in a new law and abolish the old But the Messiah was not to come in those 7. weekes but after 62. weekes more 6. So then in that the 7. weekes are diuided from the rest it doth not so much shew what notable accidents should fall out therein as it doth prescribe the very number of yeares after the which from the going out of the word the Temple and citie should againe be repaired and reedified which accordingly came so to passe as shall be shewed afterward 57. Quest. Whether these 7. weekes must be counted before the 62. weekes or after It beeing then agreed vpon that there was some speciall cause in seuering these 7. weekes from the rest yet there is some question whâ—n these 7. weekes should beginne before or after the 62. weekes 1. Tertullian putteth them after for the 62. weekes he extendeth from Darius to the birth of Christ and then 7. weekes and an halfe that is 53. yeares he counteth from thence to the destruction of Ierusalem But from Christs birth who suffered in the 34. yeare of his age to the destruction of the citie some 40. yeares after was aboue seuen weekes they make 10. weekes 70. yeares at the least 2. Some Hebrewes whose opinion Hierome rehearseth in his commentarie vpon this place doe ende the 62. yeares at the taking of the citie by Titus and from thence to the finall destruction by Adrian the Emperour they count 8. weekes more which maketh 56. yeares But beside that there are found from Darius to Adrian the Emperour aboue 600. yeares whereas 72. weekes make but 490. yeares the 7. weekes must be counted to the Messiah as is euident v. 25. not after 3. Theodoret bringeth the 69. weekes to Hyrcanus death and from thence to the baptisme of Christ he counteth 7. weekes that is 49. yeares But he is much deceiued in his account for from Hyrcanus death to the baptisme of our Sauiour are about 60. yeares for after Hyrcanus in the 32. yeare of Herod or thereabout was Christ borne who was baptized in the 30. yeare of his age 4. Now that these 7. weekes are to be counted before the 62. weekes not to be cast after them 1. the order of the words declare there shall be seuen weekes to the Messiah and 62. weekes 2. and beside it is said that not after 69. weekes but after 62. weekes Messiah shall be slaine so that vnlesse the 62. weekes be put to the 7. weekes the yeares will not bring vs to the Messiah 3. the accidents that fell out after that time the building of the citie and the wall which were done after the tearme of these 7. weekes which things accordingly came to passe will bring backe these 7. weekes into the first place 4. And beside the Angel directly beginneth the 7. weekes from the going forth of the word v. 25. 58. Quest. When this tearme of 7. weekes that is 49. yeares beganne and when it ended 1. R. Salomon whome Lyranus seemeth herein to incline vnto beginneth these seuen weekes from the destruction of the first Temple by Nabuchadnezzer and endeth them at Cyrus which time by his account maketh 52. yeares But in this number of 52. yeares there are 3. yeares aboue 7. prophetical weekes that is 49. yeares which the Rabbin is constrained to make his account euen to put off to the beginning of the 62. weekes but then is not the Angels diuision iust and true that cutteth off onely 7. weekes from the rest and beside these 7. weekes must beginne from the going forth of the word for the people to returne they take not then beginning so long before 2. M. Calvin beginneth these yeares in the first of Cyrus and endeth them in the sixt yeare of Darius the sonne of Hystaspis the 3. king of Persia but this can not be for they that giue the most yeares vnto Cyrus and Cambyses allow but vnto the one 30. to the other 7. excepting onely Luther who following Euseb. l. de demonstr Euang. giueth to each of them 20. yeares then adde the 6. yeares of Darius they will make but 43. how then can the seuen weekes here be fulfilled Beside that Darius in whose sixt the Temple was reedified called Darius of Persia was not Darius Hystaspis the 3. king of Persia but before this Darius three other kings are named Cyrus Assuerus Artashasht Ezr. 4. 6 7. 3. Oecolampadius proceedeth an other way for thus he casteth vp the reckoning he alloweth vnto Cyrus 9. yeares and to Cambyses 8. or to Cyrus 14. and to Cambyses 3. and then he putteth hereunto 20. of Darius when Nehemiah was sent to Ierusalem in whose 32. yeare the building of the citie was finished But in this account diuers errours are committed 1. in giuing 17. yeares to Cyrus and Cambyses therein he differeth from other Chronologers the Hebrewes giue vnto them both 9. yeares ioyntly the most 37. yeares Bullinger to Cyrus 16. to Cambyses 8. If it shall be free for men to allot vnto the raigne of kings more or fewer yeares at their pleasure wheresoeuer they beginne their account they may make it agree 2. Darius in whose time the Temple was built was not Darius the sonne of Hystaspis who immediatly succeeded Cambyses for before this Darius are named three other kings as is shewed before out of Ezr. 4. 6 7. but Darius Hystaspis was the third king of Persia. 4. Bullinger will haue these 7. weekes beginne in the 7. yeare of Artaxerxes Longimanus when Ezra was sent with a new commission to Ierusalem Ezr. 7. from thence counting 49. yeares we shall come to the 11. yeare of Darius Nothus counting as he doth to Longimanus raigne 44. yeares and in this time was the citie repaired by Nehemiah but with much trouble But this account also faileth 1. The Temple was after many yeares intermission built and finished before Ezra was sent in the 6. yeare of Darius Ezr. 6. 15. which intermission is signified in the diuiding of these 7. weekes from the rest as shall afterward appeare qu. 59. 2. He beginneth the 7. weekes where they should ende namely at the finishing of the Temple as shall be shewed afterward 5. They likewise which beginne these 7. weekes at the 20. yeare of Artaxerxes Longimanus as Pererius with diuers others can shew no reason why these 7. weekes should be cut off from the rest sauing that because in this time Nehemiah was sent and in the ende of this tearme in the raigne of Artaxerxes Mnemon he thinketh the historie of Esther and Mordecai fell out But Pererius is much deceiued 1. he beginneth the 7. weekes after the time wherein they should ende namely at the finishing of the Temple as followeth to be shewed 2. And it is before prooued that Mordecai liued not vnder Artaxerxes Mnemon but vnder Darius Hystaspis who is called Assuerus as is shewed before qu. 44. 3. But though they seeme to alleadge some reason for the beginning of these 7. weekes in the 20. of Artaxerxes there
