other Noble Virgins had been deliver'd to the Enemy for Hostages on account of a Truce when obtaining the liberty to bathe themselves in Tiber she getting on Horse-back before the rest encourag'd them to follow her thro' the Water to the Romans tho' the Consul generously sent them back to the Enemy's Camp Porsenna had no sooner drawn off his Army but the Sabines and Latines join'd in a Confederacy against Rome And tho' they were extreamly weaken'd by the desertion of Appius Claudius who went over with Five thousand Families to the Romans yet they could not be entirely subdu'd 'till they receiv'd a total Overthrow from Valerius Poplicola (e) Ibid. But the Aequi and the Volsci the most obstinate of the Latines and the continual Enemies of Rome carry'd on the remainder of the War for several Years 'till it was happily concluded by Lucius Quinctius the famous Dictator taken from the Plough in less than fifteen Days time Upon which Florus hath this witty Remark That he made more than ordinary haste to his unfinish'd Work (f) Florus lib. 1. cap. 11. But they that made the greatest opposition were the Inhabitants of Veii the Head of Tuscany a City not inferiour to Rome either in store of Arms or multitude of Soldiers They had contended with the Romans in a long series of Battels for Glory and Empire but having been weaken'd and brought down in several Encounters they were oblig'd to secure themselves within their Walls And after a ten Years Siege the Town was forc'd and sack'd by Camillus (g) Plutard in his Life In this manner were the Romans extending their Conquests when the Irruption of the Gauls made a strange alteration in the Affairs of Italy They were at this time besieging Clusium a Tascan City The Clusians sent to the Romans desiring them to interpose by Ambassadors on their behalf Their Request was easily granted and Three of the Fabii Persons of the highest Rank in the City dispatch'd for this purpose to the Gallick Camp The Gauls in respect to the Name of Rome receiv'd them with all imaginable Civility but could by no means be prevail'd on to quit the Siege Whereupon the Ambassadors going into the Town and encouraging the Clusians to a Sally one of them was seen personally engaging in the Action This being contrary to the receiv'd Law of Nations was resented in so high a manner by the Enemy that breaking up from before Clusium the whole Army march'd directly toward Rome About eleven Miles from the City they met with the Roman Army Commanded by the Military Tribunes who engaging without any Order or Discipline receiv'd an entire Defeat Upon the arrival of this ill News the greatest part of the Inhabitants immediately fled Those that resolv'd to stay fortified themselves in the Capitol The Gauls soon appear'd at the City-Gates and destroying all with Fire and Sword carry'd on the Siege of the Capitol with all imaginable Fury At last resolving on a general Assault they were discover'd by the Cackling of the Geese that were kept for that purpose and as many as had climb'd the Rampart were drove down by the valiant Manlius when Camillus setting upon them in the Rear with Twenty thousand Men that he got together about the Country gave them a total Overthrow The greatest part of those that escap'd our of the Field were cut off in stragling Parties by the Inhabitants of the Neighbouring Towns and Villages The City had been so entirely demolish'd that upon the return of the People they thought of removing to Veii a City ready built and excellently provided of all Things But being diverted from this Design by an Omen as they thought they set to the Work with such extraordinary Diligence and Application that within the compass of a Year the whole City was re-built They had scarce gain'd a breathing-breathing-time after their Troubles when the united Powers of the Aequi Volsci and other Inhabitants of Latium at once invaded their Territories But they were soon over-reach'd by a Stratagem of Camillus and totally routed (h) Plut. in vit Camil. Nor had the Samnites any better Fate tho' a People very numerous and of great Experience in War The Contention with them lasted no less than fifty Years (i) Florus lib. 1. cap. 16. when they were finally subdu'd by Papirius Cursor (k) Liv. lib. 10. The Tarentine War that follow'd put an end to the entire Conquest of Italy Tarentum a City of great Strength and Beauty seated on the Adriatick Sea was especially remarkable for the Commerce it maintain'd with most of the Neighbouring Countries as Epirus Illyricum Sicily c. (l) Flor. lib. 1. cap. 18. Among other Ornaments of their City they had a spacious Theatre for Publick Sports built hard by the Sea-shoar They happen'd to be engag'd in the Celebration of some such Solemnity when upon sight of the Roman Fleet that casually sail'd by their Coasts imagining them to be Enemies they immediately set upon them and killing the Commander rifled the greatest part of the Vessels Ambassadors were soon dispatch'd from Rome to demand Satisfaction But they met with as ill Reception as the Fleet being disgracefully sent away without so much as a Hearing Upon this a War was soon commenc'd between the States The Tarentines were increas'd by an incredible number of Allies from all Parts But he that made the greatest appearance in their behalf was Pyrrhus King of Epirus the most experienc'd General of his Time Besides the choicest of his Troops that accompany'd him in the Expedition he brought into the Field a considerable number of Elephants a sort of Beasts scarce heard of 'till that time in Italy In the first Engagement the Romans were in fair hopes of a Victory when the Fortune of the Day was entirely chang'd upon the coming up of the Elephants who made such a prodigious Destruction in the Roman Cavalry that the whole Army was oblig'd to retire But the politick General having experienc'd so well the Roman Courage immediately after the Victory sent to offer Conditions for a Peace but was absolutely refus'd In the next Battel the Advantage was on the Roman side who had not now such dismal Apprehensions of the Elephants as before However the Business came to another Engagement when the Elephants over-running whole Ranks of their own Men occasion'd by the Cry of a young one that had been wounded gave the Romans an absolute Victory (m) Florus Ibid. Twenty three thousand of the Enemy were kill'd (n) Eutropius lib. 2. and Pyrrhus finally expell'd Italy In this War the Romans had a fair Opportunity to subdue the other Parts that remain'd unconquer'd under the pretext of Allies to the Tarentines So that at this time about the 477th Year of the Building of the City (o) Ibid. they had made themselves the entire Masters of Italy CHAP. IV. Of the Roman Affairs from the beginning of the first Punic War to the first Triumvirate BUT
Kirchman in the Funerals and Brerewood in the Account of the Money That the curious Remarques of Scaliger Casaubon Graevius Monsieur and Madam Dacier are inserted on many Occasions In short that no Pains or Charges have been spar'd which might render the Attempt truly serviceable to the good End for which 't was design'd the Pleasure and Benefit of the Reader ESSAY I. Of the Roman Learning WHoever considers the strange Beginning of the Roman State the Frame and Constitution on which it was First settled together with the Quality of the Original Members will think it no Wonder that the People in that early Age shou'd have a kind of Fierceness or rather Wildness in their Temper utterly averse to every thing that was Polite and Agreeable This savage Disposition by degrees turn'd into a rigid Severity which encourag'd them to relie solely on the Force of their Native Virtue and Honour without being beholden to the Advantages of Art for the improvement of their Reason or for the assistance of their Courage Hence a grossness of Invention pass'd currant with them for Wit and Study was look'd on as an unmanly Labour especially while they found that their exact Discipline and unconquer'd Resolution render'd them Masters of Nations much more Knowing than themselves All this is frankly acknowledg'd by their own Authors Literae in homine Romano goes for a Wonder with Tully (a) De Nat. Deor. lib. 1. De Senectute And Virgil in a Reign when all the Civility and Learning of the World were transplanted to Rome chuseth to make the Arts of Government and War the distinguishing Excellencies of his Country-Men Excudent alii spirantia mollius aera Credo equidem Vivos ducent de marmore vultus Orabunt causas melius coelique meatus Describent radio surgentia sydera dicent Tu regere imperio populos Romane memento Hae tibi erunt artes Pacique imponere morem Parcere subjectis debellare superbos (b) Aen. 6. Others shall best inspire the Mimick Brass Or out of Marble carve a living Face Plead with more force and trace the Heavenly Roads Describing the wide Empire of the Gods The wandring Stars to steady Rules Confine And teach exspecting Mortals when they 'll shine Thee Heaven brave Roman form'd for high Command Be these thy Arts from thy victorious Hand To make glad Nations own their Peace bestow'd To spare the Suppliant and pull down the Proud The Reason which Horace gives for the slow advances of Poesy will hold in every other Part of Polite Learning Serus enim Grâ—ecis admovit acumina chartis (c) Lib. 2. Epist 1. Their little Acquaintance with the fine Wits of Greece who had settled the Staple of Arts and Learning in that Country depriv'd them of an Opportunity to cultivate and beautifie their Genius which was form'd by Nature capable of the Highest Attainments Some kind of Poetry indeed they had in their Rustick Times but then the Verses were such rude doggrel Stuff as old Ennius describes Quales Fauni vatesque canebant Quem neque Musarum scopulos quisquam superârat Nec dicti studiosus erat Cicero is inclin'd to think that the old Romans might probably have gain'd some little Knowledge in Philosophy from the Instruction of Pythagoras the famous Author of the Italick Sect who flourish'd in Italy about the same time as the Tarquins were expell'd the City But the ancient Custom of singing to the Flute the Praises of Famous Men at great Entertainments is the only Relique he can find of this Doctrine which was deliver'd in Poetical Numbers (d) Cicero Tusc Quaest lib. 4. Their Intercourse with Greece begun upon their undertaking the Defence of those Parts against Philip of Macedon who had a design on its Liberty about the Year of Rome 55â— when according to their usual Practice under the Name of Deliverers they made themselves rather the Masters of that People And then Graecia capta ferum victorem cepit artes Intulit agresti Latio (e) Lib. 2. Epist 1. The greatest Number of eminent Poets especially Dramatic Writers flourish'd between the end of the First and the Third Punic Wars or from the Year of the City 512 to 607. The most considerable were Livius Andronicus Naevius Ennius Pacuvius Accius Caecilius Plautus Afranius Terence and Lucilius And therefore Horace means only the First Punic War when he says Et post Punica Bella quietus quaerere coepit Quid Sophocles Thespis Aeschylus utile ferrent Tentavit quoque rem si dignè vertere posset (f) Ibid. The Studies of Philosophy and Rhetorick never had any tolerable Progress before the Arrival of the Achaians who in the Year of Rome 586 or 587 to the Number of a Thousand and more were sent for out of their own Country where they had shown themselves disaffected to the Romans and were dispers'd in several Parts of Italy Among these was the Famous Polybius the Megalopolitan whose great Parts and Learning not only gain'd him the entire Friendship of Scipio Aemylianus and Laelius two of the greatest Romans in that Age but procur'd too the Release of all his Country-Men that remain'd after some Years Exile Most of that Company tho' not equal to Polybius yet being the Principal Members of the Chief Cities in Greece brought away a great Share of the Politeness and refin'd Arts of that Country And being now reduc'd to a State of Life which took from them all Thoughts of Publick Action they applied themselves wholly to the Pursuit of Letters as well to divert the sad Reflections on their Banishment as to improve and cultivate their Mind (g) Vid. Casaubon Chroâ—ol ad Pâ—â—yb Comment ad Sueten de Grammat In a few Years their Example and Instructions had wrought such a strange Conversion in the Roman Youth that the Senate fearing least the Ancient Discipline shou'd by this means be corrupted and the Minds of the People softn'd and enervated by Study consulted how to put a Stop to this Vein of Politeness so contrary to the Rough and Warlike Disposition of their Ancestors To this Purpose we meet with a Decree bearing Date in the Consulship of C. Fannius Strabo and M. Valerius Messala A. U. C. 592 by which it appears that whereas Marcus Pomponius the Praetor had made a Report to the Senate about the Philosophers and Rhetoricians the Fathers did hereby order the aforesaid Praetor to take Cognisance of the Business and to suffer no such Men in Rome (h) Sueton. de Clar. Grammat cap. 1. A. Gell. lib. 15. cap. 11. The eager Passion for Learning which this Prohibition had in some measure allay'd broke out with greater Heat and Force about Sixteen Years after upon this Famous occasion as the Story may be made up out of several Authors (i) Plutarch in Cat. Majer Of. Gâ—l lib. 7. cap. 14. Macrob. Sat. 1. c. 15. The Athenians having plunder'd Oropus a City of Baeotia the Inhabitants made their
Work gave the City a Name in allusion to his own and hath been ever accounted the Founder and Patron of the Roman Common-wealth CHAP. II. Of the Roman Affairs under the Kings THE witty Historian (a) Florus in the Preface to his History had very good reason to entitle the Reign of the Kings the Infancy of Rome for 't is certain that under them she was hardly able to find her own Legs and at the best had but a very feeble motion The greatest part of Romulus's time was taken up in making Laws and Regulations for the Common-wealth Three of his State-Designs I mean the Asylum the Rape of the Sabine Virgins and his way of treating those few whom he conquer'd as they far exceeded the Politicks of those Times so they contributed in an extraordinary degree to an advancement of the New Empire But then Numa's long Reign serv'd only for the establishment of Priests and Religious Orders and in those Three and forty Years (b) Plutarch in the Life of Numa Rome gain'd not so much as one Foot of Ground Tullus Hostilius was wholly employ'd to convert his Subjects from the pleasing Amusements of Superstition to the rougher Institution of Martial Discipline Yet we find nothing memorable related of his Conquests only that after a long and dubious War the Romans entirely ruin'd their old Mother Alba (c) Florus lib. 1. cap. 3. After him Anem Marcius laying aside all Thoughts of extending the Bounds of the Empire applied himself wholly to strengthen and beautifie the City (d) Idem lib. 1. cap. 4. and esteem'd the Commodiousness and Magnificence of that the noblest Design he could possibly be engag'd in Tarquinius Priscus tho' not altogether so quiet as his Predecessor yet consulted very little else besides the Dignity of the Senate and the Majesty of the Government for the encrease of which he appointed the Ornaments and Badges of the several Officers to distinguish them from the common People (e) Idem lib. 1. cap. 5. A more peaceful Temper appear'd in Servius Tullius whose principal study was to have an exact account of the Estates of the Romans and according to those to divide them into Tribes (f) Florus lib. 1. cap. 6. that so they might contribute with Justice and Proportion to the Publick Expences of the State Tarquin the Proud tho' perhaps more engag'd in Wars than any of his Predecessors (g) See Florus lib. 1. cap. 7. yet had in his Nature such a strange Composition of the most extravagant Vices as must necessarily have prov'd fatal to the growing Tyranny And had not the Death of the unfortunate Lucretia administred to the People an Opportunity of Liberty yet a far slighter Matter would have serv'd them for a specious Reason to endeavour the assertion of their Rights However on this Accident all were suddenly transported with such a mixture of Fury and Compassion that under the Conduct of Brutus and Collatinus to whom the dying Lady had recommended the Revenge of her injur'd Honour (h) Idem lib. 1. cap. 9. rushing immediately upon the Tyrant they expell'd him and his whole Family A new Form of Government was now resolv'd on and because to live under a divided Power carry'd something of Complacency in the Prospect (i) Plutarch in the Life of Poplicola they unanimously conferr'd the Supreme Command on the Two generous Asserters of their Liberties (k) Ibid. Florus lib. 1. cap. 9. Thus ended the Royal Administration after it had continu'd about Two hundred and fifty Years Florus in his Reflections on this First Age of Rome can't forbear applauding the happy Fate of his Country that it should be bless'd in that weak Age with a Succession of Princes so fortunately different in their Aims and Designs as if Heaven had purposely adapted them to the several Exigencies of the State (l) Idem cap. 8. And the famous Machiavel is of the same Opinion (m) Machtavel's Discourses on Livy lib. 2. cap. 19. But a judicious Author (n) Monsieur St. Euremont's Reflections on the Genius of the Roman People cap. 1. hath lately observ'd that this difference of Genius in the Kings was so far from procuring any Advantage to the Roman People that their small encrease under that Government is referable to no other cause However thus far we are assur'd that those seven Princes left behind a Dominion of no larger extent than that of Parma or Mantua at present CHAP. III. Of the Roman Affairs from the beginning of the Consular Government to the first Punic War THE Tyrant was no sooner expell'd but as it usually happens there was great plotting and designing for his Restauration Among several other young Noble-men Brutus's his two Sons had engag'd themselves in the Association But the Conspiracy being happily discover'd and the Traytors brought before the Consuls in order to their Punishment Brutus only addressing himself to his two Sons and demanding whether they had any Defence to make against the Indictment Upon their silence order'd them immediately to be beheaded And staying himself to see the Execution committed the rest to the Judgment of his Colleague (a) 〈◊〉 in vitâ— Pâ—â—licola No Action among the old Romans hath made a greater noise than this 'T would be exceeding difficult to determine whether it proceeded from a Motion of Heroick Virtue or the Hardness of a cruel and unnatural Humour or whether Ambition had not as great a share in it as either But tho' the Flame was so happily stifled within the City it soon broke out with greater fury abroâ—d For Tarquin was not only receiv'd with all imaginable Kindness and Respect by the neighbouring States but supplied too with all Necessaries in order to the recovery of his Dominions The most powerful Prince in Italy was at that time Porsenna King of Hetruria or Tuscany who not content to furnish him with the same Supplies as the rest apprâ—â—â—'d with a numerous Army in his behalf to the very Walls of Rome (b) Ilem 〈…〉 lib. 1. The City was in great hazard of being taken when an Admiration of the Virtue and gallant Disposition of the Romans indue'd the Besieger to a Peace (c) Plut. in Poplicol The most remarkable Instances of this extraordinary Courage were Cocles Mutius and Câ—â—lla Câ—cles when the Romans were beaten back in an unfortunate Sally and the Enemy made good their Pursuit to the very Bridge only with the assistance of two Persons defended it against their whole Power 'till his own Party broke it down behind and then cast himself in his Armour into the River and swam over to the other side (d) Plut. Ibid. Mutius having fail'd in an Attempt upon Porsenna's Person and being brought before the King to be examin'd thrust his Right-hand which had committed the Mistake into a Pan of Coals that stood ready for the Sacrifice Upon which generous Action he was dismiss'd without farther injury As for Claelia she with
from the Shops that were kept in them or Margaritaria and Argentaria Or from the remarkable painting in them as Porticus Isidis Europae c. Or else from the places to which they joyn'd as Porticus Amphitheatri Porticus Circi c. (a) Fabricii Roma cap 13. These Portico's were sometimes put to very serious use serving for the Assemblies of the Senate on several accounts Sometimes the jewellers and such as dealt in the most precious Wares took up here their Standing to expose their Goods to sale But the general use that they were put to was the pleasure of walking or riding in them in the shade in summer and in winter in the dry like the present Piazza's in Italy Velleius Paterculus (b) Lib. 〈◊〉 4. â— when he deplores the extreme corruption of Manners that had crept into Roâ—e upon the happy conclusion of the Carthaginian War mentions particularly the vanity of the Noblemen in endeavouring to out-shine one another in the magnificence of their Portico's as a great instance of their extravagant Luxury And Juvenal in his Seventh Satyr complains Balnea Sexcentis pluris Porticus in quâ Gestatur Dominus quoties pluit Anne serenum Expectet spargatve luto jumenta recenti Hic potius namque hic mund e nitet ungula mulae On sumptuous Baths the Rich their Wealth bestow Or some expensive airy Portico Where safe from Showers they may be born in State And free from Tempests for fair Weather wait Or rather not expect the clearing Sun Thro' thick and thin their Equipage must run Or staying 't is not for their Servant's sake But that their Mules no prejudice may take Mr. Charles Dryden Arches were publick Buildings design'd for the reward and encouragement of noble Enterprizes erected generally to the Honour of such eminent Persons as had either won a Victory of extraordinary consequence abroad or had rescu'd the Common-wealth at home from any considerable danger At first they were plain and rude Structures by no means remarkable for Beauty or State But in later times no Expences were thought too great for the rendring them in the highest manner splendid and magnificent No thing being more usual than to have the greatest Actions of the Heroes they stood to Honour curiously express'd or the whole Procession of the Triumph cut out on the sides The Arches built by Romulus were only of Brick that of Camillus of plain square Stone but then those of Caesar Drâ—sâ—â— Titus Trajan Gordian c. were all entirely Marble (c) Fabricii Roma cap. 14. As to their Figure they were at first semicircular whence probably they took their Names Afterwards they were built four-square with a spacious arched Gate in the middle and little ones on each side Upon the vaulted part of the middle Gate hung little winged Images representing Victory with Crowns in their Hands which when they were let down they put upon the Conqueror's Head as he pass'd under in Triumph (d) Fabricii Roma cap. 14. The Columns or Pillars were none of the meanest Beauties of the City They were at last converted to the same design as the Arches for the honourable memorial of some noble Victory or Exploit after they had been a long time in use for the chief Ornaments of the Sepulchres of great Men as may be gathered from Homer Iliad 16. where Juno when she 's foretelling the death of Sarpedon And speaking at last of carrying him into his own Country to be buried hath these Words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 There shall his Brothers and sad Friends receive The breathless Corps and bear it to the Grave A Pillar shall be rear'd a Tomb be laid The noblest Honour that rewards the dead The Pillars of the Emperours Trajan and Antoninus have been extreamly admir'd for their Beauty and curious Work and therefore deserve a particular description The former was set up in the middle of Trajan's Forum being compos'd of solid Stone but so curiously cemented as to seem one entire natural Stone The heighth was 144 Foot according to Eutropius (e) Hist lib. 8. tho' Marlian (f) Lib. 3. cap. 13. seems to make them but 128 Yet they are easily reconcil'd if we suppose one of them to have begun the Measure from the Pillar it self and the other from the Basis It is ascended on the inside by 185 winding Stairs and hath Forty little Windows for the admission of the Light The whole Pillar is incrusted with Marble in which are express'd all the noble Actions of the Emperour and particularly the Dacian War One may see all over the several Figures of Forts Bulwarks Bridges Ships c. and all manner of Arms as Shields Helmets Targets Swords Spears Daggers Belts c. together with the several Offices and Employments of the Soldiers Some digging Trenches some measuring out a place for the Tents and others making a Triumphal Procession (g) Fabricius cap. 7. But the noblest Ornament of this Pillar was the Statue of Trajan on the top of a Gigantick bigness being no less than Twenty Foot high He was represented in a Coat of Armour proper to the General holding in his Left Hand a Scepter in his Right a hollow Globe of Gold in which his own Ashes were reposited after his Death (h) Casalius pars 1. cap. 11. The Column of Antoninus was rais'd in imitation of this which it exceeded only in one respect that 't was 176 Foot high (i) Marlian lib. 6. cap. 13. For the Work was much inferiour to the former as being undertaken in the declining Age of the Empire The ascent on the inside was by 106 Stairs and the Windows in the sides 56. The Sculpture and other Ornaments were of the same Nature as those of the first And on the top stood a Colossus of the Emperour naked as appears from some of his Coins (k) Ibid. Both these Columns are still standing at Rome the former most entire But Pope Sixtus the First instead of the Two Statues of the Emperours set up St. Peter's on the Column of Trajan and St. Paul's on that of Antoninus (l) Casal par 1. cap. 11. Among the Columns we must not pass by the Miliarium auâ—â—um a gilded Pillar in the Forum on which all the High-ways of Italy met and were concluded (m) Marlian lib. 3. cap. 18. From this they counted their Miles at the end of every Mile setting up a Stone whence came the Phrase of Primus ab Vrbe lapis and the the like Nor the Columna Bellica thus describ'd by Ovid. Prospicit à tergo summum brevis area circum Est ibi non parvae parva columna notae Hine solet hasta manu belli praenuncia mitti In regem gentem cùm placet arma capi (n) Ovid Fast 6. Behind the Circus on the level Ground Stands a small Pillar for its use renown'd Hence 't is our Herald throws the fatal Spear Denotes the Quarrel
