the Enemy with which welcome news they were all much cheered and incouraged But the Turks going from Corfu as hath been said with their Fleet returned to Butintro where staying some dayes to hear some tidings of the Christian Fleet expecting new orders from Constantinople they pass'd on to Pevesa where the Bashaw had certain news of the taking of Famagosta and particular commission to finde out and to fight the Christian Fleet. The Fort of Famagosta after having resisted long and valiantly fell on the 5th of August into the enemies hands and because it was one of the most memorable sieges which hath hapned in our memory and peradventure in many former Ages I have thought fit to give a particular relation thereof to the present and to future Ages Famagosta is seated on the head of Cyprus towards the Levant in a flat shore upon the Seas whence it was called of old by the Grecians Amatunte as much as to say hid in the sands It stands almost in midst of a semicircle shaped out by two Promontories Carpassio and Pedaglio which by the modern are now called The one Capo di St. Andrea the other Capo della Greca The former thrusting out for above 90 miles and breaking the circle puts an end to the Island on the North side in a very acute point This Country was formerly called Salaminia from the ancient City Salamina built by Tevero after the ruine of Troy which was afterwards called Costantia of which there are some signs yet to be seen which it may be in remembrance of the ancient noblenesse of their City is now by those inhabitants called Old Famagosta It hath a Haven lying between the East and the North made up of certain Shelves and Rocks which being a little divided in severall parts and withstanding the first waves of the Sea renders that little creek which is between them and the shore free from storms but being but shallow it is capable of but a few great Vessels The mouth of the Haven which is turned towards the North and shut in by a chain fastned in a butting out which thrusts it self forth 40 paces beyond the Fort and a little Castle built after the ancient form with four Towers secures the whole Haven This Fort was reduced into a square but in an imperfect form for extending it selfe on the part towards the Sea from the East to the North in crooked lines and with some great spaces the sides thereof are in some parts unequall Of these two lie towards the shore and two look towards the Town in one of which there was a little Tower or Keep with six fronts called il Diamantino and here was the Gate called Limisso In the other there was a large Bulwork built but of late with double Flancks a good Front and with Origlions after the modern fashion The whole Fort was little above two Italian miles in compasse all walled about with a wall of square soft stones chiefly on the side towards the Town where it was 20 foot broad with a plat-form of twelve paces upon which there was a Parapet above four foot high the ditch round about was 12 or 15 paces over digg'd out for the most part in the soft stone and where that wanted there was a counterscarfe made â—f Stone About the walls there were many Towers but for the most part so narrow as but small peeces of Artillery could be made use of there and some others which were greater and stood between the Gate Limisso and the Arsenal which were for their shapes sake called half Moors wanted not likewise for many faults but they were thought to be the safer and more commodious for that they were made compass wise and because they had places to go out of on both sides The parts about the Fort are all a plain Campagnia having onely some little houses towards the North-west which stand somewhat higher like so many little hills not above a mile from the city where it was thought the Enemy would have incamped both for that the Fort was weakest on that side and for the commodiousnesse of some caverns under ground from whence the Famagostans dug'd out stones for their buildings wherein many men might lie safe But the Turks finding that they could not well incamp there by reason of the condition of the Earth they brought their whole campe to the opposite plain which extends it selfe for the space of three miles from the Fort to the Sea which was full of fine Gardens of Orenge trees and Cedars and of other sorts of fruit trees which were before much distroy'd by the Inhabitants to bereave the Enemy of making use thereof yet they had the use of many wells of fresh water which served for use of the Gardens and which were a great refreshment to the Army afflicted with excessive heat The Turks had slackned the siege as hath been said by reason of the bitternesse of the season and withdrawn themselves to winter in more commodious places further off But as soon as Navigation began to be safe and that the time fit for action drew near great store of Men Ammunition and Victualls were brought to the camp by gallies and other vessels which past continually to the Island especially from the neighbouring shores of Caramania and Soria all men flocking so fast thither as it is said above 50000 Turks came to the Island of Cyprus after Nicossia was taken many whereof were neither paid nor commanded but drawn onely out of hopes of booty which the Bashaw had cunningly given out should be greater than that of Nicossia in so much as the Turks boasting according to their usual manner of their numbers they in a threatning way sent word to the besieged by some that were come from the Town to treat of the ransomming of prisoners that the grand Signor had sent so many men to this enterprise as if every one of them should throw but one shufle-full of earth in the ditches about the Fort they would fill them up and levell the way to mount the walls The Army being recruited and sufficiently furnisht with all things and some great Guns being brought from Nicossia the Turks began about the midst of Aprill to make their Trenches to draw near the Town and to raise Forts to batter it which Works were really of much labour and miraculous industry for digging the earth from their winter quarters to the Fort which was for above three miles they made some wayes so large and so deep though in some places they met with Stone Mines where they were fain to labour with Picaxes and Mattocks as not onely Foot but men on Horseback marched so well cover'd as the tops of their Lances could hardly be seen and being thereby safe from the shot of the Town they drew many Trenches athwart raising the earth so high above them as being able to work safely by day they perfected the work These Trenches were so made as the Pioners throwing the
Leagues fleet against the Turke at Prevesa 432. Of the Army which king Francis brought in Italy 108. Of the Galleyes and Souldiers to be raised by the Christian Princes against Soliman 413. Of the Souldiers sent by the Pope to the Emperour in his war against the Protestants 61. Of the Imperial Army against the Protestants ibid. Of theirs against him 613. O ODetto di Fois called Monsieur de Lautrech sent by King Francis to assist the Venetians 129. Goes to the defence of Milan 135. is declared by the King General in Burbon's stead 139. Ioyned with the Venetians goes towards Verona 144. Assaults Verona 145 146. Riseth from before it 147 148. Having received the keyes of Verona he immediately delivers them to the Venetians 153. Drawes his Army into Milan 177. Is beaten out thence by the Imperialists 177 178. Takes Pavia 262. Quitteth Lombardy and goes towards Naples 265.269 Enters that Kingdom and proffers the Imperialists battell 278. Takes in almost the whole Kingdom of Naples 279. Besiegeth Naples ibid. vexed at the many sufferings of his Army he sickens and dies 286 287. The Oration of Andrea Loredano to the Army 40 41. Of Cardona to the Army 44 45. Of Antonio Grimani to the Senate 69. Of Pietro Bembo to the Senate of Venice 88. Of the Cardinal of Seduno to the Switsers 110. Of Domenico Trivisano to the King of France 116. Of the King of Hungary's Embassadours to the Senatours of Venice 168. Of Alberto Pietra Commander of the Switzers 186. Of Georgio Cornaro to the Senate of Venice 210. Of Domenico Trivisano to the same 213. Of the same man to the same Senate 271. Of Luigi Mocenigo to the Senate of Venice 273. Of the same man in the same place 297. Of Marco Antonio Cornaro in answer to him 300. Of the same in the Senate 373. of Lunardo Emo in answer to him 375. Of Marc Antonio Cornaro in the same place 406. Of the Cardinal of Ferrara in the Colledge of Venice 599. Osofo its Situation and strength 63. Assaulted by the Imperialists 64. The siege raised by Alviano 71. P PArma assaulted by the Imperialists 176. Yeilded to the Emperour together with Piacenza 178. Attempted by the French 181. given by the Pope together with Piacenza to his son Pier Luigi 610. Pavia taken by the French 108. Yeilded up to the Imperialists 178. Besieged by Francis King of France 209. Taken by Lautrech and the pillage of it given to his Army 262. Taken and sack'd by the confederates army 290. Paul the 3. of the family of the Farnesi succeeds Clement the 7. in the Papacy 358. Seekes to make peace between Charles the 5. and King Francis 361. Negotiates by his Nuncioes for an universal peace among Christian Princes 368. Denies the Venetians the Tything of their Clergy 366. Concludes the league of the Christian Princes against Soliman 387. Procures an Interview between the Emperour anâ— the King of France at Nice in Provence 417. His designes in this Interview 418. Gives the Emperour a meeting and with what design 595. His designes fall not out to his hopes for which he complains of the Emperor 616 617. Seekes to bring the Venetians to joyn with him and the King of France 622. His vast designes and irregular thoughts 624. Sends the Bishop of Verona his Legate in Germany 626. He dies 629. Peace between the Switzers and the French 151. Between the Emperour and the King of France 152. Universal between Christian Princes treated about 235. Negotiated between the Emperour and the Venetians 323. Concluded and the condition of it 325. Between the Venetians and Soliman 573. Concluded between the Emperour Charles the 5. and Francis King of France and the conditions 604 Prelates of Rome how handled by the Germans in the sack of that city 252. Princes of Italy call in forrain Nations to their own ruine 45. Princes named in the confederacy between Charles the 5. and the Venetians 200. Princes of Italy affrighted at the great forces of Charles the 5. 315. Much troubled for the death of Paul the 3.629 A treacherous Priest hanged up by one foot in Venice and there stoned by the common people 58. New Pretences of Francis King of France for the State of Milan 94. Of the Venetians for Ravenna 293. Proffers made by the French to the Venetians if they would enter into a League with them 370. by Charles the 5. to his brother Ferdinand if he would yeild the title of King of the Romans to his son King Philip 626. Prospero Colonna in the Imperial camp 27. Disswades from the enterprise of Trevigi 51. Iâ— declared by Pope Leo General of the Ecclesiastick army 174. Assaults Milan and takes it 177 178. Raises the siege before Pavia 184. Takes Lodi and Cremona 189. Upon the Frenchmens passage into Italy provides for the Cities of Lombardy 208. Q THe Queen mother of France Negotiates with the Christian Princes for her son Francis his liberty 221. Meets at Cambray with Margaret of Austria to treat about a Peace between the Emperour and the King her son 313. R RAvenna desires of the Venetians a Commissary and a Garrison 256. By what right the Venetians held it 293. It is restored to the Pope 325. Renzo da Ceri Commander of the Garrison in Crema and his gallant carriage 33. Defends Crema against the Imperialists 65 Being declared by the Venetians General of the Horse will not accept of the place 67. Frees Crema from the siege 80 81. Takes in Bergamo 85. Makes a Truce with Milan and goes to Venice 86. Quits the service of the Venetians and goes to Rome 107 Rome taken by the Duke of Burbon and sacked by the Imperial Army 250. Much affrighted at the coming of Barbarossa with the Turkish Fleet to Ostia 593 S SAvii del Conâ—iglio what Office it is in Venice 366 A Sea-fight near Naples between the Imperialists and the French 282 Skirmishes between the Venetians and the Imperialists at Valeggio and Anfo 132 133. The Imperialists and French at Bicocca 185 186. The Imperialists and Venetians before Monopoli 306 307. The Duke of Urbine and the Spaniards 311 312 Soliman confirms the Truce to the Venetians 164. Is very curteous to them 265. Threatens to drive Charls the 5th out of the Empire pretending that it belonged to him 343. Shews himself an enemy to the Venetians and why 364. Passeth with a mighty Army to Vallona with a designe for Italy 368. makes peace with the Venetians 575. Sends his Fleet to the King of France 594. A friend to what is just and honest 610 Spaniards under the conduct of the Viceroy of Naples against the Venetians 27. Take Brescia and Bergamo for the Emperour 28. Fall upon the Venetian Camp 45 Defend Brescia beâ—â—eged by the Venetians 119. Those which took Rome would fain carry the Pope Prisoner into Spain â—â—4 Stefano Tiepolo General of the Venetian Fleet. 593. 〈…〉 dâ—ur to Soliman in Hungary 597. Chosen General of the forces in Terra
Venetians did again assault Italy with yet a greater preparation for war and won one of her most fruitful Provinces and which did most abound in Inhabitants and goodly Cities having driven the Family of the Sforza's out of it And soon after having a mind to be Master of all Italy calling in the Spaniards to assist him he together with them possest himself of the Kingdom of Naples Great contention arose between these two Potent Kings of France and Spain about the division thereof and Italy being made the Seat of war they often fought with various success and keeping themselves out of danger ruined the Countries of other men with sword and fire In these troublesome times whilst Italy was full almost in all her ports of Foreign Armies and troubled with various successes of war the Affairs of the Venetians went peacefully and prosperously on for Fortune not having as yet begun to frown upon them and they having accomodated the differences between them and Bajazet the Emperour of the Turks with whom before they had made war and put all their Maritime parts into a peaceful condition they turned their thoughts upon their Land Militia and to their Dominion on Terra firma and did with all diligence study how to increase their Forces and their Empire that their Common-wealth might be able when occasion should require to resist forreign Forces The Dignity and Fame of the City of Venice was hereupon so much increased as it now held the first place for Authority and Power in all Italy and by common consent all differences were referred to her there was not any one who intended to attempt any thing upon Italy who did not chiefly indeavor to have the Venetians for their Friends and Confederates Thus Maximillian of Austrea King of the Romans Elect Emperor of the West desirous to come into Italy to receive the Ensigns of Empire according to the customes of his Predecessors and to restore Italy to her Liberty by freeing her from the severe slavery of the French and to reduce her under the civil Germane Empire endeavored very much to win the Venetians to join their Forces with his or at least not to have them his Adversâ—ries But the Senate of Venice not willing to make more way for the barbarous Nations to ruine Italy whereby she might draw upon her the hatred of all her Neighbour Princes resolved not to forego the friendship which she had contracted with the French but to oppose the Emperour Maximillian if he should come into Italy in a war-like posture Hereupon arose war between them which hapned succesfully for the Venetians entring with greater Forces into the Emperours Confines took from him some Castles which belonged to the Patremony of the House of Austrea and joyned them to their Empire The other Princes did very much envy the prosperity of the Venetians where power being become so formidable they thought fit to suppress wherefore allmost all the Kings and Princes of Europe conspired against her and proclaimed war against Venice Lodowick King of France being the chief Author thereof who was obliged to the Common-wealth by many ancient and modern good Offices wherefore she thought she might very much confide in his Friendship As soon as this unexpected news came to Venice the Senators not shewing any sign of fear of this so great and dreadful War but being resolved to meet the Enemies Forces left nothing undone which might make for their defence and which might be done by Advice Gallantry and Force of Arms. But now they must give way to adverse Times the Common-wealths Army did unfortunately fight the Enemy upon the Banks of the River Ada and after the bad success of this Battel as if the Common-wealth had received a fatal blow out of a sudden dispair she freed the Noblest Cities of her Dominions from their former Oaths and gave them leave to submit unto the Enemy So as falling on a sudden from the hight of Happiness into great misery she was a great Example of the variety of humane Affairs Yet soon after the Senators resuming courage began to Rally their dispersed Forces to raise more Forces wherewith in a short time the Enemies Forces being separated and they having gotten some of the Enemies to joyn with them against their own confederates they revenged themselves of the French who were the first occasioners of their Calamity and drove them out of Italy and did likewise recover and defend many of their Noblest Cities and Castles by which success growing higher in their hopes they oft times refused peace when it was offered them being resolved either to obtain such conditions as whereby they might recover their ancient State or else put themselves again upon the utmost dangers of war Wherefore all men said that even in the obscurity of so much adverse fortune some light did yet remain of the antient Glory of Italy and of the Venetian vertue in the perpetual constancy of that Senate and in their generous invincible fortitude of Spirit The Venetians oft times when they were worsted treated with their Enemies which had overcome them as if they were to give not to receive Laws demanding restitution of whatsoever was theirs before the war began before they would lay down Arms. They had by this time recovered the Cities of Padua Trevigi Vicenza Crema and besides these the Towns in Freuli and the Cities of Feltre and Belluno submitted to the Venetian Empire but Verona was still in Maximillians hands the 〈◊〉 of Naples held Brescia whereinto he powered a great many Spaniards and the Switzers having won Cremona held it in the name of Maximillian Sforza Ferdinand King of Spain possesed the Towns and Havens of Puglia which formerly belonged to the Common-wealth having restored them to the Kingdom of Naples as Members thereof And the Castles of Romagnia which were won by Pope Iulius were by him annext to the Ecclesiastical State The Common-wealth was not then upon any good terms with the Pope nor with the King of Spain though not long before she had entered into League and Friendship with them Not with the one because he did favour Caesar too much and not with the other because contrary to Articles he detained the City of Brescia which appertained to her The Switzers friendship was greatly suspected though they professed adherence to the Common-wealth as well by reason of their ancient repute of not being over faithful as also for the new success of Cremona But she profest open enmity to Lodowick King of France and the time of League made for some Months with the Emperour Maximillian was expired all Treaties of peace between him and the Venetians having always proved vain out of their constant resolution to recover and the like in him not to quit Verona This was the Condition of the Times and of the State of Venice When in the beginning of the year 1513. counting from the Birth of Christ and 1092. from the building of Venice Leonardo Loredano being then
were very solemnly celebrated his Funeral Oration being made by Andrea Navagiero a man of excellent wit famous for learning and eloquence and for the greater honour of his memory he was buried in Stefano's Church at the publick charge And because he left his wife and children very poor he having continually loved Glory and the good will of his Souldiers more then riches the Senate the more to gratifie his Worth and Loyalty rewarded him in his posterity they gave his wife and his only Son to be paid them during their lives out of the publick Exchequer 60 Duckets a moneth and gave them a commodious house in the City exempting them from all taxes belonging to their livelihood they gave also 3000 Duckets a piece to his three daughters to be paid them out of the publique Treasury at their day of Marriage After Alviano's death Commissary Emo took the care of the War and for some days commanded the Army as Captain General The mean while the Venetians thought upon Giovan Giacopo Trivulcio to confer the Generals place upon him for his singular vivacity of wit for his exquisite knowledg in all Military Affairs and especially for his ready and well disposed inclination towards the Common-wealth Wherefore the Venetians very much desired King Francis that he would permit them to make Trivulcio who as hath been said was at this time in pay under the French to be their General which having obtain'd they forthwith conferr'd Alviano's place upon him and the Senate writ Letters unto him Wherein they signified the great love which the whole Common-wealth bore him and the assured hopes they had in his singular Worth and that confiding therein and hoping to meet with the like willingness and desire in him to serve the Common-wealth they had freely of themselves offer'd him that degree of Dignity which they had not wont to grant others but upon much entreaty and intercession wherefore they desired him that he would behave himself so in that Service as became him who was an able and famous Commander greatly desirous of the Liberty of Italy and affectionate to the Venetian Honour that he would shew himself to be still the same man in this great and honourable imployment as he always had been Trivulcio having received these Letters willingly accepted of the imployment offer'd him and went suddenly to the Venetian Camp where being received by Commissary Emo he began to govern discreetly and diligently The first thing he did was to call the Council together and to be truly informed of the Enemies strength as also of ours what had been done and what was to be done and finally to inform himself of the whole State of Affairs He afterwards began to consult with the rest of the Commanders how the War was to be carried on wherein there were divers opinions according to every mans judgment Some dispairing to get Brescia were for raising the Siege and carrying the Army into the Territories of Verona that they might be ready upon any occasion that should be offer'd to take Verona Others affirm'd that the begun Enterprize was not to be given over that the business would not prove so difficult if it were govern'd by the ordinary ways of War that they themselves being wearied with the trouble of a longer Siege would not quit the hopes of Victory But there were many things which made against these advices Those that perswaded to be gone might receive for answer that by raising the Siege from before Brescia the opinion which was had of their Forces would be lessned and it would seem a vain and foolish thing to undertake greater and more difficult matters And those that were for keeping the same Quarters that Winter being near the very season would not permit them to be long about the business they therefore all agreed in this which was first Alviano's opinion to wit that environing the Town on that part where the Walls were weakest and setting their Artillery in order they should play uncessantly with their Cannon upon one and the same place till so much of the Wall might be thrown down as might make way for an assault Bringing then their Artillery into a certain place where a little Rivolet called la Garzetae enters into the City they began to play violently upon the Walls so as having thrown down the uppermost part the rest might be easily master'd by the Souldiers And now this first action taking effect the Venetians began to hope well in the victory but the City was stoutly defended by the Spanish and Dutch Souldiers who were very ready upon any action they kept diligent Guard every where they raised their Rampiers and did munite the Walls with their own bodies nor did they leave any thing undone which appertain'd to defence Therefore our men growing daily cooler in point of assault and all resolution being drawn out at length the Enemy growing bolder by our delay accused our men of cowardliness and not content to keep them aloof from the Wall did often times in damage them by Sallies And growing more confident by some small successes about 2000 of them sallied one day out of the City intending to drive away some of the Venetians that were gotten nearest the Walls and bending their chiefest force against those that guarded the Artillery they slew many of them and chasing away the rest forc'd them to retreat and to forsake that Station pursuing them even unto their Quarters So as our men would have been notably prejudiced that day had not Trivulcio speedily sent them a recrute both of Horse and Foot by which relief they being stay'd who ran away they began to fight in their own defence and being encouraged did not only sustain the Enemy but after many Skirmishes drove them to within their Walls and recovering many pieces of Artillery brought them to the Camp the rest were either broken by the Enemy or carried into the City Amongst the rest Iovan Paolo Manfrone wan great praise in this action but Trivulcio did not only dispair by this to take the City by force but growing somewhat afraid by seeing the Enemy encouraged and his own men abased that somewhat of worse might befall him thought it his best course to remove the Camp to a place two miles from the City called La seconda Pietro To the end that the Army might have means to refresh themselves and to expect aid from the French whereby he might afterwards with greater force and better advice return and re-assume the business In the interim that the Souldiers might not grow lazy through idleness and to keep up the Venetian honour which being begun to get head again might seem by so small an adversity to decline the Commanders resolved to send some of their men to Peschiera and re-gain that Town to the Common-wealth which was very useful to the War Wherein they had such happy success as they took it the very first day by assault and soon after encountring with a Squadron
interim many Colours of the Switzers came opportunely to Millan commanded by Alberto Pietra to the number of 4000 of the Cantons of Seduno and Berne who were very welcome to the Souldiers and Citizens By their coming the faces of things altered all fear fled from the French to the Imperialists for the City being munited by such supplies so as it was not to be taken but with expence of much time and labour they within thought themselves safe enough since Cesar could not tarry long before the City for want of money victuals and of all things necessary Wherefore the French began to be of better heart and on the contrary Cesars hardships grew daily greater and greater But he was chiefly troubled with jealousie of the Switzers for calling to mind the past and present affairs he found that there were many of that Nation as well in his camp as in the City whom the French might easily win over unto them by their moneys which he could not so easily do by reason of his want thereof Moreover that that Nation had always unless it were upon some occasions in these latter times been great friends to the French And that they had always hated the greatness of the Emperours These considerations occasioned much fear in him and took from him the chief ground work of his hopes of Victory He likewise thought with much more commotion of mind upon Sforza's latter fortune near Novara where he was delivered up into the hands of the Enemy by the perfidiousness of those people He therefore held it the better counsel to free himself from that danger by reason of the Switzers fickleness At last his mind being agitated by such like thoughts as these and fear growing more powerful in him he resolved to quit his Army without having attempted any thing and to return himself into Germany Wherefore taking only 200 Horse along with him he gave out that the cause of his departure was only to provide monies for the payment of the Army and that he would speedily return to the camp But the Souldiers seeing their chief Commander gone began every one to do what he thought best for himself The Switzers went to Lodi and ruinating the Country every where sack'd the City And would have continued to commit the like Out-rages had not the Switzers which were in Millan protested that unless they would give over those injurious Proceedings they should be forced to come out against them together with the French and Venetians so as Switzers fighting against Switzers they were to imbrue their hands in one anothers blood The former Switzers for this respect forbearing doing any other damage after having made some peaceful abode in those parts some few days returned all of them to their own homes except it were some few companies who went with their Commander Morco Setio to the custody of Verona whither Colonna went also with his Horse and with the Spanish and Dutch Foot who were before drawn out from that Garrison The rest of the Spanish and Dutch Foot returned by several ways into their own Countries having been much prejudiced in their journey by the Venetian Horse Soon after the Emperours departure came the Marquess of Brandenbourg to the camp with a certain sum of money who though he did his best to rally the Souldiers that dis-banded yet things being already grown to great confusion and the Moneys that were brought not being sufficient to satisfie all he could doe no good Thus a great Army which was at first so formidable to the Enemy being in so short a time vanisht to nothing not any danger at all having befalen it may teach us that men are oftentimes deluded in their Councels by various accidents and meet with much unexpected ends And that we are often times deceived through hopes and fears arising out of meer opinion without discerning any thing save the first appearances In this preturbation of Affairs the no great good will which was between the Pope and King of France began to be more manifestly known sprung from former reasons which were unknown till now for King Francis complained that the Pope out of some bad intention had forestowed the sending of such recrutes unto his Army as by agreement he was bound to doe that he had privately incited the Switzers against him and had given many other signes of his bad inclination towards him Certainly 't is worthy note since occasion leads me thereunto with how many several affections and sometimes contrary within themselves the mindes of Princes are agitated Pope Leo and King Francis thought when they parted at Bullen that they had sufficiently provided for their Affairs and that the Friendship and League that was confirm'd betwixt them was likely to last long and to be cause of much safety to them both But soon after construing the same Affairs otherwise they began to doubt that the things agreed upon between them would not be observed so as each of them grew jealous of the other The Pope being conscious how bitter and open an Enemy he had already shewed himself unto the French how often he had abused their hopes under a fained pretence of Friendship that even then when they were in treaty of reconciliation he would not satisfie him in many things prest hard upon by the King in behalf of his Friends and Confederates began to doubt the King of France could never be his true Friend Moreover calling to minde the many injuries done by the two preceding Kings Charles and Lewis to the house of Medici he could not perswade himself that then when the French hoped to get some principal places in Italy King Francis could willingly tollerate the greatness of Lorenzo de Medici should still increase whereby he had opportunity given him to revenge the ancient injuries done to the prejudice of his reputation and to the States which he held in Italy On the contrary the King thinking that the same reasons remained still which had formerly disgratiated him with the Pope and that this the Pope's ill will towards him was the more increased by how much his power was increased in Italy and was become more formidable to him interpreted all things to the worst and according to this his aprehension that Leo had concealed his truest intentions from him that it was necessity which had made him accommodate himself to the condition of the times at their meeting and that as soon as he should meet with any means of hurting him this would evidently be seen The Venetians labour'd oft to free these Princes of these suspitions and sought by all means how to reconcile them for they knew how much it imported the strength and reputation of the League that the Pope King of France and Common-wealth should hold true intelligence together and did of all things abhorre to be necessitated to take up Armes against the Church wherefore passing by the injuries they had received from Leo they desired to have him less their Enemy The
