ— minding onely Dominion at Sea whereunto she was invited by her scituaâ—â—on and by the institution of her Ancestors touching which it is worthy consideration that the Sea Militia and Discipline upon which the Commonwealth was for a long time bent are not such as can naturally give occasion of great command because their Fleets cannot of themselves penetrate further then the Rivers which fall into the Sea wherefore all her acquisitions were onely Islands or places on the Sea shore because she had not then numerous and well disciplined Armies to dive into the hearts of Dominions and to pursue victories All Cities which have placed the pitch of their power in their Fleets have had the like success For though they may have purchased some reputation and some precedencie by Sea yet have they not bâ—en able much to inlarge the Confines of their command Thus the Athenians and other people of Greece though they were very strong in these kind of Forces proper to that Nation from whence the art of building of Ships and of Navigation is thought to have its original yet have they alwaies been esteemed weak and but little valued by such Nations which they could not by their Forces make subject to their Dominions But the City of Rome which studied more the Militia by Land then by Sea and built her greatness more by Armies then by Fleets having more field-room whereiâ— to exercise her Citizens valoâ— made much greater enterprizes and made many Provinces subject to her Dominion Not did the Romans make use of Fleets by Sea before they were necessitated that they might sail into Sicily and Africa to oppose the power of the Carthaginians which they had reason to be jealous of by reason of their too great power and vicinity But when they had occasion to make use of their Soldiers by Sea they shewed no less forwardness and daring therein then they had done by land Insomuch as the skill and experience of the Carthaginians who had long been Masters at Sea was oft-times overcome and deluded by the valor and military Discipline of the Romans till at last that Nation which was held to be so powerful at Sea was destroyed and beaten by the Romans who had a long time been unexperienced in Maritime Affairs but very expert in Land-Armies and Military Discipline So as the Empire of the World being contested for by these two Commonwealths it was seen that it more availed the Romans to be a little superior to the Carthaginians by Land then it did the Carthaginians to exceed the Romans much by Sea For the good Orders of their Armies the valor and discipline of their Soldiers got them the victorie over the Carthaginians and opened the way to the Monarchie of the World which had sundry times before been done by the same means by the Assyrians Persians and Macedonians Land-Forces having alwaies in great acquirements prevailed over those of the Sea and the Discpline of Armies over the experience of Maritime Affairs This is likewise more clearly seen by reason of the new Monarchie founded in a short time by the Turks in Asia and in Greece which was not done by Sea-Forces wherein they were not any waies considerable till of later times but by the multitude of their Cavalrie and more by the firm ranks of their Ianizaries And to say truth the very Forces by Sea are increased and maintained by those of Land for larger Territories do easily furnish men moneys victuals and other necessaries for the well ordering of Fleets at Sea The which is likewise known by experience of the very Commonwealth of Venice which before she had got any State in Terra firma could never make so numerous Fleets though she did very much study Maritime Affairs nor could she prevail in the important Wars against the Genoâ—ses as she did afterwards when her power was much increased and confirmed by her Land Territories Thus in this lastâ—Age she hath been able to set forth at first above a Hundred nimble Galleys and afterward more Galleys and greater vessels of all sorts as hath been seen by experience in the two last Wars against the Turks wherein nothing more gallant and glorious could be desired on the Commonwealths behalf whereupon also as the worthy and becoming fruit of such industry did the Victorie of Lepanto ensue which will be memorable in all Ages And it may suffice to know what the Maritime Forces of the Commonwealth are and how they are abundantly supplied from Land with all things to make them powerful at Sea yea even then when the Sea was blocked up for what concerned them that they were able to maintain so great a Fleet in all seasons for three years together Wherefore Francisco Foscari Duke of Venice a Prince of singular wisdom by whose advice and under whose happy auspices great acquisitions were made on firm land was wont to say that the Commonwealth could not have increased much in power if she had not imployed her Forces on land enterprizes which because she had noâ— formerly done was the cause why that greatness was much retarded and hindred whereunto she might easily have arrived if such counsel had been sooner taken and by setting before her the example of the worth and glory of the Romans she might have aspired to greater Empire But those who governed the Commonwealth were a long time far from any such thoughts being more intent upon peace and quiet or upon such Wars as might inlarge and secure her Dominion by Sea which may be clearly witnessed by what past with â—zzelino de Romano with the Scalligers the Carrâ—â—si and with others who ruled in the next neighboring Citâ—es whereby it is seen that the Venetians being contented with defending their friends and vindicating their own injuries dreamed not on their Dominions of which they might easily have berest them till when overcome by necessity and by the insolencie of the Carraesi and by other accidents of those times they were compell'd to apply their minds and Forces thereunto and to fix their Dominion there Let us consider on the contrary how opportunely Rome was sâ—â—ted to forâ—ent her Citizens dispositions much to augment her Dominions almost in the midst of Italy just sitting for a principal City being placed as may be said in the Center to the end that she may equally extend her Power
and Forces on all sides The City of Rome stands on firm land or Terra firmâ— but so neer the Sea as she may reap the commodity thereof without being thereby endangered she is apt to breed up Armies and to nourish men in the exercise of the Militia not is she inconveniently seated for the transportation of her Forces by Sea into other far off Provinces This diversity of situation hath begot diversity of inclinations in the Inhabitants Thus doth Nature always adapt mens minds to those Arts which they are to exercise themselves in or else Custom doth inform the Habit and turns it into Nature For as the Romans following exercises conformable to the situation of their City were more inclined to Land-war and in Peace to husbandry So the Venetians invited to other things according to the diversity of place applied their studies otherwise to defend their Liberty and to increase their wealth using the Sea Militia for the one and Traffick and Merchandising for the other Which whosoever shall upbraid our Citizens withall seems not to know that without these a City could neither have long preserved it self nor increase in state and wealth as it hath done For not having any particular Territories whereout to extract their livelihood she would have been always poor and weak and wanting other imployments she would have been destroyed if not by forein Forces by her own Idleness as many other Cities have been the Citizens wanting wherein to imploy their thoughts and to exercise themselves in quiet times But if the Citizens of Rome were much commended for their husbandry insomuch as of this day many famous men of that Commonwealth are as much celebrated for having been good Husbandmen as good Commanders as were Curtius Dentâ—tus Quintius Cinciâ—â—tus Attalius Collatsinus Marcâ— Regulus Scipio Africâ—â—ons and others wherefore should the Venetians be upbraided with their Merchandising this being an exercise as fitting and requisite for the situation of Venice as was that of Tillage and Husbandry to the like of Rome If the care of cultivating the Earth did not abase the minds of those antient and reverend Romans who have left so evident examples of worth to all other Cities and Nations why should the industry of Merchandising redound to the opprobry of the Vâ—â—â—tians seeing to the contrary with how much glory and how much publick benefit they have for so long a feries of years govern'd the Commonwealth The studies and actions of the Romans and Venetians have then been different but notwithstanding alike in this that they aimed at the same end though they took several ways there unto to wit aâ— Glory at the Grandeur and Liberty of their Commonwealth Many famous examples of Fortitude of love to their Country and of all other sorts of worthiness have been seen in each of them so as in our men nothing was more to be desired unless 〈◊〉 and more frequent occasions wherein to have imployed themselves that the greatness of their actions might have corresponded to the magnnimity of this minds Yet do not we Venetians want 〈◊〉 of many 〈◊〉 who have been very famous for fortitude of mind and military worth and he who stall examine the life and actions of many Princes of the Commonwealth will find them to be such as deserve praise and celebration Such have Ordelâ—so Fallerâ— Viâ—â—l◠〈◊〉 Micâ—â—li and Hâ—â—â—rico Dandule 〈◊〉 bastione 〈…〉 Cantarem Pietre 〈◊〉 Andrea Gritâ—i Sebastiano Veniero and divers others been whose words might be 〈◊〉 to that of the Fabriâ—â—i Marcelli Fabii 〈◊〉 and others of their so much 〈…〉 then if they had had a larger field to exercise themselves in or had the 〈◊〉 of their Common-wealth afforded them same equal to the merit and valor of those 〈…〉 But let us now come to consider those 〈◊〉 important 〈◊〉 of the condition of Times and their Neighbors qualities The City of Venice 〈◊〉 her beginning when Italy was possest by the wild Northern Nations and when being perplex'd with all other sort of miseries she fell finally into the slavery of Barbâ—â—ians wherein she lived for the space of many years How then could a new City aspire to Empire while the Forces of the Barbarians were so powerful in that Province as the most powerful Roman Empire was not able to withstand them which was shook and destroyed by their fury It rather seems a wonder that a City in her first and weak beginnings was able to manage so great a War and withstand as she did afterwards the violence of two fierce and potent Nations to wit the French and Huns The French when their King Pipin being entred Italy with puissant Forces to drive out the Lombards and being scandalised that the City of Venice had leaned to the friendship of Nicephorus Emperor of Constantinople turn'd his Forces upon her to subjugate and destroy her And the Hâ—ns when parting from Pannonia which took from them the name of Hungary having overcome a very powerful Army of the Germans and kill'd their King Lodovicâ—s they fell to 〈…〉 again their fury was withstood by the 〈◊〉 which 〈◊〉 a powerful Prince was forced to give way unto But afterwards the Forces of these Western Barbarians being in time weakned by Châ—â—â— the Great the State of Italy fell again in to the Western Emperors who being then very powerfull and masters both of Germany and France the Forces of a weak Commonwealth were not likely to contest with so great Princes with any hope of acquiring 〈◊〉 These difficulties being added unto by the Cities situation withheld the Venetians a long while from thinking how to enlarge their Dominions in Terra sirms in which opinion being for a long time confirmed and having very 〈◊〉 imployed their studies and Forces in Sea enterprises though the 〈◊〉 of times did counsel them to the contrary giving them hopes of noble acquisitions on Land they either despised or knew not how to make use of the occasions which afterwards were offered Thus when the German Emperors troubled with the domestick troubles of that Province did forgo their possessions in Italy the Venetians not minding then that opportunity left the advantage to others which they might easily have reaped whereupon other Cities of Italy purchasing their 〈◊〉 from the Emperors at low raâ—es framed a peculiar Government unto themselves as did Florence and others were possest by others powerful men as 〈…〉 and other Cities of Lombardy when if the Commonwealth of Venice whole power was already much increased had been minded to have 〈◊〉 themselves of any of the Imperial Territories it is not to be doubted but they might in a short time have made notable acquisitions But when they began very late and more provoked by injuries then by ambition of dominion to think upon Territories by Land they found divers other Princes become very powerful both in 〈◊〉 and Authority and confirm'd in the States which they 〈◊〉 under 〈◊〉 a shore lawful 〈◊〉 Wherefore they met with many difficulties and amongst the