7. Wherefore the plaine and proper meaning of these words is that after these weekes the Messiah out Blessed Sauiour should be put to death for our sinnes And this is an euident proofe of this sense because it is said v. 27. He shall confirme the conenant which euen in M. Liuelies iudgement is vnderstood of the Messiah p. 218. Then the Messiah to whom this word he hath reference vnto must be expressed and spoken of before Quest. 64. Of the meaning of these words and he shall haue nothing or rather not for himselfe 1. There are diuerse expositions of these words 1. Oecolampad referreth them to the people of Ierusalem nothing to him that is the people shall haue neither king nor Priest nothing shall be left vnto them but the Messiah beeing spoken of immediately before these words veenâ—o and not to him must haue reference to the Messiah 2. Iunius in his first edition thus interpreteth nihil ad illum nothing to him that is death shall haue no power vpon him neither for all this shall his iudgements be staied which he purposed to bring vpon the citie 3. In his last edition in his annotations and in his commentarie he thus expoundeth that all shall depart from him he shall not haue in Ierusalem any disciple for a little before the besieging of the citie they of the Church were admonished by reuelation to goe out of Ierusalem vnto a towne in Petrea called Pella Euseb. l. 3. hist. Eccl. c. 5. 4. Not much differing here-from is the interpretation of Lyranus Hugo Pintus with others following the Latine translation non erit ei populus qui eum negaturus est they shall not be his people which denied him for the Iewes said they had no king but Cesar Ioh 19. 15. and as for this man say they we know not whence he is Ioh. 9. 29. 5. M. Calvin thus interpreteth nihil ei erit he shall haue nothing so also Genevens that is he shall haue a contemptible death and be counted as nothing as the Prophet Isai saith c. 53. 3. He hath neither forme not beautie 6. Vatablus thus expoundeth there shall be none to helpe him or deliuer him 7. But the fittest and best sense is this the Messias shall be slaine but not for himselfe Bulling B. translation H. Br. vpon Daniel And this sense best agreeth to the prophesie of Christ Isa. 53. 4. We did iudge him as plagued and smitten of God but he was wounded for our transgressions c. And to the Apostles doctrine 2. Cor. 5. 25. He hath made him sinne for vs that knew no sinne that we should be made the righteousnes of God in him But seeing here mention is made of the death of Christ before we goe any further it shall not be amisse briefly to handle the questions of the time both of the birth baptisme and passion of our blessed Sauiour 65. Quest. Of the yeare of the natiuitie of our blessed Sauiour There are three accounts to finde out the birth of Christ 1. by the Romane Chronologie 2. by the Greeke Olympiads 3. by the Hebrewes computation 1. The Romane account of yeares is either by the yeares of the building of Rome by the Consuls or by the yeares of the Emperours for the yeares of the citie Pererius casteth the time of Christs birth into the 752. yeare which he prooueth out of Dions Chronologie who placeth the 15. yeare of Tiberius when Christ at 30. yeares was baptized in the 782. yeare But therein he is somewhat deceiued for setting the 1. yeare of Christ in the 752. of the citie in the 782. beginneth the 31. yeare of Christ as M. Bullinger casteth it and the 15. yeare of Tiberius was in the 781. yeare M. Lively in his table setteth downe the birth of Christ in the 751. yeare but the receiued opinion is that it was in the 752. yeare which was the 42. of Augustus raigne Concerning the computation by the yeares of the Consuls it is vncertaine Sulpitius thinketh that Sabinus and Ruffinus were then Consuls lib. 2. sacr histor Cassiodorus nameth C. Lentulus and M. Mâ—ssalinus but these are placed by others in the 749. yeare not the 752. of the citie Onuphrius in chronie and Epiphanius in hares 51. and Eusebius in chronic doe hold that Augustus was the 13. time Consul and Syllanus when Christ was borne which Carolus Sigonius in his commentaries agreeth vnto as the most probable yet M. Liuely setteth them in the yeare of the citie 750. the yeare before he supposeth Christ to haue beene borne This account then by Consuls we leaue as vncertaine The surer way then by the Romane computation is to count by the yeares of the raigne of the Emperours Augustus Cesar is held to haue liued 75. yeares and 10. moneths and 20. daies beeing borne as Dio doth cast his natiuitie in the yeare of the citie 691. and ending his life in the yeare 767. But others doe place his birth in the yeare of the citie 689. as Eutropius lib. 6. and Orosius lib. 6. when Cicero and Antonie were Consuls together which was in the yeare 689. Bulling M. Lively by this latter account Augustus should be two yeare elder and so liued in all 77. yeares and odde moneths But Plinie is wide who placeth the Consulship of Cicero and Antonie in