the Turks which was the more requisite for them upon such occasions for that the Haven by Sea lying open to the City of Venice whereby they trafique and merchandizing was preserved they had the better means to maintain War in Terra firma whilst they maintained the stock of their publique revenews whole But the Senate as for such respects they had been very careful to keep peace with the Turks so with a noble and generous mind had they alwaies refused the offers of assistance made by them against Christian Princes with which pious intention of theirs God being well pleased he so favoured the conclusion of Peace as that a firm foundation thereof being laid the Commonwealth had been able to preserve her self in honour and safety even until this day The End of the Sixth Book THE HISTORY OF VENICE Written by PAULO PARUTA BOOK VII THE CONTENTS AN Embassie to Cesar in Bullognia from the Venetians Their Treaty Iealousies conceived of Soliman and his undertakings His intentions of afflicting the Empire and of agrandizing Constantinople A Diet held in Augusta or Ausperg and the things treated of therein Difference between the Archduke Ferdinand and the Commonwealth In what manner Francisco Sforza recovers the Castle of Milan and Como The Venetians pretend to the Election of Bishops within their own State A consultation thereupon They are in great trouble for the Turk They chase and pursue the Pyrats France and England against the Emperour Soliman and Cesar arm one against the other but quickly lay down their arms The success of the Imperial and Turkish Fleet. The condition of Italy Cesar speaks with the Pope at Bullognia what they treat of and the conclusion thereof A League made between them without the intervening of the Venetians The differences between Ferdinand and the Venetians are again treated of The Turks preparations to recover Corone The Emperours preparations to oppose him The Venetians provide to defend their State They prosecute the Pyrats but unfortunately They fight one of Soliman's Captains taking him to be a Pyrate they overcome him The Imperial Fleets success The Popes intentions The Fleets of the Emperour of Barbary and of the Venetians Their success The Venetians exact the tenth from the Clergie and the Pope grants them a part Corone re-taken by the Turks who sack Calavria and take Tunis The Malteses rebuked by the Venetians The Pope dies An other Pope chosen A Treaty of Peace between Cesar and the King of France The Pope's pretensions to the Dukedom of Camerino they are 〈◊〉 Ceâ—ar 〈◊〉 for Tunis 〈…〉 Affrica 〈◊〉 Tunis 〈…〉 together with the whole â—ingdom to 〈…〉 The Duke of Milan dies which causeth commotions The French take Milan They assault Piemont The Pope strives to agree them but in vain The Emperour assaults France but gets little thereby The Venetian Embassadours go to meet him at Genua where they Treat of many things The Publication of the Councel which was afterwards that of Trent PEace being made in manner as hath been related the Senate being desirous to establish it and to work themselves as much as they could into the favour and good will of the Princes shewing themselves well affectioned towards them and how constant their desire was to preserve the peace of Italy resolved to send Embassadours to the Pope and to the Emperour to witness the great satisfaction which they had received by the agreement and the desire which they had to continue long peace and friendship with them Those who were deputed to this Embassie were of the prime men of the Commonwealth and of a clear reputation for their own endowments for the many places they had passed thorow both at home and abroad Marco Dandalo Luigi Gradinigo Luigi Mocenigo and Lorenzo Braggadino to whom that the Embassie might appear the more solemn they added Antonio Sâ—riano who was with the Pope and Nicolo Tiepolo who was to remain Liedger with the Emperour These six went all together in the beginning of the year 1530. to Bullognia where the Pope and the Emperour were as yet by whom they were graciously received they delivered their Embassies severally first to the Pope and then to the Emperour They did not only praise the Pope for having as the common Father piously and prudently embraced the cause of Christendom and put a period to so many mischiefs and miseries but they likewise thanked him in name of the Commonwealth for his particular care which he had therein of her in composing the differences between her and Cesar and in freeing her from the expence and troubles of War They shew'd Cesar the necessity which had made them take up Arms and to continue the War their being displeas'd at what was past but chiefly their constant and firm resolution to make good the agreement which was made and their endeavours of perpetual friendship between the House of Austria and the Commonwealth Though when the Embassadors had delivered this they had no more to do yet were they commanded to tarry in Bullognia that they might be present at the Emperours coronation which was to be celebrated in that City For Charls who had first designed to go to Rome to take the Imperial Crown upon him there according to the ancient custom of the Emperours was resolved to accomplish that ceremony in Bullognia being called for back into Germany upon other more weighty State affairs for which purpose great store of people flocking thither and Embassadours from all Princes such an Embassie seemed to befit that days solemnity and pomp which was on the 24. of February which being over the Embassadours returned to Venice being presented by Cesar with five hundred pieces of Portugueses to the value of ten crowns each piece which according to custome were put into the Exchequer for the publique service It was wisely provided for by the first Founders of the Commonwealth and established by Law that any who should be sent Embassadours to forreigne Princes and should receive any presents from them they should bring them into the publique Bank it being not thought convenient to refuse such demonstrations of honour done to those who represented the Commonwealth nor to permit that such things as were given to publique persons should be converted into private mens purses which if they were permitted peradventure somtimes to keep it must be allow'd of by the votes of the Senate and be acknowledged from their favour and liberality thereby prevention was had that evil men out of hopes of such gain might not prove partial to other Princes and prejudicial to the Commonwealth Three Embassadours were afterwards sent by Cesar to the Senate as well by way of correspondency in friendly civilities as also to end certain differences belonging to the articles of peace They were received with great demonstrations of honour and were presented with cups of Gold to the value of a thousand crowns a piece And in favour to Cesar who sought it at their hands many Subjects of the Commonwealth had their
the House of Austria and out of those of the Dukes of Bavier and Cleves and of the Marquis of Brandeburg which Princes adhered unto the Emperour So as he might muster about 40000 Foot and 5000 Horse At the same time the protestant Princes whose chief Commanders were Iohn Frederick Duke of Saxony Elector of the Empire and Philip Lansgrave of Hesse endeavoured to get more Lords and German Cities to joyne with them and used all the means they could to encrease their numbers making profession to defend the liberty of Germany and causing those who joyned with them to swear fidelity to the Empire which they said Cesar would possesse himself of as of his own peculiar State and turn it into a tyrannicall Government Wherefore many chief Lords and Cities embracing this as the common cause took up Arms against Cesar as the Duke of Wittemburg the Count Palatine the Communalty of Argentine â—lms Franckfort and Noremburg the City of Auspurge being long before declared These sent their Embassadours to Ulms where a Dyet was intimated to treat particularly of preparations for war any where there was such a concourse of almost all Germany as thed soon got an Army of 80000 Foot and 10000 Horse with which Forces they hoped the rather to beat Cesar and to drive him as they said out of Germany for that they saw he could not raise any considerable Army of Germans they onely apprehended forrain souldiers and chiefly the Pope's Italian Foot which they being desirous to keep from comming they writ very earnestly to the Venetian Senate declaring the good-will they bore to the Common-wealth which was highly esteemed by the whole German Nation desiring them that they would not afford passage to those people which the Emperour sought to bring in to their prejudice and to enslave all Germany to the pernicious example of all other Countries The Senate replyed to this That they did very much cherish the friendship of those Princes and of all those people to whom they had alwaies corresponded with like affection and esteem of their particular persons and of the whole noble German Nation But that their Country being plain and open they could not hinder souldiers from passing through it unlesse by strong force of Arms which their Common-wealth was not wont to do unlesse to their declared enemies Soon after there came particular Letters from the Duke of Saxony and from the Lansgrave wherein declaring their designes and their necessities and that they had taken up Arms in their own defence they desired to be befriended by the Common-wealth with a certain sum of mony Which desires of theirs were much furthered and assisted by the King of England who employ'd his secretary therein he being then resident in Venice who presented these Letters The King was moved to defend the cause of these men though not altogether openly either for their joynt dissenting from the Church of Rome or for that he was not well pleased with Cesar for the agreement with France and that he was troubled at his greatnesse But the Senate continuing their wonted answers said That they esteemed those Princes as their very good friends and wish'd them all good successe but that they could not pleasure them in this lest they should offend other princes whose peace and friendship they desired to preserve These respects being set aside the Senate seemed very well minded toward the German Nation Also when the City of Auspurge had by expresse Letters recommended their Merchants to the protection of the Common-wealth many whereof were already in Venice and others came thither daily in greater numbers by reason of these commotions that their persons and goods might be safe For after this City had declared enmity to the Emperour they had received ill usage in other Cities where they had been for their own private affairs Answer was made that the people of that City and all other people had alwaies been welcome and well received as if they had been their own Citizens and that they would still keep all tearms of justice and civility with them The City of Venice keeps alwaies great commerce with Germany because of many things which come from the Levant which the Germans have need of and which are brought unto them by Venetian Merchants ships as Spices Cottons and severall other Merchandizes and likewise many other things which grow abundantly in their Country are brought to Venice and carried from thence to other parts to the great advantage of private men and of the publick customes wherefore for the better conveniency of the German Nation there was long before this a great and Noble Pallace or Warehouse built in Venice upon the Rialto standing upon the Canale Majore in the fairest and most frequented place of all the City where usually many of this Nation are and whereof many of them finding themselves so well treated live all their life chusing this City for their Country where they purchase Estates and build particular Houses to themselves Whilst all sides were thus intent upon making War and that a mass of Souldiers being got together they were ready to march news was given out that peace was made and though the conclusion thereof was not certain it was most certain that messengers were imploy'd on both sides to treat thereof whereat the Venetians were not a little troubled considering that when so great Armies were in Italy they might peradventure betake themselves to other enterprises and other States being unprovided might cause much apprehension in them all Therefore the Pope fearing lest the Senate might joyne in some straiter friendship and Intelligence with some others which might be contrary to his designs discourst long with the State 's Embassador shewing that he had been alwaies desirous to keep the peace of Italy for the Common good but that he had continually had a particular eye to what might concern the Common-wealth's safety and greatnesse he wisht him therefore to assure the Senate of his good-will and that he would keep good intelligence with him still which would be the way to preserve both their States and the rest of Italy quiet That he had renewed this his desire purposely at this time when he himselfe being armed and free from offence it might be believed that it was not fear but true zeal which made him thus unbowel himselfe unto them But the indeavours of Peace proving vain the Armies of both sides were drawn into the field in one and the same Country for though the Protestants which was the denomination they gave themselves who were in league against the Emperour by reason of their protestations made in matter of Religion indeavouring to do that for themselves which they could not get others to do to wit to stop the passage of such as came against them through Italy had possest themselves of the Castle of Chiusa in the County of Tiroll placed amongst the Mountains by which way they thought the Enemy was to passe But the Papall and
also to recover Bullen which was by his fathers agreement yielded up to the English For which respects he entertained divers practises not onely with the Pope touching the affairs of Parma but also in Genua and in Sienna to alter the Government of those Cities which depended upon Cesar's authority Yet did he not prepare to put these his designes in execution nor did he openly declare himself an enemy to Cesar. But on the other side the Pope though he had a very great desire to revenge the injuries done him by Cesar and to recover Piacenza to his family yet he was doubtfull whether he should attempt this by force or by treaty Sometimes he was induced to hope well considering that the Emperour who was Lord of so many States though he appeared more severe unto him then to the end that he might obtain other things of him might not at last deprive his son in Law Octavio and his children of that State and reduce him to a private condition He had therefore often sent severall expresses to him desiring that Piacenza might be restored to Octavio and that he would cease troubling him in the possession of Parma But at the same time he negotiated a League with the King of France by which the King was to take Duke Octavio and the City of Parma into his protection and to defend it against the Imperiall forces Sometimes to honest and to facilitate the businesse and to satisfie himself at least in taking this City from Cesar he thought to re-assume it into the obedience of the Church Nor did he cease to solicite the Venetians sometimes by promises sometimes by minding them of the fear of Cesar's forces to joyne with him in the defence of Italy for which he said he was no lesse troubled then for his nephews interest And sometimes he complaines that they were too much Imperialists and did glory in Cesar's friendship and favour which was occasioned more by Cesar's own words then by the Venetians for in his publick discourse of the Common-wealth and Senate he named them with love and honour meaning it may be to make them by this means more his friends But he did not much confide in the King of France whom he named his friend and confederate suspecting lest the King who demanded that the City of Parma preserved by his forces should not be given to Octavio of whom he might alwaies be jealous as being the Emperour's son in Law but to Horatio who was not onely the Popes nephew but his son in Law When he should have gotten that City which lay very opportunely for the molâ—sting of Millan might keep it for himself Moreover what could make him dispair more of finding favour at Cesar's hands then to see that that City should be given into his enemies hands and by whom he might be much prejudiced by the Fernese's means Being much distracted in his thoughts by reason of these considerations after long and various disputes and difficulties touching the Councill which the one would have celebrated at Bullen the other at Trent the Pope to give satisfaction to Cesar resolved after having sent the Bishop of Fano his Nuntio to him to send also the Bishop of Verona his Legate into Germany with authority to dispence with the Germans in many things which were demanded by them and with some alteration of the usuall rites of the Church of Rome a thing which Cesar had very earnestly desired to curb those people who not having obtained the generall Councill which was promised them by Cesar and many of them not having accepted of a certain reformation made for a time and therefore called the Interim till the Councill should be celebrated threatned to mutiny again unlesse they might receive satisfaction in some of their obstinate demands Whereat Cesar was much troubled because it hindered his other designes But he minding onely his own affairs and not being moved by any affections or reasons which were contrary to the interests of his Dominions did wisely nourish certain uncertain hopes in the Pope and in Duke Octavio whereby he kept them unresolved and in doubt Sometimes he propounded proposalls of accommodation with recompence of Territories elsewhere sometimes he said he would have it tryed whether the Church or Empire had more lawfull pretence to those Cities and sometimes seeming much incensed instead of restoring Piacenza he demanded that Parma should be delivered up unto him But in â—ine it was conceived by those who saw further into his designes that by thâ—se uncertainties he would keep the Pope in perpetuall doubts being already resolved by no means to part with Piacenza as lying very opportunely for the State of Millan but that he went about to protract time and to shun the necessity of taking up Arms expecting the Pope's approaching death that he might the mean while put an end to his other deeper designes He thought to settle a mighty Monarchy upon his own Line making the Empire together with so many other Kingdomes and States descend upon his onely son Philip and his brother Ferdinando's claim to the Empire standing in his way as to that who was some years before made King of the Romans a title confer'd upon such as are declared to succeed in the Empire he sought by several waies to perswade his brother to give way unto his son promising to give the Dukedom of Wittemberg to Ferdinando to help his son Maximilian to be chosen King of Bohemia to give him his daughter for wife with some Territories for her portion to make him Governour of his Kingdoms of Spain in his sons absence and other things which were not afterwards altogether effected But Philip past from Spain into Italy whither Maximilian was gon before to celebrate the marriage concluded with 300000 Crowns for portion but no Dominion and to tarry there as Governour of those Kingdoms for Philip was to go into Germany to his father who was gone to Brussells to ease Germany of the Spanish Souldiers part whereof he sent to meet his son in Italy and led part along with him into Flanders The Prince was received with great pomp and honour in every place he was met at Genua where he landed by many Embassadors from severall Princes and particularly by Frederick Badoaro in the behalf of the Common-wealth whose Commission was meerly Complement and to attend the Prince whilst he passed through the State of the Common-wealth which he was to do as he went from Millan towards Germany A stately Bridge richly adorned was built over the River Adice and upon the confines of Verona he was met by the Captain of that City nobly attended and by a great concourse of people who were come from several parts to see him who was born to so great an Empire and to succeed in so many Kingdoms and united States as he was likely to have been the greatest Prince that ever was in Christendom This Prince did not upon this occasion satisfie mens expectations but was held to
well in the camp as in the city to give and to sustain the Assault In which condition of affairs one morning at the rising of the Sun they might discover from the walls all the sorts and trenches of the enemy furnish'd with great store of colours and launces and a great shout was heard of men and noise of Cymballs and other such like instruments and soon after the Turks began to discharge their muskets and artillery continuing to shoot all the day-long to encrease courage in their own men and to infuse the more fear in ours The enemy intended first to bereave the city of her defences wherefore they levelled their shot against the Parapets which were speedily re-erected by those within and made better then they were so as they received great security thereby But beginning afterwards to shoot lower whereby they much prejudiced the walls those within were very diligent in mending by night what had been thrown down by day which they were able to do though not without infinite labour till such time as the Turks getting into the ditch disturbed this their work for the enemy being already got with their trenches near the counterscarf they threw much earth into the ditch and afterwards hollowing the wall of the counterscarf they made their passage safe into the ditch even to the wall without being prejudiced by artillery from the half-moons which shot on their flanks and were a little damnified onely by some shot from the Cavalliers But the city beginning to want powder it behoved them to be sparing thereof so as the cannoneers were forbid to shoot unlesse by order from their captains which was not given but upon great occasion So as the greatest harm the enemy received at this time was by artificiall fires which were thrown down upon them from the walls which did disorder and kill many of them They used some iron-balls full of fine powder like Granadoes which breaking into many pieces did at once give many mortall wounds So as they began to make many mines especially on the side of the Arsenall whereof those within found some and did very seasonably make use of that powder for their own preservation which was intended for their ruine But the Turks had already placed many Corps de guard in the ditch and lay safe there in their tents being secured from harm by the diligence of the guards which attended the nearest neighbouring trenches who did so narrowly observe all the motions of our men as not any one could appear upon the walls who was not soon slain by the enemies musquet-shot Mines were not notwithstanding this mean while given over of which one proved very prejudiciall which was made in the midst of the Arsenall's half Moon which gave a notable example of the souldiers constancy or rather of their miserable condition for seeing the mine made and the bags of pouder put into it so as the danger of that horrible death was certain they did notwithstanding continue the wonted guard in the suspected place expecting hourly that those that were upon it should be blown up into the aire and rent into a thousand pieces by the violence of the fire as soon after hapned to a company which was but just then entred to relieve others that were upon that guard The Mine made so horrible a noise by reason of the wall 's solidity and of great quantity of pouder as the city seemed to be shaken with an earth-quake and the Turks began almost immediately to enter through the ruines made by this mine and to give an assault which endured with great fiercenesse for above five hours space Our souldiers were so desirous to fight with the Turks neer at hand and not to suffer themselves to be slain without making trial of their valour or without taking any revenge as every one strove to get into places of greatest danger every one would be present at every important action at all assaults insomuch as women vuying for valour with men came continually upon the walls bringing many things for the souldiers use In this action our men lost above an hundred and sixty men amongst which Bernandino da Ugubio who had behaved himself gallantly and Pietro Conte Hercole Malatesta and other valiant commanders were dangerously wounded The defendants retired then from this place which was broke open by the mine to their inward works which were made with great art but by reason of the smalnesse of circuit were but of little use for the souldiers being to defend themselves at push of pike were much inconvenienced In these works the industry of Mormori an Ingineer and of Marco Crivellatore a Venetian Captain of foot was chiefly commended for by their inventions two ranks of hogsheads full of earth joyned one to the other and upon them two ranks likewise of bags of wet earth well ramm'd in were placed behinde which convenient space was left for musketeers to stand safely which proved to be of notable advantage for the shot meeting with no solid resistance took away some of those bags the place whereof was suddenly fill'd up with more of the like so as no great hurt was done By these inventions and by singular valour the enemy were long withstood and oft-times repuâ—st insomuch as they began to dispair of taking the city by this way Wherefore betaking themselves to new inventions they began to build up other Forts neerer hand from whence they might the more easily throw down the inward works and the cavaliers thereby to bereave our men of all defence and themselves of all impediments And at the same time they shot continually into the city with mortar-pieces bullets of great weight which falling upon the houses broke down the roofs and slew the inhabitants They shot likewise great number of arrowes shooting them up on high that falling down perpendicularly they might wound the heads of those that were upon the walls They gave many allarums especially by night making as if they would give an assault and in fine they left the defendants no houres rest so to tire them out and to discourage them with so continuall labour danger and watching But at last finding that breaches made by mines was not sufficient to make way for their assaults they fell to work with their mat-hooks and pick-axes throwing down the walls and forcing them within to yet straiter in-works So as things being brought to that passe as that they might get upon the walls in severall places the Commanders resolved to do their utmost and to assault the defendants at one and the same time in severall parts who being few and employed in many actions they thought they would not be able long to withstand the violence of their assault Mustafa made all things fitting for this to be prepared he would be present every where himself and going about sought to encourage the souldiers and calling all the valiantest and most honourable by their names He minded them of their former actions of their