Viridomarus King of the Gauls whence Virgil says of him Aeneid 6. Tertiaque arma patri suspendet capta Quirino Where Quirino must be understood only as an Epithet applied to Jupiter as denoting his Authority and Power in War as the same Word is attributed to Janus by Horace and Sueton. Therefore Servius is most certainly guilty of a Mistake when he tells us that the first Spoils of this nature were according to Numa's Laws to be presented to Jupiter the second to Mars and the third to Quirinus or Romulus for that Decree of Numa only took place if the same Person had the good Fortune to take these Spoils three times but we are assur'd that not only Romulus but Cossus and Marcellus too all made the Dedication to Jupiter The Admirers of the Roman Magnificence will be infinitely pleas'd with the Relation already given from Plutarch of the Triumphal Pomp while others who fansie that People to have been possess'd with a strange measure of vain-glory and attribute all their Military State and Grandeur to an ambitions Ostentation will be much better satisfied with the satyrical Account which Juvenal furnisheth us with in his Tenth Satyr He is saying that Democritus found subject enough for a continual Fit of Laughter in places where there was no such formal Pageantry as is commonly to be seen in Rome and then he goes on Quid si vidisset Praetorem curribus altis Extantem medio sublimem in pulvere Circi In tunicâ Jovis pictae Sarrana ferentem Ex humeris aulaea togae magnaeque coronae Tantum orbem quanto cervix non sufficit ulla Quippe tenet sudans hanc publicus sibi Consul Ni placeat curru servus portatur eodem Da nunc volucrem Sceptro quae surgit eburno Illinc Cornicines hinc praecedentia longi Agminis officia niveos ad fraena Quirites Defossa in loculis quos sportula fecit amicos What had he done had he beheld on high Our Consul seated in mock-Majesty His Chariot rowling o'er the dusty Place While with dumb Pride and a set formal Face He moves in the dull ceremonial Track With Jove's embroider'd Coat upon his Back A Suit of Hâ—â—gings had not more oppress'd His Shoulders than that long laborious Vest A heavy Gewgaw call'd a Crown that spread About his Temples drown'd his narrow Head And wou'd have crush'd it with the massie Freight But that a sweating Slave sustain'd the weight A Slave in the same Chariot seen to ride To mortifie the mighty Mad-man's Pride And now the Imperial Eagle rais'd on high With golden Beak the Mark of Majesty Trumpets before and on the left and right A Cavalcade of Nobles all in white In their own Natures false and flatt'ring Tribes But made his Friends by Places and by Bribes Mr. Dryden CHAP. XVII The Roman Way of declaring War and of making Leagues THE Romans us'd abundance of Superstition in entring upon any Hostility or closing in any League or Confederacy The Publick Ministers who perform'd the Ceremonial Part of both these were the Feciales or Heralds already describ'd among the Priests nothing remains but the Ceremonies themselves which were of this nature When any neighbouring State had given sufficient reason for the Senate to suspect a Design of breaking with them or had offer'd any Violence or Injustice to the Subjects of Rome which was enough to give them the repute of Enemies one of the Feciales chosen out of the College on this occasion and habited in the Vest belonging to his Order together with his other Ensigns and Habiliments set forward for the Enemy's Country As soon as he reach'd the Confines he pronounc'd a formal Declaration of the cause of his arrival calling all the Gods to witness and imprecating the Divine Vengeance on himself and his Country if his Reasons were not just When he came to the chief City of the Enemy he again repeated the same Declaration with some addition and withal desired satisfaction If they deliver'd into his Power the Authors of the Injury or gave Hostages for security he return'd satisfied to Rome if otherwise they desired time to consider he went away for ten Days and then came again to hear their Resolution And this he did in some cases three times But if nothing was done toward an Accommodation in about thirty Days he declar'd that the Romans wou'd endeavour to assert their Right by their Arms. After this the Herald was oblig'd to return and to make a true Report of his Ambassie before the Senate assuring them of the Legality of the War which they were now consulting to undertake and was then again dispatch'd to perform the last part of the Ceremony which was to throw a Spear into or towards the Enemy's Country in token of Defiance and as a Summons to War pronouncing at the same time a set Form of Words to the same purpose As to the making of Leagues Polybins acquaints us That the Ratification of the Articles of an Agreement between the Romans and the Carthaginians was perform'd in this manner The Carthaginians swore by the Gods of their Country and the Romans after their ancient Custom swore by a Stone and then by Mars They swore by a Stone thus The Herald who took the Oath having sworn in behalf of the Publick takes up a Stone and then pronounceth these Words If I keep my Faith may the Gods vouchsafe their Assistance and give me success if on the contrary I violate it then may the other Party be entirely safe and preserv'd in their Country in their Laws in their Possessions and in a word in all their Rights and Liberties and may I perish and fall alone as now this Stone does And then he lets the Stone fall out of his Hands (a) Polyb. lib. 3. Livy's account of the like Ceremony is something more particular yet differs little in substance only that he says the Herald's concluding Clause was Otherwise may Jove strike the Roman People as I do this Hog and accordingly he kill'd an Hog that stood ready by with the Stone which he held in his Hand This last Opinion is confirm'd by the Authority of Virgil when speaking of the Romans and Albanians he says Et caesâ jungebant foedera Porcâ And perhaps both these Customs might be in use at different times CHAP. XVIII The Roman Method of treating the People they conquer'd with the Constitution of the Coloniae Municipia Praefecturae and Provinces THE civil Usage and extraordinary Favours with which the Romans oblig'd the poor conquer'd Nations has been reasonably esteem'd one of the prime Causes of the extent of their Dominions and the establishment of their Command Yet when they saw occasion they were not to seek in severer Methods such as the seizing on the greatest part of the Enemy's Land or removing the Natives to another Soil If a State or People had been necessitated to surrender themselves into the Roman Power they us'd sub jugum mitti
the Field and combat for Renown The Chess-men which the Romans us'd were generally of Wax or Glass their common Name was Calculi or Latrunculi The Poets sometimes term them Latrones whence Latrunculus was at first deriv'd For Latro among the Ancients signified at first a Servant as the Word Knave in English and afterwards a Soldier Seneca has mention'd this Play oftner perhaps than any other Roman Author particularly in one place he has a very remarkable Story in which he designs to give us an Example of wonderful Resolution and Contempt of death tho' some will be more apt to interpret it as on instance of insensible Stupidity The Story is this One Canius Julius whom he extols very much on other Accounts had been sentenc'd to death by Caligula the Centurion coming by with the Tribe of Malefactors and ordering him to bear them company to execution happen'd to find him engag'd at this Game Canius upon his first Summons presently fell to counting his Men and bidding his Antagonist be sure not to brag falsly of the Victory after his death he only desir'd the Centurion to bear witness that he had one Man upon the Board more than his Companion and so very readily join'd himself to the poor Wretches that were going to suffer (a) Seneca de Tranquill. Animi cap 14. But the largest and most accurate Account of the Latrunculi given us by the Ancients is to be met with in the Poem to Piso which some will have to be Ovid's others Lucan's and many the Work of an unknown Author The Tali and the Tesserae by reason of so many Passages in Authors equally applicable to both have often times been confounded with one another and by some distinguish'd as a separate Game from the lusus aleae or Dice Whereas properly speaking the Greeks and Romans had two sorts of Games at Dice the Ludus talorum or play at Cockall and the Ludus tesserarum or what we call Dice They play'd at the first with four Tali and at the other with three Tesserae The Tali had but four sides mark'd with four opposite numbers one side with a Tres and the opposite with a Quatre one with an Ace and the contrary with a Sice The Dice had six Faces four mark'd with the same Numbers as the Tali and the two others with a Deux and a Cinque always one against the other so that in both Plays the upper Number and the lower either on the Talus or Tessera constantly made seven There were very severe Laws in force against these Plays forbidding the use of them at all Seasons only during the Saturnalia tho' they gam'd ordinarily at other times notwithstanding the Prohibition But there was one use made of them at Feasts and Entertainments which perhaps did not fall under the extent of the Laws and that was to throw Dice who should command in chief and have the power of prescribing Rules at a Drinking Bout whom Horace calls Arbiter bibendi They threw both the Tali and the Tesserae out of a long Box for which they had several Names as Fritillum Pyrgus Turricula Orca c. There are many odd Terms scatter'd up and down in Authors by which they signified their fortunate and unfortunate Casts we may take notice of the best and the worst The best Cast with the Tali was when there came up four different Numbers as Tres Quatre Sice Ace The best with the Dice was three Sices the common Term for both was Venus or Basilicus the poorest cast in both having the Name of Canis Persius opposeth the Senio and the Canicula as the best and worst Chances Quid dexter senio ferret Scire erat in votis damnosa canicula quantum Raderet Angustae collo non fallier Orcae Sat. 3. But then my Study was to cog the Dice And dext'rously to throw the lucky Sice To shun Ames-Ace that swept my Stakes away And watch the Box for fear they should convey False Bones and put upon me in the Play Mr. Dryden The wiser and severer Romans thought this sedentary Diversion fit only for aged Men who could not so well employ themselves in any stirring Recreation Let them says old Cato in Tully have their Armour their Horses and their Spears let them take their Club and their Javelin let them have their swimming Matches and their Races so they do but leave us among the numerous Sports the Tali and the Tesserae But the general corruption of manners made the Case quite otherwise Si damnosa senem juvat alea ludit haeres Bullatus parvoque eadem movet arma fritillo If Gaming does an aged Sire entice Then my young Master swiftly learns the Vice And shakes in Hanging-sleeves the little Box and Dice Nor was it probable that this Game should be practis'd with any moderation in the City when the Emperours were commonly profess'd Admirers of it Augustus himself play'd unreasonably without any regard to the time of Year (b) Sueton. Aug. cap. 71. But the great Master of this Art was the Emperour Claudius who by his constant Practice even as he rid about in his Chariot gain'd so much Experience as to compose a Book on the Subject Hence Seneca in his Sarcastical Relation of that Emperor's Apotheosis when after a great many Adventures he has at last brought him to Hell makes the infernal Judges condemn him as the most proper Punishment in the World to play continually at Dice with a Box that had the bottom out which kept him always in Hopes and yet always baulk'd his Expectations Nam quoties missurus erat resonante fritillo Vtraque subducto fugiebat Tessera fundo Cùm quae recollectos auderet mittere talos Lusuro similis semper semperque petenti Decepere fidem refugit digitosque per ipsos Fallax assiduo dilabitur alea furto Sic cùm jam summi tanguntur culmina montis Irrita Sisyphio volvuntur pondera collo For whensoe'er he shook the Box to cast The rattling Dice delude his eager hast And if he try'd again the waggish Bone Insensibly was thro' his Fingers gone Still he was throwing yet he ne'r had thrown So weary Sisyphus when now he sees The welcome Top and feeds his joyful Eyes Straight the rude Stone as cruel Fate commands Falls sadly down and meets his restless Hands The Ancients had four sorts of Pilae or Balls us'd for Exercise and Diversion The Follis or Balloon which they struck about with their Arm guarded for that purpose with a woodden Bracer Or if the Balloon was little they us'd only their Fists The Pila Trigonalis the same as our common Balls to play with this there us'd to stand three Persons in a Triangle striking it round from one to the other he that first let it come to the Ground was the loser (c) See Dacier on Hâ—race Book 2. Sat. 2. Paganica a Ball stuff'd with Feathers which Martial thus describes Haec quae
the languishing Arts under Vespasian Titus and Domitian for this last too was an encourager of Poesy tho' he banish'd the Philosophers scarce serv'd to any better Purpose than to demonstrate the poor Success of Study and Application while the ancient Genius was wanting In the Six next Reigns immediately following Domitian Learning seems to have enjoy'd a sort of lucid Interval and the Banish'd Favourite was again admitted to Court being highly countenanc'd and applauded by the best set of Princes Rome ever saw Not to enquire after the Productions of the other Reigns the useful Labours of Tacitus Suetonius and Pliny Junior will make the Government of Trajan more famous than all his Feats of Arms. If they are less happy in their Language than the Ancients in other respects perhaps they have over-march'd them The Historians in the delicacy of their Politicks and the sincere Truth of their Relations and the Orator in his Wit and good Sence If we add to these Plutarch who wrote most of his Works in Rome and was honour'd by Trajan with the Consulship and Quinctilian who flourish'd a very little Time before they may pass for the Twilight of Learning after the Sun-set of the Augustan Age or rather be resembled to a glimmering Taper which casts a double Light when its just on the Point of Expiring 'T is an Observation of Sir William Temple that all the Latin Books which we have 'till the End of Trajan and all the Greek 'till the End of Marcus Antoninus have a true and very esteemable Value but that all written since that time owe their Price purely to our Curiosity and not to their own Worth and Excellence But the puriâ—ty of the Tongue was long before corrupted and ended in Sir William Temple's Judgment with Velleius Paterculus under Tiberius The Reason he assigns for this Decay is the strange resort of the ruder Nations to Rome after the Conquest of their own Country Thus the Gauls and Germans flock'd in Multitudes both to the Army and the City after the reducing of those Parts by Julius Caesar Augustus and Tiberius as many Spaniards and Syrians had done before on the like account But the greatest Confluence of Foreigners follow'd upon the Victories of Trajan in the East and his Establishment of the Three new Provinces Armenia Assyria and Mesopotamia And tho' Adrian voluntarily relinquish'd these new Acquisitions yet the prodigious Swarms of the Natives who had waited on his Predecessor's Triumphs were still oblig'd to live in Rome in the condition of Slaves The greatest part of the succeeding Princes who found it so hard an Enterprize to defend their own Territories had little leisure or concern to guard the Possessions of the Muses And therefore Claudian in those Verses of his Panegyric on Stilico Hinc prisee redeunt artes felicibus inde Ingeniis aperitur iter despectaque Musâ—e Colla levant is guilty of a grand piece of Flattery in making that Minister the Restorer of Polite Studies when it is plain that in his time under Honorius were the last strugglings of the Roman State The Goths and Vandals who soon carried all before them might easily fright Learning and Sciences off the Stage since they were already so much out of Countenance and thus render the Conquerors of the Universe as Rough and Illiterate as their first Progenitors In this manner the Inundations of the barbarous People prov'd equally fatal to Arts and Empire and Rome herself when she ceas'd to be the Mistress of the World in a little time quite forgot to speak Latin ESSAY II. Of the Roman Education 'T IS an Obvious remark that the strongest Body owes its Vigour in a great Measure to the very Milk it receiv'd in its Infancy and to the first knitting of the Joints That the most stately Trees and the fairest of Herbs and Flowers are beholden for their Shade and Beauty to the Hand that first fixt them in an agreeable Soil An Advantage which if they happen to want they seldom fail to degenerate into Wildness and to assume a Nature quite different from their proper Species Every own knows how to apply the same Observation to Morals who has the Sence to discover it in Naturals Hence the most renown'd People in Story are those whose Law-givers thought it their noblest and most important Work to prescribe Rules for the early Institution of Youth On this Basis Lycurgus founded the glorious Discipline of the Spartans which continued for Five Hundred Years without any considerable Violation The Indian Brachmans had a Strain beyond all the Wit of Greece beginning their Care of Mankind even before the Birth and employing much thought and diligence about the Diet and Entertainment of their breeding Women so far as to furnish them with pleasant Imaginations to compose their Minds and their Sleep with the best Temper during the time that they carried their Burthen (b) Sir Will. Temple's Miscell P. 2. Essay 1. Plutarch severely reprehends the Conduct of Numa that in his settlement of the Roman State he did not in the first Place provide and constitute Rules for the Education of Children and makes the Remissness in this early Discipline the chief Cause of the seditious and turbulent temper of that People and what contributed highly to the Ruine of the Common-Wealth (c) Plutarch Compar of Numa and Lycurg Thus much indeed seems agreed on by all the later Historians that in the looser times of the Empire the shameful Negligence of Parents and Instructors with its necessary Consequence the Corruption and Decay of Morality and good Letters struck a very great blow towards the dissolving of that glorious Fabrick But in the rising Ages of Rome while theiâ— primitive Integrity and Virtue flourish'd with their Arms and Command the training up of Youth was look'd on as a mosâ— Sacred Duty and they thought themselves in the highest Manner Oblig'd to leave fit Successors to the Empire of the World So that upon a short Survey of their whole Method and Discipline from the Birth to the entrance on publick Business they will appear so far to have exceeded the Wisdom and Care of other Nations as to contend for this Glory ever with the ancient Spartans whom Plutarch has magnified 〈◊〉 much beyond them especially if we agree with a very greaâ— Judge that the taking no Care about the Learning but only about the Lives and Manners of Children may be justly thoughâ— a defect in Lycurgus his Institution (d) Arch-Bishop Tillotson's Sermon of Education Quinctilian or Tacitus in the Dialogue de Oratoribus gives an excellent Account of the old way of breeding Children and sets it off with great Advantage by comparing it with the Modern As soon as the Child was born he was not given in charge to an hir'd Nurse to live with her in some pitiful Hole that serv'd for her Lodgings but was brought up in the Lap and Bosom of the Mother who reckon'd it among her chief Commendations to keep the
Adorn'd with Copper Cuts 8 vo Now in the Press An Universal Dictonary explaining all difficult English Words Ancient and Modern as also the Terms used in all Arts and Sciences together with their Etymologies collected from the most esteemed Authors Ancient and Modern and made more accurate and compleat than any hitherto Extant By several Persons particularly learned in the Sciences they undertake to speak of The whole will be digested into Alphabetical Order and contain'd in one entire Volume in Folio The Antiquities of Greece Or an Account of the Religion Civil Government Magistrates Laws Customs Military Discipline Arms publick Buildings Exercises Sports c. of the Ancient Graecians with a Description of the City of Athens c. 8 vo The Lives of the Apostles newly translated out of French PART I. The Original Growth and Decay of the Roman Common-wealth CHAP. I. Of the Building of the CITY WHILE we view the Original of States and Kingdoms the most delightful and surprizing Part of History we easily discern as the first and fairest Prospect the Rise of the Jewish and Roman Common-wealths Of which as the former had the Honour alway to be esteem'd the Favourite of Heaven and the peculiar Care of Divine Providence so the other had very good Pretensions to stile Herself the Darling of Fortune who seem'd to express a more than ordinary Fondness for this her youngest Daughter as if she had design'd the Three former Monarchies purely for a Foil to set off this latter Their own Historians rarely begin without a Fit of Wonder and before they proceed to delineate the glorious Scene give themselves the liberty of standing still some time to admire at a distance For the Founder of the City and Republick Authors have long since agreed on Romulus Son of Rhea Sylvia and Descendant of Aeneas from whom his Pedigree may be thus in short deriv'd Upon the final Ruin and Destruction of Troy by the Grecians Aeneas with a small number of Followers had the good fortune to secure himself by slight His escape was very much countenanc'd by the Enemy inasmuch as upon all occasions he had erpress'd his Inclinations to a Peace and to the restoring of Helâ—â— the unhappy cause of all the Mischief Sailing thus from Treyâ— after a tedious Voyage and great variety of Adventures he aâ—â—riv'd at last at Latium a part of Italy so call'd à latendo oâ—â— from lying bid being the Place that Saturn had chose for his Retirement when expell'd the Kingdom of Crete by his rebellioâ—â— Son Jupiter Here applying himself to the King of the Country at that time Latinus he obtain'd his only Daughter Lavinia 〈◊〉 Marriage and upon the Death of his Father-in-Law was left is possession of the Crown He remov'd the Imperial Seat from Laurentum to Lavinium a City which he had built himself iâ—â— Honour of his Wise And deceasing soon after the Right 〈◊〉 Succession rested in Ascanius whether his Son by a former Wife and the same he brought with him from Troy or another of thaâ— Name which he had by Lavinia Livy leaves undetermin'd Ascanius being under Age the Government was intrusted in the hands of Lavinia But as soon as he was grown up he left his Mother in possession of Lavinium and removing with part of the Men laid the Foundation of a New City along the side of the Mountain Albanus call'd from thence Longa Alba. After him by a Succession of Eleven Princes the Kingdom devolv'd at laâ—â— to Procas Procas at his death left two Sons Numitor and Amulius of whom Amulius over-reaching his elder Brother obligâ—â— him to quit his Claim to the Crown which he thereupon securâ—â— to himself and to prevent all disturbance that might probably arise to him or his Posterity from the elder Family making away with all the Males he constrain'd Numitor's only Daughter Rhea Sylvia to take on her the Habit of a Vestal and consequently a Vow of perpetual Virginity However the Princess was soon after found with Child and deliver'd of two Boys Remulus and Remus The Tyrant being acquainted with the truth immediately condemn'd his Niece to strait Imprisonment and the Infants to be expos'd or carry'd and left in a strange Place where â—was very improbable they should meet with any relief Theâ— Servant who had the Care of this inhuman Office left the Children at the bottom of a Tree by the Bank of the River Tiber in this sad Condition they were casually discover'd by Faustulâ—â— the King's Shepherd who being wholly ignorant of the Plot took the Infants up and carry'd them home to his Wife Laurentia to be â—urs'd with his own Children (a) Lavy lib. 1. This Wife of his had formerly been a common Prostitute call'd in Latin Lupa which Word signifying likewise a She-Wolf gave occasion to the Story of their being nurs'd by such a Beast though some take the Word always in a literal sence and maintain that they really subsisted some time by sucking such a Creature before they had the good Fortune to be reliev'd by Fausâ—uluâ— (b) See Dempster's Notes to R sinus's Antiquities lib. 1. cap. 1. The Boys as they grew up discovering the natural Greatness of their Minds and Thoughts addicted themselves to the generous Exercises of Hunting Racing Taking of Robbers and such-like and always express'd a great Desire of undertaking any Enterprize that appear'd hazardous and noble (c) Plutarch in the Life of Râ—muluâ— Now there happening a Quarrel betwixt the Herdsmen of Numitor and Amuâ—ius the former lighting casually on Remus brought him before their Master to be examin'd Numitor learning from his own mouth the strange Circumstances of his Education and Fortune easily guess'd him to be one of his Grand-sons who had been expos'd He was soon confirm'd in this Conjecture upon the arrival of Faustulus and Romulus when the whole Business being laid open upon Consultation had gaining over to their Party a sufficient number of the disaffected Citizens they contriv'd to surprize Amulius and re-establish Numitor. This Design was soon after very happily put in execution the Tyrant slain and the old King restor'd to a full Enjoyment of the Crown (d) Ibid. and Lavy lib 1. The young Princes had no sooner re-seated their Grand-father in his Throne but they began to think of procuring one for themselves They had higher Thoughts than to take up with the Reversion of a Kingdom and were unwilling to live in Alba because they could not Govern there So taking with them their Foster-father and what others they could get together they began the Foundation of a New City in the same place where in their Infancy they had been brought up (e) Pluterâ—h as before and lavy lib. 1. The first Walls were scarce finish'd when upon a slight Quarrel the occasion of which is variously reported by Historians the younger Brother had the misfortune to be slain Thus the whole Power came into Romulus's hands who carrying on the remainder of the