the 700. yeare which should be aboue tenne yeares after lib. 9. c. 39. Now for the time of his gouernment he raigned alone after he had ouercome Antonie at Actium 44. yeares 12. he had the ioynt gouernment with Antonie so that from the beginning of his first Consulship and regiment he gouerned 56. yeares some say 58. yeares Tacit. dialog de clar oratorib some 57. as Iosephus counteth l. 18. c. 3. but the most Chronologers agree that he raigned in all 56. yeares 6. moneths so Epiphan in Anchorat and Beda lib. de 6. atâ—tib Fererius thinketh he raigned not full out 56. the difference is not great The yeare then of Christs birth compared with Augustus raigne beeing in the 752. yeare of the citie falleth out to be in the 42. yeare of Augustus sole gouernment the 62. of his age and the 30. yeare after the conquest of Antonie Beda thinketh it was the 27. yeare so also Ioseph Scalig. Clemens the 28. lib. 1. stromat Onuphrius the 29. but it was the 30. yeare iust from the victorie of Antonie which was the 42. yeare from the beginning of Augustus first Consulship as it may be thus gathered Christ in the 15. yeare of Tiberius Cesar was 30. yeare old Luk. 3. 1. 23. then put vnto that number 15. more of Augustus 56. and we shal come iust to the 42. yeare of Augustus Thus much of the Latine computation 2. By the computation of the Greeke Olympiads Christs birth fell out in the 3. yeare of the 194. Olympiad as Eusebius in chronic and Beda lib de 6. aetat and Iosep. Scalig. so also M. Lively but other cast it to be in the 4. yeare of the 194.
But they did much seruile worke vpon this day as in carrying the crosse pitching of it into the ground raising of it vp nayling Christ vnto it And indeede they themselues also resolued not to put Christ to death vpon the feast day Mark 14. 2. Ioseph Scaliger here answereth that the day wherein Christ suffered was the first day of vnleauened bread but not of the paschal solemnitie But this distinction is contrarie to the place before alleadged out of Exodus where the 15. day which was the first of vnleauened bread as likewise the seauenth and last are named to be daies of solemne assemblies wherein no seruile worke should be done sauing about that which they did eate 3. The day wherein Christ suffered is called the preparation of the Passeouer Ioh. 19. 14. it was not then the day of the Passeouer it selfe Ioseph Scaliger answereth that the preparation was not the whole day but onely after the ninth houre as he alleadgeth out of a certaine Edict of Augustus But 1. it appeareth that the preparation was the whole day at the least from the sixt houre as in the same place the Euangelist saith it was the preparation of the Passeouer and about the sixt houre 2. If then it were the preparation of the Passeouer then was not that day the first of the Passeouer 4. Paulus Burgens somewhat to helpe out this tradition of the Iewes his countreymen who deferred the Pasch if it fell out vpon the 6. day of the weeke to auoid the concurrence of two festiuall daies saith there was a double account of the 14. day of the Moone vna vera legitima secundum veram computationem Christi c. one was the true and lawfull day according to the true computation of Christ who knew all the mysteries of the law the other was legitima secundum communem assuetam computationem aliorum lawfull also according to the common and accustomed computation of others c. M. Lydyat also sheweth that the difference betweene the obseruation of the Pasch betweene our blessed Sauiour and the Iewes did arise hereupon because Christ reckoned the daies according to the computation of the naturall years but the Iewes followed the Syro-Grecian account found out by Callippus beginning the moneths not as the Hebrewes at the new Moone but as the Grecians beganne their moneths so that the Iewes began their moneth Nisan as the Grecians did their moneth Xanthicus which that yere beganne one day after the new Moone Lyd. de emend temp p. 179. Both these might very well concurre together that the Iewes did keepe another day of the Passeouer then Christ and his disciples both vpon a blind tradition to auoide the concurrence of two Sabbaths and because they followed a strange computation But it is euident hereby that they did not eate the Passeouer the same day with Christ and that they did breake the law of Moses in receiuing a forren computation of their moneths which was not lawfull howsoeuer Burgensis in fauour of his countreymen excuse it by the vsuall custome 74. Quest. Who are meant by the people of the Prince to come v. 26. There are diuerse expositions of these words 1. Some doe put the people in the accusatiue case he shall destroy the citie and Sanctuarie the people of the Prince to come 2. Some doe make it the nominatiue the people of the Prince to come shall destroy the citie and of either of these interpretations there are diuerse kinds Of the first 1. Some read thus he shall destroy the citie with the captaine to come Sept. but the word with is not in the originall 2. Iunius thus interpreteth he that is the Messiah the Prince shall destroy the people of the Prince his owne people which shall come that is which shall be then So also M. Br. he shall destroy the people of the Prince in the next generation But 1. it should seeme not to be so proper a speach he that is the Messiah the Prince should destroy the people of the Prince that is his owne people 2. and in the original there is no coniunction to couple them together the words standing thus and the citie and the Sanctuarie shall destroy the people c. but in this sense a coniunction must be supplied and the people c. 3. and though the word nagid prince were before ioyned with Messiah yet here beeing put alone it is not necessarie so to vnderstand it of the Messiah 4. neither were the Iewes then the people of the Messiah whom they had reiected and crucified 2. Of the second sort are these interpretations 1. Polanus giueth this sense the people of the Prince to come that is the Gentiles who should become the people of Christ beeing conuerted to the Gospell shall destroy the citie But the Romanes were not at that time when they sacked Ierusalem conuerted to the faith of Christ and so not his people 2. M. Liuely by this word to come vnderstandeth the strangers and commers which are opposite to inhabitants as the word is vsed Gen. 42. 