Veniero finding himselfe indisposed by reason of his great Age and much labour having got leave from the Senate return'd to his Country with much glory being met by many of the Senators in the Butcentauro and received very honourably by the Nobility and People The affairs in Dalmatia were not at this time altogether quiet for though there were no setled Armies there yet the neighbouring Saniacki over-ran and pillaged the Country with their Turkish Horse much to the prejudice of the Venetian subjects to hinder which the Stradiotti went often forth on Horseback and the foot Garrisons so as they had continuall skirmishes but without any notable effects on either side For both the Venetians and Turks proceeded but slowly therein both of them thinking that it made not much for them to use powerful forces in Dalmatia The Turks feared that to send a strong Army into that Province to attempt any great enterprise might make the Emperour more jealous of their forces whereby he might the more easily imbrace the offers made him by the Colleagues and make War with them in Hungary and the Venetians whose designs lay altogether in the Levant where all their forces were imploy'd did forbear busying themselves in other enterprises for that they thought that whatsoever of importance might be then attempted either in Dalmatia or in Albania was to depend upon the success of the Fleet as also the fortune of the whole War They knew also that they were not likely to do any good with but small forces the enemy being very strong in that Country by reason of their usuall Garrisons and that they were apt to assemble together great numbers of men Whence it was that having gotten the Town of Macarsca by the advice of Luigi Grimani and of Iulio de Pompei which was a place of some consideration and formerly much frequented by Merchants being both fortified and garrisonized they were notwithstanding quickly forced to abandon it our men being much inferiour in numbers to the Enemy The like befell them at the Fort of Clissa which being gotten by our men by intelligence held with them within they kept it but for a very short time for the Souldiers of the Garrison hearing that the Turks were comming to assault it with great forces were so terrified at the very news thereof as they fled all for safety to Sebeâ—ico before the Enemy were come The Turks let slip no occasion whereby they might prejudice the Venetians wherefore not having at this time sufficienâ— forces assembled to storm their Towns they plotted otherwise against them particularly against the Town of Catarro which they designed to take by siege there being no way left to victuall it by land Therefore to block up all access also by Sea they had gone about severall times to build a Fort in the mouth of the Channel wherein that City was placed but they were alwaies disturbed therein by our men But the Saniacco del Ducaâ—o being at last come thither with a great many of men he perfected it and built a Fort upon the point of Vorbagno about three miles distant from Castel-Nâ—ovo where the Channel is not above forty paces over Whereof when the Senate heard they had reason to think that the City of Catarro was in great danger wherefore they sent particular orders to General Foscerini that he should send to destroy that work So Commissary Soranzo having no other occasion of imployment at that time it being in the midst of winter wenâ— with 22 gallies and 6 galliasses to the mouth of the Channel of Cattaro He had with him Paolo Orsino Pompeio Colonna Morettâ— Calauresâ— and other Commanders who conducted 4000 Foot to this Enterprise And as they were on the way Nicolo Suriano Captain of the Gulph came in unto them with 4 gallies being all of them come to Gianizza they landed many men part whereof went with Pompeio Colonna to possess themselves of a neighbouring hill to keep the Souldiers of Caâ—â—el-Nâ—â—vo from succouring those of the Fort and part went with Nicolo da Gambara â—o a place not far off whither Zacharia Salamone who had been formerly adverstised with the whole design was to come at the same time from Catarro with some souldiers of that Garrison and with some other people that were raised in the Country of Zaâ—câ—eria Then Zoranzo entred the Channel with 18 of his best Gallies and going formost himselfe he pasâ— beyond the Fort from which though many shot were made yet did not the Fleet receive any harme but passing on safely he put himselfe into a fit place where he might batter both by Sea and Land The Fort was made of great Oaks very artificially fastned and chained together so as they made a double rank and incompassed a great Plat-form upon which some Parapets were raised for the safeguard of the Defendants The whole Fort was 150 paces in compasse the shape thereof quadrangular without any flanks but so placed as one of the Fronts played upon the Gallies as they entered the Channell and the other when they were past on It was well furnished with Artillery and had 200 souldiers to defend it Wherefore our men resolved to batter it both by sea and land at one and the same time to the end that the defendants being busied in severall places and confused through fear might abandon it the sooner The next morning after their first arrival they began to batter apace both by sea and land and soon after our souldiers came with ladders to assault it After a short defence the enemy was forced to yield leaving the way open for the assailants to enter and to make themselves masters of the Fort. There were many small guns found therein and eighteen great ones which the Commissary sent to Venice and blew up the Fort. This businesse being speedily and prosperously performed and â—â—â—ufficient garrison put into Cattaro they returned to Corfu with their gallies and with the rest of their men where the Fleet still lay During the winter season many things were treated of in Rome about provisions of war for the next summer They knew that dangers were much encreased the enemy having had so much time given him to repair himself for the losses he had suffered in the battle and to gather together greater forces Wherefore they resolved to increase the forces of the League also to the number of 300 gallies and 60000 Foot It was likewise propounded to send 100 gallies very early into the Levant not expecting the union of the whole Fleet which would require more time that the enemy might be prevented who as it was said would put to sea very betimes to hinder the relieving of Candia to pillage the Venetian shoars and to infuse fear into all Yet they came not to any setled resolution of obviating these dangers either for that they did not value them so much as they ought to have done or as some said fearing that when their forces should be divided and part of
Charles Francis 151 39 Consciousnes Coveteousness 153 11 Cuonâ— Buono 159 43 Taragosa Saragoâ—a ibid 45 le Sirte to Tunis not far from the Syrtes at Tunis 168 42 eminent imminent 173 43 Lerce Leseu ibid  dele the second to 177 4 Francisco Laâ—s Alfonso Saus 181 3 Pope Po 182 22 12000 1200 187 13 ought doubt 193 23 after might insert not â—05 34 infected infasted 208 14 which with 210 30 after opinion dele on 212 36 after for insert if 220 45 1000 10â—00 221 2 eminent imminent ibid 36 Lormano Sormano 228 8 Son Sonnes ibid 18 1000 10000 130 29 Sange Lange 232 42 Galâ—iazzo di Gaiazzo 224 31 descent dissent 236 30 Lagni Lagri 247 45 Fuâ—ili Furli 251 22 County Count ibid 32 on of 255 4 dele given them ibid 14 things Kings ibid 17 intervene interview 257 41 Alcone Alarcone 259 43 after and insert the ibid 45 Cido Cibo 270 3 Romaga Romania ibid 17 San Termo San Fermo ibid 33 Sepontino of Sipontium 272 4 Agreement prejudicial 280 31 Town Towns ibid 40 Marc Marca ibid 50 Lanudo Sanudo 292 6 dele not  293 17 impose oppose 294 5 conjunct convinc'd 19 34 which with ibid 38 dele and  296 21 Nâ—vi Nani 305 23 Jialio Iulio 312 34 Mousa Monza 328 7 they their 332 45 Cruzado Cruzada 334 34 Augusta Ausburg 337 â—7 enâ—ring enduring 343 25 at of 354  before to insert daughter 370 40 Cantarinen Contarinâ—s 375 19 in by 381 23 hands heads 39â— 24 before come insert was 391 47 Nâ—ples Napoli 39â— 21 Quirina the Quirini 427 9 Dâ—â—cutari of Scutari 430 30 them him 440 12 Paru Paxu 557 24 Samito Sanuto 561 1 after 2d and insert the 567 4 though thought 571 14 his her 573 27 Padino Nadino 579 2 Strozzitia Strozzi A 588 49 Gers Gens 597 6 Strigonia Strigonium 609 11 thought though 6â—3 2 dele any  ibid 3 thed they had 614 31 him them ibid 39 gave themselves given them 615 48 have having been 627 49 before rest insert the 640 39 dele that  641 35 after but insert for the next year 1552 647 28 it the hope The Errata of the three Books of the Wars of Cyprus Page Line for read 3 14 the second the their 4 24 〈◊〉 Mamalucohi 12 13 after Church insert and 40 8 victory overthrow 45 22 latter former 46 33 Barthne burthen 51 36 to by 59 42 before Piazza insert the ibid 47 with the by the ibid 50 quit quitted 60 44 fourth fourteenth 67 15 Vicentino of Vicenza 70 33 ill Serifo the Serif 81 13 after that insert the 94 42 shelves the rocks ibid 50 dele of  97 40 before not insert may 98 47 after do insert not 100 43 Cessan Cassan 102 26 fill it it fill 103 21 after could insert do 116 1 Tevero Teucer 1â—4 6 and an ibid 12 Oâ—tenâ—aâ—lousness obstinateness 126 30 maâ—t main-yarâ— 135 37 disposed disputed 145 36 pleaded called to mind 151 35 del Dieu of Diu 153 24 Lesle Sessa 154 16 before not insert were 155 5 Tyre Tine 162 21 Calaria Calabria ibid 26 after the 2d to insert the ibid 27 Alesâ—andrino of Alexandria 177 17 after yet insert without ibid 38 Forecastles Poopes 180 24 Andrea Andrada 182 46 Paru Paxu 192 43 dele of Zaâ—cheria 2â—0 30 Baylo Consull 204 8 Barbaro Badoaro THE HISTORY OF VENICE Written by PAULO PARUTA BOOK I. THE CONTENTS A Preparatory Prooemium to the Description of the ensuing History Framed upon some Actions of the Common-wealth of Venice Italy being made a woful receptacle of forreign Nations is miserably lacerated and almost reduced to slavery which is remedied by the Venetian Forces The Miseries of Italy are renewed by Lewis the twelveth of France and by the Spaniards who occasion the contentions in Naples Bajazet and the Venetians are agreed Maximilian of Austria is denyed entrance into Italy by the Venetians He makes war with them and loseth some Castles upon the Confines of the Empire Almost all the Kings and Princes of Christendom conspire together against the Venetians Lewis of France is the Authour thereof They re-gain some Cities They refuse to make Peace The intentions of King Lewis Of the Pope His Treaties Of the Swissers Of the Vice-Roy of Naples The Senate is in dispute whether they shall embrace Peace or War At last they make a League with the King of France War is renewed The Articles of the League The Election of a new Pope Alviano his first successes The Dutch go out of Verona Novara is defended by the Switzers Alviano doth in vain assault Verona The attempt of taking Padua by Bishop Gurghense the Emperours Lievtenant The Siege is given over Various accidents which befel the Common wealth The War by reason of the Winter is deferred till a better season THe Common-wealth of Venice for the long continuance of her Command and for the excellency of her Government is deservedly held to be the goodliest and most fortunate of as many as ever were in the world and if her remarkable Actions both of Peace and War had been more lively kept in memory by writing and by mens mouths so as her Fame had been equal to her deservings she would by this time have arrived at such Renown as her glorious Actions would have far exceeded the memory of all other Cities Rome only excepted And certainly that such a flourishing Common-wealth both for good Laws and wholesome Institutions should not in so long a concourse of time have atchieved greater Empire And also that the glory of her Enterprises hath been so little celebrated by famous Writers and not preserved in that Dignity and Splendor as becomes their merits ought not to be imputed to the baseness nor wretchlesness of her Inhabitants but rather to their Modesty For the custom of our fore-fathers was not to undertake War out of a desire of Rule but to preserve their Liberties and being wholly intent upon the welfare of their Country they did not mind their own greatness but studied more to be then to appear good Hence it was that not placing the chiefest Glory in extent of Empire or in the praise of other men but in the good Government of the City and in the uprightness of their own consciences they lost many occasions of aggrandizing their Common-wealth and suffered many of their glorious Actions to sleep in silence But in the following Age the Common-wealth being much encreased in Citizens Riches and Laws whereby she had drawn upon her the envy of many other people it might easily be known by their dangers and by their affairs that the Common-wealth stood in need of larger Dominions and of greater Forces to the end that she might provide for her safety and for her plenty both by Sea and Land Therefore whereas formerly our Ancestors being provoked to war by their Neighbors thought they had done enough if they kept themselves from being injured by them They began to take in
Cities and to enlarge their borders on all sides to the end that they might put their Affairs into a safer and a more honourable condition It also oft times hapned that by their civil ways without any noise of war which was supprest by peace by their negotiations and hopes of tranquility they won upon the Peoples good will and did enlarge their Confines In so much as the City being already become very powerful both by Sea and Land she seemed to represent the greatness and Majesty of the ancient Romans Which things if they had been sooner done the City of Venice would have arrived to such a height as she might have been paralel'd to the Common-wealth of Rome for Empire and warlike Glory But this advice was so long a taking as that all things fell out cross unto her For the Times began already apparently to favour the Ottoman Family which being come from a small beginning it is a wonderful thing to say how soon it increased so as having by great contest in war overcome many Kings and States and by its formidable greatness utterly ruined the Eastern Empire it bereft the Venetians of all hope of inlarging their Dominion in the Maratine parts Other hopes likewise of happy success were by a short delay spoiled and corrupted for if the Common-wealth had turned her Forces sooner upon the Vicâ—gerents of the Empire who taking occasion by reason of the Emperors troubles in the tedious wars of Germany usurped the free Dominion of many of the noblest Cities of Italy She might easily have regained them from their unlawful possessors who were yet weak and of no repute And then Italy being subdued how easie it was for them to subdue all other Nations and to spread their Empire from the East unto the West is easily demonstrable by the very proceedings of the Romans But howsoever the Forces Customs and Laws of this rich and flourishing Common-wealth continue in greater vigor and the Fates will one day open them the way to great Atchievements I have proposed unto my self to spend the time which shall be permited me in writing the Actions of this so famous City as well in times of war as of peace the memory wherof I will endeavor to leave to posterity with as great sincerity and uncorrupted Faith as I possibly can I thought it became me chearfully and readily to undertake this being laid upon me by publick Commission that I might imploy my time in the service of this my Noble and dear Country in that point wherein as I have said the care of our Predecessors may seem sometimes to have been wanting in which duty assuredly I will do my best Therefore laying aside all partiality and passions I have with a peaceable and free mind undertaken this business and if any one shall peradventure think that I do sometimes praise the Affairs of the Venetians too highly let them excuse me and think that it is not the love of my Country that moves me thereunto but only the desire of speaking truth the memory of these times and men not being to be sufficiently celebrated whose excellent worth was able to govern so many affairs and to sustain the violence of adverse fortune I am by the commands of the Counsel of Ten the supream Magistracy of this our Country to take the rise of this my Narration from the time wherein the History of Cardinal Bembo a Famous Personage ended and therewith the League made by the Venetians with Pope Iulius the second and with Ferdinand King of Spain against the French which League ended almost together with the life of this Pope It will be good and useful that in the continuation of this History the perfect form of our Republick be represented wherein may be seen the true Image of perfect Government for those things to which the wit of man hath not been able to attain in their fancying the Government of an excellent Common-wealth are all seen to be confirmed by time and experience in the City of Venice The memory of these times will afford various Examples of both Fortunes which may help very much to the acquiring of State wisdom and moreover many Testimonies of worth whereby great moderation and constancy in prosperous and adverse Fortune at home and in the wars true Justice and Fortitude may be found in our Citizens But before I begin what I intend to say I must expound some things taking them a little higher to the end that the truth of what is to be said may appear the more clearly It was already long since Italy was fallen into great calamity and being become the Seat and Receptacle of Forraign Nations she advanced a pace towards a long and hard slavery being by them rob'd of her Empire and of her Military glory For the French having a little before the time from which I am to take the rise of this my History assaulted the Kingdom of Naples by the means and advice of Lodowick Sforza Duke of Millan who did not therein foresee his own ruine the way was ever afterwards laid open for all the Italians greatest enemies to enter Italy to her prejudice and ruine For all our Princes being desirous of Noveltie and confiding in Forreigners they waged war against themselves renting this their unfortunate common Country in pieces by the Sword and by all injurious proceedings for they beleeved they might easily come by those Dignities and States by disturbing her peace which they dispaired of obtaining whilst Italy was in a quiet condition wherein how they were cheated the event did prove For they soon saw those evils turned upon themselves which they had prepared for others In so much as there was not any one part of this Noble Country which tasted not deeply of the miseries of war and which being long tormented with slaughters rapine and all sort of cruelty hath not lost almost all their ancient Priviledges and Dignities and changed their whole Aspect The unlooked-for coming of the French into Italy whether they brought a dreadful and unusual way of warring did so terrifie the Kings of Aragon as having more respect to their safety then to their Honour they forsook a Noble Kingdom and left all things as a prey to the avarice of the Conquerors But the French who had got the Victory more by an opinion which was had of their Forces then out of meer worth did through their negligence lose the fruit thereof and were soon driven home out of Italy which was chiefly done by the advice and Forces of the Venetians And had our Princes been able then to have bounded their Appetites the power of the French had not peradventure extended it self beyond the confines of their own Kingdom But hardly was this first Combustion over when suddenly another war was kindled in Italy the same way of civil discord being opened unto the French by which they had at first entred our Countries Their King Lodowick the twelvth having made a League with the
Duke which is the highest degree of the Common-wealth there began some appearance of peace and quiet after so many troubles for the French who had been the beginners of the late Calamities were already driven out of Italy and had the Mountains given them for the bounders of their Empire and together with them it was thought that the sink of all other mischiefs was thrown out It was to be conceived by no improbable Arguments that Peace would be acceptable to all those who had any Dominion in Italy Caesar was not thought to be able of himself to make good the War having no hope of assistance from the French and invironed with many necessities wherefore it was likely that he would give way to some agreement nor were the Venetians averse unto it being now by the continual troubles of so many sore wars invited to rest The Pope who had wont to boast that he by Counsels had freed Italy from the slavery of the French it might with reason be thought that nothing could be more desired by him then this That since he had much inlarged the Churches Dominions and re-invested the Duke of Millan in his State the Affairs of Italy might begin to be in a better condition by injoying peace And it was very manifest that Ferdinand King of Spain was to desire peace more then the rest This wise Prince knew that it was by Peace that he was to confirm himself in his new possession of Naples and by his own industry or other mens negligence increase his Force and Reputation therefore under appearance of the Common good but indeed minding more his own advantage he had oftentimes sent Embassadours to Caesar and to the Venetians labouring to compound their differences But hardly did this light begin to appear out of cloudy by-gone-times when suddenly it vanished Some seeds of the former mischiefs remained yet in Italy for the strong astles of Genua Millan and Cremona held still for the King of France and many factious men began to desire Novelties and to the terror of all men news was spread abroad of new stirrings in France which as it was believed would suddenly break forth into open war Lodowick did greatly desire to recover the State of Millan and his ancient Reputation and he was much the more incited by the discord of the Colleague Princes hoping that he might easily divide them and get some of them to joyn with him when he should send his Army into Italy He therefore sometimes egg'd on Caesar to war against the Venetians and sometimes the Venetians against Caesar. He offered all his Forces to each of them he propounded great rewards of Victory he made himself appear to them to be in a condition of joyning with any one of them when the other should undervalue his Friendship Moreover to the end that a more firm and inviolable agreement might be made between them he promised Caesar to give him his Daughter Renea for wife to his Nephew Charls or else to his Nephew Ferdinand and to give with her for Portion the State of Millan when it should be regaind by their joynt Forces The Pope was hereat greatly troubled for he saw that great dangers were threatned to Italy by the power of the French which he did no less hate then fear but he was much in doubt which side he should favour If he should lean to Caesar he feared least the Venetians having no hopes of peace should have recourse to the friendship of the French and should endeavour to secure themselves by their Forces so as he should lose all that Glory which during all the time of his being Pope he had so much laboured after And on the contrary if he should lose Caesar by assisting the Venetians he thought he had not sufficiently provided for all dangers and being very jealous he perswaded himself it might easily happen that Caesar siding with the Council at Pisa which the King of France had long before set up against him and which was at this time removed to Lions his Glory and Dignity might be exposed to great danger But a fervent desire to get the City of Ferrara did most of all prevail with the Pope in making him alter his first resolution of assisting the Venetians Rejecting therefore at the last all things which might perswade him to the contrary he resolved to be govern'd by Caesars Interest and whereas formerly he had wont with great dexterity and humanity to exhort the Venetians to Peace he began now to threaten them severely if they did not accept thereof upon whatsoever severe condions as soon as it should be propounded Whereby he hoped to induce Caesar to give over the defence of Ferrara which losing his assistance must needs fall into his hands But the Venetians being certainly advertised by their Embassadour Francisco Foscari of these the Popes new inventions began to listen to the reasons which had been many times before urged by Andrea Gritti of joyning in League with the French This Andrea being taken Prisoner in Brescia and afterwards carried into France was for his wisdom good behaviour and affability very well esteemed of by all men and especially by the King and kept with great respect and honour so as he now convers'd and treated in the Court much liker an Embassadour of his Country than a Prisoner the Venetians thought it an unworthy thing and not to be endured that their prosperous Success in War against the French had brought them no advantage by reason of the great Injury that was done them by their Friends and Confederates who notwithstanding would have it believed that they had undertaken that War chiefly for the Venetians good and that their Common-wealth might flourish again By which appearances the Venetians being nourisht in hopes they were the cause why they willingly continued the War underwent much labour and danger not sparing for expences but as soon as the French had a way made them for the League Constanso Ferrario was suddenly sent to Venice to negotiate it not without the Kings consent and knowledg This man brought Letters with him to the Senate from Giovanni Giacopo Trinusio one who was then in great Authority with the King wherein he appeared to be very well inclined to the Common-wealth and then shewing the reason which had moved him to send this his Servant of purpose to them left the whole Authority of negotiating and concluding the business to him that it might be the more closely carried this business of Treaty touching the League with Ferrario was committed to Antonio Iustiniano one of the prime Senators and who was then in great esteem for his Wisedom These after divers meetings agreed that some things being altered which the condition of the times did require those capitulations should continue which were made some years before when the Venetians joyn'd in League with the French against the Sforza's Gritti was made acquainted with all this and was desired that he should by all means
too much trusting the Spaniards to put the whole Affairs of Italy into their hands that they had condescended that an Italian Duke should be Master of Millan because they knew he was rather to be a Prince in appearance than in effect whereby they hoped they might reduce that State upon the first occasion that should be offered under their Dominion That therefore moved by the same Interests they profess'd now to defend Maximillian Sforza that they might make use of the Millaneses and of the Switzers to drive the French out of Italy whom they thought they ought only to fear That it might clearly be seen the Spaniards did no less aspire to the Empire of Italy then did the French but whereas these made their way by open Force the others finding themselves to be too weak sought to work their ends by cunning and by cozenage and did under a colour of Friendship with the Italians undermine their Liberties That therefore it was very advantageous to suffer the Forces and Reputation of an other Forreign Prince to increase in Italy to obviate their Power since that the Italians who had been so long afflicted with War were not able of themselves to defend themselves against Forreign Nations The Venetians did by these reasons make good their Counsels and Actions but whilst these things were in Treaty with the Pope all sides made diligent preparations for War Nay Princes seemed to be the more set thereupon for that Leo by his various thoughts and promises made many of them hope to be able to maintain the War by his Help and Authority But the Venetians were more sollicitous in this business then the rest as those who found themselves most necessitated to continue the War therefore they raised men diligently in all parts to make up an Army They sollicited the King of France continually to come speedily into Italy shewing him that the Victory consisted chiefly in celerity That if such Cities as were not yet provided of Garrisons should be on the sudden assaulted they might be easily reduced into their Power But that if the business were spun out in length greater difficulties would daily arise King Lewis being moved by these Exhortations bent himself wholly upon this War and being desirous to imploy his whole Forces therein he agreed with Ferdinando to lay down Arms on the other side of the Mountains for a certain time This King was so carryed away with a vain glorious desire of recovering the State of Millan as he valued neither fear nor infamy So as not caring what blame he might incurre thereby he by this suspension of Arms gave over his Friends and Kinsmans Cause the King of Navarr who for having taken part with the French was a little before driven out of his Kingdom by the Spaniards and reduced to a miserable condition And being likewise advertised of great preparation for War made by Henry King of England a powerful Prince to assault France he contemn'd the Forces of that Kingdom though they had oft times made the French feel them to their Cost For having already in his mind taken in the whole state of Millan and taken the Victory for granted he thought he might bring back his victorious Army time enough to defend his own Kingdom before the English devested of all Military Preparations by reason of their long Peace could provide all things necessary for so great an Enterprize All the Kings men meâ— then according to Orders in the City of Susa that they might the more easily pass from thence into Italy Lewis Lord of Tremuglia a Personage very famous both for his Birth and for many places which he had discharged was made chief Commander of the Army Yet the War was for the most part govern'd according to the pleasure of Giovanni Giacomo Trivulcio who was at that time in great estimation for his great experience in Military Affairs 'T was said that the French Army consisted of about 20000 fighting men 〈…〉 muster'd 8000 choice Italian Foot to which were added 200 Câ—rassiers and 500 light Horse and a great Train of Artillery which did much strengthen the Army Two noble Venetians Domenico Contareno and Andrea Loredano were the Commissaries general whose particular care it is to provide Victuals Monies and all things requisite for the Army and then to be assistant in their Advice to the Captain General in all difficult businesses for the Venetians do themselves execute all the places of the Militia by Sea but in Terra firma by their ancient wont and the Custom of their Fore-fathers they manage their War by Forreigners At this time Bartholomeo Alviano was Captain General of the Venetian Army who being lately returned from France and Count Pitigliano being dead was chosen by the Senate to succeed in his place with the same Conditions which were granted formerly to Pitigliano His yearly pay was 50000 Duckets and he was bound to keep still on foot 300 Curassiers and 500 Cross-bow men on Horse-back to be ready upon any occasion to serve the Common-wealth This man when his place was conferr'd upon him went to the Army which was then upon the Banks of Adice and thinking it fit to be speedy in the business began forthwith to exhort the Senate that he might anticipate the time and that they would suffer him to march with his Army into the state of Millan whilst the Enemy were unprovided of aid and the Cities ungarrison'd That all other attempts would be in vain or to very little purpose that it was requisite that the Venetians should run the same fortune as did the French in 〈◊〉 War That if Affairs should go well with them it was no question but they were to share in the good Fortune but if otherwise they had no hope neither of getting any thing nor yet of keeping any thing that they had lately re-gained But the Senate after they had well and narrowly examined the business resolved that the Army should not pass the Rivers of Po and Ada for what remain'd they left the whole managing of the War free to Alviano with leave to direct his Forces and Designs whither he should be invited by the negligence of the Enemy or advised by his own Industry and Reason There was not as yet any certain News come that the French were past the Alpes therefore the Senate thought it a rash Counsel to leave their Countrey exposed to the Injuries of the Enemy and to send their Army to a place from whence in any case of adverse fortune they could not return But Alviano being very fervent in all he took in hand and very quick and bold thinking that the occasion and the present condition of Affairs invited him so to do resolved to advance immediately with his Army and took his way first towards Verona hoping to get that City Pandolfo Malatesta was taken into pay by Cesar at this time and made Governour of one of the Towers who allured by greater rewards had sided with the