not altogether such as are requisite for the acquiring of a large Command for at 〈◊〉 beginning she applied herself as hath been said to maritime affairs not with any intent of subjugating other Cities and Nations but rather as the condition of those times and businesses did require for what concerned Traffick and Merchandising to which the preservation of Peace did much conduâ—e and the keeping of open and free Commerce with all men but having since had some such thoughts too late they were not very sevently pursued neither but only as necessary or some occasion did dictate For the City was nor disposed and established with certain and perpetual Orders not with any very ambitionâ— ends for what concerned War and for Landâ— Militia it hath already been said that for a long time the Commonwealth was totally a stranger unto it And therefore when at last she made it her business for want of any fitting preparation for it in her own people and Citizens she had recourse for help to Foreiners and this 〈◊〉 growiâ—g stronger by time she hath always made use for the most part of Forein Commanders and Soldiers brought under her Pay from elswhere which as experience shews hath turn'd much to her damage and disorder for her Forces being under the command and power of **** other men she hath not beeâ—able upon many fiâ—â—ing ccasions to make good use of the Victories which she with great danger and 〈◊〉 hath â—on And not to mention many other things it is a thing very well known that had not the 〈◊〉 great fidelity of the Commandess 〈◊〉 the Commonwealth of her just hopes in the 〈…〉 The Romans did not thus who being to rig out Fleets against the Carthaginian did not seek out Sicilians or Grecians or people of other Nations to command over them but made use of their own Citizens as well by Sea as by Land Cinciâ—natuâ— was taken from the Plough and made Dictator against the Subins Cicerâ— being taken from pleading at the Bar was sent to the government of Cilicia and to make War against the Parthians Scipio who parted a fresh Soldier from Rome is said to have gotten the knowledge of the militarie Art by the way before he arrived at the Enemy Sylla being sent Questor into Africa with the Consul Marius being till then Puney in the Militia became in a few daies so well instructed therein and raised so great an opinion of valor and military Discipline of himself as the Commonwealth did very soon put their chiefest hopes in him in all their weightiest affairs In brief people that are of a ready wit and noble spirit do easily accustom themselves by exercise to all things and prove excellent therein the experience whereof hath been seen amongst our selves for those few who have betaken themselves to Land-service have given such proof of their valor which is witnessed by particular Histories as it may very well be known that the Commonwealth might have promised unto her self all gallantries from her Citizens if she had known how to make use of them But she was run into this error because she would as the conjuncture of times did almost require follow the example of the other Princes of Italy who long before and chiefly at that time when the Commonwealth did most apply her self to Land-affairs made use of mercinary Militia's which was then heightned to a great esteem by two famous Commanders of that Age Braccio and Sforza who were afterwards imitated by others in this sort of Militia Wherefore the Captainâ— whose Troops did ordinarily consist of horse led them along to the service sometimes of one sometimes of another Prince So the Venetians who were but learners in this sort of Militia saw that the Popes and Kings of 〈◊〉 the Dukes of Miâ—an the Florentines who bore great sway and authority in Italy made use of this sort of Forces they began no follow the footsteps which were 〈◊〉 out unto them by others Another respect may be added hereunto which hath already been touched upon that the Commonwealth having then put her self in a certain course which she had for a long time observed of making use of her people and her Citizen in Sea-affairs it seemed dangerous to some to make such an innovation in a City ordained for civil Government and which was greatly â—ixt therein by long custom But it is not to be denied but that when the aggrandizing of a State or Empire is in question this which hath been spoken of is a great faâ—lt in a City which doth aspire thereunto And it is to be observed in the Roman Monarchy that the happy success of their famous victories is chiefly attributed to the discipline of their Malitia because it was excellent and because it was exercised by their own Soldiers and particularly in the Carthiginian Wâ—rs which were 〈◊〉 then all the rest which the Romans did ever make it is observable that the Carthaginians being equal to the Romans both for the reâ—â—ration and wâ—rth of their Commanders and superior to them in the numbers of their Soldiers to boot with the strength of their Elephants which they made use of in their Battels yet thâ—ir Armies were overcome which consisted of 〈◊〉 people and assembled out of many 〈◊〉 and yet not by the greater worth but by the greater fidelity constancy and love of the Roman Soldiers towards their Countrie But for such abuses as 〈◊〉 it may be alledged in behalf of the Commonwealth of 〈◊〉 that she did it to 〈◊〉 thâ—se mischiefs into which 〈◊〉 Commonwealth of 〈◊〉 can by giveng these military commands to 〈…〉 yet he who will truly examine the state of affairs will find that the 〈◊〉 which is granted limited and corrected by the Laws cannot be prejudicial to the publick good and the experience of the very City of Venice confirms this where so great authoritie being so often granted in commands at Sea to her own Citizens yet it was never known that the Commonwealth suffered any mischeif thereby and certainly a great mistery lies in the well disposed orders of a City by which Citizens are easily kept within their duties wherein if any one chance to fail he is soon chastised without any disturbance to the peace of the City Which if by nothing else is sufficiently proved in the City of Venice by the long duration of that Commonwealth So as these things were very well understood and ordained by her and she might the more easily do it by reason of the conditions of those her first inhabitants as hath been said But such freedom and licentiousness was given in Rome to that warlike people together with the government of their Forces as the Laws were not so reverenced as they ought to have been and the orders of the Militia being instituted by Româ—lus before those of Religion and civility by Numa Poâ—pilius military discipline was alwaies in greater esteem then the study of civil affairs By all which considerations it is manifest That
the diversity of success in these two Commonwealths hath sprung from this diversity of institutions and from so many accidents and not from any one reason as was said at the beginning but in this diversity both of them have their praises and all those perfectâ—ons and felicity which is grantable to humane affairs Rome was Mistress of the World but could not long enjoy this greatness and prosperity nor yet with the quiet of her Citizens But Venice though of much meaner Precincts and condition hath preserved her self as an onely example in her liberty for so many Ages free from all domestick troubles and with the miraculous union and concord of her Citizens The Second DISCOURSE Whether or no the Commonwealth of Venice be to be blamed for having taken upon her the defence of the City of Pisa when it was oppugned by the Florentines I Have often not without some to me appearing reason wondred that some Historians should so much blame the Commonwealth of Venice for having taken upon her the defence of the City of Pisa against the Florentines whereby they may seem to reproach the counsels of those wise and stout Senators who had then the managing of publick affairs in their hands for those very things for which other Princes and States have been by other Writers much celebrated He who will know the truth of such judgements must take unto himself more particular and inward considerations for it often-times falls out that looking into the very pith and marrow of business the clean contrary is found to what did first appear and the face of things do seem to alter Such actions may then be measured either by the ordinary reasons of justice and equity else by the reasons of State which are the more proper If you consider 〈◊〉 action of the Commonwealth according to the first measure what is it that 〈…〉 consciences of these so â—eruplous meâ— to take upon ones self 〈…〉 a pioâ—â— action and beâ—itting great and generous Princes and how miserable was the condition of the poor Pisans how much it did deserve to be imbraced and favored both out of compassion and justice is demonstrated to omit for the present other particulars by what was done at the same time by Charls the Eight King of France whilst he was in Italy and by the so many favors afforded to the cause of Pisa by all the chief of his Court Charls had promised the Florentines to keep the City of Pisa under their Dominion being obliged unto them for their readiness in receiving them into his State and for having afforded them all assistance and accommodation yet did the afflictions of the Pisans appear to be so grievous as he was moved more by compassion then by his own interest or by his promise made to the Florentines A forein Prince used this charity to the Pisans with whom he nor his Kingdom had never held any friendship or confederacie his interests being not only separate from but contrary to their welfare And shall it be thought a strange and irrational thing that the Commonwealth of Venice which had had the Pisans for their friends and associates in divers enterprises and who kept still friendship and commerce with that City from whence also some of the noblest Families of the Commonwealth draw their original and whose cause for the same respects was straitly annex'd unto their own should interest herself in behalf of the Pisans to comfort them in their great affliction Nor ought the Commonwealth of Venice to use greater respect to the Florentines then they had used towards her against