5. the sonnes of Iacob came to buy food among those that came so his meaning is that the citie and Sanctuarie should be surprised by strangers and commers but the word haba to come seemeth rather to be referred vnto the time following then to the condition of the people though it be true that Ierusalem was spoiled by forreners and strangers 3. Some reade the principall people of the Prince or captaine to come Vatab. and he thinketh the destruction of the citie to be imputed vnto the people rather then their captaine because Titus would haue defended the Sanctuarie from the spoile of the souldiers but the word is nagid which signifieth a Prince not principall and the other obseruation seemeth to be somewhat too neere and curious 4. Oecolampadius by this captaine vnderstandeth Pompey the great who tooke Ierusalem and slew 12000. Iewes and afterward Crassus robbed the Temple and then Herod and Sosius made hauocke of the citie But this captaine with his people were to come after the Messiah was slaine which was spoken of immediately before 5. Wherefore by the Prince and people to come are signified Vespasian and Titus his sonne with the Romane armie which should besiege the citie and destroy both it and the Temple as Bulling Calv. Osiander doe well vnderstand it so also Lyranus and this is agreeable to that prediction of our Blessed Sauiour Luk. 19. 43. The dayes shall come vpon thee when thine enemies shal cast a trench about thee c. and shall make thee euen with the ground c. here the destruction of the citie is ascribed to the enemies not to the Messiah their Prince 6. Hugo thinketh it may be applyed also to that destruction of the citie which was after this by the Emperour Elius Adrianus But our Sauiour appointeth the time when all this should be fulfilled Matth. 24. 34. This generation shall not passe till all these things be done
his raigne of whom Acheus that went with Seleucus beeing his kinsman was presently reuenged and put them to the sword Polybius lib. 4. all this agreeth well with this prophecie sauing that Polybius writeth that Acheus went in this battell with Seleucus and that Antiochus the great liued as yet a priuate life not medling at all lib. 5. But it is euident by this prophesie that both the sonnes of Callinicus ioyned together Now then Seleucus beeing dead Antiochus Megas taketh vpon him the kingdome being then as Polybius writeth not aboue 15. yeare old two of his expeditions are here described the one in passing thorâ—gh in recouering Syria and other parts of his owne countrey the other in assaulting Ptolome at home euen at his owne fortresse and munition cities in the borders of Egypt In the first expedition Antiochus had two great lettes in his way which he ouercame first two brethren Molan and Alexander contemning Antiochus youth would haue vsurped all the countrey beyond Taurus them first he ouercame then he had to deale with Ptolomes captaines which held Syria for him but here Theodotus helped him who reuolted from Philopator both taking aduantage of his voluptuous and slouthfull life and for that he had sustained some disgrace beeing called to Alexandria where he was in daunger of his life This Theodotus vpon these occasions betraied Syria into Antiochus hands And vpon this aduantage he still proceeded and recouered many cities and countreys as Polybius sheweth at large lib. 5. Then sent Ptolome an embassage vnto Antiochus somewhat to stay him vntill he might make himselfe strong and Antiochus admitted some parle and treatise of peace But there could be no agreement for Ptolome challenged those countreys as belonging vnto him by right of inheritance Antiochus layd claime vnto them by a former composition made by Cassander Seleucus Ptolome when they ouercame Antigonus that Syria and Palestina should belong vnto Seleucus Thus they breaking off without any conclusion of peace Antiochus goeth forward and had diuerse conflicts with Nicolaus Philopators captaine both by Sea and land and still preuailing he commeth euen vnto the munition townes in the borders of Egypt and pitcheth at Raphia which was 4. dayes iourney from Pelusium Hierom. Bulling Oecolamp Perer Iun Polan 2. Now followeth the second part of the description how Philopator beeing thus prouoked euen at his owne doores did come against Antiochus with a great armie and encountred with him at Raphia and preuailed as is shewed here v. 11. more particularly thus is this storie reported by Polybius and Iustine 1. Ptolome while the treatise of peace was in hand hired souldiers out of Grecia and gathered together a great armie of 70. thousand footemen and 5000. horsemen and 73. elephants Antiochus also came against him with an other great armie of 62. thousand footemen 6000. horsemen elephants 102. 