give it over and retreat the honour of their Army would be much lessened and the Enemy would be thereby much inheartned and if they should tarry longer in the same Quarters they saw it would be to no purpose and not without danger Some of the Commanders were of opinion that the Army should remove from those Marish Grounds and march into open Campagnia where the Chivalry wherein their chiefest hopes lay might shew their Worth That therefore they should go to encounter the Enemy and set upon them on their way whom they might easily overcome since they were unfurnish'd of all warlike Preparation But Trivulsio's opinion prevailed whose experience Fortune began already to mock He said they were not to hazard themselves upon the uncertain Event of a Battle wherefore they withdrew two miles further from the City and encamped themselves neer the River Mora to the end that lying in a safer place they might keep the Enemy from Victuals and by this means inforce them to surrender When the French had altered their Quarters the Switzers not seeing the Enemie appear any where entred safely into the City of Novara and were exceeding joyfully received by the besieged and without taking any manner of repose they called a Council of War and began to consult how they were to carry on the War and suddenly it was resolved with a general consent that they would assault the Enemies Camp the next night They were so inflamed with a desire of Glory as they despised the worth of all other Nations which heat of theirs was made the greater by the exhortations of some of the Commanders who labour'd to perswade the multitude That Affairs would grow worse by delay that dangers did dayly increase and that therewithal Glory would decrease For they knew that some other of their own Companies would shortly come in to their succour which in case that they should get the Victory would usurpe the greatest part thereof And that notwithstanding after such an assistance their condition would be impared if they knew not how to make use of the present occasion of fighting which was offer'd them For that there was certain News come that both many Foot and Horse were come into the City of Alexandria sent by the King of France to joyn with his Army which if they should be sâ—ffer'd to joyn with the rest of the Enemies Forces Maximillian's Affairs and the defence of that City would be reduced to great difficulties That therefore a short delay might produce great difficulties and spoil a fair advantage That they were to make use of the opportunity of place and time which was offered them whilst they had means so to do That they had then great commodiousness to order their Army in the open Campagnia and to assault the Enemy who were not encamped in any strong scituation nor had yet time to fortifie themselves by Art or by their Souldiers labours so as those little works wherein the Enemy were would rather prove a hinderance then an advantage to them But that above all things nothing made so well for them and so ill for the Enemy as the obscurity of the night for then they could make no use of their Guns wherein they placed their hopes of Victory more thâ—n in their own courage Moreover they came with resolution and minds prepared to fight whereas they should find the Enemy half asleep astonish'd at the Novelty and unexpected Assault expecting nothing less at such a season then battle That they should not fear the smallness of their numbers nor for that lose any of their ancient Courage since the Enemy though they exceeded them in the multitude of men were not to be compared to them for Valour That if they should put this off till another time there was no hopes hereafter of Battle whereof the Enemy would be very far from giving any occasion at they who having opportunity by time to fortifie their Camp and being sure to keep the City from Victuals hoped to get the Victory with less hazard That gallant men might be thus indangered by base people when they should suffer themselves to be reduced to such necessity as they must either fight upon much disadvantage or else being tyred out with want and molestation fall at last into the Enemies hands That it better became their Generosity to run the same hazard of life by making Tryal of their Valour then by suffering the Inconveniences of a Siege That it was greatness of Spirit not wariness which was the true Ornament of Souldiers These warlike men being wholly set on fire by these speeches they all with lowd voice desired to be led on to the Enemy And feeding themselves with the desire of Glory and hopes of Victory were not overcome by the weariness of the way The Commanders praising their Courage and Resolution dismiss'd them ordering them to be in readiness with their Armes against the sign should be given The French having been in Armes all that day and part of the night and being told by their Scouts that all was quiet in Novara had betaken themselves to their rest and this being the first night after the raising of their Army they lay scatter'd and confutedly amongst their Baggage The better half of the night being past over in silence 10000 Switzers sallied ouâ— of the Town and having divided themselves into three bodies marched speedily strait towards the Enemy and proceeded in such order as the farther they advanced the farther did the Army spread abroad The greatest Squadron was ordered to assault the Enemies Camp on the Front and to begin the Battle The other two when they should be come to the Flanks of the Camp were to tarry there and keep the French Horse from succouring the Foot The Switzers began now to march with displayed Banners against the Enemy who being advertised of their coming by their Scouts had but very little time allowed them to stand to their Armes and put themselves in order for being startled out of their sleep and the Commanders being no less abash'd at the first with the Novelty then the rest they were much terrified not knowing well what to do yet soon after gathering such Troops together as the suddenness of the accident would permit they began to give order for such things as were most necessary and the Souldiers following their Commanders Orders stood to their Arms and got to their Colours as well as they could Trivulcio kept in the midst of the Battle Monsieur de Tremuglia took care of the right Flank and Ruberto Sedanio commanded the left They all of them exhorted their men the best they could valiantly to withstand the Enemy affirming they had no reason to fear them who were weary and tired with their Iourney whilst they themselves were fresh and lusty They shew'd them how much superiour they were to the Enemy both for advantage of Place and numbers of men that they wanted nothing to obtain the Victory if they were not
make use of the Occasion and to fall at the same time upon divers Enterprises He sent Prospero Colonna with 3000 Foot and 300 Horse towards Novara to recrute Maximillian with fresh men if he needed them He ordered Francisco Hernando Marquess of Pescara to march with a good Band of men towards Genoa willing him to make what haste he could to the end that he might assault the City at unawares and drive Adorno out of it who was newly made Duke and who was of the French Faction and to put Ottaviano Fregoso into his former place and use all means possible to reduce that City to Ferdinanâ—s devotion which things were performed very boldly and luckily by the Marquess The Vice-roy passing with the rest of his Army first over the Poe and then over the Ada entred the Venetians Confines and took Brescia and Bergamo almost without any gain-saying together with many Castles in those Territories wherein were left either no Garrisons at all or but very weak ones These towns were received in Caesars Name and according to the abilities of each of them had great Fines set upon them which being severely raised were distributed amongst the Spanish Army Alviano being very much grieved to see himselâ— bereft of that Glory whereunto he had with great hopes aspired but not any whit lessening his desires and resolving howsoever to make some gallant Attempt did without difficulty take the town of Liguago as soon as he came into the Territories of Verona and leaving Giovan Paolo Baglione with 2000 Foot and a good Troop of Horse to take in the Castle he march'd apace with the rest of his Army to Verona to endeavour the taking of that City by an unexpected Assault Baglione apply'd himself diligently to the taking in of the Castle and having beaten down part of the Wall near the Gate with his Artillery took it after it had been long and valiantly defended by the Spaniards Whereby he according to his deserts received thanks by publique Order from the Senate But soon after finding that the town could not be made safe in any convenient time and that when it should be so it would require a strong Garrison to keep it they advised the General and Commissaries that taking out the Artillery and Victuals and burning or throwing the other things into the River which they could not easily carry away whereby the Enemy might be deprived thereof they should quit it slighting the Castle and the Walls which was immediately done This mean while Alviano being of a ready and sharp wit coming with miraculous speed so before the City of Verona placed his whole Army on that side which appeared to be weakest and having by frequent shot of cannon thrown down a good part of the Walls and thereby made way for an Assault he made all his light Horse advance and followed in very good order with the rest of his men that his Army might seem the greater and more terrible Then chusing out 3000 of the most valiant he divided them into three Squadrons so as they might undergo the labour and peril by turns and might according to occasion assist one another With these he gave the first Assault so fiercely as those who were within upon the Guard of the Wall being frighted our Souldiers scaled the ruin'd Walls but the Wall was so high though in part batter'd as kept them from descending into the City So as being forc'd to stay there many were slain by Musket-shot and the rest endeavouring often to advance met with greater difficulties For the Dutch Foot running from all parts to the place of greatest danger threatned to receive such as should dare to descend upon their Pikes point Wherefore Alviano seeing the difficulty of entring the city hourly to increase and that those who sided with the Common-wealth did not rise within the Town in his behalf as he hoped they would have done dispairing to do any good in this Enterprise he thought it best to give it over fearing lest his Army might receive more prejudice having lost 50 men in this Assault amongst which Tomaso Fabrone a very valiant Gentleman and a Captain of a Foot Company Thus with incredible speed he took away his Artillery the same day that he had begun the Battery and given the Assault and came with his whole camp to the Tomba where thinking himself more safe he put on new Resolutions hoping to effect his design by another way of Warfare He block'd up all passages by which any Victuals might be brought to the City and then began to waste and consume the Territories round about just when the corn was ripe in the fields hoping that by this means the Citizens and Souldiers might be brought to yield the one to preserve their Incomes and the others to shun the Inconveniences of a Seidg The Senate had published an Edict a little before that if the City of Verona would willingly of her self return under the Dominion of the Common-wealth all those who had been of the contrary Faction should be pardoned and those who were well affectioned to the Venetians should be largely rewarded Yet were it either that the Citizens minds were alienated from the Common-wealth or rather that keeping the same affection still towards her they were forc'd by fear to conceal it no commotion at all was seen in the City nor was there any sign of surrender shewn Whilst these things were done by way of War endeavours of Peace were not wholly laid aside Leo as he had formerly often times exhorted the Venetians to Peace so did he now the more sollicite them thereunto hoping the better to compass his desire for that he thought the Venetians being prosecuted by so many ill Fortunes might be now somewhat more humbled and better disposed to listen after Peace And that on the other side Cesar being wearied with the length of War might be no less desirous to have things accommodated in Italy chiefly at this time when he had undertaken other Wars to make use of the occasion which was offered of recovering Bretagny to his Nephew Charls by Arms and by the asistance of the Switzers who to revenge their own particular Injuries prepared to assault that State at such time as France being molested with sore Wars by the English was less able to defend it Yet there were some that imagined these the Collegues endeavours for Peace with the Venetians proceeded only out of a desire to make our State less careful in providing for War which suspition appeared the more rational for that their Actions did not correspond with their words The Pope sent Gentile Santesio to Venice to treat of Peace which the King of Spain sought also to procure and yet inclining sometimes to favour Caesar sometimes the Venetians his Proceedings were so various as it was not easie to discern whether it were Peace or War that he desired Ferdinando was so ambitious of Glory as he would not have any thing thought to be agitated by
the Church which he said might be easily seen by their League made with the French wherein having obliged King Lewis to aâ—st them in recovering whatsoever they were possest of before that War there was no doubt but that they aspired at the Recovery of the Lands of Romagnia Leo did oft times expostulate these things for not being able long to conceal his Counsels he endeavoured to excuse himself by laying the fault on others and by supposing a necessity for what he had done and by alledging false reasons for it to deserve Praise instead of Blame He was continually sollicited by Cesar to send him those Aides which were promis'd him by agreement by his Predecessor and which were renewed by him Therefore Leo being no longer able to make either excuse or delay he ordered Toroilo Savello and Mutio Colonno who commanded his Gens d' Armes that they should depart from Bolognia where they then were and go with their Troops which consisted of one hundred Horses apiece to joyn with the Dutch and Spanish Army The Venetians were troubled at nothing more then to see that the Pope had declared himself their Enemy for they having never been faulty in their Love and Observance to him in any whatsoever condition of his Fortune as he himself had confess'd and seemed desirous of an occasion to deserve it of the Common-wealth they presumed they might safely build upon his favour And though he had not as yet joyn'd with them in any League against their Enemies yet they thought him no whit less well minded towards them but rather that he desired to have no hand in the War to the end that he might be the freer from all suspition and be the better able to use his Authority in serving them upon managing any Agreement The Venetians seeing no hopes of Peace and that their Enemies did increase in numbers and Forces placed all their hopes in themselves and betook themselves to provide more diligently for all things which they thought might secure them from so many dangers and revenge their Injuries They took many Foot Souldiers into pay out of Romagnia and listed a great many light Horse Moreover they ordered Vicenso Capello who was Commissary for the Fleet that he should recrute the Gallies with Marriners and furnish the Fleet with all things necessary that he should recall the Candie Gallies and having gotten what numbers of Vessels he possibly could from all places he should with all speed bring the whole Fleet to Sara With the like diligence they provided Victuals Ammunition and Moneys and all things else as it were for the beginning of a new War Some Senators were of opinion that the Fleet should put into the Rivers of Puglia and infest the Maritime Places and that they should by all possible means seem at lest to revenge themselves of King Ferdinando who being provoked by no Injury had declared himself an Enemy to the Common-wealth Yet having thought better hereupon they thought it was not fit in so calamitous times as these were to incense a great King so far as to block up all wayes of ever returning into his favour The Venetian General was this mean while with his Army upon the Banks of Adice and being advertised by the Spies that the Spaniards were gone towards Vicensa intending to go to Padua and that Cordona with whom those men were already joyned which as we told you before were sent by him upon other Enterprises was marching with his whole Army towards him he thought it fit to get beyond the Adice so to free his own men from danger and by them to secure the Cities of Padua and Treviso Therefore the Senate though it had been of an other Opinion but a little before fearing least their Affairs might run into some greater disorder commended Alviano's Advice and forthwith sent Luigi Barbaro to re-build the Bridg over the Adice at Albaredo which as soon as it was finished the Army past immediately over and stay'd at Montagnana where it quarter'd But after the departure of their Army the Venetian Affairs which by reason of their first good successes began a little to hold up their head fell to precipitate again Polesine dâ— Rovigo yielded presently to the Enemy and great Risings were in all parts for the people in the Venetians Dominion seeing their Enemies to grow strong and their Friends weak and that they were grievously molested by the one and but slowly defended by the others even such Towns as had been most faithful to the Common-wealth did on all sides for their own safety surrender to the Enemy Only Renzo da Ceri who stay'd with part of the people to defend Crema wonne some Praise in War at this time and did somewhat maintain the ancient Venetian Reputation for sallying frequently out of the City he much incommodiated the Enemy he pillag'd and over-ran their Confines fired their Towns took many Prisoners took away their Monies which he brought to the Camp and maintained the Souldiers therewith The Spanish Army being this mean while advanc'd to countenance and assist Cesars Affairs the Town of Peschiera having made some little resistance fell into the Power of the Enemy and the Castle likewise though it were strongly walled and well garrison'd was the easilier lost by the disagreement of the Captains Lodovico Contarini who was Purvoyer for the City was taken Prisoner together with the Captains and most of the Souldiers the rest escaped the Enemy by flight From hence the Spaniards losing no time went presently towards Verona and joyning with the Dutch at the Town San Martinâ— they began to consult how they were to manage the War whereupon there being several Votes given the Opinion of the Bishop Gurghense was at last followed which was to march with the whole Army to the taking in of Padua Gurghense was the Emperours Lievtenant in Italy and was particularly at this time as Head of all the rest in Verona from whence going to the Army he held therein likewise the supream Authority It was not well known whether this Enterprise were propounded by Gurghense as by command from Cesar or of his own mear Advice that so if it should succeed he might win the greater Praise the Enterprise being very difficult But howsoever Gurghense despising the Opinion of the Military men who were all against him did obstinately persist in his Opinion and yet in his Speeches he stood rather upon amplifying the Greatness of the Rewards which they were to expect from the Victory than upon giving any reason why they should hope to be victorious But Alviano who had already convey'd all the Artillery and Baggage into Padua that he might be the freer and readier to march accordingly as he should see the Enemy move when he heard their Resolution arose presently with his whole Army and was very sollicitous in putting good Garrisons into Padua and Trevigi for it was generally thought that the whole success of the War did depend upon the Preservation of
these two Cities Baglione went with 2500 Foot and 400 Horse to the custody of Trevigpe and Andrea Malipiero was sent thither likewise from the Senate that he might take particular care for Ammunition and all other things which might be requisite for the Souldiers And Alviano went himself with the rest of the Army into Padua and though the City might seem to be sufficiently therewith garrisoned yet the Senate would have some companies chosen out of Venice and Istria which should be put into Arms and sent to guard that City Moreover many of the Country people who were run into Venice to save themselves from the Enemy were sent thither to be made use of as Pyoners upon any occasion To infuse the greater courage and confidence into all which many of the young Nobility of Venice and many other well born Citizens went with their Servants and Friends to the defence of Padua and readily exposed themselves in common with the other Souldiers to all labour and danger of the War Gritti also who had hardly been eight dayes in his Country was sent by order of the Senate to that City to discharge the same place which was formerly done by Malipiero Padua a great and noble City was kept by the Venetians with great care and vigilancy for the Common-wealth having placed the surest Foundations of her Empire by Land in that City both for the opportunity of its scituation fertility of ground and certain other fortunate Auspices they had not been wanting in these hardest times to attend the Preservation of that City with all sort of care so as it was made very strong and those parts of the Suburbs were thrown down which extending themselves into a great length could not be walled in the Trees were cut down for a good space round about the City and all the neighbouring Villages pull'd down to the ground so as being inviron'd on all sides by open fields no Enemy could approach the City but must be discover'd from a far off and expos'd to the shot of Cannon The Emperour Maximillian had formerly endeavoured the taking of this City with great warlike Preparation but finding all to be in vain was forc'd to quit the Enterprise But the Venetians hereby instructed had with all care and diligence caused works to be made about the Fort and had brought it to great security and perfection The City was likewise excellently well provided with Victuals and much corn was every day voluntarily brought in by the Neighbouring Inhabitants There was great store of Artillery of all sorts which being very well ordered and disposed of did sufficiently guard the Walls on all sides though they were of a very larg circute Thus had the Venetians carefully provided for all things requisite to the Preservation of this City moved thereunto rather out of the considerableness of the cause then fear of danger All these things being thus ordered those who were to defend the City did couragiously expect the Enemies Approach who being gone to the Castle of Este and from thence falling down along the River banks till they were come within two miles of the City encamp'd themselves on the right hand of the river Bachiglione There was nothing in the enemies Army except the train of Artillery which could give such Reputation as was requisite for the winning of so renowned a City The men were but few for such an Enterprise the Foot did not exceed 8000 nor the Horse above 1000 in all And their provision for Victuals was but by hazard from day to day so as it was conceived the Army would in a short time be reduced to great straits There were several Commanders in the Army of very great Renown in War but their experience was of no avail here by reason of the Bishop Gurghense his great Authority and his greater Obstinacy But that which did most of all trouble and confound the Commanders was the difficulty of bringing the Artillery to the Wails and of leading on their Souldiers safe to the Assault Which could not be done without a long and laborious work of Trenches under the shelter whereof they might escape the Cannon-shot which play'd from all parts But such work required so many men to make them as though all the Countrey round about was fetch'd in with great severity yet could they not find men enough for the business Insomuch as the Enemy having begun to make a broad and deep Ditch which was led on by crooked lines from the Camp to the City to make a Fence against the cannon-shot which was made from off the City Walls with the earth which they threw out they were forced quickly to forsake that work as well for want of Pioners as for the continual disturbance which they met with from the City and chiefly by the light Horse which sallying out often at unawares fell upon the Pyoners disturbe the work and did continually infest the Enemy sundry wayes So as nothing passing on either side but slight Skirmishes the time past on and but little was done and the Inconveniences of the Enemies Army increasing every day more and more their hopes of getting the City grew lesser and lesser for the Camp being pitch'd in a low scituation and subject to the often Inundation of water and consequently less healthful the Souldiers began to fall sick apace so as they could not tarry there moreover the Camp being kept from being victuall'd by Light Horse which sallied often out of the City and not being furnish'd with any great store out of the Countrey the Army was greatly inconvenienced The Souldiers not being content with their abode there complained grievously and with injurious words told their Commanders That that Enterprise was idlely undertaken that the business was too difficult and which by other Tryals was almost impossible to effect that they would not refuse any duties how sore soever nor shun any danger if there were any hope of good success but that a business which was not accompanied with any hope of good was certainly not only vain but very dishonourable and mis-becoming Military men What hopes had they to win a strong City now when numerous Armies of several joynt Princes being brought before it to the same purpose four years ago were forced with shame to forego it What reason had Caesar to perswade himself that his very name though at a far distans should make so much for the Victory now when his presence could not effect it before That a War of such importance ought not to be govern'd by the Authority and Counsel of Bishop Gurghense a man wholly unexperienced in what belong'd to War That he minded only Caesars Affairs and cared not for the Souldier that they had not received their due pay nor had not had such Aids sent them as was promised What remained there now to be done but immediately to raise the Camp These Speeches being noised throughout the whole Camp came to Gurghense's car who being moved thereat and dispairing