whose designs they had so opposed themselves in the Wars formerly made against the Dukes of Milan and Ferrara assisting their Enemies both with men and monies as they were thought to be the chief hinderance why the business undertaken by the Commonwealth with great hopes of good success had no better an end The Venetians were thereunto likewise moved by the example of others For if the Duke of Milan the Genoeses the Lucheses and those of Sienna had assisted the Pisans as much as they were able how could the Venetians whose Forces in Italy were much superior to theirs stand idly looking upon the Pisans miseries and upon the prosperity and greatness of the Florentines whereby the common troubles of Italy were augmented since they alone adhered to the French faction But let us consider a little more particularly the cause which was undertaken to be defended by protecting the Pisans and what it was that they did endeavour Certainly nothing but the recovery of their antient liberty whereof they were bereaved either by their several misfortunes and by the violence of others or at least as they said to reduce themselves to a less severe government then that of the Florentines under whose dominion being faâ—n but a little before and the City of Pisa being sold at a low rate by the Visâ—onti the Pisans pretended first by the favor of Charls the Eight King of France and afterwards by the like of Maximilian the Emperor to be returned to their former liberty The former having used his power and the other his antiâ—nt pretences of the Empire to put them into that condition And grant that respect were to be had to the possession which the Florentines had of that City which notwithstanding was but of later times the Florentines were likewise to have released the Haven of Ligoâ—n to the Gâ—noeses from whom they had taken it by violence The Venetians did not perswade the Pisans to forgo their obedience to the Florentines as Lodovick Sfoza had formerly done for they minded 〈◊〉 the appeasing of the commotions of Italy then the raising of more they did not free them from the bond of obedience to the Florentines as did the Emperor and the King of France because they 〈◊〉 such an action did not belong unto them they were not the first that did 〈◊〉 the 〈…〉 of that City as the Genoeses and those of Sienna had done because they had no intention to advantage themselves by the discord and ruine of others But the City having already totally rejected the obedience of the Florentines being thereof â—â—eed by the authority of other puissant Princes and assisted by other more petty Princes to maintain their liberties the Venetians being requested and conjur'd by the Pisans when they saw them ready to fall into the depth of misery if not assisted by them and that their ruine would draw along with it great prejudice to the peace and liberty of all Italy they at last took upon them their protection and defence And I herein say nothing but what is most true and confirm'd by the testimony of those who have written upon the passages of those times But let us consider other more particular accidents and more weighty respects Charls the Eight King of France was at that time pass'd into Italy to get the Kingdom of Naples an undertaking wherein he had prosperous success which was an ill
omen to Italy All the other Princes of Italy opposed him afterwards in his designs instructed by the fall of the King of Arragon to have an eye to their own danger except only the Florentines who still continued in adhering to the French the counsel of the most poâ—ent Citizens prevailing over the opinion of the more wise So as the French preparing to return with mighty Forces into Italy they had friendship with none nor had they any other receptacle save with the Florentines with whom they had already made a new agreement to be by them assisted with men and monies Pisa was at the same time straitly beleaguer'd by the Florentines and had she not been succor'd by the Venetians all her other aids were so weak as she must speedily have faln into the Florentines hands who being freed of the expence and trouble of that Siege would be more powerful and more ready to assist the French and to facilitate the enterprises which they were to attempt in Italy Then if it were judged by the common opinion of all men to be just honest and laudable to take upon them the defence of the safety and liberty of Italy against the French how can those actions be blamed which did tend as it is seen necessarily thereunto by keeping foreign Forces afar off and by bereaving them of their â—riends assistance The affairs of the King of France did at this time ebb and flow but for the most part ebb in the Kingdom of Naples Great were the King of Arragons hopes of recovering the State being therein assisted powerfully by the same Venetians The King of France though his Forces were in a readiness was doubtful whether he should come into Italy or no. So as at such a conjuncture of time every least thing which tended either to the augmenting or lessening of his hopes was of great moment Pope Alexander moved by these respects did much press the Venetian Senate to be resolute in assisting the Pisans whilst he himself was somewhat doubtful and 〈◊〉 The Venetian Senate had the Florentines in good esteem and laying aside the memory of what was past would have had them for their friends if they would have separated themselves from the French who were then the 〈◊〉 Enemy and have entred into that Confederacâ—e whereinto all the rest of the Princes of Italy were entred and by whom they had many fair offers made them particularly to 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of their State if they would put on a generous 〈…〉 those Forts which as 〈◊〉 Towns for their fidelity â—ere held by French garrisons and do this by Force of Arms not by Treaty 〈◊〉 Agreement But if these things could not be listned unto out of a 〈…〉 such a resolution that they might keep the Florentines busied about Pisa and the French from those succors whereby the troubles and dangers of Italy were increased But I find that these transactions have been diversly interpreted and the Senate blamed who did not aim at succouring the oppressed Pisans not at the common safety of Italy but at their own thirst of bringing the City of Pisa under their Dominion To this it is answered that where the actions are evident no judgement is to be given contrary thereunto nor ought the secrets of hearts to be searched which is reserved to a more excellent power then what humane discourse can arrive unto it is certain that the defence of Pisa which was oft-times denied them was at last undertaken by the Venetians when they being forsaken by all others they were necessitated for the aforesaid reasons so to do The Pisans offered to put themselves wholly into the power of the Commonwealth and to set up her colours in their City the Venetians would not yeeld hereunto nor accept of this large offer but the Pisan Ambassadors were sent back with many thanks for their affection and were heard in what they desired though in a differing manner for the Commonwealth took upon her to defend the liberty of the City with the forces and authority of the Commonwealth which she did for many years with such fervencie and general consent sparing neither expence labor nor danger as she could hardly have done more in her own defence they sent both Foot and Horse several times to the Pisans under their best Commanders as also moneys and victuals and shipping to accommodate the City with all things necessary and to free them from the siege of the Florentines by Sea Yet to give a greater testimony of what their minds and intentions were in this when it was propounded to put the City of Pisa into Caesars hands and to remit the right of their cause to him the Venetians did not onely not oppose it but counseled them so to do desirous that this controversie might be ended whilst their faith and the common interests were preserved safe and when there was yet some opinion that the Florentines allured by this advantage and hope might have adhered unto the league but on the one side in progress of time the Florentines obdurate resolution was discovered of governing themselves by Counsels apart from the rest of the Italians and on the other the deep deceits of Lâ—dâ—wick Sforza who under the shadow of procureing peace and quiet growing jealous of the greatness which the Venetians might aâ—â—ive at by the acquisition of Pisa and calculating other mens by his own did in reality endeavor to secure himself from this his imaginary fear by hindring the Venetians from pursuing that enterprise to the which not long before he had exhorted them The Venetian Senate was inforced to maintain the cause which they had undertaken to keep from breaking their faith unto the Pisans and to free themselves from the infamy and repute of weak advice to which they should be subject as if they had condescended for fear of Lâ—dâ—wicks Forces or else as not knowing his cunning when it was already known to all men that the endeavor of agreement with the Pisans which was agitated under the name of the Collegues was managed onely by him and according to his will and interests But say I pray is this the onely enterprise wherein the sincerity and candidness of the Commonwealth is to be known in just things and such as do concern the common good of Italy How often hath she maintained Wars to the end that there might be a right and an Italian Governor in the Dukedom of Milan which cannot be denied since the effects thereof be so apparâ—nt as she would not lay down Arms before she had compast this her intent as she did by that famous agreement which was made in the City of Bâ—lâ—guia the year 1529. in which year by means of the Venetian Senate Maximilian Sforza was restored unto his State to whom the Dukedom of Milan did of right belong and their endâ— in the business concerning Pisa may likewise be discovered since when the agreement was come unto the Venetians had no respect to their own advantage but