2. These armies meeting at Raphia after certaine dayes ioyned battell the fight was at the first doubtfull for the right wing of Antiochus had the better but the left wing the worse But at last the victorie fell out vnto Ptolome but not without great slaughter of his mercenary men 3. In the 3. booke of the Macchabes in the beginning an other circumstance is added which furthered the fight on Ptolomes side how Arsinoe Ptolomes sister went vp and downe the campe as they were in fight calling vpon the souldiers and encouraging them promising to each man two pound of gold if they got the victorie But whether this were so or not Ptolome obtained the victorie and of Antiochus side there were 10. thousand footemen slaine and 300. horsemen 4000. taken prisoners and 3. elephants were killed in the fight and two afterward died of the wounds which they had in the battell thus according to the text the multitude was giuen into his hands 3. The euents which followed this victorie are rehearsed to be three 1. the insolenciâ— both of Ptolomes armie called here the multitude for he had as great an armie as Antiochus and of Ptolome himselfe who thinking it sufficient that he had gotten the victorie was content giuing himselfe to case and pleasure to accept of conditions of peace which Antiochus entreated of him whereas as Iustine writeth spoliavisset regno Antiochum si fortunam virtute iuvisset he had spoiled Antiochus of his kingdome if by his owne valour he had helped his good fortunes 2. An other euent was he shall cast downe housands which Hierome vnderstandeth of his former victorie but it may better be referred to his cruell outrage practised vpon the Iewes for comming to Ierusalem he pressed to goe into the most holy place but was gainesayed by the high Priest yet he forcing to enter was striken of God and carried away halfe dead whereupon he afterward returning to Alexandria gaue forth verie cruell edicts against the Iewes commanding many to be killed others to be fettred and imprisoned and some to be trampled vpon vnder the camels feete 3. Macchab. c. 7. Bulling Melancth Polan And hereof Iosephus maketh mention that betweene Antiochus Megas and Philopator Iudea was as ship tossed to and fro of the waues and went to wracke on both sides lib. 12. c. 3. 3. The last euent is he shal not preuaile which was diuers waies effected 1. for he neither preuailed against Antiochus who escaped his hands and held his kingdome still Hierome 2. And notwithstanding his rage against the people of God the Lord defended them 3. After this he gaue himselfe to all beastly pleasure for he killed his wife and sister Euridice he kept both a male concubine Agathocles and Agathoclea his sister Iustin. lib. 30. 4. And within fewe yeares he himselfe died Melancthon Quest. 25. Of the first expedition of Antiochus the great against Epiphanes king of Egypt v. 13. 14. Now followe diuerse other expeditions and attempts of this Antiochus against the king of Egypt vnto v. 18. with his ende v. 19. In this first is set forth his preparation v. 13. then his successe v. 14. In his preparation there are three things expressed the number of his armie the time after certaine yeares and his great riches for Philopator beeing now dead and Epiphanes his sonne left but young whose tuition together with the gouernement of the kingdome was committed to Agathocles an infamous person Philopators minion by which occasion many fell away from the king of Egypt Antiochus took this to be a fit opportunity to recouer his former estate both in the nonage of the young king who was but 4. yeare old when his father died and because the Egyptians were at variance among themselues for they rose vp against Agathocles and killed him and the strumpets they hanged vp and then sent embassadors to Rome that they would take vpon them the protection of the young king and his kingdome to whose trust Philopator dying had commended his sonne The Romanes twice sent embassadours to Antiochus who had inuaded diuerse cities in Syria belonging to the king of Egypt
but for all this Antiochus surceased not Hierome ex Iustin. therefore it is said in the text veniendo veniet he shall certainely or speedily come nothing could let him And concerning his rich preparation this may be an euident proofe thereof that afterwards when he prepared in like manner to encounter with the Romanes and at that time Hannibal beeing ouercome of the Romanes was fledde vnto him he shewed vnto him his chariots and Elephants set forth with ornaments of siluer and gold and asked him if this were not sufficient for the Romanes who made this answer satis esse credo Romanis haec omnia licet sint auarissimi I thinke these things may suffice and content the Romanes though they were most couetous c. Gellius in Noctib Attic. lib. 5. c. 5. his meaning was that it would be a sufficient pray whereas Antiochus had asked his opinion of the sufficiencie of his preparation 2. Then in the successe described v. 14. is shewed 1. the helpe that Antiochus had 2. how he preuailed against those factious persons which tooke part with the king of Egypt 1. The text saith that at that time many shall stand vp against the king of the South which some vnderstand of the Iewes which hitherto had taken part with the king of Egypt who should now ioyne with Antiochus Iun. but it is better vnderstood of the league and confederacie which Antiochus made with Philip king of Macedon that they should both ioyne together against the king of Egypt and part his cities among them each of them to take the cities next adioyning Hierome which confederacie was the occasion of warre betweene the Romanes and the said Philip who beeing ouercome by Flaminius the Consull lost a great part of his kingdome euen all the cities of Thraciâ— onely Macedonia beeing left him Melancth Bulling 2. Then followeth what became of the rebellious sonnes of the people that is the refractarie Iewes which stood against Antiochus and were refractarie against God and his laws 1. These rebellious and refractarie Iewes are well vnderstood to be those which fled with Onias beeing expelled by Iason vnto the king of Egypt which Iosephus saith was Philometor but by the words of the prophesie it is better referred to these times of Ptolome Euergetes who gaue vnto Onias leaue to build a Temple