now to perfect his work it being taken into consideration to raise the Camp he who had formerly tenaciously defended the contrary opinion gave suddenly his consent thereunto So as on the 16th of August by consent of all the Camp was raised and Padua was freed from the Siege which had laid before it 20 dayes occasioning more fear then danger The Enemy marched towards Vicenza and finding it without any Garrison and forsaken by the Venetian Magistrates and chiefest part of the Citizens who hearing of the Enemies approach had with-drawn themselves into stronger Holds they soon took it and the Souldiers began to commit many enormious cruelties they plundered private mens Houses not forbearing Churches nor sacred things but tore and rent the miserable City not for that they had therein received any injury but because the Army was for the most part maintain'd by Rapine which did never receive pay in due time When the Camp had stay'd there a while it began to find want of many things for the City being wasted by War could not supply the Army with sufficient Victuals the Inhabitants having transported their corn and cattle to other parts and it was hard to get any from other parts by reason of the free-booting Carobines which by perpetual In-roads kept the Enemies Army from Victuals being then forced out of these respects to quit those Quarters the Bishop Gurghenses went with the Dutch to Verona and the Vice-roy went to encamp at Alberedo upon the River Adice Over which he began to cause a Bridg be made intending as he affirmed to lead his Souldiers into the Territories of Bergamo and Brescia But seeing that the Vice-roy tarried long in those Quarters Alviano was of opinion to draw the men out of Padua and Trevigi and to assault the Enemy who free from all suspition and scattering themselves about the Countrey for Pillage disorderly might soon be routed He said that the whole Remainder of the War lay in this Army which if it should be beaten the War was ended and that as long as it should be kept together the Enemy would always be able to molest the Common-wealth But the Senate thought otherwise being constant in the opinion not to hazard that Army to the uncertain event of Battle in which the chiefest hopes of their Preservation lay Neither thought they it safe in such hazardous times to draw the Garrisons out of Padua and Trevigi But howsoever keeping this their Intention secret to themselves they endeavoured to beget an other opinion amongst men to the end â—hat such News being spred abroad and that the Enemy hearing that their Army was to take the field they might forbear free-booting and might hasten out of their confines But Cordona little valuing such Rumors which he saw not in many days seconded by any effects but rather taking courage hereby and hoping for better things he began to promise himself good success in whatsoever he should take in hand Wherefore changing his former opinion and calling back the Dutch Souldiers to him he marched once more towards the Territories of Padua with intention as it was seen since the season would suffer him to do nothing else to over-run and pillage all that Countrey Some say that Cordona was moved to this by the many complaints which Gurghense made against him calling him a Liconian of an unsetled mind that he did too much affect the continuing in that Dignity and that he used deceit because he proceeded slowly in the Seige of Padua and in all his other works Others believe that Cordona was inforced to take this course for that the Army being much in arrear for pay which they demanded with great fervency and not without insolency and tumult it became him since he wanted moneys to satisfie the Souldier to stop their mouths by suffering them to prey upon the Enemy so to supply their want of pay Prospero Colonna was of a contrary opinion who held the next place in the Army after Cordona This man having often overcome the Enemy both by Counsel and by the Sword had woâ—ne great Renown both for his Valour and Wisdom in Military Affairs He after his accustomed manner affirm'd the other to be a rash and unbecoming Counsel for that good part of the Autumn being now over and the time drawing neer wherein Armies began to draw out of the field this would be to ingage the Army in action out of Season that they could not go into the Enemies Countrey without much danger they being to pass between two strong Cittes full of Souldiers as if they went through the jaws of the Enemy but that the chiefest difficulty would lye in getting out of the Countrey which was so environed with Rivers and in a season when great rains were likely to fall and where snares were to be laid for them by their Enemies on all sides that therefore that Counsel was to be held the best whereby the Army was to be preserved from great danger which when it should be closed in by great Rivers and in the midst of the Enemy and should also want Victuals might insteed of spoiling the Enemy be made a prey of by them That therefore some better Proposals ought to be made for the preservation of the Army and not seek to prevent uncertain dangers by certain ruine But Colonna's advice would not be listned to for Piscara who confided much upon the Spanish Foot and totally slighted the Italian Souldiers joyn'd in Opinion with Cordona and got it to be put in effect Wherefore the Camp suddenly moved and that they might march with more speed they left the baggage behind them neither did they take all their Artillery with them They took up their first Quarters at the Castle of Montagnana and went from thence to that part of the Paduan Territories which extends it self towards Chioggia and towards the Sea which was the richest part of all the rest both for fruitful fields and store of Inhabitants And was at this time particularly full both of people and of cattle because many of the Countrey people had with-drawn themselves thither as into a place of safety There is one Town in these parts observable called Bovolenta seated in a place free from the sudden In-roads of the Enemy for the River Bachelone which takes its course from the Territories of Vicenza as soon as it comes to the Town of Bassanello two miles distant from Padua runs a various and crooked course through the Paduan Territories having received into her bosom some parts of the waters of Brenta which invironing a great space of ground meet and joyn together in this place There was a Castle here of old which being taken by Alphonso Duke of Ferara when things went worst with the Common-wealth was afterwards recovered by the Venetians and fortified as much as the scituation could bear The Enemies came first hither and passing over the River with some Boats they took and burnt the Castle and sack'd the Town havâ—ng opportunity
Battle And that he would so follow the Enemy as without indangering himself their Army might be inforced to dis-band being consumed through their own Inconveniences And that he should remember that it was the duty of a Commander to overcome the Enemy no less by counsel than by the sword The Senate also charged the Commissaries that they should use all means possible to confirm the Souldiers minds and that in the name of the publick they should thank the Captains and every man of any account in the Army for their good will to the Common-wealth The Souldiers were then quickly drawn out of Padua they took up their first Quarters at Limina where the Brent dividing her self into two branches takes her course by several ways into the Sea This place was made choice of because 't was thought the Enemy could not pass the River lower it being deeper there Our Army being fixt here Andrea Loredano one of the Commissaries having assembled all the Horse Commanders and Captains of Foot and some other of the chiefest Souldiers together spoke thus unto them according to the Order he had received from the Senate The Senate having understood by Letters from us and by the relation of many others with what Courage and hopes You my fellow-Souldiers have taken the Field as if you were assured of Victory but yet with a mind prepared and disposed for all events were all of them so over-joy'd with the News as even with tears in eyes they humbly thanked God that amidst so many blows of adverse Fortune he had afforded them this of comfort that in so calamitous times he had given them proof of your Loyalties and of your singular affection to the Common-wealth Therefore they have commanded us in their Names â—o let you know that our City bears the like good will to you and to witness unto you how great an obligation the whole Common-wealth acknowledgeth to owe unto you for it and that her Citizens will always thankfully remember it which they desire you to take in good part till such time as when Fortune shall better upon us they may witness it better by effects The Common-wealth doth now by me give you many thanks Let nothing then be of force enough to remove you from the affection which you seem to bear her or to make you repent this your purpose You have taken upon you to defend a noble City and her just Empire which is the Seat of the Liberty and the Glory of Italy which City whilst she shall have either Seat or Power you may be sure will not be wanting in rewarding your great deserts for we have ever greatly esteemed and honoured all valiant and honest mâ—n It is too apparent that the Transalpine Nations envy our re-rising greatness out of the memory of the ancient Worth and Empire of the Italians and that therefore they do use all the means they can to ruine our Common-wealth which is the true Glory of Italy But we having formerly made much greater Forces of our Enemies prove vain our City hopes we shall now â—e easily able to beat the remainders thereof which are all now in this Army The Aids which we have had from the Friendship of Forreign Princes and from Trans-Alpine Forces have been of no advantage to us but have often done us more harm than good but our Common-wealth will find all things in your love and affection a ready Will perspicuous Worth and as I hope successful Fortune We are not now to fight with Souldiers but rather Thieves for they do not wage War according to the Custom of Military men nor do they thereby endeavour Empire and Glory but guided by fury are contaminated with all sort of Rascallity God will not suffer their wickedness to remain long unpunished so as our Militia will be crown'd as I trust with Victory and Triumph We have a faithful and loyal Army and in it many gallant Souldiers chosen out of the Flower of all the Italian Militia the Enemy are opprest with much want of Victuals and their men now many moneths accustomed to pillage not to fighting being beyond measure imbased slothful and wanton have made their bodies weak and thâ—ir minds effeminate Yet must not we for all this be the less diligent we must observe all the removes of the Enemy block up their way and finally we must leave nothing undone whereby either by mature advice or forward dâ—â—ing according as time and place shall require we may be able to stay these insolent Enemies â—o take them scatter them and recover what they have got of ours If those things which we have resolved upon be duely put in execution doubtlessly the Enemies Army which is now become so insolent through the prey which they have gotten will become our prey Things are now grown so hopeful as the â—enators and the whole City believing the Victory to be certain begin to think how they shall reward you and pay you the merits of so gallant an action The eyes of all Italy are beâ—t upon this and are big with expectation what the success will be hoping to be one day revenged for all the Injuries which she hath recâ—ived from the Barbarians You must therefore endeavour by all means not to defraud the Senate of the fruit of their hoped for Victory nor â—he rest of the opinion they have conceived of your Gallantry nor yet your selves of Praise and Glory Loredano having said this the whole Army answered with one joynt voice That they were reaâ—y for all things nor would they refuse chearfully to undergo any whatsoever danger for the welfare of the Common-wealth and for their own honour that they wished the Common-wealth might for the future be more prosperous and successful which for their parts they would by all industry endeavour and whatsoever her fortune should be they would think it to be their own That the Common-wealth might many times before have known their Fidelity but that they were glad she should now have tryal both of their Fidelity and Valour Thus with universal consent and great alacrity the Camp removed and the Army was brought to Fontanina two miles distant from Cittadella where our men resolved to wait for the Enemy because the River could not be well waded over any where else They planted their Artillery upon the Banks thereof and placed sufficient Garrisons in every fitting place and not far from hence was the Army encamped betwixt which and the Artillery a large Ditch was drawn that the Souldiers might upon any whatsoever occasion be fenced within a strong Trench The Enemy hearing this began to hasten their March to the end that they might pass the River before those men which they knew were led on by Baglione might joyn with Alviano's Army But as soon as they were come to the Banks of Brent and that they found them to be guarded by many Garrisons and that their passage was stop'd there they resolved without delay to march farther on Cardona
so strange an accident yet were they not thereat affrighted nor cast down for this adversity should rather awaken them to more diligence then any whit detract from the constancy of their minds therefore they desired him to be of good Courage and not to yield to Fortune for the News of his safety in whose Valour they had always very much confided was of great comfort unto them all amidst this their sore Loss and that if he would still continue his ancient stoutness of mind they hoped they might yet be able to stop the Course of their adverse Fortune to asswage the severity thereof and perhaps at last to get the better of their Enemies who were now Conquerours That therefore he should attend the defence of Padua and Trevigi that he should imploy all his diligence thoughts and pains therein that the Senate would be ready to furnish him with Souldiers Arms Victuals Monies and of all things that was else needful After having written this Letter the Senators betook themselves carefully to advise of and provide for all things that were requisite Prince Loredano who was their Duke speaking gravely in the Senate exhorted them all to lend what help they could with all possible speâ—d to the afflicted Common-wealth that they were not at this time to expect help from any but themselves that therefore in this so great necessiâ—y the Country must have recourse to their own Citizens that every one should endeavour to raise her up again and to lend her their help and advice in what they were best able As for himself he would not forbear to do any things which might be serviceaâ—le to his Country to which purpose he had already resolved to send his two Sons Luigi and Bernardo presently away the one to Padua the other to Trevigi and by readily exposing them to all events to dedicate them to his Countrâ— These words spoken by the Duke were of great efficacy but the example greater by which many other young Gentlemen the chiefest of the City who were of great worth and expectation went to the Custody of those Cities Moreover many of the common sort of the City were listed and many of the Arâ—enal together with many Gally-slaves and Mariners commanded for at this time many Gallies were luckily come to the City to go suddenly to Trevigi to the taking of which City the Enemy after their Victory prepared to go But Prospero Colonna by his Counsel and Authority put off the execution thereof for a while Therefore having put off the Enterprize for many days by propounding several difficulties at last he wrought it so as before any resolution should be put on the whole business should be referr'd to that Bishop Gurghense alledging that nothing could be done more to the prejudice of that Armies Reputation then to undertake any thing that might prove vain as the business of Padua had done but a little before Thus Cardona and Prospero agreed to go to Verona leaving the Army at Vicenza where having spent some 20 days Cardona agreed with Maximillian Sforza to take his pay as General of all his men and so quitted the Service of the Spaniards To make amends for which the Vice-roy made some Conductors of Gens d' Armes come with their Companies from Bergamo and Brescia saying that as soon as they should be arrived he would go to the taking in of Trevigi â—f Gritti the Cavalliere della Volpe Ugo de Popoli Giovan Paolo Manfrone and other Commanders of great esteem had the Custody of this City and at this time when the City was not molested by the Enemy it was sufficiently garrison'd and victuall'd So as Cardona being advertised thereof and the Winter coming on an unfit Season to fall upon such a business he went with all his Army into the Territories of Padua and quarter'd his men in Este Montagnana and Moncelese Thus only through the advantage of the Season which forced the Enemy to lay down their Arms the Calamities of War which the State of Venice was likely to have undergone did for this year cease and Affairs were brought to some short condition of quiet This likewise was the only remedy for the many afflictions and adversities of France for the King of England who had taken Terwin and Tornai two great Cities and who had slighted the Walls of the former and put a strong Garrison into the other resolved to return with all his men to his own Kingdom to the end that his Army might be refreshed with commodious Winter Quarters Thus the Wâ—r was not ended but deferr'd till another Season and so many remainders and seeds of Discord continued still in all parts as it was clearly seen that Arms must quickly be re-assumed with greater Violence The End of the first Book THE HISTORY OF VENICE Written by PAULO PARUTA BOOK II. THE CONTENTS SElino having possess'd himself of the Ottoman Empire during the life of his Father Bajazet renews the Peace with the Venetians He suppresseth the boldnesâ— of his Brother Achamet by death He begins to plot the destruction of Italy and of the Venetians The Plots of Amurath Son to Achomate are hindered Pope Leo having many things in consideration cannot accord the Christian Princes Marano is lost by the means of Frangipane a Rebel to the Common-wealth neither can it be re gotten He sacks Strasoldo and Monfalcone Vicenza is sack'd by Risano's means Calepino not long after is routed and taken Prisoner Udine not making any resistance surrenders it self to the Dutch The Fort Osofo cannot be taken by the Enemy Crema is defended by Renzo Ceri Baglione is taken Prisoner by the Enemy He is changed for Caravagiale a Spanish Prisoner A miserable fire in the Rialto of Venice Alviano by order from the Senate goes to take in Friulye He sacks Porto Gruaro Savorgnano's Victory Frangipane is taken Prisoner Gurghense disturbs the Treaties referr'd by the Senate to the Pope concerning the differences with the Emperour The King of England finds faults with the Senates Counsels They are justified by the Lieger Embassadour Renzo frees Crema from being besieged Este is taken by night by Sculado by Alviano and is plundered The Spaniards cut to pieces Alviano his Victory at Rovigo Bergamo returns into the Spaniards hands The Vice-roy of Naples is laught at for Alviano's retreat to Padua Selino's Victories in Asia makes the Pope treat again with the Venetians of Peace but in vain who whilst they make closer Friendship with the French King Lewis dyes AT the same time that these things hapned in Europe in Asia Selino during the liâ—e of his Father Bajazet possessed himself or the Ottoman Empire havâ—ng oveâ—come hâ—s brother Achomate in several Battles who pretended likewise to the succession of the Empire but though he had got the Victory by much Gallantry in War he was therein so very severe as he gave clear and evident signs not only of wonderful Magnanimity of mind but also of great cruelty Therefore all Christendome
into the Town of Marano and without any delay taking along with him the Dutch Foot that were of the Garrison he unexpectedly went out of the Town and assaulted our men before they were aware of his being come wherefore possest with fear they began to run thinking on nothing but how they might every one of them save themselves The Enemy pursuing our affrighted and scatter'd men some of which endeavoured to pass over the Washes others to get unto the Fleet cut them in pieces and made themselves Masters of their Quarters and of some pieces of Artillery Moreover one of our Gallies which was too late in putting forth and could not get free by reason of the Ebbe fell into the power of the Enemy Scipione being struck on the head with a stone recover'd the Fleet by swimming though he were almost half dead Bobizza was this day slain a gallant man and who in several Battles had given great Testimony of his Valour Those who saved themselves by flight got into Udine In this so great fear and confusion one of ours only Francisco Trono Captain of a Gally wonne some praise for being mindful of the Venetian Dignity he with a few of his Souldiers did valiantly with-stand the first Encounter of the Enemy nor did he forsake his station till all his men were either slain or sorely wounded Frangipane making use of his victorious Fortune went forthwith to Strasoldo and to Monfalcone two Towns in Friuli and finding little or no Garrisons in them took them at his very first appearance and pitifully plundered them At the same time some other Dutch Foot Companies fell unexpectedly upon the Territories of Vicenza these being got together from the neighbouring parts of Carnia by the two Captains Rifano and Calepino sack'd many Towns of that Country and even Vicenza it self Then dividing their Army they went to plunder the neighbouring places Calepino went towards Feltre and on the sudden possest himself thereof but hardly was he three days Master of it when he was driven out by Giovan Bradolino who being sent by Commissary Girolino Pesaro to relieve that City did behave himself very valiantly for having assembled a great number of Country people in the Vally of Marino he past speedily with them and with his light Horse into those parts and forced the Enemy who were affrighted at his unexpected coming to abandon the City and save themselves by flight But Calepino being driven out of Feltre retired into the confines of Bassano intending to sack that Town whereof Francisco Duedo Major of that Town being advertised he assembled together many of the Inhabitants of the neighbouring Towns and calling Bernardino Antignola with his Troop of light Horse into his aid he went to meet the Enemy who being by him assaulted at the Town of Carpenedo amidst the strait passages of the Mountains were routed and dispers'd It made much for our men that they were acquainted with the places which made the Victory the greater and the more easie Many of the Enemies were slain and many taken Prisoners amongst which their chief Commander Calepino very few came off safe But Risano who had taken his way towards Goritia with 800 Foot and 300 Horse meeting with Frangipane by the way who was come from thence he joyn'd his Forces to his which amounting in all to about 5000 Foot and 1000 Horse they joyntly resolved to go to the taking in of Udine When this News came to Venice Malatesta and Giovan Gitturi were speedily sent towards Udine the one as Commissary General of the Militia of Friuli the other Commissary of the Camp these when they came to Udine where they found Girolamo Sourgano began to consult with him and with the Governours of the City how they were to govern the War Many things were variously propounded Some were of opinion that they should chiefly endeavour the safety and defence of Udine others were of another opinion that they should quit the City and remove with their Army into some safer place Those that were thus minded pleaded that they understood by the Spies that Frangipane was marching thitherward with his men and that he would suddenly sit down before the City the defence whereof would be very doubtful and difficult for many reasons Their small number of Souldiers no train of Artillery at all and generally a want of all things necessary for War and notwithstanding the City was very large begirt but with a very weak Wall which would require many valiant men to defend it But many good reasons being alledged to the contrary they were doubtful what to resolve upon Their hopes were somewhat bettered when they considered that the Enemies Army consisted altogether of Country people unexperienced in War that their Commanders had neither experience nor reputation that they had but few Guns and that they had not men enough to besiege the City At last after mature advice they all agreed that they would defend the City provided that the Citizens should promise they would take up Arms as well as the Souldiers and do all the duties of the Militia for besides the Horse and some few Country people there was but 400 Foot in the City which were no ways sufficient to guard the Walls and sustain the Assault of the Enemy Savoragnano was therefore enjoyn'd to try how the Citizens stood affected and what might be expected from them He therefore calling before him many of the best and valiantest men of the City He exhorted them to take up Arms for the safety of their Country and Honour of the Common-wealth and that being moved by the desire of praise and by their own danger they would strive to keep the cruel Enemy far from their own homes He shew'd them what they were to do for their own defence and how an idle fear of the Enemy might turn to their real ruine that if things were rightly cast up they needed nothing but Courage and a stout resolution to defend themselves that if they would shew themselves willing to do this though but for a short while making at least but an appearance to fight and to stand the Assault the Enemy who had undertaken this business not out of any desire of Glory but out of Booty confiding more in the small numbers of our Souldiers then in their own Worth would doubtlesly soon quit the Enterprize So as within a few days they might free their City from the great danger it was in what could they hope for of any truth from the Enemy And how bitter use were they accustomed to make of their Victories was known sufficiently by woful experience to that whole Country that if they should resolve to submit themselves to the will of the Enemy without making any resistance they could not notwithstanding have any hopes of saving the City for it was almost impossible to keep the Dutch Souldiers from committing Insolencies who were usually greedy of Booty but now almost necessitated thereunto for want of pay So
a Rampiere Wherefore the Enemy dispairing to get the Victory that way resolved to try another and to open their way into that work by new Engines They put some rafters together at the foot of the Mountain in somewhat an eminent place made like Towers about some ten foot high of earth by standing wherein they hoped they should be the better able and with less disadvantage to fight those that did defend the work But Savorgnano planting his Artillery on the opposite part of the Mountain before these raftters were raised any higher began to trouble them and finally by many shot beat it down to the ground All the hopes the Enemy had lay now in their Souldiers Valour Wherefore Frangipane having chosen out the valiantest of all his Army prepared for the Assault drawing near the Walls by those very steps which were formerly made by Savorgnano and cut out of the hard Rock that they might be of use for the Castle But herein their many Attempts did likewise prove vain for they were always stoutly repuls'd by Savoragnano's Souldiers who did not only make use of their Weapons against them but tumbled down great stones upon them which precipitating from those steep crags and falling upon them that were underneath proved very mortal to them So the Enemy were forced to fall from assaulting the Castle to besieging it Those within had Victuals and Wine enough to serve them for a long time but so great scarcity of water as the greatest part of their Horses being already dead for want thereof there was hardly enough left to make bread with The Senate did this mean while encourage Savoragnano with many Letters and did invite him to a greater desire of praise they said they did all of them very much confide upon his Worth and Loyalty for which he might promise himself an answereable reward from the Common-wealth which was always very grateful to her well deserving Subjects that when his Glory and the like of his Souldiers should be considered by all men it would be immortal but that the Senate in particular would be always mindful of his deserts It is hard to be said how much joy and good hopes these praises and encouragements did infuse into the Besieged And it so fell out as they were also befriended by divine Providence for there fell such store of rain as did suffice a long while for all their occasions Wherefore it was thought that the supply which was long before treated of in the Senate might safely be deferr'd unto another time Whilst these things past thus in Friuli the Venetians Affairs went prosperously on in Lombardy though all things were not quiet there for the Spaniards and Sforzeses being encamped as hath been said before Crema Renzo da Ceri had very valiantly defended that City rendering all the Enemies endeavours vain who had gone about the taking of it both by Assault and Siege Nay the Souldiers of the Garrison had much indamaged the Enemy by many bold Sallies and returned safe into the City Renzo being advertised by his Spies that Cesare Feramosca one of the Spanish Commanders was come with 50 Gens d' Armes and 50 light Horse to take â—p his Winter Quarters at Calcinato a Town in the Bergamasco Territories about 20 miles from Crema thought he had a fair occasion offer'd him of doing a noteable Act if he should assault at unawares the Enemy whilst they lay lazying not apprehending any danger but thinking themselves safe by reason of the season of the year He chose out three valiant men in whose Worth he thought he might very much confide to wit Silvestro Nerni Baldisera da Rastano and Marcello Astoldo the first two being Foot Captains the last a Commander of Curassiers he acquainted them with what they had to do and told them that the chief hope of dispatching the Enterprize lay in expedition they with all diligence and courage strove to do what was committed to their trust They went in the dark of night out of the City and got to Calcinato before day where they entred the Town by Scalado not meeting with any resistance and possessing themselves suddenly of the Gates they let in the Horse and the remainder of the Foot and having guarded the Gates they fell to pillage the Country the Enemy being astonished at the unexpected chance and made themselves Masters both of the Goods and persons of the Inhabitants not receiving any the least harm themselves Which being done our men returned to Crema loaded with prey and much commended for so noble an Action Renzo's diligence and vigilancy was highly commended for that with a constant and undaunted courage being long opposed by the Enemy both with Sword and Famine he had not only with-stood them but had much indamaged them But the more he was cry'd up the more desirous was he of Glory He was very careful in observing the Enemies removals and abodes he considered both place and time when any occasion might be offer'd of doing some other handsom Action and being advertised that Count Santa Severina was in the Territories of Brescia with 50 Gens d' Armes at Quinzano he suddenly bethought himself how to be Master of them the which that he might the more safely do he intended to deceive the Enemy with a piece of Military cunning Hearing that many of the Enemy were got to the Town of Triogolâ— and fearing lest his men might receive some prejudice by these either as they went to Quinzano or in their return from thence he sent 20 Horse with ten Drums into the Territories of Cremona who were to pass by all the Towns beating an Alarm and making a great noise to affright the Inhabitants and make them believe that the Enemy was at hand so as they should as they did retreat speedily into Trigoli where shutting to the Gates they endeavour'd to secure the Town expecting every moment to be assaulted In the interim those that were sent by Renzo about this business came speedily to Quinzano and falling at unawares upon the Gens d' Armes that were in the Town took them all and their Commanders Prisoners and took much corn cattle and other things from those Territories which were of great use to the Besieged in Crema The readiness of the Citizens and Country people to serve the Common-wealth to the utmost of their Power was a great furtherance to Renzo in doing these things for they did not only shew themselves willing to do what was commanded them but when money was wanting to pay the Souldiers for all the Avenues were shut up so as monies could not be safely sent from Venice the Citizens maintain'd the Army at their own charge No News was ever heard of yielding no complaining upon the times no weariness of being besieged nor of so many burthens and toyl all things were govern'd with great concord and good order as if the City had been in great quiet and far from any danger or trouble of War and yet