have sent at that time more men into Italy and Monsieur d'Orleans would not have had any occasion to have possest himself of Nevara which did afterwards redound to the great prejudice of the Colleagues and particularly to the business of Naples For part of those Forces which were promised and intended to assist Ferdinand in the recovery of the Kingdom marched to the recovery of Novara out of desire whereof Lodowick Sforza did at last draw himself out of the league Whence it appears that it was rather revenge or vain-glory then any just reason which the Princes proposed unto themselves in this their confederacy that moved them to resolve upon fighting the French Army But let us now consider more particularly what of advantage what of good the Colleagues might have got if they had had the better of that Battel The best which they could hope for for all these their pains and dangers could be nothing else but the routing of those Forces which were not likely to make War any more in Italy and the Italians had as then no reason to think of any Transalpine Affairs It may be the person of the King who was then in the Army might peradventure be considerable if he had faln into the power of the Colleagues But both his life in that hurly burly was exposed to great danger and say he had been taken prisoner he might have found many waies how to eseape And say althings had faln out according to the wish of the Colleagues what would the Italians have gotten by having so great a Prisoner but the drawing upon themselves an inundation of Foreiners which would still have put them into greater troubles and dangers That warlike Nation which was at this time more then at any other devoted to their King would not have sat down by such an indignity such an injury without revenging it with their own Forces and by drawing other Transalpine Nations who wished not well to the glory of Italy especially in Military Affairs to joyn with them Let us see an example of this in what followed the next Age after where we shall find that the imprisonment of King Francis though taken by so great a Prince as was Charls the Fifth to whom none of the Princes of the League no not the whole League it self was to be compared produced nothing but longer and more heavy Wars which ended not till the conquerors had yeelded many things to the conquered But on the contrary let us imagine into what ruine Italy would have faln if the Army of the League had been routed and defeated the Enemy being in the State of Milan wherein are so many and so noble Cities for defence whereof there were no other Forces on foot then those which were to hazard themselves in that Battel and to raise another Army which might be able to make head against so powerful enemies and so victorious would be a business of some time and very hard to do if not impossible And if the very name of the French and the fame of their Forces had made the way to so great a victory easie to them and so easie the conquest of so noble a Kingdom what mischief had they not reason to expect if by the discomfeiture of that Army the Forces not onely as formerly of the Kings of Aragon should have been beaten of whole Italy and also such forein Forces as could be ready to afford any succor for in that Army were all the Soldiers that the King of Spain had in Italy So as there was not any State which upon such an accident could promise it self security Affairs then standing upon this foot who can praise the advice taken by the confederates of fighting the French But on the other side there want not other reasons to plead for the honor wisdom and maturity of the Italians in this action to boot with that noble daring which can by no means be denied them it is very likely that the flourishing condition and prosperity of Charls King of France began at that time to make him be hated and suspected not onely by all the Italian Princes but also not very acceptable to the King of 〈◊〉 insomuch as he who had called him into Italy did already repent his rash advice and he who did not withstand him blamed himself for his slackness and irresolution so as they agreed all together to abate the so great power of that King and to curb his prosperity and his thoughts of further achievements If then the King had been suffered to return without any let safe and triumphant into his Kingdom was it not to be feared that the French not content with their having got the Kingdom of Naples would pass over the Mountains the next year again with greater Forces to what danger would the Dukedom of Milan and Tuscany have been exposed upon which States it was known that the French had set their minds neither would they have spared the rest if they had had any opportunity offered them of advancing further And if the Italians should have seemed but to doubt their beating those Soldiers who were but the remainder of an Army which had first past the Mountains and â—ad left a good part of their Forces in several Garrisons in the Kingdom of Naples many whereof were likewise dissipated through several accidents what hopes had they to withstand their entire and much greater Forces with which they were to return the next year on this side the Mountains to new enterprises Nor had they any reason to despair of victory since the Colleagues had an Army for number of men much greaâ—er then the Enemy commanded by experienced and valiant Officers well provided both of Curasiers and Light horse well disposed to all actions and which were to fight with people opprest with fear and who may be said to have almost run away already of themselves especially the advantage considered which the assaiâ—aâ—ts for the most part have It was further considered that the French Army had done nothing whereby to be dreaded or to cool the courage of other men since the French had not onely not met with any occasion of fighting but had not so much as seen the face of an Enemy since the Enemy was the rather to apprehend this encounter for that it was unexpected they being accustomed to find all passages open not needing to make their way by the sword Nor was the advantage small which they might promise unto themselves by beating a victorious Army and a warlike Nation the person of so great a King being also in that Army wherefore in such a case the French-mens courage was rather to fail then to avial them And it was to be beleeved that the Enemies to that Crown would the sonner appear against them as the Emperor Maximilian Henry King of England and that Ferdinand King of Spain would continue the more firm to the Italian confederacie Then what courage or what hope of succour would those
Holds as now it is she might not peradventure have run so great a misfortune she had not so soon lost so many and so noble Cities as she did but it may be alleadged on the contrary that if in that evil Crisis of affairs wherein she was brought to such adversity she had had so many important Forts as now she hath and that they had faln into the power of the Enemy she would not certainly have so soon recovered her losses and restored herself into her pristine power and greatness as she did We likewise see the State of Milan which fell so often into the power of the French it staid not long under their Dominioâ— for not finding any strong and Royal Forts wherein they could make any safe abode nor having time to erect any by reason of their continual Wars or for want of monies the defenders of that State did often times prevail and every accident either of the change of the peoples minds or of their Enemies increase of Forces were sufficient to drive them out Which would not have happened if they had but once been Masters of any strong Holds from whence they could not have been expel'd without a long and hard siege Guide Ubaldâ— D. of Urbin a Prince but of small Territories but very wise and well experienced in War moved by these respects after he had recovered his State which was formerly taken from him by Duke Valentine he resolved to slight all the strong Holds that were there knowing that they could not at first preserve his State unto him and when hee should lose it they would make the difficultie of regaining it the greater When Charls the Eighth King of France going to win the Kingdom of Naples past through Tuscany the Forts which the Florentines had built for their own securitie were the very things whereby they were most indamaged and these falling into the power of the French whose Forces they thought they were not able to withstand they put the Florentines to vast expence and made them undergo great slavery out of a desire of recovering them Whereas if that State had laâ—n open the King who was bound upon other enterprises passing forward would no waies have troubled the affairs of that Commonwealth The like and almost out of the like respect did afterward befall Duke Cosimo when the Emperor Charls the Fifth would keep some Castles belonging to that State in his own power which should otherwise have been left free to Cosimo and which was the occasion of that saying Chele fortezza sonoi ceppi della Toscana That strong Holds are the fetters of Tuscany These are the greatest mischiefs which strong Holds use to bring with them but there are others not altogether so grievous but more certain and irreparable For who can deny but that the excessive charge which Princes are at not onely in building Fortresses but more in muniting and guarding them doth sufficiently exhaust the publick Exchequer and necessitate the disbursing of such moneys in times of peace as ought to be kept for the more urgent occasions of War And certainly he who could see what vast sums the Commonwealth of Venice hath spent for some late years past in making and muniting so many Forts both by Sea and Land would be very much astonished and would confess that so great a mass of treasure would â—beâ— sufficient to provide for any War how great soever and to withstand for a good while any potent Enemy It may peradventure likewise be said and not untruly that whilst a Prince reposes much confidence in being able to maintain his State by means of these strong Holds and by the assistance of a few Soldiers he is not so careful as he ought to be of other things which belong to the Miliâ—ia which are notwithstanding real and secure foundations of a State The Lacedemonians would not therefore suffer their Cities to be begirt with a wall because they beleeved that by the thoughts of such securitie their Citizens would become more careless and negligent in managing their Arms by sole means whereof they thought that the Forces of an Enemie might and ought to be kept afar off Which that wise man would likewise infer who said That the walls which ought to secure a City should be made of iron not of stone And a Spartan being demanded by an Athenian what he thought of the walls of Athens answered That he thought they were very handsome for a City which was to be inhabited by women inferring that it is not necessarie nor honorable for able valiant men to secure themselves from their Enemies by such means It is likewise usually seen that a Prince who thinks he shall be able to curb his Subjects to govâ—rn them and rule them as he pleaseth by means of Bulwarks and Castles and that therefore he needs not the love of his Subjects is much less mindful of those things which become a good Prince and which purchase affectâ—on Yet we are taught by many evident examples that the peoples love or hatred is that which doth most preserve unto him or bereave him of his State and makes them more ready or backward to render him obedient as is of late seen in Flanders which so many Fortresses and Armies hath not in so long a time been able to reduce to the devotion of its ligitâ—mate Prince And it may generally be observed that such Governments as have lasted longest have been preserved not by the advantage of strong Holds whereof some have not had any but by vertue of a good Militia and of the Subjects love The Romans were accustomed when they had won any new Country to send new Inhabitants thither who being placed either in the antient Cities or in others built by themselves they called Roman Colonies and by these mens valor as People devoted and obliged to the Senate and People of Rome out of remembrance of their desert and in gratitude for the good which they had received they easily kept the new Subjects in loyalty to the Commowealth and the Countries which they had won by their Arms in obedience The which being moved thereunto by the same respects the Venetians did likewise in Candia sending many of their own Gentlemen thither to make Colonies and to defend and maintain that Island But the Turks in a very violent manner but answerable to the custom of their Government do almost totally destroy the antient Inhabitants of their new-gotten Countries chiefly the richest and the most noble from whom they take their lâ—nds and possessions and give the revenues thereof to be made use of by the Soldâ—ery making Timari thereof as they term it which are Pays or Revenues assigned over to the Soldiers upon condition that they are to maintain a certain number of Horse by which means they keep a great number of Warriors continually on foot who seâ—ving for Garrisons for the safety of the new acquired Country are notwithstanding always ready to serve in any other place