in Egypt in the region of Hierapolis about 180. furlongs from Memphis which Onias accordingly did making it in some things like in some things vnlike to the Temple of Ierusalem So herein they are called refractraie because against the ordinance of God that appointed the place of his publike worship onely at Ierusalem where they should offer all their sacrifices yet did erect a Temple in an other place 2. Whereas it is said to establish the vision this also agreeth verie fitly some vnderstand it of the fulfilling this present vision Iun. annot Polan but that fulfilling was against their will now here their purpose and intendment seemeth to be noted to establish the vision and so Onias pretended that herein he fulfilled the prophecie of Isay. c. 19. v. 19. that the altar of the Lord should be in the middes of Egypt Hierome Pellican Calv. Melancth whereas that place is vnderstood of the spirituall worship of God which should be established in Egypt at the comming of the Messiah which euidently appeareth out of the same place for there the Prophet speaketh of a generall vnitie and concord that should be betweene Assur Egypt and Iudaea which was not now in the time of this Onias for the Assyrians now vnder Antiochus were enemies to the Egyptians And beside Eusebius out of this verie place sheweth that the sacrifices and ceremonies of Moses law were to cease for seeing by Moses lawe they were not to sacrifice nor to set vp any altar but at Ierusalem if that law should not be abolished the prophesie of Isay of setting vp an altar that is the true seruice of God in Egypt could not haue beene fulfilled to this purpose Eusebius lib. 1. de domonst Euangel c. 4. 3. Then it followeth what shall become of those refractarie persons they shall fall 1. Hierome vnderstandeth it of the destruction of this newe Temple and the citie which came to passe 330. yeare after as Iosephus writeth vnder Vespasian the Emperour who when he had destroyed the Temple at Ierusalem sent vnto Lupus president of Alexandria to demolish the other Temple in Egypt least it might be an occasion of mutinie and rebellion to the Iewes But this Lupus onely spoiled the Temple of the ornaments thereof Paulinus succeeding him vtterly abolished the seruice which the Iewes there exercised and shut vp the Temple for euer not suffering the same to be vsed at all and so it came to ruine Iosephus lib. 7. de bello Iudaic. c. 30. But this ruine and fall here prophecied of seemeth to haue been present to shew how Antiochus preuailed against them Some vnderstand it of the Iewes in Palestina which rebelled against Antiochus Polan Iun. in his last edition But in his first annotations he seemeth to referre it to the Iewes whom Antiochus destroyed at his comming into Egypt Quest. 26. Of the second expedition of Antiochus the great against Ptolomeus Epiphanes v. 15. The king of the North shall come and cast vp a mount c. In this expedition first is described his preparation then his successe In the preparation it is expressed how he should cast vp a mount Iunius and Polanus expound the word otherwise taking it for a sling and other engins which were vsed in the besieging of cities the meaning is that Antiochus should besiege the strong cities of Egypt and it hath speciall reference beside vnto the besieging of Scopas Ptolomes captaine whom the king of Egypt had sent against him who encountring with Antiochus at Panâ—as was put to the worse and fled vnto Sidon where Antiochus besieged him with tenne thousand men then Ptolome sent three captaines Eropus Menocleas and Damaxenus to rescue him but they could not raise the siege till Scopas forced by famine yeelded himselfe Antiochus also laid siege to the fortified place or tower in Ierusalem which he tooke by helpe of the Iewes Hierome ex Ioseph lib. 12. antiquit c. 13. And many other strong cities did Antiochus take at this time in Syria which did hold with Ptolome before 2. The successe was this 1. concerning Egypt the armies of Egypt were not able to resist nor his chosen people that is the armies and strength of the king of Egypt and his valiant captaines had no power to resist Antiochus but he should do what he would 2. Then it is said he shall stand in the pleasant beautifull or excellent land that is Iudea so called not for any terrene excellencie in it but it was excellent because of the worship of the true God This land he should also possesse not so much by conquest but the Iewes willingly submitted themselues vnto him they receiued him into Samaria
the South to v. 18. or against other nations v. 18. The kings of the South against whom Antiochus dealeth with his brother Ceraunus was first Ptolome Philopator who ouercommeth Antiochus Megas v. 10. 11. 12. see quest 24. Then Ptolome Epiphanes against whom Antiochus maketh three seuerall expeditions the first v. 13. 14. see quest 25. the second v. 15. see quest 26. the third v. 16. 17. which endeth with an intendement of mariage but with euill successe Then Antiochus goeth against other forren nations but is discomfited by the Romanes returneth with shame and dieth v. 18. 19. see quest 28. 29. The rest of the chapter is spent in setâ—ing forth the exploits of Antiochus Megas his sonnes first of Seleucus Philopator v. 20. see qu. 30. then of Antiochus Epiphanes whose historie is set forth at large In Antiochus Epiphanes historie 1. his manner of entring into the kingdome is described see the particulars qu. 32. 2. his exploits to v. 44. 3. his end v. 44 45. His acts and exploits are 1. against Egypt where three expeditions and voyages of his are set forth The first v. 22 23 24. see qu. 33. the second v. 25. to v. 28. see qu. 34. the third with his repulse v. 30. qu. 35. 2. Against the people of God where it is shewed 1. what meanes he shall vse against them v. 32 33. see qu. 40. 