the Command of the Continent could not satisfie the Roman Courage especially while they saw so delicious an Isle as Sicily almost within their reach They only waited an occasion to pass the Sea when Fortune presented as fair an one as they could wish The Inhabitants of Messina a Sicilian City made grievous Complaints to the Senate of the daily Encroachments of the Carthaginians a People of vast Wealth and Power and that had the same Design on Sicily as the Romans (a) Florus lib. 2. cap. 2. A Fleet was soon Mann'd out to their Assistance and in two Years time no less than Fifty Cities were brought over (b) Eutrop. lib. 2. The entire Conquest of the Island quickly follow'd and Sardinia and Corfica were taken in about the same time by a separate Squadron And now under the Command of Regulus and Manlius the Consuls the War was translated into Africa Three hundred Forts and Castles were destroy'd in their March and the victorious Legions encamp'd under the very Walls of Carthage The Enemy reduc'd to such straits were oblig'd to apply themselves to Xantippus King of the Lacedaemonians the greatest Captain of the Age who immediately march'd to their Assistance with a numerous and well-disciplin'd Army In the very first Engagement with the Romans he entirely defeated their whole Power Thirty thousand were kill'd on the spot and Fifteen thousand with the Consul Regulus taken Prisoners But as good Success always encourag'd the Romans to greater Designs so a contrary Event did but exasperate them the more The new Consuls were immediately dispatch'd with a powerful Navy and a sufficient number of Land-Forces Several Campaignes were now wasted without any considerable Advantage on either side Or if the Romans gain'd any thing by their Victories they generally lost as much by Shipwracks when at last the whole Power of both States being drawn together on the Sea the Carthaginians were finally defeated with the loss of 125 Ships sunk in the Engagement 73 taken 32000 Men kill'd and 13000 Prisoners Upon this they were compell'd to sue for a Peace which after much entreaty and upon very hard Conditions was at last obtain'd (c) Eutrop. lib. 2. But the Carthaginians had too great Spirits to submit to such terrible Terms any longer than their Necessities oblig'd them In four Years time (d) Florus lib. 2. c. 6. they had got together an Army of 150000 Foot and 20000 Horse (e) Eutrop. lib. 3. under the Command of the famous Hannibal who forcing a Way through the Pyrenâ—ean Mountain and the Alpes reputed 'till that time impassable descended with his vast Army into Italy In Four successive Battels he defeated the Roman Forces in the last of which at Cannae 40000 of the latter were kill'd (f) Ibid. And had he not been meerly cast away by the Envy and Ill-will of his own Country-men 't is more than probable that he must have entirely ruin'd the Roman State (g) Cornelius Nepos in vit Hannibal But Supplies of Men and Money being sometimes absolutely deny'd him and never coming but very slowly the Romans had such Opportunities to recruit as they little expected from so experienc'd an Adversary The wise Management of Fabius Maximus was the first Revival of the Roman Cause He knew very well the Strength of the Enemy and therefore march'd against him without intending to hazard a Battel but to wait constantly upon him to straiten his Quarters intercept his Provisions and so make the victorious Army pine away with Penury and Want With this Design he always encamp'd upon the high Hills where the Horse could have no access to him When they march'd he did the same but at such a distance as not to be compell'd to an Engagement By this Policy he so broke Hannibal's Army as to make him absolutely despair of getting any thing in Italy (h) Flutarch in vit Fab. Max. But the conclusion of the War was owing to the Conduct of Scipio He had before reduc'd all Spain into Subjection and now taking the same course as Hannibal at first had done he march'd with the greatest part of the Roman Forces into Africa and carrying all before him to the very Walls of Carthage oblig'd the Enemy to call home their General out of Italy for the Defence of the City Hannibal obey'd and both Armies coming to an Engagement after a long Dispute wherein the Commanders and Soldiers of both Sides are reported to have out-done Themselves the Victory fell to the Romans Whereupon the Enemy were oblig'd once more to suâ—â— for a Peace which was again granted them tho' upon much harder Conditions than before The Romans by the happy conclusion of this War had so highly advanc'd themselves in the Opinion of the Neighbouring States that the Athenians with the greatest part of Greece being at this time miserably enslav'd by King Philip of Macedon unanimously petition'd the Senate for Assistance A Fleet with a sufficient number of Land-Forces was presently dispatch'd to their Relief by whose Valour the Tyrant after several Defeats was compell'd to restore all Greece to their ancient Liberties obliging himself to pay an annual Tribute to the Conquerours (i) Eutrop. lib. 4. Hannibal after his late Defeat had apply'd himself to Antiochus King of Syria who at this time was making great Preparations against the Romans Acilius Glabrio was first sent to oppose him and had the Fortune to give him several Defeats when Cornelius Scipio the Roman Admiral engaging with the King's Forces at Sea under the Command of Hannibal entirely ruin'd the whole Fleet. Which Victory being immediately follow'd by another as signal at Land the effeminate Prince was contented to purchase a Peace at the price of almost half his Kingdom (k) Florus lib. 2 cap. 8. The victorious Romans had scarce concluded the Publick Rejoicings on account of the late Success when the death of King Philip of Macedon presented them with an occasion of a more glorious Triumph His Son Perseus that succeeded resolving to break with the Senate apply'd himself wholly to raising Forces and procuring other Necessaries for a War Never were greater Appearances in the Field than on both sides most of the considerable Princes in the World being engag'd in the Quarrel But Fortune still declar'd for the Romans and the greatest part of Perseus's prodigious Army was cut off by the Consul Aemylius and the King oblig'd to surrender himself into the hands of the Conquerour (l) Vell. Paterc lib. 1. Authors that write of the Four Monarchies here fix the end of the Macedonian Empire But Rome could not think her self secure among all these Conquests while her old Rival Carthage was yet standing So that upon a slight Provocation the City after three Years Siege was taken and utterly rased by the Valour of Publius Scipio Grand-son by Adoption to him that conquer'd Hannibal (m) Ibid. Not long after Attalus King of Pergamus dying without Issue left his vast Territories
they were at last constrain'd to confirm the Election of the Soldiers especially since they had pitch'd upon such an easie Prince as would be wholly at their command and disposal (e) Aurelius Victer de Casâ—ribus in Caligula The Conquest of Britain was the most memorable in his time owing partly to an Expedition that he made in Person but chiefly to the Valour of his Lieutenants Ostorius Scapula Aulus Plautius and Veâ—pasâ—an The bounds of the Empire were in his Reign as followeth Mesopotamia in the East Rhine and Damebe in the North Mauritania in the South and Britain in the West (f) Aurelius Victer de â—â—saribâ—s in Claud. The Roman Arms cannot be suppos'd to have made any considerable Progress under Nero especially when Suctonius tells us he neither hoped nor desir'd the Enlargement of the Empire (g) Sucton in Nerone cap. 18. However Two Countries were in his time reduc'd into Roman Provinces the Kingdom of Pontus and the Cottian Alpes or that part of the Mountains which divides Dauphine and Piedmont Brâ—tain and Aâ—menia were once both lost (h) Idem cap. 40. and not without great difficulty recover'd And indeed his averseness to the Camp made him far more odious to the Soldiers than all his other Vices to the People So that when the Citizens had the Patience to endure him for Fourteen Years the Army under Galba his Lieutenant in Spain were constrain'd to undertake his removal Galba is acknowledg'd on all hands for the great Reformer of Martial Discipline and tho' before his Accession to the Empire he had been famous for his Exploits in Germany and other Parts (i) Sucton in Galb cap. 8. yet the shortness of his Reign hindred him from making any advancements afterwards His Age and Severity were the only causes of his Ruin The first of which rendred him contemptible and the other odious And the Remedy he us'd to appease the Dissatisfactions did but ripen them for Revenge For immediately upon his adopting Piso by which he hop'd to have pacisied the People Otho who had ever expected that Honour and was now enrag'd at his Disappointment (k) Idem cap. 17. upon Application made to the Soldiers easily procur'd the Murder of the old Prince and his adopted Son and by that means was himself advanc'd to the Imperial Dignity About the same time the German Army under Vitellius having an equal Aversion to the old Emperour with those at Rome had sworn Allegiance to their own Commander Otho upon the first notice of their Designs had sent to proffer Vitellius an equal share in the Government with himself (l) Suet. in Othon cap. 8. But all Proposals for an Accommodation being refus'd and himself compell'd as it were to march against the Forces that were sent toward Italy he had the good Fortune to defear them in Three small Engagements But having been worsted in a greater Fight at Bebriacum tho' he had still sufficient strength for carrying on the War and expected daily a Reinforcement from several Parts (m) Ibid. cap. 9. yet he could not by all the Arguments in the World be prevail'd with to hazard another Battle but to end the Contention kill'd himself with his own Hands On this account Historians tho' they represent his Life as the most exact Picture of unmanly Softness yet they generally confess his Death equal to the noblest of Antiquity and the same Author (n) Martial that hath given him the lasting Title of Mollis Otho hath yet set him in Competition with the famous Cato in reference to the last Action of his Life It hath been observ'd of Vitellius that he obtain'd the Empire by the sole Valour of his Lieutenants and lost it purely on his own account His extream Luxury and Cruelty were for this Reason the more detestable because he had been advanc'd to that Dignity under the notion of the Patron of his Country and the Restorer of the Rights and Liberties of the People Within eight Months time the Provincial Armies had unanimously agreed on Vespasian (o) Sueton. in Vitel. cap. 15. for their Emperour and the Tyrant after he had been strangely mangled by the extream Fury of the Soldiers and Rabble was at last dragg'd into the River Tiber (p) Id. ibid. cap. 17. The Republick was so far from making any advancement under the disturbances of the Three last Reigns that she must necessarily have felt the fatal Consequences of them had she not been seasonably reliev'd by the happy management of Vespasian 'T was an handsom turn of some of his Friends when by order of Caligula his Bosom had by way of Punishment been stuff'd with Dirt to put this Interpretation on the Accident that the Commonwealth being miserably abus'd and even trodden under Foot should hereafter fly to his Bosom for Protection (q) Sueton. in Vespas cap. 5. And indeed he seems to have made it his whole Care and Design to reform the Abuses of the City and State occasion'd by the licentiousness of the late times Nine Provinces he added to the Empire (r) Eutrop. lib. 7. and was so very exact in all circumstances of his Life and Conduct that one who hath examin'd them both with all the niceness imaginable can find nothing in either that deserves reprehension except an immoderate desire of Riches (Å¿) Id. ibid. cap. 16. And he covertly excuseth him for this by extolling at the same time hâ—s extraordinary Magnificence and Liberality (t) Id. ibid. cap. 17 18. But perhaps he did not more oblige the World by his own Reign than by leaving so admirable a Successor as his Son Titus the only Prince in the World that hath the Character of never doing an ill Action He had given sufficient proof of his Courage in the famous Siege of Jerusalem and might have met with as good Success in other parts had he not been prevented by an untimely death to the universal grief of Mankind But then Domitian so far degenerated from the Two excellent Examples of his Father and Brother as to seem more emulous of copying Nero or Caligula However as to Martial Affairs he was as happy as most of his Predecessors having in Four Expeditions subdued the Catti Daci and the Sarmatians and extinguish'd a Civil War in the first beginning (u) Sucton in Demit cap. 6. By this means he had so entirely gain'd the Affections of the Soldiers that when we meet with his nearest Relations and even his very Wife engag'd in his Murder (w) Id. ibid. cap. 14. yet we find the Army so extremely dissatisfied as to have wanted only a Leader to revenge his Death (x) Id. ibid. cap. 23. CHAP. VI. Of the Roman Affairs from Domitian to the end of Constantine the Great THE Two following Emperours have been deservedly stiled The Restorers of the Roman Grandeur which by reason of the Viciousness or Negligence of the former Princes had been extremely impair'd Nerva
tho' a Person of extraordinary Courage and Vertue yet did not enjoy the Empire long enough to be on any other account so memorable as for substituting so admirable a Successor in his room as Trajan 'T was he that for the Happiness which attended his Undertakings and for his just and regular Administration of the Government hath been set in Competition even with Romulus himself 'T was he that advanc'd the Bounds of the Empire farther than all his Predecessors reducing into Roman Provinces the Five vast Countries of Dacia Assyria Armenia Mesopotamia and Arabia (a) Eutrop. lib. 8. And yet his prudent management in Peace hath been generally preferr'd to his Exploits in War His Justice Candour and Liberality having gain'd him such an universal Esteem and Veneration that he was even Deified before his Death Adrian's Character hath generally more of the Scholar than the Soldier Upon which account as much as out of Evny to his Predecessor he slighted Three of the Provinces that had been taken in by Trajan and was contented to fix the bounds of the Empire at the River Euphrates (b) Eutrop. lib. 8. But perhaps he is the first of the Roman Emperours that ever took a Circuit round his Dominions as we are assur'd he did (c) Ib. ibid. Antoninus Plus studied more the defence of the Empire than the Enlargement of it However his admirable Prudence and strict Reformation of Manners rendred him perhaps as serviceable to the Commonwealth as the greatest Conquerours The Two Antonini Marcus and Lucius were they that made the first Division of the Empire They are both famous for a successful Expedition against the Parthians And the former who was the longest River is especially remarkable for his extraordinary Learning and strict Profession of Stoicism whence he hath obtain'd the Name of The Philosopher Commodus was as noted for all manner of Extravagancies as his Father had been for the contrary Vertues and after a very short Enjoyment of the Empire was murder'd by one of his Mistresses (d) Zozimus Hist lib. 1. Pertinax too was immediately cut off by the Soldiers who found him a more rigid Exactor of Discipline than they had been lately us'd to And now claiming to themselves the Privilege of chusing an Emperour they fairly expos'd the Dignity to sale (e) Ibid. Didius Julian was the highest Bidder and was thereupon invested with the Honour But as he only expos'd himself to Ridicule by such a mad Project so he was in an instant made away with in hopes of another Bargain Zozimus makes him no better than a sort of an Emperour in a Dream (f) Ibid. But the Roman Valour and Discipline were in a great Measure restor'd by Severus Besides a famous Victory over the Parthians the old Enemies of Rome he subdu'd the greatest part of Peâ—sia and Arabia and marching into this Island Britain deliver'd the poor Natives from the miserable Tyranny of the Scots and Picts which an excellent Historian (g) Aeâ—â—us Spartia in Severe calls the greatest Honour of his Reign Antoninus Caracalla had as much of a martial Spirit in him as his Father but died before he could design any thing memorable except an Expedition against the Parthians which he had just undertaken Opilius Macrinus and his Son Diadumen had made very little noise in the World when they were cut off without much disturbance to make room for Heliogabalus Son of the late Emperour If he was extremely pernicious to the Empire by his extravagant Debaucheries his Successor Alexander Severus was as serviceable to the State in restoring Justice and Discipline His noblest Exploit was an Expedition against the Persians in which he overcame their famous King Xerxes (h) Eutrop. lib. 8. Maximin the first that from a common Soldier aspir'd to the Empire was soon taken off by Puplenus and he with his Collegue Balbinus quickly follow'd leaving the supreme command to Gordian a Prince of great Valour and Fortune and who might probably have extinguish'd the very Name of the Persians (i) Pompon Laetus in Gordian had he not been treacherously murderâ—d by Philip who within a very little time suffer'd the like Fortune himself Decius in the former part of his Reign had been very successful against the Sâ—ythians and other barbarous Nations but was at last kill'd together with his Son in an unfortunate Engagement (k) Idem in Decio But then Gallus not only struck up a shameful League with the Barbarians but suffer'd them to over-run all Tâ—â—ace Thessaly Macedon Greece (l) Idem in Gallo c. They were just threarning Italy when his Successor Aemylian chas'd them off with a prodigious Slaughter And upon his Promotion to the Empire promisâ—d the Senate to recover all the Roman Territories that had been entirely lost and to clear those that were over-run (m) Idem ibid. But he was prevented after Three Months Reign by the common Fate of the Emperours of that time After him Valerian was so unfortunate as to lose the greâ—test part of his Army in an Expedition against the Persians and to be kept Prisoner himself in that Country till the time of his Death (n) Idem in Valeriano Upon the taking of Valerian by the Persians the Management of Affairs was committed to his Son Gallienus a Prince so extreamly negligent and vicious as to become the equal Scorn and Contempt of both Sexes (o) Frebell Pollio in Tripinia Tyran The loosness of his Government gave occasion to the Usurpation of the Thirty Tyrants of whom some indeed truly deserv'd that Name others were Persons of greaâ— Courage and Vertue and very serviceable to the Common-wealth (p) Idem in Gallâ—â—â— In his time the Almaigns after they had wasted alâ— Gaul broke into Italy Dacia which had been gain'd by Trajan was entirely lost all Greece Macedon Pontus and Asia over-run by the Goths The Germans too had proceeded as far as Spain and taken the famous City Taâ—raco now Tarragona in Cattalonia (q) Eâ—trep lib. 9. This desperate state of Affairs was in some measure redress'd by the happy Conduct of Claudius who in less than two Years time routed near Three hundred thousand Barbarians and put an entire end to the Gothick War Nor were his other Accomplishments inferiour to his Valour an elegant Historian (r) Trebell Pollio in Claudâ—â— having sound in him the Vertue of Trajan the Piety of Antoninus and the Moderation of Augustus Quintilius was in all respects comparable to his Brother whom he succeeded not on account of his Relation but his Merits (Å¿) Ibid. But reigning only seventeen Days 't is impossible he could do any thing more than raise an Expectation in the World If any of the Barbarians were left within the Bounds of the Empire by Claudius Aurelian entirely chas'd them out In one single War he is reported to have kill'd a thousand of the Sarmatians with his own Hands (t) Fâ—avius Vopisc in
Valentinian soon after compell'd his Widow Eudoxia to accepâ— of him as a Husband when the Empress entertaining a mortaâ— Hatred for him on many accounts sent to Genseric a famous King of the Vandals and a Confederate of the late Emperour's desiring his assistance for the Deliverance of herself and the City from the Usurpation of the Tyrant Genseric easily obey'd and landing with a prodigious Army in Italy entred Rome without any opposition where contrary to his Oath and Promise he seiz'd on all the Wealth and carry'd it with several thousands of the Inhabitants into Africk (e) Paul Diacoâ— Evagrius Hist Eccles lib. 2 cap. 7. Avitus the General in Gaul was the next that took upon him the Name of Emperour which he resign'd within eight Months (f) â—d Ibid. Majorianus succeeded and after three Years left the Honour to Severus or Severian who had the Happiness after four Years Reign to die a natural Death (g) Paul Diacon lib. 16. After him Anthemius was elected Emperour who lost his Life and Dignity in a Rebellion of his Son-in-Law Ricimer (h) Ibid. And then Olybrius was sent from Constantinople too with the same Authority but died within seven Months (i) Ibid. Liarius or Glycerius who had been elected in his room by the Soldiers was immediately almost depos'd by Nepos and he himself quickly after by Orestes (k) Jâ—â—â—andes de Regn Success who made his Son Augustus or Augustulus Emperour And now Odoacer King of the Heruli with an innumerable multitude of the barbarous Nations ravaging all Italy approach'd to Rome and entring the City without any resistance and deposing Augustulus fecur'd the Imperial Dignity to himself And tho' he was forc'd afterwards to give place to Theodoric the Goth yet the Romans had never after the least Command in Italy ROMA ANTIQUA 1. T. Iouis Capitolinus 2. T. Vestae 3. T. Pacis 4. T. Romae 5. T. Faustinae 6. T. Saturni 7. T. Iouis Statoris 8. Ar. Sâ—â—â—ri Boarij 9. Seâ—â—â—â—â—nâ—â—i Sâ—uâ—ri 10. Insula Tiberina oâ—im Iouis Iâ—caonij 11. T. Fortunae Virilis 12. P. Portumni 13. Alâ—ta Sudans 14. Arcus Domiâ—iani 15. Arcus Gordiani 16. Aâ—marci â—t Veri 17. Ther Alaâ—â—â—â— 18. Th Neâ—â—â—â—â— 19. Toriâ— at T. 〈◊〉 20. Curia Hoâ—â—â— 21. Basilica Alâ—â—â— 22. Basil Aâ—â—â—â—â— 23. Pons Iaâ—â—â—â—â— 24. Pons Palâ—â—â— 25. Basil Augâ—â—â— 26. T. Nâ—rt 〈◊〉 27. Basil Al. Sâ—â—â— 28. Pal. August Part 2. Book I. Of the City Chap. 1. Of the Pomoerium and of the Form and Bigness of the City according to the Seven Hills BEFORE we come to please our selves with a particular View of the City we must by all means take notice of the Pomoerium for the Singularity to which it ow'd its Original Livy defines the Pomoerium in general to be that space of Ground both within and without the Walls which the Augurs at the first Building of Cities solemâ—ly consecrated and on which no Edifices were suffer'd to be rais'd (a) Livy lib. 1. But the account which Plutarch gives us of this matter in reference to Rome it self is sufficient to satisfie our Curiosity and is deliver'd by him to this purpose Romulus having sent for some of the Tuscans to instruct him in the Ceremonies to be observ'd in laying the Foundations of his New City the Work was begun in this manner First They dug a Trench and threw into it the First-Fruits of all Things either good by Custom or necessary by Nature and every Man taking a small Turff of Earth of the Country from whence he came they all cast them in promiscuously together Making this Trench their Centre they describ'd the City in a Cirdâ— round it Then the Founder sitted to a Plough a brazen Ploughâ—share and yoaking together a Bull and a Cow drew a deâ—â— Line or Furrow round the Bounds those that follow'd after taâ—king care that all the Clods fell inwards toward the City Theâ—â— built the Wall upon this Line which they call'd Pomoerium froâ—â— Ponâ— Moenia (b) Plutatch in Romul 'T is remarkable that the same Ceremony with which thâ— Foundations of their Cities were at first laid they us'd too in destroying and rasing Places taken from the Enemy which we finâ— was begun by the Chief Commander's turning up some of thâ—â— Wall with a Plough (c) Dempster Paralipom to Rosin lib. 1. cap. 3. As to the Form and Bigness of the City we must follow thâ—â— common Direction of the Seven Hills whence came the Phrasâ— of Vrbs Septicollis and the like so frequent with the Poets Of these Mons Palatinus has ever had the Preference whether so call'd from the People Palantes or Palatini or from thâ— Bleating and Strolling of Cattel in Latin Balare and Palare 〈◊〉 from Pales the Pastoral Goddess or from the Burying-place 〈◊〉 Pallas we find disputed and undetermin'd among their Authors 'T was in this Place that Romulus laid the Foundations of the Cinâ—â— in a quadrangular Form and here the same King and Tullâ—â— Hostilius kept their Courts as did afterwards Augustus and aâ—â— the succeeding Emperours on which account the Word Palatium came to signifie a Royal Seat (d) Râ—sin Antiq. lib. 1. cap. 4. This Hill to the East has Mons Coelius to the South Mons Avertinus to the West Mons Capitolinus to the North the Forum (e) Fabricii Roma cap. 3 In compass Twelve hundred Paces (f) Marlian Topograph Antiqâ— Roma lib. 1. cap. 1. Mons Tarpeius took its Name from Tarpeia a Roman Virgin who betray'd the City to the Sabines in this Place (g) Plutarch in Remul It was call'd too Mons Saturni and Saturnius in Honour of Saturn who is reported to have liv'd here in his Retirement and was ever reputed the Tutelar Deity of this Part of the City It had afterwards the Denomination of Capitolinus from the Head of a Man casually found here in digging for the Foundations of the famous Temple of Jupiter (h) Liv. lib. 1. cap. 55. callâ—d Capitolium for the same reason This Hill was added to the City by Titus Tatius King of the Sabines when having been first overcome in the Field by Romulus he and his Subjects were permitted to incorporate with the Romans (i) Dionysâ—â—â—â— It has to the East Mons Palatinus and the Forum to the South the Tiber to the West the level Part of the City to the North Collis Quirinalis (k) Fabricii Roma Cap. 3. In compass seven Stadia or Furlongs (l) Marlian lib. 1. cap. 1. Collis Quirinalis was so call'd either from the Temple of Quirinus another Name of Romulus or more probably from the Curetes a People that remov'd hither with Tatius from Cures a Sabine City (m) Sext. Pomp. Festus It afterwards chang'd its Name to Caballus Mons Caballi and Caballinus from the two Marble Horses with each a Servant to hold him by the Bridle which are set up here They are still standing and if the Inscription