as soon as being summoned from thence upon other occasions it behoved to be gone from thence the Enemies returned again to fresh and secure depredations which will likewise befal any Region which is not defended and maintained by Fortresses And where the members of a State are far asunder if it must be defended onely by the Soldiers sword many Armies will scarcely be able to secure it whereas by means of strong Holds the same people who are able to defend them will likewise serve in a great part to preserve the Country as well because many of the Inhabitants may there finde safe refuge as likewise for that is no good advice nor usually imbraced by good Commanders to advance forward and to leave the Forts of the Enemy placed in fitting parts upon the Frontiers behinde them the State is preserved from greater dangers As on the contrary the State wherein there are no strong Holds though it be provided of a good and valiant Militia yet must it depend upon the various chance of War and hazard all upon the uncertain event of Battel and if any thing of misfortune befal the whole Country is left to the discretion of the Enemy and the Armies not having any safe place whereunto to retreat are totally defeated by one rout as it happened in the last Age in the Soldan of Cairo's most famost Empire which Soldan being overcome in several Battels by Selymus Ottoman and wanting time to rally his Army and strong Holds whereunto to have refuge did in a short time lose his whole Kingdom and the Empire of the Mammalucchi was overthrown which was before very famous for military discipline and esteemed very secure by reposing its safety in the valor of strong and able men To this may be added That strong Holds do not onely secure States from these utmost hazards of adverse Fortune but make very much for the keeping it away and often-times they reap the intention of true securitie without any hazard for when he who intends to assault a State shall consider that his attempts are likely to prove tedious and difficult and that it is doubtful whether he shall be therein victorious or on he does not so easily fall upon the business but when the War is once begun Fortresses do assuredly sufficiently keep from comming to join Battel for the assailant will not easily hazard himself upon the danger of a pitch'd Field because he sees he shall be debarr'd the chief fruits of Victorie which is the getting of some City or place of importance by strong Holds And so also he who is assaulted the more he sees his affairs in a good posture by the means of strong Holds the more he endeavors to prolong the time to the end that he may defeat him by his own incommodities without much use of weapons Whence ◠is that in these times wherein the perfection of fortifying is much increased field Battels are seldom fought for to fight makes not for the advantage of either of the parties out of the above said considerations Since the wit and industry of the Commanders seems to prevail over Fortifications and do in a great part take that uncertainty from War which useth to be found therein In the condition of the present affairs and times it is also seen that as much time is spent in the taking of one onely Fort as in former Ages and when another manner of Militia was in use was spent in taking in whole Provinces Which peradventure is likewise the cause why the Princes of these later Ages though some of them have been very powerful and valiant have not made any great progress in all the Wars which they have made Wherefore it seems it may be affirmed that Fortification is a very noble and excellent Art because it helps to compass the ultimate and true end which ought to be the aim of War in a well regulated State to wit peace and securitie What is then to be resolved upon in this diversitie of allegations It is a true and general rule that all things cannot suit with all things nor ought we in the actions belonging to civil life to seek for that which is simply and of it self good for it would be in vain to do so divers things prove useful to divers ends and to divers persons and they ought to be accommodated to the condition of times quality of customs and to other particular accidents Therefore the same manner of proceeding in the Government and preservation of their States becomes not several Princes but several waies Such Princes as have large Dominions and powerful Forces may securely repose 〈◊〉 safety in their Militia and Soldiery they have no great need of Castles or strong Holds and if they will have any it may suffice them to have them placed upon their utmost Confines to secure their Country from sudden incursions and for the opportunitie and securitie of such Garisons as such Princes use to keep in their provinces which are furthest remote and at a great distance from their Imperial Seate as the Roman Emperors did in former times and as the Ottoman Lords do now who trusting in their own power do endeavor much more the taking of Forts which do appertain to other men then the making of new ones themselves which they stand not so much in need of for that their greatness keeps them free from being injured by others But lesser Princes ought to govern themselves by another rule and stand more in need of strong Holds for not having any large Territories nor much money to keep a great many Soldiers continually in pay what they cannot do by force or reputation they do by the advantage of Fortifications for they keep what belongs unto them so well guarded by a few Soldiers as sometimes the Forces of any whatsoever powerful Prince are not able to pluck them out of their nest nor yet to bereave them of any part of their State Whereof we have had many examples in these later times and amongst the rest the defence of Malta is very remarkable which being assaulted by the Forces of so great a Prince as was Solyman the few Knights of Malta were so able to defend it as the Turks were forced not without some shame and much to their prejudice to quit it after having spent much time and lost many men before that Fort. And the Turks having learned by the experience of others the good of strong Holds being now to have a better esteem of them then formerly they have had especially in places furthest off from the Seat of the Empire where all things necessaie cannot be provided for but in a long time and with much inconveniencie They have to this purpose built many Forts in the parts which they have lately gotten in Persia and have therein done very wisely for whereas the former Ottoman Emperors reaped no good by their enterprises upon Persia but as soon as their Armies were withdrawn the Country which they had
those which are commended and practised by those who walk in the waies of the world But how far different from these are Gods waies Patience Humility Poverty Obedience Self-denial and the giving over of all worldly care are things which are abhorr'd by the worldly wise but otherwise to God How badly do the fallacious rules of worldly wisdom agree with the instructions of true Christianitie especially those of this corrupt Age wherein heavenly and divine things are often troubled and confounded with a certain vain name of Reason of State Crowns Empires Kingdoms and all power is given by God and though the weakness of our reason be such as it cannot penetrate into the infinite abyss of his wisdom yet does he dispose and order all things with certain and infallible ends though unknown to us Therefore unless that great and omnipotent Lord God by whom Kings do not onely reign upon earth but the earth it self is sustained and held up with a miraculous equality of weight do not keep the City how vain is all this your learning O ye wise men of the world and you Princes how vain are all your Forces to maintain your Lordships and States Thou whosoever thou art who dost manage the weightiest affairs of Principalities put thy heart into the hands of thy God and he will infuse worthie and becomming thoughts into thee He will give thee true Wisdom and true Fortitude The World builds nothing but Towers of Babell nor is it aware thereof till its desigâ—s and many years labors being overthrown by its own confusion it sees its rashness laid low and those thoughts which aimed at Heaven thrown down to Hell But I return again unto my self I see that these many years past wherein I approach to old age I imploy my time in studies thoughts and imployments of differing natures in themselves but all conformable to what tends to my prejudice For they robb'd me of my rest have still oprest me with many cares and led me astray from more holy desires to which if I had bent my mind in time I might hope now to sit and feed at the Table of those true good things which now I want What do I then do What do I think What do I expect Why do I not change my thoughts and exercises if I know that those wherein I have hitherto spent my time do me no good nor for all the labor I have taken have made me ere a whit more happy then I was at first Nay I may say they have made me more wretched since I have consumed the greatest part of my life wofully and without any profit Do I peradventure hope that whilst I my self do not change the nature of those things wherein I am verst should alter That trouble should turn to delight That the Affairs of the world so full of anxious cares should turn to the peace and solace of the soul That worldly good shall assume a new vertue of makeing their possessors well apaid and satisfied That these brackish waters of the pleasures of the Age of which the more we drink the more we are athirst should become sweet and savory and afford any true delight or content Men who are blind in what concerns their own good are wont to pervert the nature of things to make them their Masters who are given to them to be servants Such are the goods of Fortune as the common people call them because they know not how to raise themselves up to the knowledge of that mystery whereby their supreme Author and free Donor doth dispense them But what greater misery is there then this humane felicity The true Lord and God is made known unto us and yet we continue to adore the Idols of Avarice Ambition and Vain glory Look but upon those huge â—eaps of â—uine which thou maist every day see in the City of Rome who was once the Queen of the World where are now her immense treasures Where the majesty of her Empire Where the pomp of so many Triumphs the memory of so many victories all these being made the prey of time and death 〈◊〉 buried in these ruines But thou who livest by other precepts and who hast a truer knowledge of thy eternal life and eternal death consider better what the nature of these goods are to which thou hast been sometimes â—arâ—ed with a less moderate affection by the torrent of continual custom If they be not of great worth as truly they are not why dost thou so much love them Why endeavorst thou so much to be master of them Why dost thou dread the loss of them so much And if they have any thing of good in them why dost thou not call to mind how soon thou art to forgo them How comes it to pass this our happie worldly man is not aware that if the increase of these goods could make him happy he makes himself miserable whilst through overmuch loving them he is more intent upon purchasing the little which he lacks then in injoyâ—ng the very much which he possesseth whilst the fear of loosing it doth continually molest his mind a greater vexation then which the soâ—l hath none because it hath no bounds We look upon their outside onely and are enamored of a certain handsome but vain appearance which is in them taking them for the guids of our life But if we would consider their infide and discover the deceipt and cousenage which is woven therein we would shun them as some holy men have done least we be by them and with them hurried down into Hell and damnation We have our happiness within us and seek for it elsewhere He who will search his own house well what wealth shall he find there whereby to inrich himself with precious treasure which is hidden from us because the darkness of our affections lead us astray If thy heart be fraught with pure â—houghts if thy soul be purged of all earthly passions so as the raiâ—s of that true and lively Sun which is alwaies reâ—dy to illuminate thee may penâ—trate thereinto thou shalt soon discover there jâ—wâ—ls of such vertue price and worth as thou maist thereby purchase the worlds peace and heavens glory Thou shalt find those affections which now rage tumuâ—tuously within thee become quiet and obedient to reason and those dissonant sounds which do so perturb thy mind will agree with so just proportion as they will make a sweet harmonie in thy soul and will prove a refreshing to the troubles of the world a figure of heavenly mâ—lodie and of the glory of Paradice O you Fathers you good and holy Fathers who being within your Closter live in peace and quiet fâ—r from the World and the cares thereof not onely in your person but in your very thoughts if there may be any affection found without affection and envy without sin I do assuredly envy in you those your leasure times wherein you givâ— your selves wholly to prayer and meditation an idleness which is