2. what they shall suffer v. 33. and how they shall be comforted v. 34 35. see qu. 41 42. 3. What Antiochus himselfe shall doe where 1. his acts concerning religion are described in abrogating of all religion both true v. 34. and false v. 37. qu. 43 44. and bringing in a new god v. 38. qu. 46. 2. his ciuill and politike acts v. 39. qu. 47. 3. His exploits are against Egypt Iudea and other countries v. 40 to 44. see the particulars qu. 48. Lastly the death and destruction of Antiochus is set forth with the signes precedent and manner thereof see qu. 50. 2. The text with the diuers readings v. 1 And I in the first yeare from the first yeare V. of Darius the Mede euen I stood stand V. to encourage and strengthen him 2 And now I will shew thee the truth there shall stand vp yet three Kings in Persia and the fourth shall be farre richer enriched with riches H. then they all and when he is growne mightie in wealth hath strengthened him in his riches H. he shall stirre vp all against the kingdome of Grecia Iavan H. 3 But a mightie king shall stand vp and shall rule with great dominion and doe according to his pleasure 4 And when he shall stand vp his kingdome shall be broken and shall be diuided toward the foure winds of heauen and not to his posteritie nor according to his dominion which he ruled for his kingdome shall be plucked vp and be for other beside those 5 And the king of the South shall be mightie and one of his Princes and shall preuaile against him and beare rule his dominion shall be a great dominion 6. And in the ende of the yeares they shall be ioyned together for the kings daughter of the South shall come vnto the king of the North to make an indifferent peace to make an agreement B. C. friendship L. league S. to make equitie H. that is peace with equall conditions but she not he B. shall not reteine the power of the arme shall effect nothing V. neither shall be continue nor his arme not his seede L. S. zeroagh signifieth an arme but she shall be deliuered vp and they that brought her and he that is borne of her her young man L. S. not he that begate her V.B.G. for this agreeth not with the storie see qu. 21. following the word ioledah signifieth a birth or generation 7 But out of a sprigge budde G.B. of her rootes shall one stand in his stead shall succeed in the kingdome V. the sense not the words his plant L. his base A. or foote Polan rather in his stead B.G.I. which shall come with an armie to the armie A. and shall enter into the fottresse province L. of the king of the North and shall doe with them as he list B.G. doe so that I. abuse them L. doe great matters V. and shall preuaile 8 And he shall also carrie into captiuitie captiues L.B.G. into Egypt their gods with their Princes A.V.I. not with their molten images L.B.G.S. the word is nasich with iod a Prince but nesech is a molten image and with their pretious vessels of siluer and of gold and he shall continue more yeares then the king of the North. shall preuaile against L. but here the word shanim yeares is not translated 9 So the king of the South shall come into his kingdome not into the kingdome of the king of the South V. S. and shall returne into his owne land 10 Then shall his sonnes be stirred vp mooue battell I. Br. Pol. but then an other word is ioyned with garah as lamilcamah to battell v. 25. and shall assemble a mightie great armie a companie of many armies H. and one shall come and ouerflow and passe through then shal he returne mooue battell be stirred L.V. euen vnto the fortres at the fortres B.G. 11 Then the king of the South shall be angrie and shall come forth and fight with against L. I. but ghim signifieth more properly with him euen with the king of the North for he shall set forth cause to stand vp H. a great multitude and the multitude shall be giuen into his hand 12 Then the multitude shall be lifted vp not he shall take the multitude L. or the multitude shall be taken away I. the word nissa may be either in niphal or piel and so may be translated actiuely or passiuely but the first rather because it followeth and he shall lift vp his heart for he shall cast downe thousands but he shall not still preuaile 13 For the king of the North shall returne and shall set forth a greater multitude then the former and shall come forth after certaine yeares in the ende of the time of those yeares H. with a mightie armie and much riches 14 And at the same time shall many stand vp against the king of the South and the seditious children the violent V. pestilent S. offenders L. rebellious G. the word is pharatze breakers violaters that is of the peace such as the factious and seditious are shall exalt themselues be lifted vp H. better then be taken away I. Pol. as before v. 12. to establish the vision but they shall fall 15 So the king of the North shall come and cast vp a mount cast forth with slings Pol. the first rather for the word shaphach to poure out or sâ—ed forth is more fiâ—ly vsed of the casting vp of earth then of casting out of a sling and the other word sallelah is taken for a mount rather then a sling as Iunius there readeth 2. king 19. 32. and take