on the Pilasters be true were the Work of Phidias and Praxiteles (n) Fabricii Roma cap. 3. This Hill was added to the City by Numa (o) Dionys Halicarn lib. 2. To the East it has Mons Esquilinus and Mons Viminalis to the South the Forums of Caesar and Nerva to the West the level Part of the City to the North Collis Hortulorum and the Campus Martius (p) Fabricis Roma cap. 3. In compass almost three Miles (q) Marlian lib. 1. cap. 1. Mons Coelius owes its Name to Coelius or Coeles a famous Tuscan General who pitch'd his Tents here when he came to the assistance of Romulus against the Sabines (r) Varro de Ling. Lat. Lib. 4. Livy (Å¿) Lib. 1. cap. 30. and Dionysius (t) Lib. 3. attribute the taking of it in to Tullus Hostilius but Strabo (u) Geograph lib. 5. to Ancus Martius The other Names by which it was sometimes known were Querculanus or Quercetulanus and Augustus The first occasion'd by the abundance of Oaks growing there the other impos'd by the Emperour Tiberius when he had rais'd new Buildings upon it after a Fire (w) Tacit. Ann. 4. Suet. in Tib. cap. 48. One part of this Hill was call'd Coeliolus and Minor Coelius (x) Fabricii Roma cap. 3. To the East it has the City-Walls to the South Mons Aventinus to the West Mons Palatinus to the North Mons Esquilinus (y) Ibid. In compass about two Miles and a half (z) Marlian lib. 1. cap. 1. Mons Esquilinus was anciently call'd Cispius and Oppius (a) Fabricii Roma cap. 3. the Name of Esquilinus was varied for the easier pronounciation from Exquilinus a Corruption of Excubinus ab excubiis from the Watch that Romulus kept here (b) Vid. Propert. lib. 2. Eleg. 8. It was taken in by Servius Tullius (c) Liv. lib. 1. cap. 44. who had here his Royal Seat (d) Ibid. Varro will have the Esquiliae to be properly Two Mountains (e) De Ling. Latin lib. 4. which Opinion has been since approv'd of by a curious Observer (f) Marlian lib. 1. cap. 1. To the East it has the City Walls to the South the Via Labicana to the West the Valley lying between Mons Coelius and Mons Palatinus to the North Collis Viminalis (g) Fabricii Roma cap. 3. In Compass about four Miles (h) Marlian lib. 1. cap. 1. Mons Viminalis derives its Name from the * Vimina Osiers that grow there in great Plenty This Hill was taken in by Servius Tullius (i) Dionys lib. 4. To the East it has the Campus Esquilinus and to the South part of the Suburra and the Forum to the West Mons Quirinalis to the North the Vallis Quirinalis (k) Fabricii Roma cap. 3. In Compass Two Miles and an half (l) Marlian lib. 1. cap. 1. The Name of Mons Aventinus has given great Cause of Dispute among the Criticks some deriving the Word from Aventinus an Alban King (m) Varro de Ling. Lat. lib. 4. some from the River Avens (n) Ibid. and others Ab avibus from the Birds which us'd to fly hither in great Flocks from the Tiber (o) Ibid. It was call'd too Murcius from Murcia the Goddess of Sleep who had here a Sacellum or little Temple (p) Sext. Pomp. Festus Collis Dianae from the Temple of Diana (q) Martial and Remonius from Remus who would have had the City begun in this place and was here buried (r) Plutarch in Romal A. Gellius affirms (s) Lib. 13. cap. 14. that this Hill being all along reputed Sacred was never inclos'd within the Bounds of the City 'till the time of Claudius But Eutropius (t) Lib. 1. expresly attributes the taking of it in to Ancus Maritius and an old Epigram inserted by Caspinian in his Comment on Cassiodorus confirms the same To the East it has the City Walls to the South the Campus Figulinus to the West the Tiber to the North Mons Palatinus (u) Fabricii Roma cap. 3. In Circuit eighteen Stadia or Two Miles and a quarter (w) Marlian lib. 1. cap 1. Besides these Seven principal Hills Three other of inferiour note were taken in in later times Collis Hortulorum or Hortorum had its Name from the famous Gardens of Sallust adjoining to it (x) Rosin lib. 1. cap. 11. It was afterwards call'd Pincius from the Pincii a Noble Family who had here their Seat (y) Ibid. The Emperour Aurelian first inclos'd it within the City Walls (z) Ibid. To the East and South it has the plainest part of Mons Quirinalis to the West the Vallis Martia to the North the Walls of the City (a) Fabricii Roma cap. 3. In Compass about Eighteen Stadia (b) Marlian lib 1. câ—p 1. Janiculum or Janicularis was so call'd either from an old Town of the same Name said to have been built by Janus Or because Janus dwelt and was buried here (c) Rosin lib. 1. cap. 11. Or because 't was a sort of * Janua Gate to the Romans whence they issu'd out upon the Tuscans (d) Festus The Sparkling Sands have at present given it the Name of Mons aureus and by corruption Montorius (e) Fabricii Roma cap. 3. We may make Two Observations about this Hill from one Epigram of Martial That 't is the fittest place to take ones Standing for a full Prospect of the City and that 't is less inhabited than the other Parts by reason of the grossness of the Air (f) Marlial Epig. lib. 4. Ep. 64. It is still famous for the Sepulchres of Numa and Statius the Poet (g) Fabricii Rom. lib 1. cap. 3. To the East and South it has the Tiber to the West the Fields to the North the Vatican (h) Ibid. In circuit as much of it as stands within the City Walls Five Stadia (i) Marlian lib. 1. cap. 1. Mons Vaticanus owes its Name to the Answers of the Vates or Prophets that us'd to be given here or from the God Vaticanus or Vagitanus (k) 〈◊〉 It seems not to have been inclos'd within the Walls 'till the time of Aurelian This Hill was formerly famous for the Sepulchre of Scipio Africanus some Remains of which are still to be seen (l) Warcup's Hist of Italy Book 2. But it is more celebrated at present on the account of St. Peter's Church the Pope's Palace and the noblest Library in the World To the East it has the Campus Vatioanus and the River to the South the Janiculum to the West the Campus Figulinus or Potters Field to the North the Prata Quintia (m) Fabricii Roma cap. 3. It lies in the shape of a Bow drawn up very high the convex Part stretching almost a Mile (n) Marlian lib. 1. cap. 1. As to the extent of the whole City the greatest we meet with in History was in the
Reign of Valerian who enlarg'd the Walls to such a Degree as to surround the space of Fifty Miles (o) Vopâ—sâ—â— in Aâ—râ—â—tano The number of Inhabitants in its flourishing State Lipsius computes at Four Millions (p) De Magnitud Roman At present the compass of the City is not above Thirteen Miles (q) Fabricii Roma cap. 2. CHAP. II. Of the Division of the City into Tribes and Regions And of the Gates and Bridges ROMVLVS divided his little City into Three Tribes and Servius Tullius added a fourth which division continu'd 'till the time of Augustus 'T was he first appointed the Fourteen Regions or Wards An Account of which with the number of Temples Baths c. in every Region may be thus taken from the accurate Panvinius REGION I. PORTA CAPENA Streets 9. Luci 3. Temples 4. Aedes 6. Publick Baths 6. Arches 4. Barns 14. Mills 12. Great Houses 121. The whole Compass 13223 Feet REGION II. COELIMONTIVM Streets 12. Luci 2. Temples 5. The Publick Baths of the City Private Baths So. The Great Shambles Barns 23. Mills 23. Great Houses 133. The Compass 13200 Feet REGION III. ISIS and SERAPIS Streets 8. Temples 2. The Amphitheatre of Vespasian The Baths of Titus Trajan and Philip. Barns 29 or 19. Mills 23. Great Houses 160. The Compass 12450 Feet REGION IV. VIA SACRA or TEMPLVM PACIS Streets 8. Temples 10. The Colossus of the Sun 120 Foot high The Arches of Titus Severus and Constantine Private Baths 75. Barns 18. Mills 24. Great Houses 138. The Compass 14000 or as some say only 8000 Feet REGION V. ESQVILINA Streets 15. Luci 8. Temples 6. Aedes 5. Private Baths 75. Barns 23. Mills 22. Great Houses 180. The Compass 15950 Feet REGION VI. ACTA SEMITA Streets 12 or 13. Temples 15. Portico's 2. Circi 2. Fora 2. Private Baths 75. Barns 19. Mills 23. Great Houses 155. The Compass 15600 Feet REGION VII VIA LATA Streets 40. Temples 4. Private Baths 75. Arches 3. Mills 17. Barns 25. Great Houses 120. The Compass 23700 Feet REGION VIII FORVM ROMANVM Streets 12. Temples 21. Private Baths 66. Aedes 10. Portico's 9. Arches 4. Fora 7. Curiae 4. Basilicae 7. Columns 6. Barns 18. Mills 30. Great Houses 150. The Compass 14867 Feet REGION IX CIRCVS FLAMINIVS Streets 30. Temples 8. Aedes 20. Portico's 12. Circi 2. Theatres 4. Basilicae 3. Curiae 2. Thermae 5. Arches 2. Columns 2. Mills 32. Barns 32. Great Houses 189. The Compass 30560 Feet REGION X. PALATIVM Streets 7. Temples 10. Aedes 9. Theatre 1. Curiae 4. Private Baths 15. Mills 12. Barns 16. Great Houses 109. The Compass 11600 Feet REGION XI CIRCVS MAXIMVS Streets 8. Aedes 22. Private Baths 15. Barns 16. Mills 12. Great Houses 189. The Compass 11600 Feet REGION XII PISCINA PVBLICA Streets 12. Aedes 2. Private Baths 68. Barns 28. Mills 25. Great Houses 128. The Compass 12000 Feet REGION XIII AVENTINVS Streets 17. Luci 6. Temples 6. Private Baths 74. Barns 36. Mills 30. Great Houses 155. The Compass 16300 Feet REGION XIV TRANSTIBERINA Streets 23. Aedes 6. Private Baths 136. Barns 22. Mills 32. Great Houses 150. The Compass 33409 Feet As to the Gates Romulus built only Three or as some will have it Four at most But as Buildings were enlarg'd the Gates were accordingly multiplied so that Pliny tells us there were Thirty four in his time The most remarkable were Porta Flumentana so call'd because if stood near the River Porta Flaminâ—a owing its Name to the Flaminian Way which begins there Porta Carmentalis built by Romulus and so call'd from Carmenta the Prophetess Mother of Evander Porta Naevia which Varro derives à nemoribus from the Woods which formerly stood near it Porta Saliana deriving its Name from the Salt which the Sabines us'd to bring in at that Gate from the Sea to supply the City Porta Capena call'd so from Capena an old City of Italy to which the way laid through this Gate It is sometimes call'd Appia from Appius the Censor and Triumphalis from the Triumphs in which the Procession commonly pass'd under here and Fontinalis from the Aquaeducts which were rais'd over it Whence Juvenal calls it Madida Capena and Martial Capena grandi Porta quae pluit guttâ The Tiber was pass'd over by Eight Bridges the Names of which are thus set down by Marlian Milvius Aelius Vaticanus Janiculensis Cestius Fabricius Palatinus and Sublicius CHAP. III. Of the Places of Worship particularly of the Temples and Luci. BEFORE we proceed to take a view of the most remarkable places set a-part for the Celebration of Divine Service it may be proper to make a short Observation about the general Names under which we meet with them in Authors Templum then was a place which had not been only dedicated to some Deity but withal formally consecrated by the Augurs Aedes Sacrâ— were such as wanted that Consecration which if they afterwards receiv'd they chang'd their Names to Temples Delubrum according to Servius was a place that under one Roof comprehended several Deities Aelicula is only a diminutive and signifies no more than a little Aedes Sacellum may be deriv'd the same way from Aedes Sacra Festus tells us 't is a place sacred to the Gods without a Roof 'T were endless to reckon up but the bare Names of all the Temples we meet with in Authors The most celebrated on all accounts were the Capitel and the Pantheon CAPITOLIUM Templ PANTHEON vulgo Rotunda The Capitol or Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus was the effect of a Vow made by Tarquinius Priscus in the Sabine War (a) Liv. lib. 1. But he had scarce laid the Foundations before his death His Nephew Tarquin the Proud finish'd it with the Spoils taken from the neighbouring Nations (b) Ibid. But upon the expulsion of the Kings the Consecration was perform'd by Horatius the Consul (c) Plutarch in Poplicol The Structure stood on a high Ridge taking in Four Acres of Ground The Front was adorn'd with Three Rows of of Pillars the other sides with Two (d) Dionys Halicar The Ascent from the Ground was by an hundred Steps (e) Tacitus The prodigious Gifts and Ornaments with which it was at several times endow'd almost exceed belief Suetonius (f) In August cap. 30. tells us that Augustus gave at one time Two thousand pound weight of Gold and in Jewels and precious Stones to the value of Five hundred Sesterces Livy and Pliny (g) Liv. lib. 10 35 38. Plmy lib. 33 c. surprize us with Accounts of the brazen Thresholds the noble Pillars that Sylla remov'd hither from Athens out of the Temple of Jupiter Olympius the gilded Roof the gilded Shields and those of solid Silver the huge Vessels of Silver holding Three Measures the Golden Chariot c. This Temple was first consum'd by sire in the Marian War and then rebuilt by Sylla who dying before the Dedication left that Honour to Quintus Catulus This
derive their Name from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hunger But this I take to be but a trifling Fancy for we may as well derive Potitii from Potiri because they enjoy'd the Entrails as Pinarii from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because they wanted them We meet with something very remarkable of the Potitii in Livy (f) Lib. G. and Valerius Maximus (g) Lib. 1. cap. 1. That when upon application made to Appius Claudius the Censor they got leave to have their Hereditary Ministry discharg'd by Servants in the Compass of one Year the whole Family was entirely extinct tho' no less than Thirty of them were lusty young Men. And Appius Claudius lost his Eyes as a Judgment for his part in the Offence Acca Laurentia Romulus his Nurse had a custom once a Year to make a solemn Sacrifice for a Blessing upon the Fields Her Twelve Sons assisting her always in the Solemnity At last she had the ill Fortune to lose one of her Sons when Romulus to shew his Gratitude and Respect offer'd himself to fill up the number in his Room and gave the Company the Name of Fratres Arvales This Order was in great repute at Rome they held the Dignity always for their Lives and never lost it upon account of imprisonment banishment or any other Accident (h) Plin. lib. 17. cap. 2. They wore on their Heads at the time of the Solemnity Crowns made of Ears of Corn upon a Tradition that Laurentia at first presented Romulus with such an one (i) Pompon Laâ—uâ— de Saâ—â—delus Some will have it that it was their Business to take care of the Boundaries and the divisions of Lands and to decide all Controversies that might happen about them Others make a different Order instituted for that purpose and call'd Sodales Arvales on the same account as the Fratres Arvales CHAP. III. Of the Augurs Auguries c. THE invention of Soothsaying is generally attributed to the Chaldeans from them the Art pass'd to the Grecians the Grecians deliver'd it to the Tuscans and they to the Latins and the Romans The Name of the Augurs is deriv'd by some ab avium gestu by others ab avium garritu Either from the Motion and Actions or from the Chirping and Chattering of Birds Romulus was himself an extraordinary Proficient in this Art (a) Plutarch in Rom. and therefore as he divided his City into Three Tribes so he constituted Three Augurs One for every Tribe There was a fourth added some time after probably by Servius Tullius who encreas'd the Tribes to that number These Four being all chosen out of the Patricii or Nobility in the Year of the City 454 the Tribunes of the People with much difficulty procur'd an Order that Five Persons to be elected out of the Commons should be added to the College (b) Livy lib. 10. Afterwards Sylla the Dictator A. V. C. 671. made the number up Fifteen (c) Florus Epitom Liv. lib. 89. The eldest of these had the command of the rest and was honour'd with the Title of Magister Collegii (d) Alex. ab Alex. lib. 5. cap. 19. Their business was to interpret Dreams Oracles Prodigies c. And to tell whether any Action should be fortunate or prejudicial to any particular Persons or to the whole Common-wealth Upon this account they very often occasion'd the displacing of Magistrates the deferring of Publick Assemblies c. when ever the Omens prov'd unlucky There are Five sorts of Auguries mention'd in Authors 1. From the Appearances in Heaven as Thunder Lightning Comets and other Meteors As suppose of Thunder Whether it came from the Right or the Left the Left in this and all other Observations being reputed Fortunate the Right the contrary Whether the number of Stroaks were even or odd c. Only the Master of the College could take this sort of Augury (e) Alex ab Alex. lib. 5. cap. 19. 2. From Birds whence they had the Name of Auspices of avis and conspicio Some Birds furnish'd them with Observations from their chattering or singing others from their flying The former they call'd Oscines the latter Praepetes Of the first sort were Crows Pies Owls c. Of the other Eagles Vultures Buzzards and the like For the taking of both these sort of Auguries the Observer stood upon a Tower with his Head cover'd in a Gown peculiar to his Office call'd â—â—â—na and turning his Face toward the East mark'd out the Heavens into Four Templa or Quarters with his Lituus a short straight Rod only a little turning in at one end This done he staid waiting for the Omen which never signified any thing unless confirm'd by another of the same sort 3. From Chickens kept in a Coop or Pen for this purpose The manner of divining from them was as follows Betimes in the Morning the Augur that was to make the Observation call'd from hence Pullarius tho' perhaps the Keeper of the Chickens had rather that Name in the first place commanding a general Silence order'd the Pen to be open'd and threw down a handful of Crumbs or Corn. If the Chickens did not immediately run fluttering to the Meat if they scatter'd it with their Wings if they went by without taking notice of it or if they flew away the Omen was reckon'd unfortunate and to portend nothing but danger or mischance But if they leap'd presently out of the Pen and fell to so greedily as to let some of their Meat drop out of their Mouths upon the Pavement there was all the assurance in the World of Happiness and Success (f) Idem lib. 1. cap â—9 This Augury was call'd Tripudium quasi Terri-pavium from striking the Earth The old Word pavire signifying as much as Ferire We meet with Tripudium Sollistimum and Tripudium Sonivium in Festus both deriv'd from the Crumbs falling to the Ground 4. From Beasts These as Rofinus reckons them up were Wolves Foxes Goats Heifers Asses Rams Hares Weesels and Mice The general Observations about them were Whether they appear'd in a strange place or cross'd the way or whether they run to the Right or the Left c. 5. The last sort of Divination was from what they call'd Dirce or unusual Accidents to any Person or Place As Sneezing Stumbling seeing Apparitions hearing strange Voices the falling of Salt upon the Table the spilling of Wine upon ones Clothes the meeting a Wolf a Fox a Hare a Bitch with Puppy c. We may observe that tho' any Augur might take an Observation yet the judging of the Omen was left to the decision of the whole College (g) Alex. ab Alex. lib. 1. cap. 29. Cicero hath sufficiently expos'd these Auguries especially that about the Chickens in his second Book of Divination CHAP. IV. Of the Haruspices and Pontifices THE Haruspices had this Name ab aris aspiciendis from looking upon the Altars as ab extis inspiciendis they were call'd Extispices They owe
their Original to Romulus who borrow'd the Institution from the Tuscans The Tuscans receiv'd it as the general Tradition goes from a Boy that they plough'd up casually out of the Ground who oblig'd them with a discovery of all the Mysteries belonging to this Art (a) Cicero de Divinat lib. 2. At first only the Natives of Tuscany exercis'd this Office at Rome and therefore the Senate made an Order That Twelve of the Sons of the principal Noblity should be sent into that Country to be instructed in the Rites and Ceremonies of their Religion of which this Secret was a chief part (b) Idem de Divinat lib. 1. The business of the Haruspices was to look upon the Beasts offer'd in Sacrifice and by them to divine the success of any Enterprize They took their Observations from Four Appearances 1. From the Beasts before they were cut up 2. From the Entrails of those Beasts after they were cut up 3. From the Flame that us'd to rise when they were burning 4. From the Flower or Bran from the Frankincense Wine and Water that they us'd in the Sacrifice In the Beasts before they were cut up they took notice Whether they were forc'd to be dragg'd to the Altar Whether they got loose out of the Leader's Hands Whether they escap'd the the stroke or bounded up and roar'd very loud when they receiv'd it Whether they died with a great deal of difficulty all which with several other Omens were counted unfortunate Or whether on the other side they follow'd the Leader without Compulsion receiv'd the Blow without struggling and resistance Whether they died easily and sent out a great quantity of Blood which gave the like assurance of a prosperous event In the Beast when cut up they observ'd the colour of the parts and whether any were wanting A double Liver was counted highly unfortunate A little or a lean Heart was always unlucky If the Heart was wholly missing nothing could be thought more fatal and dreadful as it happen'd in Two Oxen together offer'd by Julius Caesar a little before his Murder if the Entrails fell out of the Priests Hands if they were dawb'd more than ordinary with Blood if they were of a pale livid colour they portended sudden danger and ruin As to the Flame of the Sacrifice it furnish'd them with a good Omen if it gather'd up violently and presently consum'd the Sacrifice If it was clear pure and transparent without any mixture of Smoak and not discolour'd with red pale or black if it was quiet and calm not sparkling or crackling but run up directly in the shape of a Pyramid On the contrary it always portended Misfortunes if at first it requir'd much pains to light it if it did not burn upright but rowl'd into Circles and left void spaces between them if it did not presently catch hold on the whole Sacrifice but crept up by degrees from one part to another if it happen'd to be spread about by the Wind or to be put out by sudden Rain or to leave any part unconsum'd In the Meal Frankincense Wine and Water they were to observe whether they had their due quantity their proper taste colour and smell c. There were several lesser Signs which supplied them with Conjectures too insignificant to be here mention'd Most of these ill Omens are hinted at by Virgil. Georg. 3. v. 486. Saepe in honore Deûm medio stans â—osiia ad aram Lanea dum niveà circumdatur insula vittâ Inter cunctantes cecidit moribunda ministros Aut si quam ferro mactaverat ante Sacerdos Inde neque impositis ardent altaria fibris Nec responsa potest consultus reddere vates Ac vix suppositi tinguntur Sanguine cultri Summaque jejunâ sanie infuscatur arena The Victim Ox that was for Altars press'd Trimm'd with white Ribbons and with Garlands dress'd Sunk of himself without the Gods command Preventing the slow Sacrificer's Hand Or by the Holy Butcher if he fell Th' inspected Entrails cou'd no Fate foretell Nor laid on Altars did pure Flames arise But clouds of smouldring Smoak forbad the Sacrifice Scarcely the Knife was redden'd with his Gore Or the black Poyson stain'd the sandy Floor Mr. Dryden There are but Two Accounts of the Derivation of the Name of the Pontifices and both very uncertain either from Pons and facere because they first built the Sublician Bridge in Rome and had the care of its repair or from Posse and facere where facere must be interpreted to signifie the same as Offerre and Sacrificare The first of these is the most receiv'd Opinion and yet Plutarch himself hath call'd it absurd (c) In Numa At the first Institution of them by Numa the number was confin'd to Four who were constantly chose out of the Nobility 'till the Year of the City 454 when Five more were order'd to be added out of the Commons at the same times as the Augurs receiv'd the like Addition And as the Augurs had a College so the Pontifices too were settled in such a Body And as Sylla afterwards added Seven Augurs so he added as many Pontifices to the College The first Eight bearing the Name of Pontifices Majores the other of Minores The Office of the Pontifices was to give Judgment in all Causes relating to Religion to enquire into the Lives and Manners of the Inferiour Priests and to punish them if they saw occasion to prescribe Rules for Publick Worship to regulate the Feasts Sacrifices and all other Sacred Institutions Tully in his Oration to them for his House tells them That the Honour and safety of the Common-wealth the Liberty of the People the Houses and Fortunes of the Citizens and the very Gods themselves were all entrusted to their care and depended wholly on their Wisdom and Management The Master of Superintendent of the Pontifices was one of the most honourable Officers in the Common-wealth Numâ— when he instituted the Order invested himself first with this Dignity as Plutarch informs us tho' Livy attributes it to another Person of the same Name Festus his definition of this great Priest is Judex atque Arbiter rerum humanarum Divinarumque The Judge and Arbitrator of Divine and Humane Affairs Upon this account all the Emperours after the Example of Julius Caesar and Augustus either actually took upon them the Office or at least us'd the Name And even the Christian Emperours for some time retain'd this in the ordinary enumeration of their Titles 'till the time of Gratian who as we learn from Zozimus (d) Histor lib. 4. absolutely refus'd it Polydore Virgil (e) De rerum Invent. lib. 14. cap. 14. does not question but this was an infallible Omen of the Authority which the Bishop of Rome enjoys to this Day under the same Name of Pontifex Maximus CHAP. V. Of the Flamines Rex Sacrorum Salii and Feciales THE Name of the Flamines is not much clearer than the former Plutarch makes