true business truâ— entertainment and the true nutriment of the soul. What are Crowns Scepters and to be clothed in purple but boâ—ds whereby to keep those miserable ones whom the world terms happy fastned to perpetual vexation and troublesom â—arâ—s With you O Fathers it is that peace doth inhabit peace which kâ—eps you at unitie within your selves keeps your Affections obedient to Reason and your Reason a devout hand-maid to God How can he who lives in the worlds Militia taste of these fruits of true peace So full of cares and destracted with so many thoughts Who is continually to combate with those Enemies who wage within him to wit the affections of worldly things to the which we our selves do as it were furnish Forces against our selves by finding out new objects and new materials whereby to increase them We worldly men will feed the soul with meat which belongs not to her wherefore it is no wonder if we be never satisfied and if one appetite beget another even in infinitum You you are they who teach us by your lives and examples that nature is satisfied with a little and that man can never be said to be rich by abundance nor poor by want other goods other endowments other ornaments are requisite then those the world seeks after the further a man advances therein the further he finds himself entred into an intricate and confused Labyrinth and after having made a long voyage he findes himself further from his journies end then when he first set forth But I perceive that I praise Mary and follow Martha I know which is the right and safe way and I take an intricate and dangerous way to lead me to my desired end I am busied sollicited and troubled with many things and yet I know that one thing is onely necessarie that there is but one thâ—ng which can so become the companion of my life as it will never forsake me I serve the world and being given over to cares I entertain them more and more love of Children Houshold government administration of goods the Commonwealths business are things which I would fain free my self of but I neither know how nor when to do so I endeavor to be less affectionate in having to do with worldly things to taste them for nutriment not to be drunk with them but how hard is it to fix the slippery appetite so as it fall not from the use to the abuse of those things whereunto it is continually excited by the provocation of its perpetual companion Sin He who stands alwaies near the fire though he thrust not himself into it so as he be burnt and consumed yet he must feel a troublesom heat and which is worse the soul which is outwardly warmed with these earthly affections freezes inwardly for what concerns divine things Prayers grow luke-warm aâ—ms-deeds scarce fastings not usual and in brief the thoughts of the soul are choaked by the cogitations of the body Yet I am much comforted that I find in my self continually a desire of becoming better which is a sign that I have not lost the princiâ—les of well doing and that I am not given over by the immenâ—e grace of my Creator Though I sail through the troublesom Sea of this world though my actions and thoughts flote up and down not knowing where to find a Haven to put into yet thanks be given to God this ship of my soul which contains many precious wares in her which were assigned over unto her hath not made shipwrack The integrity of communication puritie of conscience the knowledge of the truest good things which I have not used according to their worth are yet preserved at their true price and value so as they may one day enrich my soul. Thou my Lord thou my Creator thou my Redeemer to whom my thoughts are better known then to my self let this my reverent affection be acceptable to thy charitie through thy great goodness pardon my imperfections and supply my defaults by thy infinite merit so as I may totally despise these earthly things free me from these fetters keep not mine eyes fixt upon the earth but turn them unto thee that art the summum bonum and my souls sole felicitie â—ince thou knowest far better then my self what way I had best walk in to purchase salvation If I be called to take pains in this State and to use my talent in this Civil life do thou O Lord so assist my weakness by thy great grace and goodness as that acknowledgments may onely be made to thee the Author of all my goodness for all my happy succesâ—es thine be all honor and praise and suffer me not to lose that reward of my worldly labors which thou thy self hast bin pleased that I should purchase by undergoing them in thy name and by piâ—ecting all my Actions to thee Grant O Lord that I may so think upon my mortal Children as that I may not forget thee my eternal Father govern thou all my Faculties so as I may know thou gavest me them that thou preservest them to me and that it is my dutie to make use of thy Graces that I may love my earthly Country yet not so as to make less esteem of my heavenly Country that I may serve and obey my Commonwealth with integritie of conscience with an intention to serve her and not my self and for thy glory not for mine own This is a miraculous work of thy hand and which is onely to be acknowledged from thee She is the onely example in having for so long a series of years preserved her self in Libertie in Power and in the true Religion therefore if I cannot with fervor of spirit serve thee immediately grant yet that I may serve thee not unworthily nor unusefully in this most excellent creature of thy making And since it now falls to my share to serve my Country in this holy City of Rome as her Ambassador to Pope Clement the Eighth Grant that by serving this thy Vicar upon earth I may serve thee the better who art the true and supreme Lord of Heaven Of thy great goodness give me that which I do not deserve accept of my good will for the good works which I ought to do and infuse thy Spirit into this thy Vicar the common Father of thy People and Shepheard of thy Sheep who is so full of zeal and charitie so as that he may be able to draw this weatheâ—beaten ship of Christianitie out of the storming Sea of these troublesom times and that she be being gotten into the Haven of peace and safety may with hands lifted up to Heaven say This is the day which the Lord â—ath made let us rejoyce therein and let us always bless his most holy Name FINIS
good concord result from the former Therefore care must be had that every Order may keep its own state and be neither too much exalted nor too much abased lest the too 〈◊〉 or too sharp Tone occasion dissâ—nance as it was seen to fall out in Rome where this just proportion was but badly kept people of unequal condition and worth being oft times made equal in Dignity which caused a Government full of confusion and disorder not bounded in any one Form but disposed to receive all Forms But if we will assign any particular State to the mixt body of this City as predominate over the rest there can be none more properly given her then popularity Which though it may be already comprehended yet it will be better known by passing to some other more particular considerations The state of the Commonwealth is known by observing in whom the chief command is found but the majesty thereof appears clearly in the creating of Magistrates in making new Laws or repealing old ones in making War in disposing of Rewards or Punishment All which things being by many examples seen to lie in the power of the People do evidently witness that the State of this Commonwealth was Popular The People were they who gave authority to Magistrates nay even to the Senate it self by authenticating and invigorating the Resolves thereof and as the soul of that Government they did in divers manners move the other parts of the Commonwealth in their operations So as her truest and properest Form can only be taken from them nay it was seen that the resolutions of the Republick did bind the Senate and were of equal force with the Peoples commands prolonging Magistrates in their places and by the authority thereof putting a period to begun Wars Wherefore the corruption of a Popular State may be further seen by the immoderate power of the meanest Citizens Let us next view the ultimate end of that Commonwealth which by a certain ordinary and as it were natural change of condition will shew us what her first Form was For it being changed into Tyranny which usually ariseth from a Popular State it appears that that City was formerly governed by the People and had by corrupt manners opened the way to Tyranny so as this Transition was easily made by the likeness of State For that City where the People commands with licence may be said to be subject to many Tyrants nor admits it of any change saving that one man becomes the master of those disorders which a multitude were masters of There were likewise always many popular Pick-thanks in Rome who like the Flatterers of Tyrants tracing the People in their humors went a birding after favors whereby they won credit and preferment Which as the Philosopher says is a manifest sign that in such a City the People command not the Laws Which is seen by many experiences of which Marius was an evident example who being born of very mean parents and applâ—ing himself from the begining to the Government of the Commonwealth not guided by the glory of his Predecessors or any noble action of his own which might first introduce him thereinto but confiding in a certain greatness of spirit began to think of acquiring great power so as being become Tribune of the People he betook himself wholly to abase the authority of the Nobles as he did in publishing the Law of Suffrages threatening Consul Cotta to imprison him if he forbare not to oppose him By which boldness he won so much favor with the People as he was able to dispose of them afterwards as he listed in any affair how unjust soever or in working revenge upon his Enemies as he did in banishing innocent Metellus or to aggrandise himself insomuch as he contrary to the Laws was created Consul against the Cimbrians being absent and in a