the strong citie and the armes of the South shall not resist stand H. nor his chosen people people of his chosen H. neither shall there be any strength to withstand 16 And in comming against him vnto him H. he shall doe as he list according to his will H. and none shall stand against him and he shall stand in the pleasant or excellent V. famous L. sebi S. but it is no proper name land and his hand shall finish consummation in his hand H. Pol. better then he shall consume it with his hand L.S.I.B.G. see qu. 26. in the end 17 Againe he shall set his face to enter with the power of the whole kingdome and he shall make equall peace with him L. V. and equitie he shall doe with him H. better then his confederates with him B.G. or he shall pretend right I. the same phrase signifieth before v. 6. to make peace and he shall giue him the daughter of women a virgin Fr. I. see qu. 27. to corrupt her I.S. that is craftily to vse her against her husband not to destroy her G.B.V. or it for the pronoune affix is of the feminine gender but shee shall not stand on his side nor be for him 18 After he shall turne his face vnto the Isles and shall take many but a Prince shall cause his reproach to cease to him that is shall make him leaue his reproaching not he shall cause to cease the Prince of his reproach L.S. for Prince is put in the accusatiue which should be in the nominatiue beside that he shall cause his owne shame to returne vpon himselfe he shall both cause him to leaue his reprochfull words and deedes and returne them on himselfe Some doe read thus he shall cause his shame to light vpon him beside that he shall cause his owne shame to turne vpon himselfe B.G. but here the same thing should be expressed twice 19 So he shall turne his face toward the forts of his owne land but he shall be ouerthrowne or stumble V.L.I. and fall and be no more found 20 Then shall stand vp in his place a raiser of taxes a sender forth of exacters H. that is to gather tribute not a vile person L. in the glorie of the kingdome not the glorie of the kingdome that is tribute V. the preposition in is better supplied G.B.I. nor vnworthie the glorie of the kingdome L. ad but after a few daies he shall be destroied neither in wrath not in battell 21 And in his place shall stand vp a vile person to whome they shall not giue the honour of the kingdome but he shall come in peaceably not secretly L. or with riches V. or abundance S. shalvah signifieth peace and obtaine the kingdome by flatteries 22 And the ouerflowing armes armes of the ouerflowing H. shall be ouerflowne before him the armes shall be ouerflowne with a flood or inundation A.B.G. but inundation is better referred to the former word armes they shall be ouerflowne by ouerflowing armes I. but armes is better put in the nominatiue see qu. 33. and shall be broken and also the Prince of the couenant 23 And after the league made consecration H. with him he shall worke deceitfully for he shall come vp and strengthen himselfe ouercome B.G. preuaile V. with a small people 24 He shall enter into the quiet and plentifull Prouince and he shall do that which his fathers haue not done nor his fathers fathers and he shall diuide among them the pray and the spoile and the substance yea and against the strong holds he shall forecast his deuises deuise his deuises H. euen for a time 25 Also he shall stirre vp his power and his courage heart H. against the king of the South with a great armie and the king of the South shall stirre himselfe to battell with a great and mightie armie but he shall not stand for they shall forecast deuises against him 26 Yea they that feede of the portion of his meate they that eate bread with him L. his domesticals V. shall destroy him and his armie shall ouerflow and many shall fall and be slaine 27 And both these kings hearts shall be to doe mischiefe they shall talke of deceit a lie II. at one table but it shall not prosper for yet the ende shall be at the time appointed the ende shall be put off to an other time L. 28 Then shall he returne into his land with great substance for his heart shall be against the holy couenant so shall he doe and returne to his owne land 29 At the time appointed he shall returne and come toward the South but it shall not be as at the first and at the last not the last shall not be as the first L.V.B.G. for he made more then two expeditions against Egypt see qu. 35. following 30 For the shippes of Chittim the shippes of the Romanes L. the Citians S. shippes of Cyprus V. see qu. 36. shall come they shall come in shippes of Chittim Pol. against him therefore he shall be sorie or grieued and returne and fret against the holy couenant and practise and doe H. for he shall returne hauing finished his busines he shall returne V. so shall he doe euen he shall returne B.G. but the distinction athnah at ghasah doe doth seuer it from the clause following and haue intelligence with B.G. or set his minde towards I. vnderstand towards H. not against L. shall vnderstand those c. S. but here the preposition ghal is not translated them that breake the holy couenant 31 And armes shall stand on his part and they shall pollute the Sanctuarie and strong hold I.V. better then the Sanctuarie of strength caeter see qu. 39. 2. and shall take away the daily sacrifice and shall set vp the abomination detestation I. Pol. bringing desolation making desolate H. the abominable desolation G.B. or abomination for desolation L. but the word is a participle and signifieth desolating or making desolate 32 And such as wickedly breake the couenant shall he cause to dissemble V. Pol. better then shall dissemble for the word is in hiphil which signifieth to cause to dissemble shall cause to sinne B.G. chanaph signifieth to dissemble to play the hypocrite by flatterie but the people that know their God shall preuaile and prosper B.G. shall lay hold and prosper H. A. shall doe couragiously V. Br. not they shall apprehend the people of God and prosper I. Pol. see qu. 40. 33 And they which vnderstand among the people shall instruct many yet they shall fall by the sword by fire by the flame H. by captiuitie and by spoile many daies 34 Now when they shall fall they shall be holpen with a little helpe but many shall cleaue vnto them fainedly 35 And some of them of vnderstanding shall fall to trie them and to purge and to make white till the time determined time of the end H. til the time be out G.B. for it is yet for an appointed time A. P. Pol.