the set time mark'd in the Kalendar for their Observation Feriae Conceptivae were such as the Magistrates or Priests appointed annually to be celebrated upon what Days they pleas'd Feriae Imperativae were such as the Consuls Praetors or Dictators instituted by virtue of their own Authority and commanded to be observ'd upon solemn Occasions as the gaining of a Victory and the like Nundinae were Days set apart for the concourse of the People out of the Country and neighbouring Towns to expose their Commodities to sale the same as our greater Markets or Fairs They had the Name of Nundinae because they were kept every Ninth Day as Ovid informs us (a) Fast 1. v. 54. Feriae privatae were Holydays observ'd by particular Persons or Families upon several Accounts as Birth-days Funerals and the like Thus much for the Dies Festi The Profesti were Fasti Comitiales Comperen dini Stati and Praeliares Dies Fasti were the same as our Court-days upon which it was lawful for the Praetor to sit in Judgment and consequently Fari tria verba to say the Three solemn Words Do Dico Addico I give Laws declare Right and adjudge Losses All other Days except the intercisi were call'd Nefasti because 't was not lawful to say those Three Words upon them But we may observe from a Phrase of Horace (b) Lib. 2. Od. 13. that Dies nefastus signifies an unlucky Day as well as a Non-Court-day Dies Comitiales were such Days as the Comitia or publick Assemblies of the People were held upon Or as Ovid stiles them Quo populum jus est includere septis (c) Fast 1. vers 53. Days when the People are shut up to vote Dies Comperendini were Days when Persons that had been su'd might give Bail Dies Stati were Days appointed for the decision of any Cause between a Roman and a Foreigner Dies Praeliares were such Days as they thought it lawful to engage in any Action of Hostility upon If we make a Division of the Roman Days into Fortunaâ—â— and Unfortunate Dies Postriduani or the next Day after the Kalends Nones or Ides were always reckon'd of the latter sort and therefore had the Name of dies atri A. Gellius gives us the reason of this Observation from Verrius Flaccus because they had taken notice for several Ages that those Days had prov'd unlucky to the State in the loss of Battels Towns and other Casualties (d) Noâ—t Attiâ— lib. 5. cap 17. He tells us in the same place That the Day before the fourth of the Kalends Nones or Ides was always reckon'd unfortunate but he does not know for what reason unless that he finds the great overthrow at Gannae to have happen'd on such a Day CHAP. XI Of the Kalends Nones and Ides THE way that the Romans us'd to reckon the Days of their Months was by the Kalends Nones and Ides Romulus begun his Months always upon the first day of the new Moon and was follow'd in this by the Authors of the other accounts to avoid the altering of the immoveable Feasts Therefore every new Moon one of the inferiour Priests us'd to assemble the People in the Capitol and call over as many Days as there were between that and the Nones And so from the old Word Calo or the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to call the first of these Days had the Name of Kalendae But we must remember that this custom of calling the Days continu'd no longer than the Year of the City 450 when C. Flavius the Curule Aedile order'd the Fasti or Kalendar to be set up in publick Places that every Body might know the difference of times and the return of the Festivals (a) Livy lib. 5. cap. 46. The Nones were so call'd because they reckon'd Nine Days from them to the Ides The Ides were generally about the middle of the Month and then we may derive the Word from iduare an obsolete Verb signifying to divide The Kalends were always fixt to the first day of every Month but the Nones and the Ides in Four Months were on different Days than in the other Eight For March May July and October had Six Nones a-piece the other only Four Therefore in the first the Nones were the 7th and the Ides the 15th in the last the Nones the 5th and the Ides the 13th In reckoning these they always went backwards Thus January 1. was the first of the Kalends of January December 31. Prid. Kal. Jan. December 30. the third Kal. Jan. and so on to the 13th and that was Idus Decembris then the 12. Prid. Iduum Decemb. the 11th 3 Iduum Decemb. and so to the fifth Day and that was Nonae Decemb. And then again the 4th Prid. Nonarum Decemb. the third 3 Non. Decemb. the second 4 Non. Decem. and the first Kalendae Decemb. We must observe that when we meet with Kalendas Nonas or Idus in the Accusative Case the Preposition ante is always understood As tertio Kalendas Idus or Nonas is the same as tertio die ante Kal. Non. or Idus CHAP. XII The most Remarkable Festivals of the Romans as they stand in the Kalendar THE Kalends or the first day of January was noted for the entring of the Magistrates on their Office and for the wishing of good Fortune and sending Presents to one another among Friends (a) Ovid. Fast 1. v. 71 c. February the 15th or the 15th of the Kalends of March was the Feast of the Lupercalia when the Luperci made their wild Procession (b) Ovid. Fast 2. v. 267 c. which has been describ'd before February the 11th or the 9th of the Kalends of March was the Feralia or Feast in honour of the Ghosts when People carried some little sort of Offering to the Graves of their deceas'd Friends Ovid gives us so handsom an account of it that we must not pass him by Est honor tumulis animas placare paternas (c) Ibid. v 5. â— c. Parvaque in exstructas munera ferre pyras Parva petunt manes pietas pro divite grata est Munere non avidos Styx habet ima Deos. Tegula porrectis satis est velata coronis Et sparsae fruges parvaque mica salis Tombs have their Honours too Our Parents crave Some slender Present to adorn their Grave Slender the Present which the Ghosts we owe Those Powers observe not what we give but how No greedy Souls disturb the happy Seats below They only ask a Tile with Garlands crown'd And Fruit and Salt to scatter on the Ground The Day after the Feralia was the Charistia or Festival of Love when all the Relations in every Family met together and had a Feast The Kalends of March was the Matronalia a Feast kept by the Roman Matrons to the Honour of Mars to whom they thought themselves oblig'd for the Happiness of bearing of good Children a Favour which he first conferr'd on his
own Mistress Rhea (e) Ovid. Fast 3. v. 233. On the same Day began the solemn Feast of the Salii and their Procession with the Ancylia which have been spoken of before The Ides of March was the Feast of Anna Perenna in Honour either of the Sister of Dido who fled into Italy to Aeneas or of one Anna an old Gentlewoman that in a great Dearth at Rome for some time furnish'd the common People with Corn out of her own Store The Celebration of this Day consisted in drinking and Feasting largely among Friends The common People met for this purpose in the Fields near the Tiber and building themselves Booths and Arbours kept the Day with all manner of Sports and Jollity wishing one another to live as many Years as they drunk Cups (f) Ibid. v. 5â—3 c. The same Day was by a Decree of Senate order'd to be call'd Parricidium from the Murder of Julius Caesar which happen'd on it (g) Suâ—ton in Jul. cap. 88. Appian in his Second Book tells us of a very different Law that Dolobella the Consul would have preferr'd upon this occasion and that was to have the Day call'd ever after Natalis Vrbis the Birth-day of the City as if their Liberty had reviv'd upon the Death of Caesar March the 19th or the 14th of the Kalends of April begun the Quinquatrus or Quinquatria the Feast of Minerva continuing Five Days 'T was during this Solemnity that the Boys and Girls us'd to pray to the Goddess for Wisdom and Learning of which she had the Patronage To which Custom Juvevenal alludes Eloquium famam Demosthenis aut Ciceronis Incipit optare totis Quinquatribus optat (h) Sat. 10. To rival Tully or Demosthenes Begins to wish in the Quinquatrian Days And wishes all the Feast April the 19th or the 13th of the Kalends of May was the Cerealia or Feast of Ceres in which Solemnity the chief Actors were the Women No person that mourn'd was allow'd to bear a part in this Service and therefore 't is very remarkable that upon the defeat at Cannae there was such an universal Grief in the City that the Anniversary Feast of Ceres was forc'd to be omitted (i) Livy lib. 22. April the 21st or the 11th of the Kalends of May was the Palilia or Feast of Pales Goddess of Shepherds This is sometimes call'd Parilia à pariendo because Prayers were now made for the fruitfulness of the Sheep Ovid tells us a very tedious course of Superstition that the Shepherds run through upon this Day They always contriv'd to have a great Feast at Night and when most of them were pretty merry they concluded all with dancing over the Fires that they made in the Field with heaps of Stubble (k) Ovid. Fast 4. v. 721 c. The same Day was call'd Vrbis natalis being the Day on which the City was built (l) Ibid. v. 806. April the 25th or the 7th of the Kalends of May was the Robigalia or Feast of the Goddess Robigo or the God Robigus who took care to keep off the Mildew and Blasting from the Corn and Fruit (m) Ibid. v. 901. April 29th or the 5th of the Kalends of May was the Floralia or Feast of Flora Goddess of Flowers (n) Ibid. v. 943. when the publick Sports were celebrated that will be hereafter describ'd In the remaining part of the Year we meet with no Festival of extraordinary note except the Poplifugium and the Saturnalia The Original of the famous Nonae Caprotinae or Poplifugium is doubly related by Plutarch according to the Two common Opinions First because Romulus disappear'd on that Day when an Assembly being held in the Palus Capreae or Goatsmarch on a sudden happen'd a most wonderful Tempest accompanied with terrible Thunder and other unusual Disorders in the Air. The common People fled all away to secure themselves but after the Tempest was over could never find their King (o) Plutarch in Romulus Or else from Caprificus a wild Fig-Tree because in the Gallic War a Roman Virgin who was Prisoner in the Enemies Camp taking the opportunity when she saw them one night in a disorder got up into a wild Fig-tree and holding out a lighted Torch toward the City gave the Romans a Signal to fall on which they did with such good Success as to gain a considerable Victory (p) Plutarch in Romul in Camill. The Original of the Saturnalia as to the time is unknown Macrobius assuring us that it was celebrated in Italy long before the building of Rome (q) Macrob. Saturn lib. 1. cap. 7. The Story of Saturn in whose Honour it was kept every Body is acquainted with As to the manner of the Solemnity besides the Sacrifices and other parts of publick Worship there were several lesser Observations worth our notice As the Liberty now allow'd to Servants to be free and merry with their Masters so often alluded to in Authors 'T is probable this was done in Memory of the Liberty enjoy'd in the Golden Age under Saturn before the Names of Servant or Master were known to the World Besides this they sent Presents to one another among Friends No War was to be proclaim'd and no Offender executed The Schools kept a Vacation and nothing but Mirth and Freedom was to be met with in the City They kept at first only one Day the 14th of the Kalends of January But the number was afterwards encreas'd to Three Four Five and some say Seven Days (r) Lipsiuâ— Saturnal lib. 1. cap. 3. PART II. BOOK III. Of the Civil Government of the Romans CHAP. I. Of the general Divisions of the People ROMVLVS as soon as his City was tolerably well fill'd with Inhabitants made a distinction of the People according to Honour and Quality giving the better sort the Name of Patres or Patricii and the rest the common Title of Plebeti To bind the Two Degrees more firmly together he recommended to the Patricians some of the Plebeians to protect and countenance the former being stil'd Patroni and the others Clientes The Patrons were always their Clients Counsellors in litigious Cases their Advocates in Judgments in short their Advisers and Overseers in all Affairs whatever On the other side the Clients faithfully serv'd their Patrons not only paying them all imaginable respect and deference but if occasion requir'd assisting them with Money toward the defraying of any extraordinary Charges But afterwards when the State grew rich and great though all other good Offices continu'd between them yet 't was thought a dishonourable thing for the better Sort to take any Money of their Inferiours (a) Vide Dionys lib. 2. Liv. lib. 1. Plutarch in Romulo The Division of the People into the three distinct Orders of Senators Knights and Commons took its rise about the time of Tarquin's expulsion The Senators were such Persons as had been promoted to sit in the Supreme Council of State either
security was their repute of being Sacrosancti which they confirm'd by a Law So that 't was reckon'd the highest Act of Impiety to offer them the least Injury or so much as to interrupt them when they were speaking Their interposing in Matters determin'd by the Senate or other Magistrates was call'd Intercessio and was perform'd by standing up and pronouncing only one word VETO As for the Ensigns of their Office they had no Praetexta Lictors nor Curule Chair and only a sort of a Beadle whom they call'd Viator went before them Sylla the Dictator was the first who dar'd put a stop to the Encroachments of the Tribunes but they soon recover'd their old Power again 'till the time of the Emperours who left them very little but the Name and Shadow of Magistrates This they effected as by several means so particularly by obliging the People to conferr the same Power and Authority on themselves whence they were said to be Tribunitiâ potestate donati CHAP. X. Of the Aediles THE Commons had no sooner prevail'd with the Senate to confirm the Office of Tribunes but they obtain'd farther the Privilege to chuse yearly out of their own Body Two more Officers to assist those Magistrates in the discharge of some particular Services (a) Vide Dionys lib. 6. the chief of which was the care of Publick Aedifices whence they borrow'd their Name Rosinus for distinction's sake calls them Aediles Plebis Besides the Duty mention'd above they had several other Employments of lesser note as to attend on the Tribunes of the People and to judge some inferiour Causes by their Deputation to rectifie the Weights and Measures prohibit unlawful Games and the like A. V. C. 389. two more Aediles were elected out of the Nobility to inspect the Publick Games (b) Liv. lib. 6 7. They were call'd Aediles Curules because they had the Honour of using the Sella Curulis the Name of which is generally deriv'd à curru (c) Vide Agell lib. 3. cap. 18. because they sat upon them as they rode in their Chariots but Lipsius fansies they owe their Name as well as their Invention to the Curetes a People of the Sabines The Curille Aediles besides their proper Office were to take care of the Building and repair of Temples Theatres Baths and other noble Structures and were appointed Judges in all Cases relating to the felling or exchanging of Estates Julius Caesar A. V. C. 710. added two more Aediles out of the Nobility with the Title of Aediles Cereales from Ceres because their Business was to inspect the Publick Stores of Corn and other Provisions to supervise all the Commodities expos'd in the Markets and to punish Delinquents in all Matters concerning Buying and Selling (d) Vide Diâ—â— lib. 43. Pompen lib. 2. F. de Orig. juris CHAP. XI Of the Decemviri ABout the Year of Rome 291. the People thinking themselves highly wrong'd that tho' they had freed themselves from the Government of the Kings yet still the whole Decision of Equity and Justice should lie in the Breast of the Supreme Magistrates without any written Statute to direct them propounded to the Senate by their Tribunes that standing Laws might be made which the City shou'd use for ever The Business hung in suspence several Years at last it was concluded to send Ambassadors to Athens and other Grecian Cities to make Collections out of the best of their Constitutions for the Service of their Country in the new Design Upon the return of the Commissioners the Tribunes claiming the Promise of the Senate to allow them a new Magistracy for the putting the Project in execution it was agreed That Ten Men out of the chief Senators shou'd be elected That their Power shou'd be equal to that of the Kings or Consuls for a whole Year And That in the mean time all other Offices shou'd cease The Decemviri having now taken the Government upon them agreed that only one of them shou'd at one time enjoy the Fasces and other Consular Ornaments shou'd assemble the Senate confirm Decrees and act in all respects as Supreme Magistrate To this Honour they were to succeed by turns 'till the Year was out and the rest were oblig'd to differ very little in their Habits from private Persons to give the People the less suspicion of Tyranny and absolute Government At length having made a Model out of such Laws as had been brought from Greece and the Customs of their own Country they expos'd it to the publiclâ— View in Ten Tables liberty being given for any Person to make Exceptions Upon the general Approbation of the Citizens a Decree pass'd for the ratification of the New Laws which was perform'd in the presence of the Priests and Augurs in a most solemn and religious manner The War being expir'd a farther continuance of this Office was voted necessary because something seem'd yet to be wanting for the perfecting of the Design The Decemviri who had procur'd themselves the Honour in the New Election quickly abus'd their Authority and under pretence of reforming the Common-wealth show'd themselves the greatest Violators of Justice and Honesty Two more Tables indeed they added to the First and so seem'd to have answer'd the Intent of their Institution Yet they not only kept their Office the remaining part of that Year but usurp'd it again the next without any regard to the Approbation of the Senate or People And though there was some stir made in the City for putting a stop to their Tyranny yet they maintain'd their absolute Power 'till an Action of their chief Leader Appius gave a final Ruine to their Authority 〈◊〉 For he falling desperately in love with Virginia the Daughter of a Plebeian and prosecuting his Passion by such unlawful means as to cause the killing of her by her own Father the Story of which is told at large by Livy gave an occasion to a Mutiny in the Army and a general Dislike to the whole City so that 't was agreed in the Senate to let the same Form of Government return which was in force at the Creation of the Decemviri (a) Vide Liv. lib. 3. Dionys lib. 8. CHAP. XII Tribuni Militum Consulari potestate UPON the conclusion of the Decemvirate the first Consuls that were elected appearing highly inclin'd to favour the Commons gave them such an opportunity of getting an head in the State that within three years afterwards they had the Confidence to petition for the Privâ—â—ege of being made capable of the Consulship which had been hitherto denied them The stiffest of the Patricians violently oppos'd this Request as a fair means to ruine their Honour and Authority and to bring all Persons of whatever Quality upon the same level But a War casually breaking out at the same time in the Confederate Countries which the Romans were oblig'd to assist the Consuls by reason of the Dissentions upon this account in the City cou'd not with all their
Diligence procure any Levies to be made because the Tribunes of the Commons oppos'd all their Orders and wou'd let no Soldiers be listed 'till their Petition had been canvass'd in the Senate In this exigency the Fathers were call'd together and after the Business had been a long time debated with great Heat and Tumult at last pitch'd upon this Expedient That Three Magistrates shou'd be elected out of each Order who being invested with the whole Consular Power at the end of the Year it shou'd be in the liberty of the Senate and People to have that Office or Consuls for the following Year Both Parties readily embrac'd this Proposal and accordingly proceeded to an Election where though the whole design of this Stir had been purely to encrease the Honour of the Commons yet when the matter came to be put to the Vote they chose none of that Order to the new Magistracy but conferr'd the Honour on Three of the most eminent Patricians with the Title of Tribuni Militum Consulari potestate about A. V. C. 310. The first Tribunes having held their Dignity no longer than seventy Days were oblig'd to quit it by reason that the Augurs had discover'd some Flaw in their Election and so the Government return'd to its former course the Supreme Command resting in the hands of the Consuls (b) Liv. lib. 4. Dionys lib. 11. Afterwards they were some Years chose and some Years pass'd by having rose from Three to Six and afterwards to Eight and the Plebeians being admitted to a share in the Honour 'till about A. V. C. 388. they were entirely laid aside CHAP. XIII Civil Offices of less Note or of less frequent Occurrence in Authors and of the Publick Servants THERE are several Officers behind who deserve little more than to be nam'd either by reason of their low Station in the Commonwealth or because they are very seldom mention'd in our ordinary Classicks Among these we may take notice of those that follow Interrex the Supreme Magistrate who govern'd between the Death of one King and the Election of another This Office was took by turns by the Senators continuing in the hands of every Man five Days (a) Dionys. lib. 2. Livy lib. 1. or if we believe Plutarch (b) In Numb only twelve Hours at a time We sometimes meet with an Interrex under the Consular Government created to hold Assemblies when the ordinary Magistrates were either absent or disabled to act by reason of their undue Election Tribunus or Praefectus Celerum the Captain of Romulus's Life-guard which consisted of Three hundred of the stoutest young Men and of the best Families in the City under the Name of Celeres or Light-Horse Praefectus Vrbis a sort of Mayor of the City created by Augustus at the Advice of his Favourite Maecenas upon whom at first he conferr'd the new Honour (c) Dio. lib. 52. Tâ—â—uus Annal. lib. 4 3. He was to precede all other City-Magistrates having power to receive Appeals from the inferiour Courts and to decide almost all Causes within the Limits of Rome or an hundred Miles round Before this there was sometimes a Praefectus Vrbis created when the Kings or greater Officers were absent from the City to administer Justice in their room (d) Ibid. Praefectus Aerarii an Officer chose out of such Persons as had discharg'd the Office of Praetors by Augustus to supervise and regulate the Publick Fund which he rais'd for the maintenance of the Army (e) Dio. lib 53. This project was reviv'd by several of his Successors Praefectus Praetorio created by the same Emperour to Command the Praetorian Cohorts or his Life-guard who borrow'd their Name from the Praetorium or General 's Tent all Commanders in Chief being anciently styl'd Praetores His Office answer'd exactly to that of the Magister Equitum under the old Dictators only his Authority was of greater extent being generally the highest Person in Favour with the Army And therefore when the Soldiers once came to make their own Emperours the common Man they pitch'd upon was the Praefectus Praetorio Praefectus Frumenti and Praefectus Vigilum both owing their Institution to the same Augustus The first was to inspect and regulate the distribution of Corn which us'd to be often made among the common People The other commanded in Chief all the Soldiers appointed for a constant Watch to the City being a Cohort to every two Regions His Business was to take cognizance of Thieves Incendiaries idle Vagrants and the like and had the Power to punish all petty Misdemeanours which were thought too trivial to come under the care of the Praefectus Vrbis In many of these inferiour Magistracies several Persons were join'd in Commission together and then they took their Name from the number of Men that compos'd them Of this sort we meet with the Triumviri or Tresviri Capitales the Keepers of the Publick Gaol they had the Power to punish Malefactors like our Masters of the Houses of Correction for which Service they kept eight Lictors under them as may be gather'd from Plautus Quid faciam nunc si Tresviri me in carcerem compegerint Inde cras è promptuariâ cellâ depromar ad flagrum Ita quasi incudem me miserum octo homines validi caedent (f) In Amphytr Triumviri Nocturni mention'd by Livy (g) Lib. 9. and Tacitus (h) Annal. lib. 5. instituted for the prevention of Fires in the Night Triumviri Monetales the Masters of the Mint Sometimes their Name was wrote Triumviri A. A. Ae. F. F. standing for Auro Argento Aere Flando Feriendo Quatuorviri viarum curandarum Persons deputed by the Censor to supervise the Publick Ways Centum viri and Decemviri litibus judicandis The first were a Body of Men chose Three out of every Tribe for the judging of such Matters as the Praetors committed to their Decision which are reckon'd up by Cicero in his First Book de Oratore The Decemviri seem to have been the principal Members of the Centumvirate and to have presided under the Praetor in the Judicia Centumviralia These were some of the first Steps to Preferment for Persons of Parts and Industry as was also the Vigintiviratus mention'd by Cicero Tacitus and Dio which perhaps was no more than a select part of the Centumviri There are other Officers of as little note behind who had no fix'd Authority but were constituted upon some particular occasions Such as the Duumviri perduellionis sive Capitales Officers created for the judging of Traitors They were first introduc'd by Tullus Hostilius continu'd as often as Necessity requir'd under the rest of the Kings and sometimes under the Consular Government at its first Institution But after they had been laid down many Years as unnecessary Cicero in the latter times of the Common-wealth complains of their revival by Labienus Tribune of the Commons (i) Cicero Orat. pro C. Raâ—â—rio Perduellionis Reo Quaestores or