another great mischief was added to all their sufferings for the Plague began to grow hot amongst them For which the Senate charged the Magistrates to thank the Citizens in the Name of the Common-wealth promising them that these their good Services should be kept in perpetual Memory and that their Deserts should be acknowledged and rewarded even to posterity That they knew their singular Worth and Loyalty That therefore they might promise unto themselves all things which could be expected from a grateful Common-wealth which did always willingly embrace and very much cherish all such as were faithful and valiant The Senate did likewise commend Renzo da Ceri as they had done many times before striving to confirm him in the loyalty and worth which he had hitherto shewn and herein they used many gracious expressions exalting his deserts so to honour that man with praise which is the reward of Virtue who was so desirous of Glory and to invite him to the undertaking of other worthy Enterprizes They said That the Venetian Souldiers had learnt to overcome under the Conduct of such a Commander who by the greatness of his Courage had overcome even the greatest difficulties and made them appear easie that they expected yet greater things from his Gallantry And having occasion soon after to shew themselves thankful to so well deserving a man he was by general consent chosen to succeed Giovan Paolo Baglione in his Office who having ended his Conduct had taken his leave of the Venetian Army Baglione being taken Prisoner as you have heard in the unfortunate Battle at Vicenza had got leave of the Spanish Commanders to go to Venice upon exchange for Caravagiale a Spanish Commander which if he could effect he was to have his liberty but if otherwise he was to return Prisoner to the Enemy Baglione got leave of the Senate for the exchange and Captain Caravagiale was carried from Venice to Padua but Gurghense without whose knowledg this exchange was made opposed it saying it was not to be observed the quality of the persons not being alike nor the good which might redound to the several Princes by the Exchange Wherefore Baglione thinking he was free from his Parole since the fault proceeded not from him refused to return any more Prisoner to the Enemy and having obtain'd leave of the Venetians went to Rome whither he was sent for by the Pope Baglione held the next place in Dignity after Alviano who was the Venetians General his pay was 30000 Duckets a year and he was bound to have in his Troop 200 Gens d' Armes and 100 light Horse His place was granted to Renzo upon the same conditions but he refused it Rendering notwithstanding many acknowledgments to the Senate who of their own free wills had conferr'd that Honour upon him who was absent and had no ways sought it though it was wont to be much put for by others he told them that his abode in Crema at this time of many eminent dangers was of much concernment to his own Honour and to the service of the Common-wealth that he desired nothing more then to preserve that City to the Common-wealth that he knew very well the Senate had offer'd him that preferment not to invite him to serve them well and faithfully but to witness the love they bore him for nothing could now adde to his ancient affection which he knew he could not more apparently manifest then in defending that City There were some who thought Renzo the more to be commended for having preferr'd Worth it self before the badg of Worth but many suspected what did afterwards appear by many signs more clearly to wit that Renzo would not be obliged to go unto the Army because he bore a secret enmity to Alviano and shunn'd to be under the command of another especially of one who was of so severe a nature and who was no very good friend of his Whilst these things went thus the year of our Lord 1514 began and began unfortunately for on the 10th of Ianuary the first hour after midnight some shops fell on fire in the Rialto which is seated in the midst of the City a place much frequented and held in great esteem for the happy Auspice of the Cities first rise which began first to be built there and wherein all things are usually sold which fire taking hold of the neighbouring houses did soon mightily increase and in a moment burnt many publique Buildings and great store of Merchandise of all sorts and for the greater misforfortune the wind blew very furiously then from the North which carried the fire into the most remote parts of the City and the houses that were nearer hand were soon irreparably consumed there was not any one who either by Council or Action could suppress the violence of the fire in this sad and sudden chance and in this confusion which fill'd the whole City with fear though the Nobles and common people flock'd presently thither from all places The fire dilating it self on all sides got to the Pescaria on the one side and on the other side to the Temple of Santo Apollinare places which stood far asunder miserably consuming and throwing all things down to the ground Many gallant Ornaments of the City and much wealth of private people which was long in gathering perish'd almost in a moment which caused great lamentation and out-cries throughout the whole City The Citizens and Merchants bemoaned themselves that their so long labours should be so soon lost others were more troubled at this misfortune as if it fore-boded greater mischiefs they began now to fear the greatest Some in these common afflictions shew'd some more moderation for being inured to so many afflictions they were not easily sensible of new sorrows It was never clearly known whether this hapned by chance or by the Enemies abominable wickedness yet by many tokens it was thought that the fire was fraudulently and by cunning convey'd into those shops where it first brake forth Thus at this time nothing was free from the treachery of the Enemy The Senate though perplex'd with so many adversities managed the War with their wonted constancy and did not slacken in providing for all things which might either maintain their Honour or obviate the Enemy But the Affairs of Friuli did chiefly trouble them for Frangipane having as you have heard possess'd himself of many places of the Country did still besiege Osofo Many of the Senate were of opinion that they should gather all the Forces they could together and endeavour to relieve Savorgnano Others were of a contrary opinion affirming That they had already sufficiently try'd the fortune of War and that the many damages which they had suffer'd might teach them and others to how many various and uncertain chances Battles are subject and how often it falls out that men come to a day of Battle even against the determinate will of the Commanders That after so many losses the best course would be
to the Government of all Italy So as if he would keep up his Dignity and Authority amongst Princes which he might perceive began now to grow less he should not suffer them so to abuse the reverend name of Pope That therefore quitting his first Counsels he should betake himself to new and safer cogitations and should resolve upon things becoming the safety of Italy and his own Dignity and that he should forthwith recall his Troops of Horse from the Spanish Army for that the Enemies having placed much hopes in his friendship and assistance they would proceed with more sincerity when they should see themselves deprived thereof that they would abstain from injurious proceedings and treat less arrogantly hereafter That he on his part had abundantly satisfied the tye of confederacy which he had with them that it became an Italian especially him who was plaâ—ed in so high a degree of Dignity and who was endow'd with so much wisdom by the present troublesome state of things to fore-see the beginnings of greater evils and to provide such remedies for them as became their importancy and which might as yet be used that if these Princes whilst their Affairs were in so bad a case by reason of the few Spanish and Dutch Foot which were then in Italy had notwithstanding arrogated so much Authority and would make such use of bare reputation without Forces it was much to be feared that when their power should be increased they would endeavour to dâ—mineer over all Italy The Venetians used reasons to exhort the Pope to keep up his greatness and authority They told him he could by no other way better effect it then by entring into League with the King of France and their Common-wealth But finding that these endeavours did no good they went to work with him the same way that they knew their Enemies had done It was generally thought that Leo favour'd the Emperours Affairs for he thought that thereby he promoted his own designs He had set his whole mind upon the aggrandizing of his own House hoping that he might be much farthered therein by Cesars favour whereby he might be inabled to alienate the Cities of Parma Piacenza Modena and Reggio from the Church and pass them over in fee by the Emperours help and consent to his Brother Iuliano Wherefore the Venetians labour'd to perswade him that he might better advance his Family by this new confederacy the Venetians being very willing to grant the Kingdom of Naples in fee to his Brother Juliano when it should be won by their common Forces upon the same conditions that he had desired those other Cities and to defend and maintain him in the possession thereof by all their forces and endeavours And that he should not need to doubt their promise nor suspect the Common-wealths faith as well in commemoration of the benefit which would be esteemed the greater in these unfortunate times as also for the States peculiar Interest for whose advantage and safety it would make very much that an Italian Prince a Friend of hers and obliged unto her for so great a favour should be Master of so noble and rich a part of Italy That doubtlesly he might promise himself the like from the King of France who setting his heart upon the reputation and keeping of Millan it did much import him that more potent Lords should be kept far from the Confines of Italy the parts whereof which should belong to the French would be the better confirm'd unto them by the Popes Friendship That this was the only way to make the House of Medici truly glorious and splendid which was famous enough already of her self And the best way likewise for the quiet and security of the Church and of all Italy That the Senate did recommend these things to his consideration in pursuance of their ancient custom and out of their particular observance of his own Person and their affection to his Family That he should not argue out of these their perswasions that they were so weakened by adverse Fortune or that they were so cast down but that they were able to renew and maintain the War of themselves though he should not be advised by them The Common-wealth had above 6000 Foot and 1500 Horse in pay at this time divided between Padua and Trevigi and Souldiers were continually raised for the service of the Common-wealth in several parts so as she hoped to have 10000 Souldiers on Foot within a short time Moreover new ships were a building to increase the Fleet and to furnish it with all things fitting that she might be ready and able for any Enterprize That on the contrary though the Enemies men were very few and impotent iâ— great want and scarcity of all things and that it was rather reputation then true strength that made them subject yet were they so encouraged by their past prosperous successes as they thought all things easie and promised themselves success in all their undertakings Wherefore Leo fearing more the audacity of the Spaniards and Dutch then he trusted or hoped in the French and Venetians could not resolve to accept of these new conditions but falling into his ancient irresoluteness was the occasion why both War and Peace grew daily more difficult But it was certainly known that Leo was more addicted to Cesar and did too much covet his favour for though he was not ignorant that the Emperours whole drift was to oppress all Italy and that he himself did confess as much yet he still spun out time as if he durst not pronounce nor did he limit any means or time wherein to do it Henry King of England had formerly undertaken to reconcile the Venetians with the Emperour behaving himself so therein as it appeared evidently to all men that he was well inclined to wish well to the Affairs of Venice but his affection seemed now to be quite altered out of jealousie that the Venetians had aided the French in the War which he made with their King the year before He complained particularly that the Common-wealth had sent her Albanese Horse into France Which suspitions were conceived to be purposely taken to the end that he might afterwards have the better colour to favour the Emperour in his proceedings whose good will he endeavour'd by all means to win out of a desire to draw him from the Truce which he had began to treat of with the French Therefore whereas Henry was formerly wont to exhort the Venetians to peace and to comfort them and assist them in their greatest nacessities he now proceeded clean otherwise accusing them by his Letters to the Senate for having persevered too much in breaking of the hopes of peace when things went well with them and deprived Christendom of much good saying that they ought to behave themselves according as the times went and not carry themselves higher then their present Fortune required wherefore he was very earnest with them to lay down their Arms and not
take the Town by Siege then by Assault moreover Manfrone had still been of that opinion and had given particular account thereof to the Senate being moved thereunto either out of Envy that he bore to Savoragnano or by Alviano's Authority who also advised to the not taking of Marano by Force All things were then handled in order to a Siege But there were many things also which made against this opinion for the people that were assembled together being nigh at hand the Country people of which the Army did for the most part consist could not be kept together any longer in those parts for they were come thither out of hopes of a sudden Victory and of some booty without any pay Moreover it was to be feared that these men being wearied by long labour and a tedious Siege were likely to abandon the Camp but say they would have tarried they could not have done so by reason of the condition of the place and unwholesomeness of the Air whereof many fell grievously sick daily The Commanders adhering to the safest counsel and to that which pleased the Senate best altering their way of warfaring fell from Assault to Siege and placed their Camp in many several Quarters that they might the more streighten the Besieged and keep them from Victuals Thus whilst time was spent in vain the Enemy had means afforded them of increasing their numbers and of advancing to relieve those that were within But our men understanding that the Dutch had muster'd many Foot and Horse about Villacco and that many Country Mountainers were come from the Neighbouring Villages to Gradisca and that great preparation was made both of men and Arms wherewith to assault our Camp the Captains fearing lest they might be taken in the midst by two adverse Armies resolved hastily to raise the Siege and to march with all their men towards Udine and Cividale and at the same time the Fleet parting from the Washes of Marano went to Isâ—ria to secure the Towns of that Country which were much molested by Barnardino Frangipane As soon as the Siege was raised from before Marano the Enemy hasted to victual the Town and to recrute the Garrison so as growing more powerful and more bold they sallied out often fell upon the Neighbouring Villages wasting the Country and laying heavy Taxes upon the miserable Inhabitants from whom they injuriously and oftentimes by torments did exact Monies The Senate being much troubled hereat and fearing lest greater dangers might issue unless some speedy remedy were taken they ordered il Cavalliere dalla Volpe who commanded all the light Horse to march speedily into Friuli with 200 Horse and Pietro Marcello was commanded to do so likewise who was at this time sent Commissary into the Field to succeed Ierolemo Pesaro in that place who was chosen one of the six Counsellours which sit next unto the Prince a chief Dignity of the Common-wealth But before these could come our men being sorely weakened were much indamaged Commissary Vitturi who wanted more assistance was retreated into a place of greater strength with only one hundred Albanese Horse where being unexpectedly set upon by a great many Dutch Foot after having resisted long and valiantly his Horse being wounded under him and all his men forsaking him he was taken by the Enemy and led Prisoner into Gradisca and afterward farther into Germany Of those Horse which were with him some were cut in pieces some taken Prisoners and but few of them got safe into Udine At the same time Renzo da Ceri who had stay'd long idle within the Walls of the City whilst agreement was in Treaty all hopes of peace being vanish'd and a way being opened unto him to indamage the Enemy he diligently observed their ways and their counsels that he might find some fit occasion of happy success Having received advertisement that Silvio Savello was lately come out of Millan with light Horse and 50 Curassiers and 400 Foot and that being sent towards Crema they marched in some disorder he resolved to send Mariano Ascoli and Alessandro Donato with two Troops of Horse and Andrea and Silvestro da Perugia with 400 Foot to assault him at unawares upon his March as they did Silvio running away at the unexpected coming of our men was inforced to give over his first design and to retreat into the Town of Pandino where fighting our men who pursued him to keep them from approaching the Walls he was at the first On-set put to the retreat his men being so routed as many of them were slain others taken Prisoners and he betaking himself betimes to Flight with much ado escaped But Renzo not content with these prosperous successes was resolved utterly to defeat the Enemy who were routed and dissipated in many places and to do his utmost to free the City from Siege things being therein reduced to such straits all the Citizens wealth being consumed by the length of War and the City full of many great wants chiefly of corn as meer necessity forced them often to hazard themselves and make tryal of their Arms and Fortune Savelli retreated with those that had escaped out of the Fight at Ombriano into those parts where Prospero Colonna was as hath been said with the Duke of Millans men and had made two camps about a mile and a half one from the other which Renzo hearing of he thought he had an occasion given him of deluding the Enemy by assaulting them with all his Forces whilst they were divided Therefore the day preceding the night wherein he was to assault the Enemy he began with them on that part where Savello commanded thinking that the Souldiers wearied with their days March might sleep the longer But as soon as night came on he sent his light Horse to the other Camp where Colonna was to make him keep within his Quarters He with a thousand Foot and all the Gens d' Armes that were in the City marching through Marish places and by obscure ways when the night was well nigh past assaulted the Souldiers who were upon the Guard of the Quarters and before the Enemy were well aware he fired the Ammunition The Italian Foot were the first that resisted him and having endured the brunt for a short while the business being more tumultuous and more dreadful as coming at unawares they ran away The Switzers made somewhat longer resistance making good their station for a good while and endeavouring to repulse our men but Renzo's Souldiers throwing many artificial Fire-works amongst them whereby their Ranks were disordered they gave way likewise The Curassiers who not apprehending any such thing had put off their Armour and were laid to sleep and not having leisure to put them on again strove to save themselves by flight Many whereof whilst they endeavour'd to get over the River Ada were therein drowned But Savello according to his custom saved himself by flight This was a great blow to the Enemy for of 500 Horse which were
they cut all in pieces and put some others to flight who came to relieve them This mean while Nicolo Vendramino came to the same place with 500 valiant Albanese Horse who joyning with those of Bua and Malatesta and growing thereby more powerful and more strong they began to inlarge themselves and to pursue the Enemy destroying the country with fire and sword even to Trent And having sufficiently vindicated their Injuries they returned safe to Alviano's camp without the loss of any one Souldier The Common-wealths Souldiers were much inheartned by these happy successes and so much was the reputation of Alviano's Army already increased as a Troop of our men being com very near the Vice-roys camp not any one durst come forth to skirmish with them nay not thinking themselves safe in those Quarters they soon after quitted their Quarters at Montagnana and went to Polesinâ— By which departure of the Vice-roys Alviano thinking that he had now opportunity to oppress those of the Enemies party who tarried in the Territories of Veroâ—a commanded Malatesta Baglione and Mercurio Bua to march presently with the Chivalry towards Verona saying that he himself would follow them the same way with the rest of his Army Baglione and Bua found the Enemy at the Town of Zevio where they lay secure not apprehending any thing from our Army So as being set upon at unawares by night they were very much damnified by our men wherefore the Vice-roy learing some worser business removed his camp presently into the Territories of Verona leaving part thereof at Rovigo and Lendenara that they might live the more commodiously in that fruitful Country As he past forward chiefly to secure Verona he began to be more apprehensive because he heard Alviano came on with his whole Army wherefore he sent 800 Foot and 500 Horse to succour the Town The Veroneses began already to mutiny in that Town for growing very weary of the Dutch Government they desired to return under the Dominion of the Common-wealth and being at this time chiefly given to rebel they expected Alviano's coming and the rather for that they hoped when his Army should approach near the Walls the Souldiers who were distress'd for want of many things might out of danger be the more easily be brought to yield The Enemy therefore were timorous in all their Proceedings and our men the more hardy which made our men the more successful and theirs the contrary Alviano knowing that by the Vice-roys departure the Souldiers that were at Polisine were much decreased bethought himself suddenly of that place thinking that he had now a secure occasion of Boory offer'd him He at the present discovered his mind only to Baldesara Scipione because the greatest hopes of success lay in assaulting the Enemy before they could be aware of it or provide for defence He sent Scipione to those Confines to discover the condition of the Seat the number of the Enemy and their works but he himself to free the Enemy from suspition march'd another way towards the Territories of Vicenza and hearing by Scipione that the business might easily be effected if all the Army were suddenly brought to Rovegio he departed from the Town of Malo whither he was first bent and marched thitherward and came with such speed to within a mile of Rovegio as the Enemy were not as yet aware of his coming nor had they discovered any thing Wherefore Alviano sent Scipione with some few before that he might enter the Town at unawares to the Inhabitants and possess himself of the Gates to make them sure for him who followed after with the rest of the Army The Gates being seized on all Alviano's Souldiers got into the Town and quickly advanced even to the Piazza for as good luck would have it the Country people according to their custom were come in great numbers to Rovigio where there was a solemn market held and the Spanish Souldiers mixing with the Country people and Trades-men went promiscuously through the Market-place some to buy things some for pastime so as being unexpectedly set upon by our men they being dispers'd here and there could neither sustain the violence of the Assalliants nor assemble themselves together for their better defence Some drew their swords to defend themselves but were either soon cut in pieces or taken Prisoners This Victory was the more remarkable as being gotten without so much as any of our mens being wounded for the Enemy without any fighting lost almost all their Horse and many of them of all sorts wree led away Prisoners whereof 200 of the chiefest of them and Mauricco's self a Spanish Captain who had the command of all those men were sent by Alviano to Venice where they were put into safe custody The other Spanish Souldiers who were in the neighbouring parts hearing of Alviano's being come and what had befallen their Fellows leaving their Baggage and throwing their Victuals into the River saved themselves by flight wherein many of them were notwithstanding taken Prisoners and Piscara retreated with the rest of his Army to Verona The News of this happy success did very much rejoyce all the Venetians not so much for the thing it self as that the Fortune of the Common-wealth being altered they thought they might hope for better things for the future The Senate sent Letters of great acknowledgments to Alviano Saying he had truly shewed how great his worth and experience was in Military Affairs wherein he had manifested his love to the Common-wealth and a great desire to recover what she had lost and had much increased his own Glory and his merits towards the Common-wealth But Alviano though he had chased the Enemy resolved still to proceed with the same diligence and circumâ—pection So without delay he marched with his Army towards the Territories of Verona where possessing himself of all the Avenues and placing men of War in all fitting places upon the Shore side of the River Adice he endeavoured to keep Victuals from being brought into Verona But being advertised that Pescara was come with his men out of Verona to encounter him and fearing lest his Army might run the danger of being caught in the midst between the City and the Enemies camp he resolved to go farther from the City and finding safer Quarters to keep there and to inform himself diligently of the Enemies intentions and of whatsoever they should do as well in the camp as in the City that so he might resolve upon better grounds what he had to do Renzo da Ceri hoping for better things by these the Venetians happy successes began to think upon matters of greater moment Wherefore hearing that the City of Bergamo was but weakly garrisoned and imagining it might easily be taken he committed the business to Mafsio Cagnuolo Bergamasco one who was thought very expert at Military Affairs and very well affectioned to the Venetians This man taking along with him 500 light Horse with each of them a Foot man behind them made