contumacious time and lastly in making the Province be assigned unto him which belonged to Sylla By such means the way was opened to the immoderate power of Citizens which in the height of their prosperity brought that Commonwealth to its final ruine For these disorders being long before begun were afterwards by the spaciousness of the City so inâ—â—eased as the People being become powerful by reason of the numerousness of the Citizens and growing more free and bold by their so many prosperities not content to be equal to the Nobility would become greater then the Laws They banish'd many Citizens without hearing the cause they granted places of Magistracie before the usual time they confirm'd the Authority of those that were already out of it and disposed of all things not according to civil equity but as they liked best Which things do sufficiently manifest the imperfections of that Government For the Philosopher says that that State where the People command and not the Laws is so corrupt as it deserves not the name of a Commonwealth no sort of Government being to be thereunto assigned Which easily happens in Cities which are very great and powerful as was that of Rome But iâ— we shall then consider the Conditions of those men into whose hands that Government was put we shall thereby likewise find that amongst the several Forms of Popular States this may be thought the most corrupt as that whereinto even Artificers were admitted which being usually but ill conditioned and frequenting Assemblies only that they may talk together do constitute an imperfect State and subject to alterations And hence it may be deduced that this part being most prevalent in that so corrupt and imperfect Commonwealth the others must partake of the same imperfection For no such union can be framed out of two good Governments and one very bad one as is requisite to give form to a good Government neither could they continue together for never so small a time Whence it may be likewise inferred that those other parts of the Commonwealth which may seem to resemble Monarchy and Aristocracy as the Consuls and Senate came short of such perfection as is proper to those States declining to the contrary party For many things may be observed to have been done by Consuls with more authority and boldness then what became a Commonwealth To pass by many other examples Caesar being confirmed in that power which he had received as Consul usurped the Liberty of the Commonwealth There were likewise many corruptions in the Senate which shew how subject that part was likewise to various disorders For when the Commonwealth was at the very height of her perfection Senators were become so mercenary as Iugurth having corrupted many of them and purchased his own saâ—ety by monies it may well be said that the Citizens of Rome would have sold their City if they could have met with a Chapman for it Another Consideration may be added to wit That that Commonwealth cannot be said to be well ordered even in the very Popular State which she so much affected For it is easie to frame any Government for a
Courage but out of abundance of Wisdom he shunned the hazard of giving Battel Wherefore after the discomfeiture at Cannae no man was more constant and ready then he to take a resolution It is therefore said that in the dejection of souls and confusion of all things the Citizens had recourse to his Counsel as to an Oracle And the comparing the actions of others in what concerned the administration of War against Hannibal made Fabius his worth appear the more for before he took upon him the Dictatorship the Consul Flaminius was routed at the Lake Thrasymenus and when he laid down the Dictatorship Terentius taking other courses then did Fabius gave occasion for that famous and grievous overthrow which the Romans received at the Battel of Cannae whereby it may be known that wise Commanders just like understanding Physitians when they meet with weak bodies do oftentimes make use rather to prescribe quiet and good government free from all disorder then Physick when they know the Forces of the Commonwealth to be but weak as were those of the Romans at that time ought also to free the State from great and eminent dangers by temporizing and by proceeding leasurely with all advantage then by using Force of Arms and hazarding a Battel Which made Hannibal say That he feared Fabius his fearfulness more then the daring of the other Roman Captains And finding all his Designs at other times frustrated by Fabius he affirmed that the Romans had also their Hannibal Nor could his cunning be indeed overcome otherwise then by cunning and by knowing how to make use of fitting occasions and how to bereave the Enemy of the like which indeed was peculiar to Fabius It may moreover be said for Fabius and in praise of his advice that as no humane Action is more subject to divers unexpected Accidents then in Battle wherein great Effects are often produced from very small Accidents so cannot a Commander attribute at any time so much praise unto himself in Victories but that good Fortune will challenge a great share therein Wherefore it is numbered amongst the chief qualities which are to be desired in him who would prove a good Commander that he be fortunate Besides no Victory is ever won by meer fighting without much blood and much loss of ones own men so as to overcome an enemy by such means as Fabius knew how to do and without exposing himself to the danger of a set Battle to overthrow an Enemies Army by reduceing it to great hardships is a thing of more rare vertue and which makes the Commander more praise-worthy By these cunnings were Hannibals cunnings deluded by these was his fierceness tamed and the reputation won from him and from his Army which he had won in Battel by having so often worsted and overthrown the Romans So as it may be said that Fabius conquered Hannibal a Conqueror but that Scipio overcame him when he was already conquered For Fabius had to do with him when he was in Italy with a puissant Army and in the height of his greatest prosperity But Scipio made not trial of his Forces against those of Hannibal till he was returned to Africa with his Army beaten and wasted by sufferings and when by the usual change of humane Affairs the state of things between the Carthaginians and Romans was sufficiently altered Wherefore Hannibal who had formerly endeavoured nothing more then to fight his Enemies in a pitch'd field when he was returned to Africa perswaded the Carthaginians to Peace and proposed all conditions of Agreement to Scipio so to shun joyning Battel with him in which as if he had foretold his own misfortunes he lost the remnant of his Army which he had brought from Italy Wherefore should it not then be thought that it was harder for Fabius to stop the course of Hannibals Victories then it was for Scipio to overcome him in Battel when the Carthaginians were at their greatest loss and 〈◊〉 Nay it was objected to Scipio when he endeavoured to lead his Army into Africa that he did it to shun encountring with Hannibal in Italy It is a very common but a very true saying Non minor est virtus quà m querere parta tueri Fabius preserved the Glory Reputation and state of the Commonwealth which his Ancestors had won Scipio increased them So as had it not been for Fabius the Name at least the Fame of Rome had been almost lost But she had onely been less glorious without Scipio On the contrary who will consider Scipio's great actions how can he judge him to come short of any other Roman Commander whatsoever either for glory or dedesert since he may be said to have been the first who opened the way unto the Romans of conquering the whole World as they did in a short time For by his means Africa was conquered and a curb put to the greatest and most powerful Enemies that ever the Romans had so as none ever after durst withstand the Roman greatness by force or did disdain to humble and submit themselves to their worth and fortune whom the most powerful and fortunate of all other Nations did already obey Scipio brought all Spain under the Roman obedience driving away the Carthaginians from thence whom he overcame in four several battels Nor did he make the way easie to greater acquisitions less by his excellent gifts of mind then by force of Arms making those people affectionate and faithful to the Romans And yet as not much valuing these his great deeds being returned to Rome full of glory he endevaoured to return again with his Army into Africa knowing that the Carthaginians could not keep quiet at home but must be troubling and endangering the the Romans Nor had he less difficulty to overcome Fabius his obstinate opinion in the Senate who blamed this advice then in routing the Enemies in the Field But if Fabius be to be esteemed because he in a short time freed the Romans from the danger of the Carthaginians what must we say of Scipio who did for ever secure them from these their Enemies bereaving them of their Land-Forces by taking the Flower of their men away from them in Battel and the like of their Maritime strength having by agreement forced them to burn all their Ships Which won him so great respect from all persons as at his return from Africa people ran from all parts only that they might see him To say truth what can be said of Fabius save that he did not lose But in Scipio's Victories what can be desired to make them greater or more glorious In the space of forty five days he raised a powerful Army and followed by more Voluntiers for the fame of his worth then he carried Soldiers with him by Decree of Senate he marched into Africa He conquered People and Cities that were enemies to the name of Roman he overcame Asdrubal and Hanno two famous Carthaginian Commanders he discomfited Hannibals Army and ending the War with the
first assaulted Spain and after Africa and finding them both but badly provided of Garrisons fitting to withstand so potent an Enemy they reduced the first under the obedience of their Commonwealth driving all the Carthaginians from thence and did put the other into so great confusion as little more then the bare name of a Republick remained to the very City of Carthage But how could Hannibal hope to tarry long in Italy and to be able to receive such succors and supplies as he must of necessity stand in need of The way was shut up by Land by the craggy mountains and by the Enemy and the Sea was less open to them the Romans not being only masters of the Sea but of Navigation for their Fleet was greater then that of the Carthaginians whence it was that the succor came neither time enough to Hannibal for him to prosecute his Victories neither when it was sent could it come safe to him his brother Asdrubal who conducted it being cut in pieces together with all his men by the Consul Claudius Out of these respects it may be thought that it had been better and safer for Hannibal to have commenced the War against the Romans in Sicily or Sardinia The pretence of taking up Arms against the Romans for the recovery of such things as were granted out of great necessity to them by his Commonwealth was more just Wherefore he might have bethought himself of not provoking the disfavor both of God and man against him as it appeared on the contrary that his breach of Articles and his too bold design of driving the Romans out of Italy their own proper seat and dominion made all things prove cross unto him The business would likewise have proved more opportune and easie by reason of the ill satisfaction which the people of those Islands received from the Romans power which occasioned in them a great mind to rebel as was afterwards found The