Quaesitores Parricidii vel rerum capitalium Magistrates chose by the People to give Judgment in capital Causes after the Consuls were denied that Privilege and before the Quaestiones were made perpetual The Publick Servants of the Magistrates had the common Name of Apparitores from the Word Appareo because they always stood ready to execute their Masters Orders Of these the most remarkable were the Scribae a sort of Publick Notaries who took an account of all the Proceedings in the Courts In some measure too they answer'd to our Attornies inasmuch as they drew up the Papers and Writings which were produc'd before the Judges Notarius and Actuarius signifying much the same Office Accensi and Praecones the Publick Criers who were to call Witnesses signify the Adjournment of the Court and the like The former had the Name from Accieo and the other from Praecieo The Praecones seem to have had more Business assign'd them than the Accensi as the proclaiming Things in the Streets the assisting at Publick Sales to declare how much every one bids whereas the Accensi more nearly attended on the Magistrates Lictores the Serjeants or Beadles who carried the Fasces before the Supreme Magistrates as the Interreges Dictators Consuls and Praetors Besides this they were the publick Executioners in Scourging and Beheading The Viatores were little different from the former only that they went before the Officers of less Dignity and particularly before the Tribunes of the Commons We must not forget the Carnifex or Common Hangman whose Business lay only in Crucifixions Cicero has a very good Observation of him That by reason of the odiousness of his Office he was particularly forbid by the Laws to have his Dwelling-House within the City (k) Cicero pro Rainrio CHAP. XIV Of the Provincial Magistrates and first of the Proconsuls THE Chief of the Provincial Officers were the Proconsuls Whether the Word ought to be wrote Proconsul and declinâ—d or Proconsule and undeclin'd Grammatici certant adhuc sub judice lis est We may divide these Magistrates into four sorts First Such as being Consuls had their Office prolong'd beyond the time prefix'd by Law Secondly Such as were invested with this Honour either for the Government of the Provinces or the Command in War who before were only in a private Station Thirdly Such as immediately upon the expiration of their Consulship went Proconsuls into the Provinces in the time of the Commonwealth Fourthly Such Governours as in the times of the Empire were sent into those Provinces which fell to the share of the People Proconsuls of the two former sorts we meet with very rarely only Livy gives us an example of each (a) Livy lib. 8. lib. 26. The third kind more properly enjoy'd the Name and Dignity and therefore deserve to be describ'd at large with reference to their Creation Administration and Return from their Command They were not elected by the People but when at the Comitia Centuriata new Consuls were design'd for the following Year one of the present Consuls propos'd to the Senate what Provinces they would declare Consular and what Praetorian to be divided among the design'd Consuls and Praetors According to their determination the design'd Consuls presently agreed what Provinces to enter upon at the expiration of their Office in the City the Business being generally decided by casting Lots Afterwards in the time of their Consulship they formally got leave of the People to undertake the Military Command which could not be otherwise obtain'd Besides this they procur'd a Decree of Senate to determine the extent of their Provinces the number of their Forces the Pay that shou'd be allow'd them with all other Necessaries for their Journey and Settlement By the passing of this Decree they were said Ornari Provinciâ and Cicero useth in the same sence Ornari Apparitoribus Scribis c. who made a part of the Proconsul's Attendants Nothing now remain'd but at the end of the Year to set forward for their New Government But we must observe that tho' the Senate had given them leave to depart yet the Tribunes of the Commons had power to stop their Journey and therefore because Crassus went Proconsul into Parthia contrary to the express Order of the Tribune he was generally believ'd to have lost the Roman Army and his own Life as a Judgment on him for despising the Authority of that Officer whom they always counted Sacrosanctus At their first entrance on their Province they spent some time in conference with their immediate Predecessor to be inform'd in the state of Things though their Administration began the very Day of their arrival Their Authority both Civil and Military was very extraordinary The Winter they generally spent in the execution of the first and the Summer in the discharge of the latter They decided Cases of Equity and Justice either privately in their Praetorium or Palace where they receiv'd Petitioners heard Complaints granted Writs under their Seal and the like or else publickly in the Common-Hall with the usual Ceremonies and Formalities observ'd in Courts of Judicature the Processes being in all respects the same as those at Rome Besides this by virtue of their Edicts they had the Power of ordering all things relating to the Tributes Taxes Contributions and Provisions of Corn and Money and whatever else belong'd to the Chief Administration of Affairs Their return from the Command was very remarkable They either met their Successor at his arrival and immediately deliliver'd into his hands the Charge of the Army being oblig'd to leave the Province in Thirty Days or else they came away before-hand and left a Deputy in their room to perform the Solemnity of a Resignation having first made up their Accounts and left them in writing in the two chief Cities of their several Provinces Upon their arrival at Rome if they had no Thoughts of a Triumph they presently dimiss'd their Train and entred the City as private Persons If they aspir'd to this Honour they still retain'd the Fasces and other Proconsular Ornaments and gave the Senate assembled for this purpose in the Temple of Bellona a relation of theâ—r Actions and Exploits and petition'd for a Trimph But in both Cases they were oblig'd to give in their Accounts into the Publick Treasury within Thirty Days Though the Proconsuls order'd Matters as they pleas'd during their Honour yet at their return a very strict account was made into the whole course of their Government and upon the discovery of any ill dealing 't was usual to prefer Bills against them and bring them to a formal Trial. The Crimes most commonly objected against them were crimen peculatûs relating to their ill use of the Publick Money and the deficiency of their Accounts Majestatis of Treachery and Perfidiousness against the Commonwealth or Repetundarum of Oppression or Extortion exercis'd upon the Inhabitants of the Provinces whom as their Allies and Confederates the Romans were oblig'd to Patronize
and defend Augustus when at the desire of the Senate and People he assum'd the sole Government of the Empire among other Constitutions at the beginning of his Reign divided the Provinces into two parts one of which he gave wholly over to the People and reserv'd the other for himself After which time only the Governours sent into the First Division bore the Name of Proconsuls though they were denied the whole Military Power and so fell short of the old Proconsuls To these four sorts of Proconsuls we may add two more from Alexander of Naples First Such as the Senate created Proconsuls without a Province purely for the Command of the Army and the Care of the Military Discipline And secondly such design'd Consuls as entred on their Proconsular Office before they were admitted to the Consulship CHAP. XV. Of the Provincial Praetors and Propraetors of the Legati Quaestors and Proquaestors IN the first times of the Common-wealth the Provinces were govern'd by Praetors and as the Dominions of the State were enlarg'd the Number of those Magistrates was accordingly encreas'd yet even in those times if they continu'd in the Command of the Province beyond the time prefix'd for the continuance of their Praetorship they took upon them the Names of Propraetors though they still kept the same Authority as before About A. V. C. 604. the design'd Praetors began to divide the Praetorian or lesser Provinces by Lot in the same manner as the Consuls did the Consular and when at the end of the Year they repair'd to their respective Governments assum'd the Title of Propraetors As their creation was the same as that of the Proconsuls so their entrance upon their Office and the whole course of their Administration was exactly answerable to theirs only that they were allow'd but Six Lictors with an equal Number of Fasces whereas the Proconsuls had Twelve of each Now though before the time of Augustus the Propraetors by reason of their presiding over the Provinces of lesser Note and Importance were always reckon'd inferiour to the Proconsuls yet upon his division of the Provinces the Governours of those which fell to his share bearing the Name of Propraetors got the Preference of the Proconsuls in respect of Power and Authority being invested with the Military Command and continuing in their Office as long as the Emperour pleas'd The chief Assistants of the Proconsuls and the Propraetors were the Legati and the Provincial Quaestors The former being different in number according to the Quality of the Governour whom they accompanied serv'd for the judging of inferiour Causes and the management of all smaller Concerns remitting every thing of moment to the Care of the Governour or President Besides the Legati there went with every Proconsul or Propraetor one or more Quaestors whose whole Business was concern'd in managing the Publick Accounts taking care of the Supplies of Money Corn and other Necessaries and Conveniences for the maintenance of the Roman Army We seldom meet with Proquaestors in Authors they being only such as perform'd the Office of Quaestor in the Provinces without the deputation of the Senate which was requisite to the Constitution of the proper Quaestors This happen'd either when a Quaestor died in his Office or went to Rome without being succeeded by another Quaestor For in both these cases the Governour of the Province appointed another in his room to discharge the same Duties under the Name of Proquaestor Of the like nature with these Quaestors were the Procuratores Caesaris often mention'd by Tacitus and Suetonius Officers sent by the Emperours into every Province to receive and regulate the Publick Revenue and to dispose of it at the Emperour's Command Such a Magistrate was Pontius Pilate in Judaea and though the judging of extream Causes did not properly belong to his Office yet because the Jews were always look'd upon as a rebellious Nation and apt to revolt upon the least occasion and because the President of Syria was forced to attend on other parts of his Province therefore for the better keeping the Jews in order the Procurator of Judaea was invested with all the Authority proper to the Proconsul even with the Power of Life and Death as the Learned Bishop Pearson observes (a) Bishop Pearson on the Creed Art 4. CHAP. XVII Of the Comitia THE Comitia according to Sigonius's Definition were General Assemblies of the People lawfully call'd by some Magistrate for the enjoyment or prohibition of any thing by their Votes (a) Sigon de Antiq Jure Civ Romanorum lib. 1. cap. 17. The proper Comitia were of three sorts Curiata Genturiata and Tributa with reference to the Three grand Divisions of the City and People into Curiae Centuries and Tribes For by Comitia Calata which we sometimes meet with in Authors in elder times were meant all the Comitia in general the Word Calata from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Calo being their common Epithet though 't was at last restrain'd to two sorts of Assemblies those for the creation of Priests and those for the inspection and regulation of last Wills and Testaments (b) A. Gell. lib. 15. cap. 27. The Comitia Curiata owe their Original to the Division which Romulus made of the People into Thirty Curiae Ten being contain'd under every Tribe They answer'd in most respects to the Parishes in our Cities being not only separated by proper Bounds and Limits but distinguish'd too by their different Places set a-part for the celebration of Divine Service which was perform'd by particular Priests one to every Curia with the Name of Curiones Before the Institution of the Comitia Centuriata all the grand Concerns of the State were transacted in the Assembly of the Curia's as the Election of Kings and other Chief Officers the making and abrogating of Laws and the adjudging of capital Causes After the expulsion of the Kings when the Commons had obtain'd the Privilege to have Tribunes and Aediles they elected them for some time at these Assemblies But that Ceremony being at length transferr'd to the Comitia Tributa the Curiae were never conven'd to give their Votes except now and then upon account of making some particular Laws relating to Adoptions Wills and Testaments or the Creation of Officers for an Expedition or for the Electing of some of the Priests as the Flamines and the Curio maximus or Superintendant of the Curiones who themselves were chose by every particular Curia The Power of Calling these Assemblies belong'd at first only to the Kings but upon the establishment of the Democracy the same Privilege was allow'd to most of the Chief Magistrates and sometimes to the Pontifices The Person who had the liberty of Voting here were such Roman Citizens as belong'd to the Curiae or such as actually liv'd in the City and conform'd to the Customs and Rites of their proper Curia all those being excluded who dwelt without the Bounds of the City retaining the Ceremonies of their
own Country tho' they had been Honour'd with the Jus Civitatis or admitted free Citizens of Rome (c) Sigon de Antiq. jure Provinc lib. 3. cap. 1. The place where the Curiae met was the Comitium a part of the Forum describ'd before (d) See Part II. Book 1. cap. 5. No set time was allotted for the holding of these or any of the other Comitia but only as Business requir'd The People being met together and confirm'd by the report of good Omens from the Augurs which was necessary in all the Assemblies the Rogatio or Business to be propos'd to them was publickly read After this if none of the Magistrates interpos'd upon the Order of him that presided in the Comitia the People divided into their proper Curia's and consulted of the matter and then the Curia's being call'd out as it happen'd by Lot gave their Votes Man by Man in ancient times vivâ voce and afterwards by Tablets Tabellae the most Votes in every Curia going for the Voice of the whole Curia and the most Curiae for the general Consent of the People (e) â—â—siâ— lib. 7 cap. 7. The Comitia Centuriata were instituted by Servius Tullius who obliging every one to give a true account of what they were worth according to those Accounts divided the People into six Ranks or Classes which he subdivided into 193 Centuries The first Classis containing the Equites and richest Citizens consisted of Ninety eight Centuries The second taking in the Trades-men and Mechanicks made up Two and twenty Centuries The third the same number The fourth Twenty The fifth Thirty And the last fill'd up with the poorer sort had but one Century (f) See Dionys lib. 4. Persons of the First Rank by reason of their Pre-eminence had the Name of Classici whence came the Phrase of Classici Authores for the most approv'd Writers All others of what Classis soever were said to be infra classem (g) A. Gell. lib. 7. chap. 13. The Assembly of the People by Centuries was held for the electing of Consuls Censors and Praetors as also for the judging of Persons accus'd of what they call'd Crimen Perduellionis or Actions by which the Party had show'd himself an Enemy to the State and for the confirmation of all such Laws as were propos'd by the Chief Magistrates and which had the Privilege of calling these Assemblies The Place appointed for their Meeting was the Campus Martius because in the primitive Times of the Common-wealth when they were under continual Apprehensions of Enemies the People to prevent any sudden assault when arm'd in martial order to hold these Assemblies and were for that reason forbid by the Laws to meet in the City because an Army was upon no account to be martial'd within the Walls Yet in later Ages 't was thought sufficient to place a Body of Soldiers as a Guard in the Janiculum where an Imperial Standard was erected the taking down of which denoted the conclusion of the Comitia Though the time of these Comitia for other Matters was undetermin'd yet the Magistrates after the Year of the City 601. when they began to enter on their Place the Kalends of January were constantly design'd about the end of July and the beginning of August All the time between their Election and Confirmation they continu'd as private Persons that inquisition might be made into the Election and the other Candidates might have time to enter Objections if they met with any suspicion of foul dealing Yet at the Election of the Censors this Custom did not hold but as soon as they were pronounc'd elected they were immediately invested with the Honour (b) Livy lib. 40. By the institution of these Comitia Servius Tullius secretly convey'd the whole Power from the Commons For the Centuries of the first and richest Class being call'd out first who were Three more in number than all the rest put together if they all agreed as generally they did the Business was already decided and the other Classes were needless and insignificant However the Three last scarce ever came to Vote (i) Dionys lib. 4. The Commons in the time of the Free State to rectifie this Disadvantage obtain'd that before they proceeded to Voting any Matter at these Comitia that Century shou'd give their Suffrages first upon whom it fell by Lot with the Name of Centuris Prerogativa the rest being to follow according to the Order of their Classis After the constituting of the Five and thirty Tribes into which the Classes and their Centuries were divided in the first place the Tribes cast Lots which shou'd be the Prerogative-Tribe and then the Centuries of that Tribe for the Honour of being the Prerogative-Century All the other Tribes and Centuries had the appellation of Jure vocatae because they were call'd out according to their proper places The Prerogative-Century being chose by lot the Chief Magistrate sitting in a * Tabernaculum Tent in the middle of the Campus Martius order'd that Century to come out and give their Voices upon which they presently separated from the rest of the Multitude and came into an inclos'd Apartment which they term'd Septa or Ovilia passing over the Pontes or narrow Boards laid there for the occasion on which account de Ponte dejici is to be deny'd the privilege of Voting At the hither end of the Pontes stood the Diribitores a sort of under-Officers call'd so from dividing or martialling the People and deliver'd to every Man in the election of Magistrates as many Tablets as there appear'd Candidates Tabellae one of whose Names was wrote upon every Tablet A fit number of great Chests were set ready in the Septa and every body threw in which Tablet he pleas'd By the Chests were plac'd some of the publick Servants who taking out the Tablets of every Century for every Tablet made a Prick or a Point in another Table which they kept by them Thus the Business being decided by most Points gave occasion to the Phrase of Omne tulit punctum a and the like The same method was observ'd in the judiciary Processes at these Comitia and in the Confirmation of Laws except that in both these cases only two Tablets were offer'd to every Person on one of which was wrote V. R. and on the other A. in capital Letters the two first standing for uti rogas or be it as you desire relating to the Magistrate who propos'd the Question and the last for antiquo or I forbid it 'T is remarkable that though in the Election of Magistrates and in the Ratification of Laws the Votes of that Century whose Tablets were equally divided signify'd nothing yet in Trials of Life and Death if the Tablets pro and con were the same in number the Person was actually acquitted (l) Dionys lib. 7. The division of the People into Tribes was an invention of Romulus after he had admitted the Sabines into
c. Semproniae Leges the Author C. Sempronius Gracchus Tribune of the Commons A. 630. commanding That no capital Judgment shou'd be made upon a Citizen without the Authority of the People and making several other Regulations in this Affair (e) Cic. pro Rabirio pro Domo suâ pro Cluentio c. Papia Lex de Peregrinis the Author C. Papius Tribune of the Commons A. 688. commanding That all Strangers should be expell'd Rome (f) Cic. pro Balbo Junia Lex the Author M. Junius Pennus a confirmation of the former Law and a forbidding That any Strangers shou'd be allow'd the Privilege of Citizens (g) Cic. Offic. lib. 3. Servilia Lex the Author C. Servilius Glaucia ordaining That if any Latin accus'd a Roman Senator so that he was convicted the Accuser shou'd be honour'd with the Privilege of a Citizen of Rome (h) Ascon in Orat. pro Scauro Cic. pro Balbo Licinia Mutia Lex the Authors L. Licinius Crassus and Q. Mutius Scaevola in their Consulship A. 658. ordering all the Inhabitants of Italy to be enroll'd in the List of Citizens in their own proper Cities (i) Cic. de Offic. lib. 3. pro Balbo Livia Lex de Sociis In the Year of the City 662. M. Livins Drusus propos'd a Law to make all the Italians free Denizons of Rome but before it came to be voted he was found murder'd in his House the Author unknown (k) Flor. lib. 3. cap. 17. Cic. de Lag lib. 3. Varia Lex Upon the death of Drusus the Knights prevail'd with his Collegue Q. Varius Hybrida to bring in a Bill for the prosecuting of all such Persons as shou'd be discover'd to have assisted the Italian People in their Petition for the Privilege of the City (l) Cic. in Bruto Val. Max. lib. 8. cap. 6. Julia Lex de Civitate The next Year upon the Revolt of several States in Italy which they call'd the Social War L. Julius Caesar the Consul made a Law That all those People who had continu'd firm to the Roman Interest shou'd have the Privilege of Citizens (m) Cic. pro Balbo And in the Year 664. upon the conclusion of that War all the Italian People were admitted into the Roll of Free Denizons and divided into Eight new Tribes (n) Appian lib. 1. Sylvani Carbonis Lex the Authors Sylvanus and Carbo Tribunes of the Commons in the Year 664. ordaining That any Persons who had been admitted Free Denizons of any of the Confederate Cities and had a Dwelling in Italy at the time of the making this Law and had carried in their Names to the Praetor in Sixty Days time shou'd have the Privilege of Citizens of Rome (o) Cic. pro. Archia Sulpitia Lex the Author P. Sulpitius Tribune of the Commons A. 665. ordaining That the New Citizens who compos'd the Eight Tribes shou'd be divided among the Thirty five Old Tribes as a greater Honour (p) Plut. in Sylla Epit. Liv. 77. Cornelia Lex the Author L. Cornelius Sulla A. 670. a confirmation of the former Law to please the Italian Confederates (q) Epit. Liv. 86. Cornelia Lex de Municipiis the Author the same Sulla in hâ—s Dictatorship taking away the Privileges formerly granted to the Corporate Towns from as many as had assisted Marius Cinna Sulpicius or any of the contrary Faction (r) Cic. pro Domo suâ Gellia Cornelia Lex the Authors L. Gellius Poplicola and Cn. Cornelius Lentulus A. 681. ordaining That all those Persons whom Pompey by his own Authority had honour'd with the Privilege of the City shou'd actually keep that Liberty (Å¿) Cic. pro Balbo CHAP. XXIV Laws concerning Meetings and Assemblies AELIA Lex ordaining That in all Assemblies of the People the Augurs shou'd make Observations from the Heavens and That the Magistrate shou'd have the Power of declaring against the Proceedings and of interposing in the decision of any Matter Fusia Lex ordaining That upon some certain Days though they were Fasti it shou'd be unlawful to transact any thing in a Meeting of the People The Authors of these Two Laws are unknown but P. Manutius conjectures that the first is owing to Q. Aelius Paetus Consul with M. Junius Pennus A. 586. The other to P. Furius or Fusius Consul with S. Attilius Sâ—rranus A. 617. The Laws themselve occurr frequently in Writers Clodia Lex the Author P. Clodius Tribune of the Commons A. 695. containing an abrogation of the greatest part of the Two former Laws and ordering That no Observations shou'd be made from the Heavens upon the Days of the Comitia and That on any of the Dies Fasti Laws might be enacted in a Publick Assembly (a) Asâ—â— in Pâ—sâ—manars Curia Lex the Author M. Curius Dentatus Tribune of the Commons A. 454. ordaining That no Comitia shou'd be conven'd for the Election of Magistrates without the Approbation of the Senate Vt ante Comitia Magistratuum Patres anctores fierent (b) Cic. de clarie Oratoribuâ— Claudia Lex the Author M. Claudius Marcellus Consul with Serv. Sulpitius Rufus A. 702. ordering That at the Comitia for the Election of Magistrates no account shou'd be taken of the absent (c) Suet. in Julio Gabinia Lex the Author A. Gabinius Tribune of the Commons A. 614. commanding That in the Comitia for the Election of Magistrates the People shou'd not give their Suffrages vivà voce but by Tablets for the greater freedom and impartiality of the Proceedings (d) Cic. de Amicit. pro Plancio de Leg. lib. 3. Cassia Lex enacted about two Years after commanding That in the Courts of Justice and in the Comitia Tributa the Votes shou'd be given in a free manner that is by Tablers (e) Cic. in Lalio Papiria Lex the Author C. Papirius Carbo Tribune of the Commons A. 621. ordaining That in the Comitia about the passing or rejecting of Laws the Suffrages shou'd be given by Tablets (f) Cic. de Leg. lib. 3. Coelia Lex the Author Coelius Tribune of the Commons A. 635 ordaining That in the Judicial Proceedings before the People in Cases of Treason which has been excepted by the Cassian Law the Votes shou'd be given by Tablets (g) Id. Ibid. Sempronia Lex the Author C. Sempronius Gracchus in the same Year as the former ordering That the Centuries shou'd be chose out by Lot to give their Votes and not according to the order of the Classes (h) Salust in Orat. 2. ad Casarem Maria Lex the Author C. Marius Tribune of the Commons A. 634. ordering the Bridges or long Planks on which the People stood in the Comitia to give their Voices to be made narrower that no other Persons might stand there to hinder the Proceedings by Appeals or other Disturbances (i) Cic. de Leg. lib. 3. Plut. in Mario Sempronia Lex the Author C. Sempronius Gracchus Tribune of the Commons A. 565. ordaining