what haste he could to Bergamo and assaulting the Souldiers that were upon the Guard unexpectedly he put them to flight and took the City at the first Assault Which when Renzo heard of he took with him 1200 Foot and went presently himself in person to Bergamo to munite the City and make good the acquisition Whilst he was in Bergamo he sent some of his men toward Brescia under the conduct of Bartholomeo Martiningo to confirm the minds of those Citizens in their good affection towards the Common-wealth and to encourage them to make some Attempt against Cesars Souldiers intending that if any tumult should upon this occasion arise in the City to lead the whole Army thither with hopes to gain it Whereat Cardona being much troubled he caused Colonna's men to come unto him resolving to go into those parts to secure the City of Brescia and to endeavour the recovery of Bergamo And having brought all the Spanish Foot as also those that appertained to Sforza he went to sit down before Bergamo and began to play furiously upon the Walls which being very weak on the side towards the Suburbs of Santo Antonio were thrown down by the Artillery and there being no earth within to make Rampiers Renzo could not hope to defend the City against so great a force he bethought himself of providing by times for the safety of the Citizens and Souldiers He therefore articled with Cardona that in case no succour came in 8 days space from Alviano's camp he would yield the City up to him upon condition that all the Citizens Goods should remain safe and untouched and that the Souldiers might have leave to return to Crema But no succour coming within the prefix'd time the City according to agreement fell into the Spaniards hands and Renzo returned to Crema where finding great want of all things he made Truce for six Moneths but he did this of himself without the authority of the Common-wealth betwixt the state of Millan and City of Crema The Truce being made Renzo leaving Giovan Antonio Ursino commander of the Militia in Crema with 500 Foot and as many Horse he went with the rest of his men to Padua and from thence to Venice to give an account unto the Senate of what had past at Bergamo and in Crema as also to advise upon what was farther to be done He was very welcome to Venice and very honourably received he had refused as you have heard the place of Governour General of the Militia and there being no other place now vacant for him whereby to exalt him to higher Dignity the Senate did much increase his pay and gave him the Castle of Martinengo with all the Revenues and Rights belonging thereunto Cardona having gotten Bergamo turn'd towards Alviano who as you have heard was quarter'd in the confines of Verona And at the same time Pescara whose Forces were much increased by the Foot that were come from Germany prepared to assault our camp Wherefore Alviano resolved to retreat with his Army into Padua which he did so readily and so well advisedly as couzening the Enemy he got safe thither with all his men and carriages He sent first the light Horse towards Montagnana to entertain Pescara till such time as the Curassiers might together with the Commissary Dominico Contarini get into some place of safety But he himself having at the same time got together many Boats whereinto he put his Foot and Artillery falling down the River Adice till he came to Cavarzere he landed his men there and marching in by washy ways he brought his Army at last safe into Padua The Vice-roy finding that he had come too late to where our men were formerly quarter'd and that he had failed in his designs by Alviano's diligence he quartered his Souldiers some in the Territories of Verona and some in Polesine and went himself into Germany to negotiate the renewing of the War the next Spring Whilst these things passed thus and that Fortune appeared various and inconstant to the Venetians the City of Vicenza which was come under their Dominions kept always true and faithful to the Common-wealth though it had but a small Garrison within and so many Enemies Armies about it which was chiefly attributed to the diligence of some Citizens the chiefest of which were Gioraliâ—â— dalla Volpe Dominico Almenico Leonardo da Porto Bartolemeo da Nievo and many others who having gotten great store of men out of the Territories thereabouts kept the City excellently well munited Insomuch as Nicolo Pasqualigo who was the Podesta thereof and was resolved to abandon the City by reason of the few Defendants that were in it conceiving better hopes exhorted the Citizens to defend themselves and ordered all things so as the Enemies minds misgave them and they made no Attempts upon the City The Summer was spent in these slight skirmishes and with uncertain hopes of peace for what belonged to the Affairs of Italy But much greater things were done in Asia for Selino having led as you have heard many men into Persia met with Ismaels Army and got a glorious Victory of him in Battle which was chiefly occasioned by his Artillery the use whereof was unknown to the Persians It was hereby evidently seen that great mischiefs were threatned to other Kingdomes and Provinces by Selino who through these prosperous successes grew every day more haughty and insolent His thoughts in this point was easily discerned for that at the same time when he made so great Preparations for War with the Persians his Son Soliman by his Fathers directions enter'd the confines of Hungary in hostile manner with great store of Horse kept the Inhabitants of those parts continually molested and took some Towns which he annexed to his Empire Pope Leo to put bounds to this audacious power wrought it so as that a certain order of Militia should be raised in Hungary consisting of a multitude of men who being thereunto bound by Oath should promise to defend the cause of Christian Religion against the Infidels who had for their Badg a red cross and were called Cruciferi But it so fell out that what was intended for the good of that King proved almost his utter ruine for Arms being rashly put into the hands of the Country people who did greatly hate the Nobility they had means afforded them of committing much wickedness and of putting that Kingdom into farther dangers At which Leo being very much troubled as he himself affirm'd he turn'd his thoughts and endeavours to peace to which end he resolved to send Pietro Bembo a noble Venetian and who was then one of his Secretaries to Venice But many did suspect that Leo who was used to put on resolutions relating more to the present Affairs then to the future and to value only such as might make for his particular Interest and increase the greatness of his Family not caring for any thing else as but little relating to him had an eye likewise
times and upon whatsoever events before any other Friendship which might be propounded to them but also if occasion should require be as ready for their service to undertake new enmities that the condition of times had often caused an interruption of their offices of good will which was not notwithstanding irradicated out of their minds And that though the Embassadours should find a ready willingness in the King concerning the Affairs of Italy and of the Common-wealths Interests they would not notwithstanding forbear to make use of publick authority to exhort him to come as soon as might be into Italy promising him that the Venetian assistance should be such and so ready as it was not to be doubted but that being joynd with his Forces they might break the Forces of the common Enemies and taking from them that which they had injuriously possessed reduce such things under the Dominion of the King of France and of the Venetian Common-wealth as did belong to each of them The Embassadours were enjoyn'd to perform the like offices with the King of England that there had always many good offices been mutually observed between the Kings of England and the Common-wealth that they were confident that Henry would carry himself so as they shewed not need to desire any farther demonstration of Love from him but that he would of himself do whatsoever he knew might make for the good of the Common-wealth But that they should chiefly entreat him to endeavour the increase of the King of France his affection towards the Common-wealth and by his exhortations incite him to send his Forces away immediately into Italy to their succour whereby great glory would redound unto his name This was that which was given in charge to the Embassadours But whilst they were upon their way King Lewis fell sick and dyed It was thought that his death would have caused great alteration of Affairs The Embassadours were not recalled but commanded to go on and for what concern'd their Embassie they were to expect new commissions from the Senate King Lewis afforded the Common-wealth of Venice occasion of proving various successes of Fortune His Friendship was useful to them at the beginning for they made good advantage of his asistance to revenge the Injuries done them by Lodowick Sforza so as she got Cremona a great and rich City and for a while the favour and friendship of so great a King seemed to win the Common-wealth no small credit with other Princes but afterwards when not to part from the Friendship of the French the Venetians took up Arms against the Emperour Maximillian they fell into great troubles and dangers Moreover Lewis was the first Authour and Driver on of the League of Cambray which was cause of great ruine to the Common-wealth as may be partly known by what you have already heard Lastly he who had plotted so great mischiefs against the Common-wealth re-assuming his first affection towards her began to desire and to endeavour her exaltation and did at this time use all the means he could to make her return to her former Power and Honour And certainly the Common-wealths recovery of her State in Terra firma afterwards by the asistance of the French must be chiefly attributed to Lewis who did use the same various and uncertain Proceedings all his life time so as he made others by reason of his inconstancy make trial of Fortune several times so did not he neither continue stedfast either in prosperous or adverse fortune nor did he long make trial of the same luck All humane Affairs are for the most govern'd by such mutual alterations The End of the Second Book THE HISTORY OF VENICE Written by PAULO PARUTA BOOK III. THE CONTENTS FRancis Duke of Angolema is declared King of France He is well minded towards the Common-wealth which send Embassadours to him their Proposals to the King They go from thence to England Pasqualio sent to the Duke of Burgony Martin Georgio Embassadour at Rome The Pope cannot be reduced from his obstina y by the new Venetian Embassadours The King of France prepares for War he goes to Lyons The Switzers differences are adjusted by the Emperour and Ferdinand the Pope enters into League with Cesar. Embassadours sent by the King of Poland to the Senate The French enter Italy Alviano recovers Lodi The Armies are described Sedunense his Oration to incourage his men to Battle Colonna taken Prisoner A bickering between the French and Switzers before Millan The business succeeds well at last on the French behalf by Alviano's succour The number of the dead and the Victory uncertain Millan is in the French mens hands Sforza surrenders the Castle and himself The Kings Entry into Millan Alviano attempts the taking of Brescia and dyes there Giovan Giacomo Trivulcio succeeds Alviano The Spaniards defend Brescia stoutly The Venetians recover Peschiera and other Towns The Bastard of Savoy joyns with the Venetian Army departs from the Camp Pietro Navarro serves the Venetians he endeavours to take Brescia but in vain The Pope and King of France speak together at Bologno Brescia is relieved by Roncandolfo Wherefore the Venetians retreat from thence Trivulcio being distasted leaves the Army Theadoro Trivulcio succeeds him The King returns to France Andrea Trevisano near Barbone The Pope endeavours to alienate the Venetians from the French but fails therein New Wars made by Cesar by the King of England and by the Pope Cesar prepares to enter Italy The Venetians recall the French and take 8000 Switzers into pay Cesar attempts to take Asola but fails therein the French being afraid to retreat to Millan and are incouraged by Gritti Cesars Army is dissolved Brescia returns under the Venetian Government Lotreco betakes himself slowly to the Enterprize of Verona He retreats at last and is distasted by the Senate who are jealous of his Actions The King of France and Duke of Burgony meet at Brussels Divers difficulties which arise there an agreement is made at last by which Verona returns to be under the Venetians THeir time of rejoycing for the death of King Lewis who were troubled at the power of the French in Italy lasted but a little but the Venetians hopes began quickly to revive who desired the return of that Nation into Italy to reduce their Affairs to a better condition who were likely to have suffer'd longer by the late Kings death for Prince Francis Duke of Angulesne to whom by their ancient rights of that Kingdom he being descended of the House of the Capets and the nearest a Kin to the late King the succession did belong was declared King of France He being young and of an eager Spirit of a lively and ready wit greatly desirous of War and all things fitting for War being ready and prepared by King Lewis every one thought that the new King who suddenly had his eye upon Millan and wanted not Forces to assault it would forthwith send a powerful army to that purpose beyond the Mountains and
he was the more fervent herein for that he thought he had just cause to undertake this War since new reasons were added to the ancient pretences which the Kingdom of France had to that State for he had married Claudia eldest daughter to King Lewis to whom the state of Millan might seem to belong her Father being â—on to a daughter of Iovan Galleazo Visconte But the desire of redeeming the ancient reputation of the French Militia which he knew was much lessened by the unfortunate success of the battle before Novara by the dishonourable conventions made with the Switzers at Dijune and by the loss of two noble cities Terroana and Tornai which were taken by the English prevailed most with this young King who was desirous of Military Glory Which mischiefs King Lewis could not remedy for just when Fortune began to smile upon him and that the honour of France began to revive he dyed Francis therefore thought he had a fair occasion offer'd him of doing what he so much desired if by his Forces he should win a noble Dukedom which did of right belong unto him by which Enterprize the Glory of his name would be much increased and the Power of France and whereby way would be made for greater atchievements He therefore together with the Government of the Kingdom took upon him the same thoughts of renewing the War in Italy wherein his Father in Law Lewis had been much vers'd And knowing that Friendship with the State of Venice might make much towards his getting the Victory as soon as he had taken the Crown upon him he writ kind and affectionate Letters to the Senate wherein he acquainted them with his being King and shewing a ready and good affection towards the Common-wealth he seemed to desire to know their opinion touching their renewing of their League with the Kingdom of France and that if he should find them disposed like himself the League and ancient Friendship might easily be renewed to the common good He made the Bishop of Aste signifie as much unto them who was then in Venice having been sent Embassadour thither by King Lewis Wherefore the Venetians who at the same time coveted friendship with the French and desired that they would come into Italy and who as soon as they had heard of Lewis his death had charged their Embassadour Marco Dandalo that he should endeavour to pry into the secret counsels and intentions of the new King and should begin to treat of renewing the confederacy when they had received these Letters and Embassies from the King seeming to put an high esteem upon his Friendship they humbly thanked him for his affection to the Commonwealth and for his desire to assist them They promised to correspond with him in love and affection saying they knew very well how much it imported both of them to keep the Forces of France and theirs joyn'd together by reciprocal obligations of League That they were therefore ready to renew the present League and would always be ready to assist him in getting some Footing in Italy and in aggrandizing his Power so as he might be a terrour to his Enemies and a friend and sure help to the Common-wealth Moreover the Embassadours who were sent as you have heard to the Kings of France and England and who being upon their journey had tarried at Lyons after Lewis his death were ordered to go on and had commissions sent them to renew the League with the King of France These when they were come to Court did easily renew the League upon the former Articles To which the King was already so much inclined and treated with such fervency of the Affairs of Italy as he labour'd in all his discourses with the Venetian Embassadours to shew them what reasons had moved him to undertake this War affirming that he would never lay down Arms till he had gotten the state of Millan and till the Common-wealth had recovered all the Cities which she had lost and were returned to her former Dignity The Venetians were very glad of this the Kings resolutions and fearing lest this so great fervency might as it often falls out be by some new accident abated they shewed him how that the chiefest hopes of Victory lay in expedition to the end that the Enemy whose Forces were now much diminished and their resolutions doubtful and uncertain might not have time to recrute and re-assume courage and that the City of Crema this mean while which was known by experience might be a great help towards the recovery of Millan might not run any farther hazard which having for so many years undergone the inconveniences of War was now brought to great extreamity and that the Truce made with their Enemies being now near an end stood them in no stead for they had heard it credibly reported that Prospero Colonna had assembled his Forces together from all parts and prepared to besiege that City That the Senate would not be wanting in any thing that was in them to do who had already begun to raise new Souldiers and to provide Arms Money and Ammunition Moreover that though the War were chiefly to be made by Land-men yet thinking it not fit to lay aside the thought of ordering their Fleet that they might upon occasion therewith molest the Enemy they had resolved to rig out many Gallies entreating his Majesty that he would do the like The Embassadours having thus done all they had in command with the King at Paris they went into England to fulfill the other part of their Embassie where being graciously received they shewed in their first Audience The Venetians great sorrow for the death of King Lewis husband to King Henry's Sister a great Friend to the Common-wealth They then told the King how highly the Common-wealth was bound unto him for that in the Agreement made formerly with King Lewis and lately with King Francis he desired that she as a Friend and sharer with him in all his Fortunes might be particularly named and included in the League But afterwards at a more private Audience they earnestly desires him that he would by his Authority and by his exhortations confirm the King of France in the mind he seemed to be in of intending the Affairs of Italy and of sending assistance speedily to the Venetians and that in the mean time peace and friendship should be held inviolably between them from which great safety was to arise to both their States and much advantage to all Christendom that the Senate of Venice for their parts would never be wanting in any thing which might make for the gâ—od of the Crown of France or that of England and did very much desire that these present Kings as their Predecessors had done might know that the Common-wealth was much bound and tyed unto them This Embassie being done Giustiniano stay'd behind with Henry to treat of the Common-wealths affairs but Pasquillio return'd to France and being come to Paris he met with Letters and
by whose coming the Spaniards would be soon forced to keep aloof from their confines they thought it became them to wait for such an opportunity to the end that they might both keep their forces farther from their own State assault the others with better hopes Yet at this time the Souldiers of the Common-wealth made many incursions whereby the light Horse did chiefly disturbe and trouble the Enemy This business was committed to Mercurio Buâ— and to Giovan di Naldo who behaved themselves very gallantly Naldo passing into the Territories of Rovigo took many Curassiers Prisoners and Bua entering into the confines of Verona brought away good store of prey and came so near the Walls of Verona as meeting by chance with the Count di Caretto who was a little before come out of one of the Gates of the City he had taken him Prisoner had he not saved himself from the Enemy who pursued him by throwing himself into the Ditch without the Wall Thus did both the Venetian and Spanish Army pass away many days without making any Attempts each of them governing themselves according to the approach of the French Yet the Senate resolved at the same time to send Renzo da Ceri with most of the Infantry to Crema to witness unto the King how much they desired to infuse terrour into the Enemy This mean while the French were very busie in preparing Arms Horse warlike Instruments in raising Souldiers in all parts of their own Country in taking in Forreigners upon great stipend and Commanders of best esteem and in making haste to put all things in order for a great and powerful Army wherewith it was generally said that the King would go himself in person to recover the State of Millan The King would often say in his discourse with the Venetian Embassadour that he had a great desire to see the City of Venice and that now that he was to be so near he would not slâ—p the occasion which he desired several times to acquaint the Senate with The like was confirmed by all the chief of the Court who spake very honourably of the Venetians There was so great a desire seen in them all of coming for Italy and so general a consent to undertake this War as that there was not any considerable man in France who did not mind this business with all his might every one strove to wait upon the King in this journey and all places sounded of Preparations for War The Pope being much troubled hereat seeing himself to be indangered by this War began to lean a little to friendship with the French Yet he was on the other side incited to keep his confederacy with Cesar out of hope of very great matters which were offer'd him in reward for his pains and danger by the Emperour and the other Confederates for at this time the League which had been treated of with the Switzers was finally concluded in which Maximillian Sforza Cesar the King of Spain and the Switzers did joyn for the defence of the State of Millan with a resolution not only to oppose the French with all their might if they should make War in Italy but to assault the confines of France in several places in which confederacy the Pope being named they used all the means they could to have his company in this War Insomuch as certain difficulties arising upon the confirming of the agreement by reason of the Cities of Parma and Piacenza which the Pope would keep to himself and the Switzers professing on the contrary to defend Maximillian Sforza and his Dignity they could not be brought to consent that he should be deprived of these two noble Cities to accommodate which difference the Confederates promised that instead of Parma and Piacenza the Cities of Brescia Crema and Bergamo should be joyn'd to the Dukedom of Millan when they should be taken by the common Forces In which case not only Modena and Reggio but Parma and Piacenza which were then in the possession of Iuliano the Popes brother Feudatory of the Church should be left to the Apostolique See Cesar and Ferdinand were perswaded to yield to these agreements for fear lest the Switzers when they should see the Pope depart with his authority and Forces from the League they might also forego the agreement made with them and joyn with the French to which they were by many Embassies continually sollicitated Then which nothing could be more pernicious to the Confederates nor was more to be feared The Pope being long assail'd by two powerful affections Fear and Ambition at last thinking that he had certain hopes offer'd him of his brothers greatness coveteousness overcame and forced him to yield to what she propounded and trusting that those things might easily fall out which he so much desired he changed his former fear into confidence thinking that assuredly when the French should understand this conclusion of a League made against them by so many Potentates they would give over the design they had for Italy The agreement being thus made the Pope forthwith sent the Florentine Forces under the Government of his Brother Iuliano into Lombardy Cesar at the same time being according to his custom greedy of Money but very poor did continually sollicite the Towns and Princes of Germany to assist him both with men and monies Nor did he leave any thing undone which might make for the muniting of Verona and the increasing of his Army in Friuli to the end that growing stronger it might advance and fall upon other of the Venetian Territories From whence he expected this advantage for the Confederates that the Venetians being busied in defending themselves should not be able to assist the French at their first coming into Italy He assembled many Dyets in divers parts of Germany he desired intreated commanded them not to abandon him now when he was endeavouring things which would be so advantageous for himself and for the German Nation He moreover chose several principal men to send them with the Army into Italy to wit Casimere the Marquess of Brandebourg and Bartholomeo a Commander of Slesia Casimere had the charge of keeping Verona given him and the Marquess was to enter Friuli with a new Army to ransack the Country but Bartholomeo as he was going into Bohemia to raise men was drownd in the Danube notwithstanding all these Preparations Maximillian did not trust so much in his own Forces nor in those of his Confederates as to hope to overcome the French and the Venetians wherefore he began to incite other Princes against the Common-wealth To this purpose he called an assembly in Hungary in the City of Possonia where he endeavour'd to have Sigismond King of Polonia and Udislaus King of Hungary present with whom giving out that he had to treat of many important things his chief drift was to move those Princes to take up Arms against the Venetians but he handling all things with a certain natural negligence when the rest
affairs of the French and Venetians went on with great union both of mind and Forces The others being this mean while doubtful what to do Renzo da Ceri being entred the confines of Millan with 2000 Foot 500 light Horse and 200 Curassiers had taken the Castle of Leone by force and had received many other Towns into the Kings Loyalty carrying away such Souldiers Prisoners as did guard them Wherefore he was more honour'd and respected then the rest and had wonne so great a conceit of Worth as mighty things were expected from him but certain secret enmity increasing daily between him and Alviano Renzo could not suffer that the supream degree of the Militia should rest in Alviano Wherefore foreseeing that when the Armies should be joyned together he should be compell'd to obey him at a time of great importance he asked leave to give over serving the Venetians They were both of them certainly very gallant men but very proud and haughty minded Alviano would not see any equal to him in Dignity and Renzo could not be commanded by another and both of them were highly esteemed by the Venetians who had been very diligent in composing the differences between them To which purpose the Senate had sent Dominico Trevisano and Gâ—orgio Cornaro two Senators of great authority to Padua but finding them both to be strangely high minded and full of envy and hatred they could not appeaâ—e them nor make them friends wherefore they return'd to Venâ—ce without having done any thing Renzo's transcendent Worth accompanied with like Fortune had raised his name to that height as by consent of all men he was equalled for fame and glory to the most cry'd up Commanders of Italy But either his Worth or his Fortune beginnâ—ng to decline he did not any thing from that time forwards worthy of his former fame Having obtain'd leave of the Senate he went to Rome under pretence of negotiating his private affairs but in effect to be entertain'd in the Popes service wherein he had but ill success so as the things which he had attempted but failed in did in a great part obscure his formerly wonne fame Renzo being gone from Lodi the Switzers finding the City without a Garrison possess'd themselves of it but hearing soon after that the French Army drew near and thinking that they were not able to defend it they quickly quit the City which was soon possess'd by Alviano's people who were formerly gone into those parts From thence Alviano went with some few of his men to Marignano to advise with the French how they were to manage the War Whilst these things were done Alphonso Duke of Ferrara was only a quiet Spectator of the success of War and though he had often promised to adhere unto the French yet he had not as yet sent in any assistance but minding his own interest sollicited and entreated the Venetians to assault Modena and Reggio whilst their Army was in the Territories of Rovigo affirming that those Cities were so weakly garrison'd as if their Army would but draw near them they might easily be taken which when they should be the Pope would be so much troubled thereat as apprehending his own affairs he would easily be perswaded to alter his resolution But the Venetians though the Pope adhered to their Enemies did notwithstanding abhorre making War upon the Ecclesiastical State and this the more because they did not as yet well know the Kings mind herein for Leo using his accustomed cunning had not as yet discovered his alienation from the King Wherefore the Venetians not listning to Alphonso's advice prest him to send his men unto the Camp where the Common-wealths Forces were and to lend his assistance to the War affirming that nothing was to be done but to lay a good foundation for the French for if they should prove prosperous those Cities would certainly be restored to him as a reward of his pains and fidelity it not being to be doubted but that the Pope would follow the Victors fortune and accept of such conditions of agreement as they should impose upon him who being victorious were become arbitrators of the affairs of Italy That therefore since the condition of affairs were such now as there was no peace to be hoped for it behooved him by all means to adde unto the forces of the League against the common Enemies for it was clear that those who had most men would at last be Masters of the Field and Towns These reasons did not notwithstanding prevail with Alphonso to make him quit his Neutrality till he saw what would become of the War Hardly was Alviano gone from the confines of Rovigo when Mark Antonio Colonna who had the keeping of Verona issuing unexpectedly out of the City with 3000 Foot and about 700 Horse entred the Confines of Vicenza plundering and ruinating the Country At which though the Venetians were very much troubled yet could not the grief thereof make them forget their promises made to the King of France nor change their resolution of pursuing the War in the places and manner already begun Alviano gave order therefore that not any whatsoever accident should make his men alter the way they had taken but that they should march on and chiefly minde the good and greatness of the King of France it being their chief design to oblige him for they knew if the King should prosper in his attempts the state of the affairs of Italy must change and the fortune of the Common-wealth must chiefly be raised up Out of these reasons all other respects being laid aside the Venetian Army past into Lombardy but the nearness of the Enemy kept them from joyning with the French so as all things concerning the War proceeded yet but uncertainly for there were four Armies in the same Country encamp'd not far from one another There were in the French Camp above 40000 men of which 1500 Curassiers the choice Noble men of France who being excellently well armed and hors'd were of great beauty and strength unto the Army The French men hoping that by these men chiefly they might be able to keep the Country open every where past on and having got the Cities of Pavia and Novara they stay'd as hath been said in the Town of Marignano The Venetians were not far from this place who having taken the Town of Lodi kept still in those parts and this Army consisted of 12000 Foot and 3000 Horse and both these Armies had great store of Artillery and of all warlike Preparations To oppose these there were two other Armies ready of the Enemies which were likewise forc'd for the same reasons to keep asunder In one of these Armies were the Popes Militia the Florentines and the Spanish Foot of more esteem for the worth of their veterane Souldiers then for their numbers and these lay near Piacenza upon the Banks of Poe. The other Army was the Switzers wherein 't was said there was 40000 men who being entred at this