Carthaginian Commonwealth was strong enough by Sea and though Fortune had not been propitious to them in their Naval conflict with the Romans yet was their experience in Maritime affairs greater and the City was then so well provided of Shipping as we read that they were above five hundred Ships which they were forced to burn by command from Scipio after Hannibals Rout in Africa If Hannibal would then have put his Army into these Bottoms and have turned with powerful Forces upon Sicily and Sardinia and being also assisted with the Peoples inclination he could not almost have doubted to have reduced them in a small time under the Carthaginian power And having won these Islands what way would he have made for the enterprise of Italy He might have made use of this situation and of his Fleet to have kept the Sea open to himself and block'd up to the Romans whereas doing the contrary it happened otherwise for the Carthaginian Fleet being very weak the greater part whereof were imployed in other places it was overcome by the Romans their Navigation and Succor was hindred and finally all Hannibals designs were frustrated But the advantage which Hannibal might have reaped by such an enterprise and by the getting of Sicily may easily be known by what Scipio got who being to pass with his Army into Africa putting in at Sicily he thereby got great assistance and accommodation And the Carthaginians themselves were aware that the War ought to have been handled thus For after the death of Hierâ— Lord of Syracusa they sent their Fleet to regain Sicily but the counsel was too late and unopportunely taken for Fortune beginning now again to smile upon the Romans and the enterprise being undertaken with but weak Forces they did little else but raise Tumults with more of loss to those that had rebelled against the Romans then any advantage to the Carthaginians It seems likewise that Hannibal when he first endeavoured to joyn in league with Philip King of Macedon whose strength by Sea was very great and his jealousies of the Romans likewise very great as also his desire to secure himself therefrom had laid a better foundation for his designs and might have had better success in his endeavours against the Romans which because out of vainglorious ambition he would accelerate he overthrew them Let us then bound Hannibals praises within straiter precincts though his fame sound very gloriously in the memory of all Ages for the greatness of his attempts and his success therein at first since that advantage ceaseth which might first have counselled him to the affairs of Italy And let us only see whether he may have purchased any true glory by his so great daring and by the readiness wherewith he buckled to battel He who will weigh things with reason and experience will find that Wisdom ought to be of greater consideration in a worthy Commander then force of Arms. Which may be seen in Hannibal for the wisdom of Quintus Fabius did that against him with safety which the War waged with much loss and more danger by Flaminius and by Sempronius and afterwards by Gaius Terentius all of them Consuls and Commanders of the Romans Armies could not do who rashly hazarding the doubtful events of Battel were overcome by Hannibal and brought the affairs of Rome to almost utter despair The praise then which is given to Hannibal is great eagerness of mind against dangers which though of it self it may make him worthy some admiration yet such a vertue fals easily into vice and in stead of Boldness may be termed Rashness But if we will consider Hannibals Actions yet a little more narrowly we shall the better discover that Hannibal having undertaken this War unjustly and violated the Articles made between the Carthaginians and the Romans he cannot deserve to be truly named valiant the vertue of Valor not consisting in the maintaining of an unjust Cause And if Hannibal ought to glory of his having routed the Romans his glory will prove the less since the Captains whom he overcame were not so much cryed up and were of lesser experience and worth then many other Romans who never had to do in any great enterprise and that it was not his own worth and the worth of his Soldiers which made way to his Victories more then did the ignorance rashness and chiefly the discord of the Roman Commanders to whom through some unlucky Star it was the misfortune of the Commonwealth at that time to commit the guidance and command of her Forces But when he met with Fabius Marcellus or Scipio the face of affairs altered And yet Hannibal ought to have believed he should have met with these or at least such as these then with the others or such as them For the Carthaginians had experienced much to their loss in the preceding War what the worth of the Roman Commanders was Hannibal might likewise have considered how hard it would be for him to vanquish so many Cities so many Roman Colonies defended by Citizens who did partake
their former agreement and confederacie made with Philip were joined with the AEtolians assisting them against the Achaeans who were Friends and Confederates of the same â—hilip And after many revolutions the business came at last to that pass as the Grecians being too late aware that they had suffered the authority of the Macedonians to grow too great over them by which some of them had been formerly tyrannically dealt withall and others apprehending the like imminent danger not able to endure these yet greater mischiefs they fled to the Romans craving help and succor from them against Philip as did the City of Athens chiefly as having suffered greatest injuries and being wont to be the head of the greatest and most important innovations in Greece Nor was it hard for them to obtain it for the Romans making profession that they had made it their business that there should be no unjust power upon the earth but that Reason Justice and Law should rule every where did willingly imbrace the protection and defence of the weakest whom they found to be opprest by the more powerful which thing under pretence of defending others and of a noble peece of generosity made the way to divers acquisitions the easier to them covering by these means their ambition of Government But the Romans were very cunning herein who in all their actions shewed as if they desired nothing but glory by which they did miraculously win the hearts of all Greece For in the Expedition which they made against Philip their Armies having at the instance of the Grecians themselves past over the Sea run many hazzards and endured much hardships when they had conquered Philip and drove him out of Greece they restored all those Cities which had been formerly under his Dominion to their Liberty suffering them to live under their own Laws but yet so as made advantagiously for them placing some of their own Roman Soldiers in some of the bordering Towns alleadging that they did this for the good of Greece that being freed from the slavery of Philip they might not fall into the like of Antigonus a powerful King at that time in Asia who might be the better kept out of Europe for fear of not offending the Roman greatness then for fear of the weak forces of Greece which were already very low But the truth was that these places opportunely held by the Romans served to secure them of the Grecians fidelitie if at any time forgetting their obligation and desirous of novelty as they had alwaies appeared to be they should have a mind with prejudice to the Roman affairs to joyn with any other stranger Prince for they desired that they might depend on the Authority of the Commonwealth of Rome So as that Greece which had so many valiant Soldiers and Commanders and was so famous amongst other Nations not having known how to make use of time whilst the name of the Romans was but obscure and that their Forces were busied else-where to make way for their further greatness was forc'd afterwards to follow the fortune of the Romans and to confess themselves to be overcome by their more excellent worth and to acknowledge all that remained of good or safety to them from their favor But to rerurn from whence we have digrest and to proceed with the successes of Greece in divers Ages let us say that it being the faâ—e of Greece to fall upon two so potent neighboring Princes as were the Kings of Persia and Macedonia it did not onely foment their Civil discords but did hasten their final ruine for if the Grecians had had less powerful neighbors they would either not have had recourse unto them or else the use of their Forces and assistance in their own Greece would not have proved so prejudicial to them It being a true general rule in State Affairs that no foeign Forces are to be made use of for a mans own safety which are much greater then his own for by so doing a man must depend upon another mans will which where rule is in question is usually more ready to endeavor its own conveniency and greatness then to keep word and to consider another mans good though he be a friend and confederate Yet it may be affirmed that Greece having for neighbors not onely one but two great Potentates it was a thing which as it hindred her from making acquisitions abroad so it might have been of great help unto her for the preservation of her self and Liberty if she could have made good use thereof For if at any time she should be opprest by one of them she had means to have recourse to the other from whom she might safely build for help since self-interest concurr'd therein for it would be dangerous for either of them to suffer the others power encrease too much by the ruine of Greece So as if the Grecians when they were threatned ruine by Philip had known how to make use of the help which was offered them by the King of Persia they might peradventure have escaped that bad fortune but being exceedingly jealous one of another they had all of them recourse to the same Prince because none of the rest might make use of his friendship and favor Thus Philip the first had greatest opportunity offered him of making himself by degrees First chief Captain next Arbitrator and lastly Lord of all Greece by keeping some of her people quiet and in peace which he easily granted them for his own ends and by making War at the same time upon some others of them and he who shall compare these antient successes of the Grecians affairs with others of the ensuing age and nearer unto us shall and will find very like effects which have sprung from the same occasions For Greece being once humbled and as subjected by the Roman greatness was afterwards returned to great honor and dignity in the time of Constantine who placed the seat of the Empire in the antient City of Biz antium but she knew not how to keep therein by reason of her discords For after that the French and the Venetian had taken Constantinople though the Empire returned to the aforesaid Grecians yet through many and various chances which happened afterwards whole Greece was divided some of them following the Princes of the Grecian extract and some of them the Latins the people for the most part holding with the former and the Nobility with the latter So as recourse being had to Arms for the deciding of so many controversies they applied themselves for help unto the Turks and causing a great number of them to pass over into Nâ—tolia in Greece Greeces ultimate ruine did ensue thereupon For these Barbarians who were accustomed to live among craggy Mountains inamored of the beauty and pleasantness of this Country and moved as some say by a certain good augurie whereby they were advised to tarry there promising them much happiness in that Region whereinto they were come and called