Jugurth CHAP. XXX Laws relating to Corn. SEMPRONIA Lex the Author C. Sempronius Gracchus not T. Sempronius Gracchus as Rosinus has it ordaining that a certain quantity of Corn should be distributed every Month among the Commons so much to every Man for which they were only to pay the small consideration of a Semissis and a Triens (a) Fler. Epit. Lav. lib. 60. Vâ—l. Pat. lib. 2 〈◊〉 Terentia Cassia Lex the Authors M. Terentius Varro Lucullus and C. Cassius Consuls A. 680. ordaining that the same set price should be given for all Corn bought up in the Province to hinder the Exactions of the Quasters (b) 〈◊〉 in Verrin 5. Clodia Lex the Author P. Clodius Triâ—â—â—e of the Câ—mmâ—ns A. 695. ordaining that those quantities of Corn which were formerly sold to the poor People at six Asses and a Triens the Bushel should be distributed among them gratis (c) Cicero pro Sextio in Pison c. Hierenica Lex the Author Hiero Tyrant of Sicily regulating the Affair between the Farmers and the Decumani or Gatherers of the Corn-Tax which because it consisted of a tenth part they call'd Decumae ordaining the quantity of Corn the Price and the time of receiving it which for the Justice of it the Romans still continued in force after they had possess'd themselves of that Island (d) Cicero in Verr. 4. CHAP. XXXI Laws for the regulating of Expences ORCHIA Lex the Author C. Orchius Tribune of the Commons A. 566. defining the number of Guests which were allow'd to be present at any Entertainment (a) Macreb Saturn lib. 2. cap. 14. Fannia Lex the Author C. Fannius Consul A. 588. ordaining that upon the higher Festivals no Person should expend more than an hundred Asses in a Day on ten other Days in every Month thirty Asses and at all other times ten (b) Ibid. Agell lib. 2. cap. 24. Didia Lex enacted about eighteen Years after the former ordaining that the Laws for regulating Expences should reach all the Italians as well as the Inhabitants of Rome and that not only the Masters of extravagant Treats but the Guests too should incurr a Penalty for their Offence (c) Ibid. Lex Licinia the Author P. Licinius Crassus the Rich agreeing in most particulars with the Fanman Law and farther prescribing that on the Kalends Nones and Nundinae thirty Asses should be the most that was spent at any Table and that on ordinary Days which were not particularly excepted Caro arida opponitur salsamento Casaubon adAgell Notae MSS. there should be spent only three pound of dry Flesh and one pound of Salt Meat but allowing as much as every Body pleas'd of any Fruits of the Ground (d) Ibid. Agell lib. 2. cap. 24. Cornelia Lex the Author L. Cornelius Sylla enacted not so much for the retrenching of extravagant Treats as for the imposing a lower price on Provisions (e) Agell lib. 2. cap. 24. Aemilia Lex the Author M. Aemilius Lepidus Consul about A. 675 respecting the particular sorts of Meats in use at that time and stating the just quantities allowable of every kind (f) Ibid. Antia Lex the Author one Antius Restio a farther Essay toward the suppression of Luxury the particulars of which we are not acquainted with But Macrobius gives us this remarkable Story of the Author that finding his Constitution to be of very little force by reason of the great head that Prodigality and Extravagance had gain'd in the City he never afterwards supp'd abroad as long as he liv'd for fear he should be forc'd to be a Witness of the Contempt of his own Injunction without being in a condition to punish it (g) Macrob. Agell Julia Lex preferr'd in the time of Augustus allowing two hundred Sestertii for Provisions on the dies Profesti three hundred on the common Festivals in the Kalendar and a thousand at Marriage-Feasts and such extraordinary Entertainments (h) Agell Agellius farther adds that he finds in an old Author an Edict either of Augustus or Tiberius he is uncertain which raising the allowance according to the difference of the Festivals from three hundred to two thousand Sestertii (i) Ibid. Hither may be referr'd the Lex Oppia the Author C. Oppius Tribune of the Commons A. 540. in the heat of the second Punick War ordaining that no Woman should have above half an Ounce of Gold wear a party-colour'd Garment or be carried in a Chariot in any City Town or to any place within a Miles distance unless upon the account of celebrating some sacred Solemnity (k) Livy lib. 34. Tac. Ann. 3. CHAP. XXXII Laws relating to Martial Affairs SACRATA Lex Militaris the Author probably M. Valerius Corvus Dictator A. 411. ordaining that no Soldiers Name which had been entred in the Muster-Roll should be struck out unless by the Party's consent And that no Person who had been Military Tribune should execute the Office of Ductor Ordinum (a) Liv. lib. 7. Sempronia Lex the Author C. Sempronius Gracchus Tribune of the Commons A. 630. ordaining that the Soldiers should receive their Cloths gratis at the publick Charge without any diminution of their ordinary Pay And that none should be oblig'd to serve in the Army who was not full seventeen Years old (b) Plutarch in C. Graâ—ch Maria Porcia Lex the Authors L. Marius and M. Porcius Cato Tribunes of the Commons A. 691. ordaining that a Penalty should be inflicted on such Commanders as wrote falsely to the Senate about the number of the slain on the Enemies side and of their own Party And that they should be oblig'd when they first entred the City to take a solemn Oath before the Quaestors that the number which they return'd was true according to the est Computation (c) Valâ—r Max. lib. 2. cap. 8. Sulpicia Lex the Author P. Sulpicius Tribune of the Commons A. 665. ordaining that the chief Command in the Mithridatick War which was then enjoy'd by L. Sylla should be taken from him and conferr'd on C. Marius (d) Vell. Patere lib. 2. Florus Epit. 77. Plutarch in Sylla Marto c. Gabinia Lex the Author A. Gabinius Tribune of the Commons A. 685. ordaining that a Commission should be granted to Cn. Pompey for the management of the War against the Pirates for three Years with this particular Clause That upon all the Sea on this side Hercules his Pillars and in the Maritime Provinces as far as 400 Stadia from the Sea he should be empower'd to command Kings Governours and States to supply him with all Necessaries in the Expedition (f) Asconius in Cornelian Vell. Paterc lib. 2. Plutarch in Pomp. Cicero de Lege Maniliâ post Reditum in Senat. Manilia Lex the Author C. Manilius Tribune of the Commons A. 687. ordaining that all the Forces of Lucullus and the Provinces under his Government should be given to Pompey
a review of the Cavalry and Augustus particularly restor'd the old custom of the Transvectio which had before been discontinu'd for some time CHAP. III. The Military Oath and the Levies of the Confederates THE Levies being finish'd the Tribunes of every Legion chose out one whom they thought the fittest Person and gave him a solemn Oath at large the substance of which was That he shou'd oblige himself to obey the Commanders in all things to the utmost of his Power be ready to attend whenever they order'd his appearance and never to leave the Army but by their consent After he had ended the whole Legion passing one by one every Man in short swore to the same effect crying as he went by Idem in me This and some other Oaths were so essential to the Military State that Juvenal useth the Word Sacramenta for Milites or Militia Sat. 16. Praemia nune alia atque alia emolumenta notemus Sacramentorum As to the raising the Confederate Troops Polybius informs us That at the same time as the Levies were made in Rome the Consuls gave notice to the Cities of the Allies in Italy intimating the number of Forces they shou'd have occasion to borrow of them together with the Time and Place when and where they wou'd have them make their Rendezvous The States accordingly conven'd their Men and chusing out their desir'd Number gave them an Oath and assign'd them a Commander in Chief and a Pay-master General We may observe that in the time of Polybius all Italy was indeed subject to the Romans yet no State or People in it had been reduc'd into the form of a Province retaining for the generality their old Governours and Laws and being term'd Secii or Confederates But after all the Italians were not only divided into separate Provinces but afterwards honour'd with the jus Civitatis the Name of Sociâ— ceas'd all the Natives of Italy being accounted Romans and therefore instead of the social Troops the Auxilia were afterwards procur'd which are carefully to be distinguish'd from the former They were sent by foreign States and Princes at the desire of the Roman Senate or Generals and were allow'd a set Pay from the Republick whereas the Socii receiv'd no consideration for their Service but a Distribution of Corn. CHAP. IV. Of the Evocati THE most eminent Degree of Soldiers were the Evocati taken as well out of Allies as Citizens out of Horse as Foot not by Force but at the Request and Intreaty of the Consuls or other Officers for which purpose Letters were commonly dispatch'd to every particular Man whom they design'd thus to invite into their Service These were old experienc'd Soldiers and generally such as had serv'd out their legal Time or had receiv'd particular Marks of Favour as a Reward of their Valour on which accounts they were styl'd Emeriti and Beneficiarii Searce any War was undertaken but a great number of these were invited into the Army and therefore they had the Honour to be reckon'd almost equal with the Centurions In the Field they usually guarded the chief Standard being excus'd from all the Military Drudgery of standing on the Watch labouring in the Works and other servile Employments The Emperour Galba gave the same Name of Evocati to a select Band of young Gentlemen of the Equestrian Rank whom he kept as a Guard to his Palace (a) Suâ—ton in Galb cap. 10. CHAP. V. The several kinds of the Roman Foot and their Division into Manipuli Cohorts and Legions THE whole Roman Infantry was divided into Four sorts Velites Hastati Principes and Triarii The Velites were commonly some of the Tyro's or young Soldiers of mean Condition and lightly Arm'd They had their Name à volando or à velocitate from their Swiftness and Expedition They seem not to have been divided into any distinct Bodies or Companies but to have hover'd in loose Order before the Army The Hastati were so call'd because they us'd in ancient times to fight with Spears which were afterwards laid aside as incommodious These were taken out of the next in Age to the Velites The Principes were generally Men of middle Age and of greatest Vigour 'T is probable that before the Institution of the Hastati they us'd to begin the Fight whence they borrow'd their Name The Triarii were commonly Veterans or hardy old Soldiers of long Experience and approv'd Valour They had their Name from their Position being Marshal'd in the Third Place as the main Strength and Hopes of their Party They are sometimes call'd Pilarii from their Weapons the Pila Every one of these grand Divisions except the Velites compos'd Thirty Manipuli or Companies Every Manipulus made Two Centuries or Ordines Three Manipuli One of the Hastati another of the Principes and a Third of the Triarii compos'd a Cohort Among these one was fill'd with some of the choisest Soldiers and Officers obtaining the Honourable Title of Prima Cohors We meet too with the Praetoria Cohors instituted by Scipio Numantinus selected for the most part out of the Evocati or Reformade's and oblig'd only to attend on the Praetor or General And this gave original to the Praetoriani the Life-guard of the Emperours Ten Cohorts made up a Legion The exact number of Foot in such a Battalion Romulus fix'd at Three thousand though Plutarch assures us That after the reception of the Sabines into Rome he encreas'd it to Six thousand The common number afterwards in the first times of the Free State was Four thousand In the War with Hannibal it arose to Five thousand After this 'T is probable they sunk to about Four thousand or Four thousand two hundred again which was the number in the time of Polybius In the Age of Julius Caesar we don't find any Legions exceeding the Polybian number of Men and he himself expresly speaks of Two Legions that did not make above Seven thousand between them (a) Commentar lib. 5. â— The number of Legions kept in Pay together was different according to the various Times and Occasions During the Free State Four Legions were commonly fitted up every Year and divided between the Two Consuls Yet in cases of necessity we sometimes meet with no less than Sixteen or Eighteen in Livy Augustus maintain'd a Standing Army of Twenty three or as some will have it of Twenty five Legions but in after-times we seldom find so many They borrow'd their Names from the Order in which they were rais'd as Prima Secunda Tertia but because it usually happen'd that there were several Primae Secundae c. in several places upon that account they took a sort of Surname besides either from the Emperours who first constituted them as Augusta Claudiana Galbiana Flavia Vlpia Trajana Antoniana or from the Provinces which had been conquer'd chiefly by their Valour as Parthica Scythica Gallica Arabica c. Or from the Names of the particular Deities for whom their Commanders had an especial Honour
as Minervia and Apollinaris Or from the Region where they had their Quarters as Fretensis Cyrenica Britannica c. Or sometimes upon account of lesser Accidents as Adjutrix Martia Fulminatrix Rapax c. CHAP. VI. The Division of the Cavalry and of the Allies THE Horse requir'd to every Legion was Three hundred divided into ten Turmae or Troops Thirty to a Troop every Turma making Three Decuriae or Bodies of Ten Men. This number of Three hundred they term'd justus Equitatus and is understood as often as we meet with Legio cum suo equitatu or Legio cum justo equitatu And though we now and then find a different number as Two hundred in a place or two of Livy and Caesar yet we must suppose this alteration to have proceeded from some extraordinary cause and consequently to be of no Authority against the common current of History The foreign Troops under which we may comprize the Socii and Auxiliaries were not divided as the Citizens into Legions but first into Two great Bodies term'd Alae or Cornua and those again into Companies usually of the same nature with those of the Romans Though as to this we have little light in History as a matter of small importance We may further remark That the Forces which the Romans borrow'd of the Confederate States were equal to their own in Foot and double in Horse though by disposing and dividing them with great Policy and Caution they prevented any Design that they might possibly entertain against the natural Forces For about a third part of the foreign Horse and a fifth of the Foot was separated from the rest under the Name of Extraordinarii and a more choice Part of those with the Title of Ablecti In the time of the Emperours the Auxiliary Forces were commonly Honour'd with the Name and Constitution of Legions though the more ancient Appellation of Alae frequently occurr They were call'd Alae from their position in the Army and therefore we must expect sometimes to find the same Name applied to the Roman Soldiers when they happen'd to have the same Station CHAP. VII The Officers in the Roman Army and first of the Centurions and Tribunes with the Commanders of the Horse and of the Confederate Forces THE Military Officers may be divided according to Lipsius into proper and Common the first presiding over some particular Part as the Centurions and Tribunes the other using an equal Authority over the whole force as the Legati and the General We can't have a tolerable Notion of the Centurions without remembring what has been already deliver'd That every one of the Thirty Mâ—â—ipuli in a Legion was divided into Two Ordines or Ranks and consequently the Three Bodies of the Hastati Principes and Triarii into Twenty Orders a-piece as into Ten Manipuli Now every Manipulus was allow'd Two Centurions or Captains One to each Order or Century And to determine the point of Priority between them they were created at two different Elections The Thirty who were made first always took the Precedency of their Fellows and therefore commanded the Right-hand Orders as the others did the Left The Triarii or Pilani being esteem'd the most Honourable had their Centurions elected first next to them the Principes and afterwards the Hastati whence they were call'd primus secundus Pilus primus secundus Princeps primus secundus Hastatus and so on Here it may be observ'd That primi ordines is us'd sometimes in Historians for the Centurions of those Orders and the same Centurions are sometimes styl'd Principes Ordinum and Principes Centurionum We may take notice too what a large Field there lay for Promotion first through all the Orders of the Hastati then quite through the Principes and afterwards from the last Order of the Triarii to the Primopilus the most Honourable of the Centurions and who deserves to be particularly describ'd This Officer besides his Name of Primopilus went under the several Titles of Dux Legionis Praefectus Legionis Primus Centurionum and Primus Centurio and was the Centurion of the Right-hand Order of the first Manipulus of the Triarians or Pilani in every Legion He presided over all the other Centurions and generally gave the word Command in Exercises and Engagements by Order of the Tribunes Besides this he had the care of the Eagle or chief Standard of the Legion Hence Aquilae praeesse is to bear the Dignity of Primopilus and hence Aquila is taken by Pliny for the said Office and Juvenal seems to intimate the same Vt locupletem Aquilam tibi Sexagesimus annus Adferat Sat. 14. Nor was this Station only honorable but very profitable too for he had a special Stipend allow'd him probably as much as a Knight's Estate and when he left that Charge was reputed equal to the Members of the Equestrian Order bearing the Title of Primopilarius in the same manner as those who had discharg'd the greatest Civil Offices were styl'd ever after Consulares Censorii Praetorii Quaestorii and Aedilitii The Badge of the Centurion's Office was the Vitis or Rod which they bore in their Hand whence vitem poscere imports the same as to sue for a Centurion's Place The Evocati too had the Privilege of using the Vitis as being in all respects rather superiour to the Centurions As to the reason why this Rod should be made of a Vine-branch an old Scholiast upon Juvenal has a merry Fancy that Bacchus made use of such a Scepter in his Martial Expedition and recommended the use of it to Posterity Besides the Centurions every Manipulus had two Vexillarii or Ensigns and every Centurion chose two Optiones or Succenturiones to be his Deputies or Lieutenants The Tribunes owe their Name and Original to Romulus his Institution when he chose three Officers in chief of that nature out of the three Tribes into which he divided his City The number afterwards encreas'd to six in every Legion They were created as at first by the Kings so afterwards by the Consuls for some time 'till about A. V. C. 393. when the People assum'd this Right to themselves And tho in the War with Perseus King of Macedon this Privilege was regain'd by the Consuls (a) Vide Liv. lib. 42. yet we find that in the very same War it quickly after return'd to the People (b) Vide Liv. lib. 43. 'T is probable that soon after they divided this Power between them one half of the Tribunes being assign'd by the Consuls the other half elected by the People The former sort were term'd Rufuli or Rutili because one Rutilius Rufus preferr'd a Law in their behalf The others Comitiati because they obtain'd their Command by the publick Votes in the Comitia (c) Vide Asâ—on Paedian in Verrin They were sometimes taken out of the Equestrian and Senatorian Orders And in the time of the Caesars most if not all the Tribunes seem to have been either Senators
The Torques Golden and Silver Collars wreath'd with curious Art and Beauty Pliny attributes the Golden Collars to the Auxiliaries and the Silver to the Roman Soldiers but this is suppos'd to be a mistake The Phalerae commonly thought to be a Suit of rich Trappings for a Horse but because we find them bestow'd on the Foot as well as the Cavalry we may rather suppose them to have been golden Chains of like nature with the Torques only that they seem to have hung down to the Breast whereas the others only went round the Neck The hopes of these two last are particularly urg'd among the Advantages of a Military Life by Juvenal Sat. 16. Vt laeti phaleris omnes torquibus omnes The Vexilla a sort of Banners of different Colours work'd in Silk or other curious Materials such as Augustus bestow'd on Agrippa after he had won the Sea-fight at Aclium We may in the next place take notice of the several Coronets receiv'd on several occasions As Corona Civica given to any Soldier that had sav'd the Life of a Roman Citizen in an Engagement This was reckon'd more honourable than any other Crown tho' compos'd of no better Materials than Oaken Boughs Virgil calls it Civilis Quercus Aen. 6. Atque umbrata gerunt civili tempora Quereu Plutarch has guess'd very happily at the reason why the Branches of this Tree should be made use of before all others For the Oaken Wreath says he being otherwise sacred to Jupiter the great Guardian of their City they might therefore think it the most proper Ornament for him who had preserv'd a Citizen Besides the Oak may very well claim the preference in this case because in the Primitive times that Tree alone was thought almost sufficient for the preserving of Man's Life Its Acorns were the principal Diet of the old Mortals and the Honey which was commonly found there presented them with a verâ— pleasant Liquor (a) Vide Plutarch in Coriolano It was a particular Honour conferr'd on the Persons who haâ— merited this Crown that when they came to any of the publick Shows the whole Company as well Senate as People should signifie their Respect by rising up when they saw them enter and that they should take their Seat on these occasionâ— among the Senators being also excus'd from all troublesomâ— Duties and Services in their own Persons and procuring the same Immunity for their Father and Grandfather by his side (b) Vide Plin. lib. 16. cap. 4. Corona Muralis given to him who first scal'd the Walls of a City in a general Assault and therefore in the shape of it there was some Allusion made to the Figure of a Wall Corona Castrensis or Vallaris the Reward of him who had first forc'd the Enemies Intrenchments Corona Navalis bestow'd on such as had signaliz'd their Valour in an Engagement at Sea being set round with Figures like the Beaks of Ships Cui belli insigne superbum Tempora navali fulgent rostrata Coronâ Virg. Aen. 8. Lipsius fansies the Corona Navalis and the Rostrata to have been two distinct Species tho' they are generally believ'd to be the same kind of Crown Corona obsidicnalis This was not like the rest given by the General to the Soldiers but presented by the common consent of the Soldiers to the General when he had deliver'd the Romans or their Allies from a Siege It was compos'd of the Grass growing in the besieg'd Place Corona Triumphalis made with Wreaths of Lawrel and proper only to such Generals as had the Honour of a Triumph In after Ages this was chang'd for Gold * Aurum Coronarium and not only restrain'd to those that actually Triumph'd but presented on several other accounts as commonly by the Foreign States and Provinces to their Patrons and Benefactors Several of the other Crowns too are thought to have been of Gold as the Castrensis the Mural and the Naval Corona Triumphalis Corona Obsidio nalis Corona Civica Corona Muralis Corona Vallaris vel Castrensis Corona Navalis The most remarkable Person upon Record in History for obtaining a great number of these Rewards was one C. Siccius or â—icinius Dentatus who had receiv'd in the time of his Military Service eight Crowns of Gold fourteen Civick Crowns three Mural eighty three Golden Torques sixty Golden Armillae eighteen Hastae purae and seventy five Phalerae (c) Vide Agell lib. 2. cap. 11. Valer. Max. c. But far greater Honours were conferr'd on the Victorious Generals some of which were usually decreed them in their absence others at their arrival in the City Of the former kind were the Salutatio Imperatoris and the Supplicatio of the latter the Ovation and the Triumph The first of these was no more than the saluting the Commander in chief with the Title of Imperator upon account of any remarkable Success which Title was decreed him by the Senate at Rome after it had been given him by the joint Acclamations of the Soldiers in the Camp The Supplicatio was a solemn Procession to the Temple of the Gods to return thanks for any signal Victory After the obtaining any such remarkable Advantage the General commonly gave the Senate an account of the Exploit by Letters wreath'd about with Lawrel * Literae Laureatae In which after an account of his Success he desir'd the favour of a Supplication or publick Thanksgiving This being granted for a set number of Days the Senate went in a solemn manner to the chief Temples and assisted at the Sacrifices proper to the occasion holding a Feast in the Temples to the Honour of the respective Deities Hence Servius explains that of Virgil Simul Divum Templis indicit honorem Aen. 1. as alluding to a solemn Supplication In the mean time the whole Body of the Commonalty kept Holy-day and frequented the Religious Assemblies giving Thanks for the late Success and imploring a long continuance of the Divine Favour and Assistance Octavius Caesar together with the Consuls Hirtius and Pansa upon their raising the Siege of Mutina were honour'd with Supplication fifty Days long The Ovation some fansie to have deriv'd its Name from shouring Evion to Bacchus but the true Original is Ovis the Sheep which was usually offer'd in this Procession as an Ox in the Triumph The Show generally began at the Albanian Mountain whence the General with his Retinue made his Entry into the City He went on foot with many Flutes or Pipes sounding in Consort as he pass'd along wearing a Garland of Myrtle as a Token of Peace with an Aspect rather raising Love and Respect than Fear Agellius informs us that this Honour was then conferr'd on the Victor when either the War had not been proclaim'd in due method or not undertaken against a lawful Enemy and on a just account or when the Enemy was but mean and inconsiderable (e) Noel Att. lib. 5. cap. 6. But Plutarch has deliver'd his Judgment
For this purpose they made use of a fine kind of Chalk whence Persius took the hint of Cretata ambitio (c) Sat. 5. ver 177. As to the Holy-days or solemn Festivals on which we find the Romans always attir'd in White 't is reasonable to believe that all Persons of any fashion constantly put on new Gowns which were of the purest White on these Occasions and those of meaner condition might perhaps chalk over their old Gowns which were now grown rusty and had almost lost their Colour (d) Dips Elect. lib. 1. cap. 13. The Dispute between Manutius and Sigonius whether the Roman Gown was tied about with a Girdle or not is commonly decided in favour of Manutius Yet it must be acknowledg'd that the best Authors allow some kind of Cincture to the Gown but then it must be understood to be perform'd only by help of the Gown it self or by that part of it which coming under the Right Arm was drawn over to the Left Shoulder and so covering the Vmbo or knot of Plaights which rested there kept the Gown close together This Lappet Quinctilian calls the Belt in his Advice to the Orators about this matter Ille qui sub humero dextro ad sinistrum obliquè ducitur velut balteus nec strangulet nec fluat (e) Institut lib. 11. cap. 3. This Belt being loos'd and the Left Arm drawn in the Gown flow'd out and the Sinus or main Lappet hung about the Wearer's Feet This was particularly observ'd in Caesar who commonly let his Gown hang dragging after him whence Sylla us'd to advise the Noblemen ut puerum male praecinctum caverent (f) Sueton. Jul. cap. 15. Macrob. Saturnal lib. 2. cap. 3. The accurate Ferrarius is certainly in a mistake as to this Point for maintaining that the Gown had no kind of cinctus but what they call'd Gabinus he will have this meant only of the Tunica But the plain Words of Macrobius make this Supposition impossible and Lacinium trahere expresly points out the Gown for the Tunick being only a short Vest cannot by any means be conceiv'd to have a Lappet dragging on the Ground (g) Graevius ad Sueton. Jul. 45. The same Fault which Sylla objected to Caesar was commonly observ'd in Maecenas and is a mark of that effeminate Softness which makes an unhappy Part of his Character in History The learned Graevius observes that the Word Praecingi was proper to the Gown because the Lappet did not close about the whole Gown but only the fore-part of it (h) Ibidem The Cinctus Gabinus is most happily describ'd by Ferrarius Cinctus Gabinus non aliud fuit quà m cùm togae lacinia laevo brachio subducta in tergum ita rejiciebatur ut contracta retraheretur ad pectus atque ita in nodum necteretur qui nodus sive cinctus togam contrahebat brevioremque strictiorem reddidit (i) Dere Vestiaâ— lib. 1. cap. 14. The Cinctus Gabinus was nothing else but when the Lappet of the Gown which us'd to be brought up to the Left-Shoulder being drawn thence was cast off in such a manner upon the Back as to come round short to the Breast and there fasten in a Knot which Knot or Tincture tuck'd up the Gown and made it shorter and straighter This Cinctus was proper only to the Consuls or Generals upon some extraordinary occasions as the denouncing War burning the Spoils of the Enemy devoting themselves to death for the safety of their Army and the like It was borrow'd from the Inhabitants of Gabii a City of Campania who at the time of a publick Sacrifice happening to be set upon suddenly by their Enemies were oblig'd thro' hast to gather up their Gowns in this manner and so march out to oppose them (k) Servius ad Viâ—gil Aeâ—eid 7. v. 61â— In the ordinary wear the upper part of the Gown us'd to lay over the Right Shoulder yet upon occasion 't was an easie matter to draw back that part again and make it cover the Head And learned Men are of opinion that the Romans while they continued in the City made use of this sort of covering only for the Head never appearing in any kind of Caps or Hats unless they were on a Journey out of Town Thus Plutarch informs us of the deference paid to great Men as they pass'd the Streets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Romans when they meet any Person who deserves a particular respect if they chance to have their Gown on their Head presently uncover And the same Author reckoning up the Marks of Honour which Sylla show'd Pompey adds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and pulling off his Gown from his Head The several sorts of the Roman Gowns were the Toga Praetexta the Pulla the Sordida and the Picta Purpurea Palmata c. or the Trabea Every one knows that the Gown was the distinguishing Mark of the Romans from the Greeks who wore the Pallium or Cloak as their common Garment whence Togatus and Palliatus are often us'd for Roman and Graecian As also that the Gown was the proper Badge of Peace being generally laid aside upon engaging in any martial Design Yet it appears from several Passages of Livy and Plutarch that it was sometimes worn in the Camp If so perhaps the Equites and Centurions had this peculiar Privilege and that only when they lay still in the Camp without any thoughts of sudden Action as Manutius learnedly conjectures (l) De Quaesitis per Epist lib. 2. Ep. 1. The Toga Praetexta had a Border of Purple round the Edges whence it took its Name and in allusion to which the Graecian Writers call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It seems Originally to have been appropriated to the Magistrates and some of the Priests when at first introduc'd by Tullus Hostilius How it came to be bestow'd on the young Men is differently related Some fansie that Tarquinius Priscus in a Triumph for a Victory against the Sabines first honour'd his own Son with the Praetexta and the Bulla aurea as Rewards of his Valour for killing one of the Enemies with his own Hands For as the former was the Robe of the Magistrates so the Bulla aurea was 'till then us'd only by Generals in their Triumphal Procession being a sort of hollow golden Ball hanging about their Necks in which was inclos'd some secret Amulet or Preservative against Envy Others without regarding this first Story tell us that the same Tarquin among other wise Constitutions took particular Care in assigning the proper Habit to the Boys and accordingly ordain'd that the Sons of Noblemen should make use of the Praetexta and the Bulla aurea Provided their Fathers had born any Curule Office and that the rest should wear the Praetexta only as low as the Sons of those who had served on Horse-back in the Army the full time that the Law requir'd A third Party referr the Original of this Custom
who had thin Heads of Hair as Sueton reports of Nero (i) Cap. 12. As also by the Wrastlers to keep their own Hair from receiving any Damage by the nasty Oyls with which they were rubb'd all over before they exercis'd This we learn from Martial's Distich on the Galericulum Ne lutet immundum nitidos ceroma capillos Hâc poteris madidas condere pelle comas The Pileus was the ordinary Cap or Hat worn at Publick Shows and Sacrifices and by the Freed-Men For a Journey they had the Petasus differing only from the former in that it had broader Brims and bore a nearer Resemblance to our Hats as appears from the common Pictures of Mercury And hence it took its Name from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to open or spread out (k) Vossius Etymolog in v. Petasus Lipsius de Amphithcat cap. 19. The Mitra the Tiara and the Diadem tho' we often meet with them in Roman Authors are none of them beholden to that Nation for their Original The Mitre seems to owe its Invention to the Trojans being a crooked Cap tied under the Chin with Ribbons It belong'd only to the Women among the Romans and is attributed to the foreign Courtezans that set up their Trade in that City Such as the Pictâ lupa barbara mitrâ in Juvenal Yet among the Trojans we find it in use among the Men. Thus Remulus scouts them in Virgil. Et tunicae manicas habent redimicula mitrae O verè Phrygiae neque enim Phryges (l) Aen. 9.616 And even Aeneas himself is by Iarbas describ'd in this Dress .. Moeoniâ mentum mitrâ crinemque madentem Subnexus Aen. 4.216 The Tiara was the Cap of State us'd by all the Eastern Kings and Great Men only with this difference that the Princes wore it with a sharp strait Top and the Nobles with the Point a little bending downwards (m) Dempster ad Rosin lib. 5. cap. 35. The Diadem belong'd to the Kings of Rome as well as to the foreign Princes This seems to have been no more than a white Scarf or Fascia bound about the Head like that which composeth the Turkish Turban Those who are willing to find some nearer Resemblance between the Diadem and our Modern Crowns may be convinc'd of their Mistake from that Passage of Plutarch where he tells us of a Princess that made use of her Diadem to hang her self with (n) Plut. in Lucull These white Fasciae among the Romans were always look'd on as the Marks of Sovereignty and therefore when Pompey the Great appear'd commonly abroad with a white Scarf wound about his Leg upon pretence of a Bruise or an Ulcer those who were jealous of his growing Power did not fail to interpret it as an Omen of his affecting the supreme Command and one Favonius plainly told him it made little Odds on what Part he wore the Diadem the Intention being much the same (o) Valer. Max. lib. 6. cap. 2. To descend to the Feet the several sorts of the Roman Shooes Slippers c. which most frequently occur in reading are the Perones the Calcei lunati the Mullei the Soleae and Crepidae and the Caligae besides the Cothurnus and Soccus which have been already describ'd The Perones were a kind of High-Shooes rudely form'd of raw Hides and reaching up to the Middle of the Leg. They were not only us'd by the Country-People as some imagine but in the City too by Men of ordinary Rank Nay Rubenius averrs that in the elder times of the Common-Wealth the Senators as well as others went in the Pero's (p) De Laticlav lib. 2. cap. 1. However when they came to be a little polish'd they left this clumsy Wear to the Plough-Men and Labourers and we scarce find them applied to any one else by the Authors of the flourishing Ages Thus Persius brings in the Peronatus arator S. 5. V. 102. And Juvenal Quem non pudet alto Perglaciem perone tegi S. 14. V. 186. Virgil indeed makes some of his Soldiers wear the Pero But then they were only a company of plain Rusticks Legio agrestis is he calls them and besides they wore it but on one Foot Vestigia nuda sinistri Instituere pedis crudus tegit altera pero Aen. 7.690 The Calcei Lunati were proper to the Patritians to distinguish them from the Vulgar so call'd from an Half-Moon in Ivory worn upon them Baldwin will have the Half-Moon to have serv'd in stead of a Fibula or Buckle (q) De Calceo Antiqu. cap. 9. But Rubenius (r) De Laticlav lib. 2. cap. refutes this Conjecture by showing from Philostratus that it was show'd by way of Ornament not on the fore-part of the Shooe like the Buckle but about the Ankle Plutarch in his Roman Questions gives abundance of Reasons why they us'd the Half-Moon rather than any other Figure but none of his Fancies have met with any Approbation from the Learned The common Opinion makes this Custom an allusion to the Number of Senators at their first institution which being an Hundred was Signified by the Numeral Letter C. Yet the Patritians before they arriv'd at the Senatorian Age and even before they put on the Praetexta had the Privilege of using the Half-Moon on their Shooes Thus Statius Sylv. 5. Sic te clare puer genitum sibi curia sensit Primaque Patritiâ clausit vestigia lunâ As for the Senators who were not Patritians they did not indeed wear the Half-Moon but that Ornament seems not to have been the only Difference between the Senatorian and the common Shooes For the former are commonly represented as Black and coming up to the middle of the Leg as in Horace Book 1. Sat. 6. Nigris medium impediit crus Pellibus Rubenius will have this understood only of the Four black Straps which he says fasten'd the Senators Shooes being ty'd pretty high on the Leg (Å¿) De Re Vest lib. 2. cap. 3. Dacier tells us the Senatâ—rs had two sorts of Shooes one for Summer and the other for Winter The Summer Shooes he describes with such Leathern Straps crossing one another many times about the Leg and nothing but a Sole at the Bottom These he calls Campagi tho' Rubenius attributes this Name to a sort of Caligae worn by the Senators under the later Emperours (t) Ibid. cap 5. The Winter-Shooes he says were made of an entire black Skin or sometimes of a white one reaching up to cover the greatest part of the Leg without any open Place except on the Top (u) Dacier on Horace Book 1. Sat. 6. It 's uncertain whether the Calcei Mullei were so call'd from the Colour of the Mullet or whether they lent a Name to that Fish from their reddish Dye They were at first the peculiar Wear of the Alban Kings afterwards of the Kings of Rome and upon the Establishment of the free State were appropriated to those Persons who had born any
People a publick Entertainment (c) Val. Max. lib. 7. cap. 5. On the Beds they laid a kind of Ticks or Quilts stuff'd with Feathers Herbs or Tow which they call'd culcitrae Over these they threw in ancient Times nothing but Goat's Skins which were afterwards chang'd for the stragula the Coverlids or Carpets These we some times find under the Name of toralia on account of belonging to the torus Thus in Horace Ne turpe toral ne sordida mappa Corruget nares Lib. 2. Epist 5. And again Et Tyrias dare circum illota toralia vestes Lib 2. Sat. 4. On the Carpets were laid Pulvini or Pillows for the Guests to lean their Backs on ' Twou'd be endless to describe the Variety and Richness of the Furniture with which they set off their Tables It will be enough to observe from Pliny that when Carthage was finally destroy'd by Scipio Africanus the whole Mass of Treasure found in that City which had so long contended for Riches Glory and Empire with Rome it self amounted to no more than what in Pliny's time was often laid out in the Furniture of a Table (f) Nat. Hist lib. 33. cap. 11. As to the manner of the Entertainment the Guests in the first place Bath'd with the Master of the Feast and then chang'd their ordinary Cloths for the vestis convivalis or coenatoria a light kind of Frock at the same time having their soleae pull'd off by the Slaves that they might not foul the fine Carpets and Furniture of the Beds And now taking their Places the first Man lay at the Head of the Bed resting the fore Part of his Body on his Left-Elbow and having a Pillow or Bolster to prop up his Back The next Man lay with his Head towards the Feet of the first from which he was defended by the Bolster that supported his own Back commonly reaching over to the Navel of the other Man and the rest after the same manner Being settled on the Beds in the next place they wash'd their Hands Stratoque super discumbitur ostro Dant manibus famuli lymphas Virg. Aen. 1. After this they were serv'd with Garlands of Roses and whatever other Flowers were in Season which they did not wear only on their Heads but sometimes too about their Necks and Arms This too was the time to present them with Essences and Perfumes The Number of Guests is by Agellius stated according to Varro that they shou'd not be fewer than Three or more than Nine either to express the Number of the Graces or the Muses The most honourable Place was the middle Bed and the middle of that Horace describes the whole Order of sitting in his Eighth Satyr of the 2 Book Summus ego prope me Viscus Sabinus infra Si memini Varius cum Servilio Balatrone Vibidius quos Maecoâ—as adduxerat umbras Nomentanus crat super ipsum Porcius infra So that infra aliquem cubare is the same as to lay in ones Bosom as St. John is said to have done in our Saviour's whence Learned Men have thought that either the same Custom was observ'd in almost all Nations or else that the Jews having been lately conquer'd by Pompey conform'd themselves in this as in many other respects to the Example of their Masters At the beginning of the Feast they laid on their Bellies their Breasts being kept up with Pillows that they might have both their Hands at Liberty but toward the Latter End they either rested themselves on their Elbows as Horace says Languidus in cubitum jam se conviva reponet or if they had not a mind to talk they lay all along all which Postures are to be seen in the old Marbles which present the Draughts of an Entertainment They seem to have brought in the several Courses in Tables not by single Dishes as Servius observes on that of Virgil Aen. 5. Postquam prima quies epulis mensaeque remotae But some will understand by mensae in that place rather the Dishes than the Tables because it follows presently after Dixit in mensâ laticum libavit honorem unless we suppose that as soon as the Table of Victuals was remov'd another was set in its Place with nothing but Drink They wanted no manner of Diversion while they were eating having ordinarily Music and Antick Dances and in Ancient Times Combats of Gladiators Plutarch tells us that Julius Caesar once in a Treat which he made for the People had no less than 22000 Triclinia which is enough to give an Item of their publick Entertainments CHAP. XII Of the Roman Names THE Roman Names which many times grievously puzzle ordinary Readers may be divided into four sorts the Names of the ingenui or Free-born the Names of the Freed-Men and Slaves the Names of the Women and the Names of Adopted Persons The Ingenui had Three several Names the Praenomen the Nomen and the Cognomen Hence Juvenal Sat. 5. Si quid tentaveris unquam Hiscere tanquam habeas tria nomina The Praenomen answers to our Christian Name but was not impos'd 'till the assuming the Manly Gown The Names of this sort most in use together with the initial Letters which ordinarily stand for them in Writing are as follow A. Aulus C. Caius D. Decimus K. Caeso L. Lucius M. Marcus and Manius N. Numerius P. Publius Q. Quinctus T. Titus AP. Appius CN Cneus SP. Spurius TI. Tiberius MAM. Mamercus SER. Servius SEX Sextus The Nomen immediately follow'd the Praenomen answering to the Graecian Patronymicks For as among them the Posterity of Aeacus had the Name of Aeacidae so the Julian Family in Rome were so call'd from Iulus or Ascanius But there were several other Reasons which gave Original to some of the Praenomens as living-Creatures Places and Accidents which are obvious in reading The Cognemen was added in the Third Place on the Account of distinguishing Families and was assum'd from no certain Cause but usually from some particular Occurrence But this must be understood principally of the first Original of the Name for afterwards it was Hereditary tho' frequently chang'd for a new one The â—â—â—es in Ancient Times had no Name but what they horrowed from the Praenomen of their Master as Lucipor Publipor Mâ—rcipor as much as to say Lucii puer Publii puer c. (a) Quinctilian Institut lib. 1. cap. 4. Plin. N. H. lib. 33. cap. 1. When this Custom grew out of Fashion the Slaves were usually call'd by some proper Name of their own sometimes of Latine and sometimes of Graecian Original this was very often taken from their Country as Davus Syrus Geta c. Upon their Manumission they took up the Praenomen and the Nomen of their Masters but instead of the Cognomen made use of their former Name as Marcus Tullius Tyro the Freed-Man of Cicero After the same Manner it was customary for any Foreigner who had been made a Free Denizen of â—â—me to bear the
Days some of Thirty five and some of more (a) Plut. in Numa But he is generally allow'd to have setled the number of Days with a great deal more equality allotting to March May Quintilis and October One and thirty Days To April June Sextilis November and December Thirty making up in all Three hundred and four Days (b) Maâ—â—h Sâ—â—â—rn lib. i. cap. 12. Censorm de die Natali cap. 20. c. Scilicet arma magis quam sydera Romule noras Scaliger indeed is very angry that People should think the Romans had ever any other account than by Twelve Months (c) Liâ— Emendat Temper lib. 2. But 't is probable that the Testimonies of Varro Macrobius Censorinus Ovid c. will over-rule the bare Words of Licinius Macer and the counterfeit Fenestella which are all he produceth As to the Names of Romulus's Months the first to be sure was consecrated to Mars the Father of the State The next too may be setch'd from Venus the other Guardian and Parent of the Romans if we admit of the allusion between the Word Aprilis and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 her Name in Greek Though 't is generally deriv'd from Aperio to open because this is the chief part of the Spring in which the Buds and Flowers open and disclose themselves (d) Plut. in Num. Macrobius Sat. lib. 1. cap. 12. May he named so from Maia the Mother of Mercury according to Plutarch (e) In Num. though Macrobius makes the Maia to whom May was dedicated the same as Rhea Ops or the Earth and different from Mercury's Mother (f) Sat. lib 1. cap. 12. Ovid brings it à Senibus i. c. à Majoribus (g) Fast 1. v. 4 1. June either comes from Juventus because this is the youthful and gay part of the Year (h) Plut. in Num. or else 't is a contraction of Junonius and dedicated to the Goddess Juno (i) Macrob. ubi supra The other Months he denominated as they stood in order So Quintilis is no more than the Fifth Month Sextilis than the Sixth and so on But these two afterwards chang'd their Names to July and August in honour of Julius Caesar and his Successor Augustus Nero had afterwards call'd April Neroneâ—s (k) Suet in Ner. cap 55. Plutarch tells us that Domitian too in imitation of them gave the Two Months immediately following the Names of Germanicus and Domitianus but he being slain they recover'd their old Denominations (l) Plut. in Num. Numa was a little better acquainted with the Coelestial Motions than his Predecessor and therefore undertaking to reform the Kalendar in the first place he added the Two Months of January and February the first of which he dedicated to the God Janus the other took its Name from Februo to purifie because the Feasts of Purification were celebrated in that Month (m) Ibid. To compose these Two Months he put Fifty Days to the old Three hundred and four to make them answer the Course of the Moon and then took Six more from the Six Months that had even Days adding One odd day more than he ought to have done meerly ought of Superstition and to make the number fortunate However he could get but Eight and twenty Days for February and therefore that Month was always counted unlucky (n) Censorin de die Natali cap. 20. Besides this he observ'd the difference between the Solar and the Lunar Course to be Eleven Days and to remedy the inequality he doubled those Days and after every two Years added an interstitial Month to follow February which Plutarch calls in one place Mercidinus (o) In Num. and in another Mercidonius (p) In Jul. Cas But the care of this Intercalation being left to the Priests they clapp'd in or left out the Month whenever they pleas'd as they fansied lucky or unlucky and so made such mad work that the Festivals and solemn Days for Sacrifice were remov'd by little and little 'till at last they came to be kept at a Season quite contrary to what they had been formerly (q) In Jul. Câ—â— Julius Caesar was the first that undertook to remedy this disorder and to this purpose he call'd in the best Philosophers and Mathematicians of his time to settle the point In order to bringing matters right he was forc'd to make one confus'd Year of Fifteen Months and Four hundred forty five Days but to preserve a due Regulation for the future he quite took away the Intercalary Month and adding Ten Days to Numa's Three hundred fifty five equall'd them to the Course of the Sun except Six odd Hours The Ten Days he distributed among those Seven Months that had before but Nine and twenty and as for the Six Hours he order'd them to be let alone 'till they made up a whole Day and to every Fourth Year he put in the same place where the Month us'd to be inserted before (r) Censirin cap. 20. and that was just Five Days before the end of February or next before the Sixth of the Calends of March. For this reason the supernumerary Day had the Name of Dies bissextus and thence the Leap-Year came to be call'd Annus Bessextilis But the Priests who had been the Authors of the old Confusion committed as grâ—at a Blunder in the New Computation by interposing the Leap-Day at the Beginning of every Fourth Year instead of the End 'till Augustus Caesar brought it into the Right Course again (s) Macroâ— Sat. lib. 1. cap 1â— Sueton in Aâ—gust cap. 31. in which it hath continu'd ever since and is follow'd by a great part of Euâ—ope at this day Yet because there wanted Eleven Minutes in the Six odd Hours of Julius's Year the Aequinoxes and Sâ—â—â—â—ices losing something continually were found about the Year 1582. to have run back Ten whole Days For which reason Pope Gregory at that time undertook a New Reformation of the Kalendar entring off Ten Days to bring them to their proper places This Account they call the Gregorian or New Stile which is obâ—erv'd too in many parts of Europe CHAP. X. The Distinction of the Roman Days WHEN Numa divided the Year into Twelve Months he made a distinction too in the Days ranking them in these three Orders Dies Festi Profesti and Intercisi The first sort was consecrated to the Gods The second allotted for the Civil Business of Men. The third divided between sacred and ordinary Employments The Dies festi were set a-part for the Celebration of these Four Solemnities Sacrificia Epulae Ludi and Feriae Sacrificia were no more than publick Sacrifices to the Gods Epulae were a sort of Banquets celebrated to the Honour of the Deities Ludi were publick Sports instituted with the same Design Feriae were either publick or private The Publick were of four sorts Stativae Conceptivae Imperativae and Nundinae Feriae Stativae were publick Feasts kept by the whole City â—ccording to