they were able to defend it it cannot be said that this was a real Victory the War not being thereby ended nor the Enemy routed And certainly as by the Switzers admirable Valour the French bought all dearly which they got by fighting so by their natural fickleness the French got greater advantage by this Victory for the very next day to the day of Battle the Switzers giving over the thought of defending Millan leaving only a Foot Garrison in the Castle whither Maximillian Sforza was forc'd to retire return'd to their own homes and Cardinal Sedunense knowing that by the bad sâ—ccess of his counsels he had lost his former authority with the Souldiery so as all that he could say was not able to make them stay one minute longer leâ—t Millan likewise and went by the way of Trent to find out the Emperour This may teach Princes upon how weak foundations the saâ—ety of that State is grounded which wanting a Militia of its own is forc'd to have recourse to mercenary Forreigners After this Victory the French were every where Masters of the field and easily reduced all the Towns in the Dukedom of Millan into their power The Vice-roy who had not stirr'd all this while from about Placenza dispairing to defend the State of Millan any longer and suspecting also that the Pope had quitted the League went into Romagnia and by little and little brought all his Army from thence to the Kingdom of Naples And at the same time the Popes men went to Reggio in Lombardy so as Sforza's State being bereft of all hope of help or of returning to its pristine condition Millan and all the other Cities yielded of themselves to the French and sent Embassadours to the King to beg pardon for all that was past and to promise obedience for the time to come the Embassadours were received and a great sum of money was imposed upon the Millaneses to be paid according to every mans abilities But the King would not as yet enter into Millan for Sforza keeping the Castle still he thought it stood not with his honour to enter armed into that City which he had not totally reduced under his Dominion But for the present the Duke of Burbone entred the City who received it in the Kings name and committed the reducing of the Castle to Navaro's charge who having play'd upon it a good while with his great Guns began according to his custom to fall a mining He was excellent good hereat and by applying fire to the Gunpowder wherewith he fill'd his works under ground he was wont to blow up Walls and Towers which were otherwise impregnable Wherefore Sforza being much terrified and being a little besides himself by reason of a long sickness contracted by so many adversities being also advised by such as were none of his best friends he resolved a moneth after the Siege began to receive Antonio Bratano a Doctor of Law into the Castle to treat of surrender and concluded at last that he would put both the Castle and himself into the hands of the French though it were so well victuall'd and mann'd as it might have held out a long while He was upon these conditions received by the French That he should be forthwith carried into France from whence he was never to depart that he should for ever quit all claim and right which he had to the State of Millan to King Francis being to receive such a revenue from him as whereby he might live commodiously and with honour The King having by agreement received the Castle he entred Millan in great Military Pomp and almost in manner of Triumph environ'd by the choicest and richliest array'd of all his Chivalry He here received an honourable Embassie sent unto him from the Venetians to congratulate his Victory These were four of the principal Senators of Venice grave and reverend for their age and famous for the supreamest Honours of the Common-wealth Georgio Cornarâ— Andrea Gritti Antonio Grimani and Dominico Trevisano Procurators of St. Mark the chiefest Honour in that Common-wealth next to the Duke It fell to Trevisano's part as being youngest to make the Oration which is said to have been thus delivered As soon as the so greatly desired News most Christian King that your Majesty had taken your journey towards Italy came to Venice all our Souls were overwhelm'd with joy as if even then the Victory had been certain for we very well knew that there was no force which could withstand your singular Worth and your invincible Army wherefore our Common-wealth judging that they had great occasion of joy offer'd them at this your coming that they might not let slip any thing whereby they might manifest their affection and observancy had chosen us her Embassadours to wait upon your Majesty and congratulate your having brought your Army safe into Italy and return'd your Affairs to that ancient Honour to which questionless prosperous success in War would soon bring them The Senate did afterwards desire that all the Forces of their Common-wealth might be offer'd you by us as hath been formerly done by other Embassadours that your Majesty might please to make use of them upon whatsoever occasion either for your own greatness or for the conveniency of your Army We could not execute this our Commission which was long ago given us before now because the ways were every where block'd up by the Enemy but it hath hapned by divine providence that we who were sent to congratulate the hopâ—s of your beginning to be victorious may now give you joy of your already won victory for out-doing the thoughts of all men you have atchieved those very great things which we out of a singular affection and desire of your prosperity were in our thoughts designing Since having by a miraculous confidence in your self and constancy of mind made your way through craggy Cliffs and almost inaccessible Mountains you have master'd all difficulties past over the Alpes even there where they were thought to be impassable and have conducted your Army in four days space intire and safe into Italy Having thus overcome the asperous Mountains you have instructed us that nothing is so difficult through which the valiant man cannot make his way and that a magnanimous Prince ought to esteem nothing too hard for him to overcome but you have chiefly shewn your Worth to be such and so excellent as you can rule even nature which rules and governs all things That which amongst other of that cry'd up Commanders Actions Hannibal is numbred as a thing of singular praise to wit that he durst venture to pass over the top of the Alpes with his Army and that in 15 days space he conducted it safe over your Majesty by a more singular virtue and in a more excellent manner have out-done by having brought over your Army Artillery and all your warlike Preparations in a much shorter time into the Confines of the Enemy by rougher and by straiter ways But whilst men
stand admiring this egregious action and highly celebrate your name you have by a much more glorious Enterprize and that which none other durst to have done out-done your self out-shined your Glory and have left to posterity greater and better memory of the French Gallantry for though your Army was wearied with their long and toilsom march yet you stuck not to joyn Battle presently with most bitter Enemies wherein your Valour was such as you have shewed that those may be beaten who were before thought unconquerable You have routed and put to flight the Switzers who formerly dispising all other Nations did proudly usurpe unto themselves chiefest praise for what concerns the Militia and have forced them to return home whence they are not likely to come so soon again to disturbe your Affairs And that nothing might be left desirable to your praise Fortune which for the most part useth to have the greatest share in Battles dare lay claim to nothing in this your happy success for no cunning no stratagem nothing but meer Worth had any share in this Victory 'T is meerly this Worth then which whilst all things else were equal in Battle hath made you Victor causing fear flight and slaughter to your Enemies and freeing your own Army from the like which hath not only fought under your happy conduct but whilst you your self acted both the Captains and Souldiers part So as it is not the splendor of your Dignity but your own peculiar Worth which hath preserved you amidst the fury of Weapons and hath freed you more then once from danger Your Majesty may therefore promise unto your self all things prosperous and favourable hereafter Those things which are propounded as a reward to Conquerours Glory Wealth and Empire are already yours you have already recovered the State of Millan and your Enemies the Spaniards who being grown more insolent through the courage and labour of other men attempted greater things abandoning the Enterprize and retreating to within their own Confines do hardly believe they can defend them against your victorious Arms but we your true friends well-wishers to your Honour and Greatness being consolated and rejoyced by this your prosperity have raised our Souls to greater hopes and as we were ready to partake with you in any whatsoever fortune of War so you having by Gods good will by your own Worth and we may say partly by our assistance gotten so great a Victory we also promise prosperous success to our own Affairs Which as we know it is much desired by you so we hope that you will be assistant to our fortune with all your forces since thereby your power glory will be greatly confirm'd and increased for to have aided such a Common-wealth after her being opprest by many evils so as she be returned to her ancient state and dignity will be numbred amongst your prime praises and as you have always found us to be your faithful Servants so remaining still such but more powerful your Affairs in Italy may peradventure receive greater security Many therefore are the reasons of our joy that a King who is our friend hath purchased so much glory as will be envied by memory in all ages but peradventure paralell'd by none that we have hopes given â—s of recovering our own State and that Italy is freed from the fear she was in of the Dutch and Spaniards who sought to inthral her Liberty Certainly since your coming into Italy hath been long desired by us and assisted by all our endeavours as you your self know it cannot be doubted 〈…〉 our joy is great in seeing all your designs prosper so successively for we do very much rejoyce that we have had fortune to be aiding to so great a King and do think our selves already sure of those rewards which we assured our selves would be very great when we resolved to adhere unto you even in your dubious condition Then as our Common-wealth thinks that she hath got what soever your Majesty hath won by so great a Victory and is therefore greatly consolated thereat so we desire and hope that your Majesty will have the same respect to her and her Affairs being confident that our State Forces and fortune what soever it shall at any time happen to be shall always be ready to wait upon and to attend your convenience and greatness To this the Lord Chancellour in the Kings name made a very civil and honourable reply the Embassadours had private audience the next day of the King who in a long speech endeavour'd to shew his good will towards the Common-wealth Saying That he took their Embassie in very good part and that the affection of the Common-wealth of Venice towards the Crown of France had been long since witnessed by several Testimonies but that it was more clear by their recent deserts That he had always much valued her Friendship and was naturally given to imbrace it that it was very fitting that they who had had their share of the labour and danger of the War should partake of the fruit of Victory that therefore being mindful both of their ancient amity and of their last service done him he would not fail their expectation in the recovery of their State that he had already destiny'd that many of his men should fight under their Banners and that he would send them greater helps as soon as his Affairs should be brought to a peaceable and safe condition In fine that he would readily do any thing which might increase the Dignity and Power of the Common-wealth The Embassadours though they had ended their Embassie received orders from the Senate to keep with the King and in greater testimony of the honour and observancy which they bore him to wait upon him whithersoever he should go whilst he was in Italy At this time whilst the Castles of Millan and Cremona were besieged Alviano marched with the Venetian Army towards Brescia to attempt the taking of that City He desired very much to follow the Spanish Army after the success of the Battle that he might revenge both their former and late injuries and utterly destroy that bitter Enemy But the Vice-roy was so speedy in removing his Camp as Alviano lost all hopes of encountering with him Moreover this his desire of following the Enemy was sufficiently cooled by Letters which he received from the Senate wherein they signified their will and pleasure to be then setting all other things whatsoever aside he should endeavour the recovery of the Cities they had lost and minde only that That he should make use of the Victory and his late won reputation in things of greater importance and that he should chiefly imploy all his labour and study where greatest good and most hopes of ending the War were promised Wherefore Alviano passing over the Ada went with his whole Army to the taking in of Brescia Bergamo having been soon surrendered to him after the Switzers defeat The Commanders in the Venetian Camp differ'd in their
opinions concerning this Some affirming That they were first to endeavour the taking of Verona which City was the Seat of the War and which had always been a safe receptacle of the Enemy so as there was no hopes of ending the War till they were driven out of that nest That that City had still been the chiefest cause of contest and had often been the only cause of hindring Agreement that others difficulties would soon be ended if this City were returned into the power of the Venetians Therefore if they could get Verona all the Castles and Territories which were possess'd by the Enemy might easily be reduced under the power of the Venetians either by force or by agreement that the like advantage could not be had by the taking of Brescia the possession whereof would always be uncertain and unsafe whilst the Enemy was powerful in Veronâ— They added that by the business of Brescia little more of consideration then the Town it self would be gotten of much consideration either for War or Peace that also great respect was to be had for the accommodation of the Army that questionless if they should sit down before the Walls of Verona they might be better furnish'd both with Victuals and with all things else by the conveniency of the River Adice whereby they might tarry longer and more commodiously in that Country and make use either of Siege or assault as time and occasion should require The Senate being moved by these reasons were at first of this opinion but not being so long and taking the business again into consideration to the end that they might not spend time to no purpose in the diversity of opinions and that if the condition of Affairs should alter upon any accident as it often happens they should not be forc'd to do what were not fitting they resolved to leave the resolution to Alviano after they had acquainted him with their opinion therein Thus the Venetian Camp not staying for any help from the French came before the Walls of Brescia and Siege was laid to the City and great diligence was made to storm it Alviano thought he might easilier and more honourably do this then take Verona because the one City being near friends and the other near the Enemy if he should carry his Army before Brescia He thought the business might prove the easier by reason of the vicinity of the French and that it might be done with more reputation and readier help whereas on the contrary if the Army should be imployed in battering Verona he feared leâ—t the Spaniards and the Popes men not being far off might though they were gone out of the Country return thither and hope to set upon our men whilst they were in disorder and making of Trenches or other works Whereby he knew he could not tarry in those parts without much danger nor depart from thence and give over the Enterprize without as much shame and loss of honour Moreover Verona was better walled and was excellently well provided of Victuals and men by the Garrison of Dutch Foot which was lately come thither Whereas there were but few Souldiers in Brescia and little provision of things necessary for defence the Citizens very well affectioned towards the Common-wealth and the Enemy driven out But Icardo a Spanish Captain a shrewd and nimbly witted man who had then the command of of Brescia having heard and suspected this resolution of the Venetians had with great speed caused 1000 Foot to come from Verona to that City had brought in much corn and all things requisite for defence so as it was sufficiently munited against an Assault And he had used such speed and industry in all this as that the Souldiers of the Garrison of Verona might safely enter into Brescia and not only not be hindred by Alviano but do it before he should know of it till after it was done Alviano's advice was to assault the City on several parts at one and the same time and to storm it but whilst he was contriving these things and that his thoughts were much troubled fearing leâ—t the number of the Defendants being increased by the new Garrison the business might prove more difficult then he had thought at first and having at the same time undergone much bodily labour he fell sick and his sickness increasing daily upon him he was carried from the Camp to a Town called Ghedi where being seized on by a violent burning Fever he dyed on the seventh of Oâ—tober in the threescore year of his age He dyed just when Fortune began to smile upon him he having in his former days endured many adversities for he had won great reputation by his prosperous successes the year before in Friuli and Polisine di Rovigo and likewise by the confession of all men he shewed singular Valour in the last Battle of the French near Millan Alviano was acknowledged generally by all men for an excellent Commander of great courage and experience in Military Affairs and he proved the more famous because he flourish'd in a time wherein he had field room enough to shew his Worth and Military Skill in managing important Wars But he suffer'd a little by being thought more bold in fighting then good at the counselling for he was so desirous of Military Glory as he was often too hasty in coveting Victory Yet it may be numbred up amongst his praises that in point of execution he used miraculous and at that time unusual speed He was very much beloved and yet very much feared by the Souldiery His great Liberality purchased their love and his severity in making Military Discipline be observed their fear He was more patient in taking pains then is to be believed wherein he would equal any whatsoever private Souldier wherefore he was wont to say that the Commander was not so sensible of labour as was the Souldier the hopes of Glory which sweetens labour not being equal in them He served under the Venetian pay almost 20 years always with great fidelity but most commonly with ill luck for having fought successively in the German Wars near Cadore he was soon after abandoned by Fortune and these good beginnings were not followed by like success 'T is true that he himself by the fierceness of his nature did often times increase dangers and difficulties for even then Alviano was thought to be born for greatest Attempts though through greatest dangers and to be one who might with praise serve any Prince in War who was desirous of Glory and willing to hazard himself upon Fortune upon easie terms But this his forwardness did not suit well with the Common-wealth which being always the same keeping still the same orders though she change Officers cares not for undertaking things though never so glorious if dangerous But that she may deal in them with more security waits for time and occasion and walks on to her greatness with more mature advice Alviano's body was carried to Venice where his Obsequies
Territories and to prejudice our Army But to hinder these the Souldiers of the Common-wealth came from out Pescâ—iera and Valeggio and meeting with some of them they often fell to blows with various success of both sides nothing hapning notwithstanding worthy of memory nor which did much concern the main business Whilst Brescia was thus besieged many things had past concerning peace The Pope seeing that his attempts by Force and Arms succeeded not according to his thoughts betook himself to his wonted artifices the better to secure himself thereby He therefore resolved to be a Mediator of peace between the Emperour and the Venetians Which if it should succeed he thought he might treat of peace with the French upon better terms But the Venetians weary of such Proceedings and being often deluded by vain hopes could not believe much in the Popes words Wherefore thinking that the safety of their State and of their Affairs could be grounded no where better then on the friendship of the French which they desired might be made as much known to them as might be they refused all offers of agreement and thought it better to acquaint the French Embassadour with all things that were propounded to them by the Pope concerning peace And to do the like with the King by their Embassadours that were with him who told him in the name of the Common-wealth that the Senate in their present troubles of War placed their hopes in nothing but on their own Forces and on the King of France his help and favour The King was of the same mind to keep friendship with the Venetians and to pursue the War Wherefore Cesar who was much troubled at these prosperous successes having by his Embassadours endeavoured to come to some agreement the King utterly despising the Friendship and League which was offer'd him dismiss'd the Embassadours and acquainted the Venetians particularly with the whole Treaty The French knew very well by many examples that Cesars mind was so mutable and so desirous of Novelties as their affairs could never be reputed safe nor quiet whilst he had any Footing or his men any receit in Italy So as they must be forced to be at great cost and not out of danger in maintaining the State of Millan till Cesar and his Armies were driven from thence but the King thought otherwise of the Pope for though he had alienated himself from him when he thought him to be most his friend yet he greatly desired the Popes Friendship nor was he parted from him but upon great necessity Wherefore the Pope having sent his Nuntio into the French Camp without knowledg of other confederates to treat of agreement the King received him graciously seeming very well pleased that there was means left him whereby to be easily received again into favour and friendship with the Pope yet being resolved not to buy it at any dear rate since it was voluntarily offer'd him the Nuncio could get no positive answer unless the Cities of Parma and Piacenza which were then detain'd by the Pope should be restored to the power and possession of the French The Pope though he thought it very severe for him to be bereâ—t of those two Cities and to lose that reward which he had purchas'd by so many dangers and labours yet after having spent many days and nights in great agitation of mind he at last resolved to satisfie the King and to resign up those Cities Finding that all his labour was lost in going about to bring the Venetians to agreement with him and Cesar. Nor could he defer it any longer without hazard not thinking either his own Forces or those of his colleagues sufficient to secure him and his affairs from the power of the Conquerours These chief points being therefore accommodated to the end that they might treat the better of the rest and that the League might be the more firmly made it was resolved that the Pope and King should have an Interview for which a certain time being appointed the one parted from Rome and the other from Millan and met both at Bolognia as the most convenient place for them both The Venetian Embassadours accompanied the King the more to honour the Royal Court in a time of such solemnity the Court being then full of many French Lords and very glorious in all manner of Preparations as also for that it was reported that many things belonging to the Common-wealth were to be treated of at that convention and touching universal agreement which caused much rejoycing in all Italy which had been so long molested but especially amongst the Venetians all of them hoping well in a future peace Yet for what concern'd the Common-wealth because divers difficulties lay in it it was only resolved that Cardinal Egidio Eremitano a Personage of singular Integrity and Learning should be sent Legate to the Emperour from the Pope to treat of this business and to endeavour to make him comply and agree with the Venetians Pontifical Briefs were likewise sent to the Venetians wherein they were exhorted to embrace peace but as concerning the common condition of affairs and the ordering of a general peace nothing was either concluded nor so much as treated of but rather many seeds were sown of other Wars for on the one side King Francis not being able any longer to cloak his desire of winning the Kingdom of Naples which he had long thirsted after had by his civility and complacency with the Pope got leave of him that by the Popes favour and authority he might when time should serve fall upon that Enterprize on the other part Leo discovered a no less ardent desire in himself of the greatness of the House of Medici by denying the King who had very much desired it at his hands to pardon Francisco Maria della Rovere Duke of Urbin if he had found any fault in him Whence it might be easily comprehended how he was minded when there should be occasion again of taking up of Arms and of exposing himself again to the danger and troubles of War to put his Nephew Lorenzo 〈◊〉 Medici into possession of the State of Urbin wherein he had a little before invested him Thus the Sequel did shew manifestly that both Leo and Francis aim'd only in this their convention at their own advantage and their present accommodation and that they did not almost at all think upon the common agreement and peace for the future for having establish'd divers things touching their own security and the aggrandizing of their States they both departed from Bolognia after having spent six days in this Treaty 'T is most certain that both these Princes did very much desire this Inter-view out of a thought of reaping much advantage thereby for the Pope being strangely ingenious and knowing how to handle business best for his advantage thought he should be able by his perswasive speeches and elegancy of words to pacifie the King and make him become his friend if he should find him otherwise
blame the counsels That for all this bad fortune the Senate would not go less in their former intentions of providing for the War but would take care that the Army should be abundantly furnish'd with all things which belong'd to the care of a General as if he himself were present at their Counsels And that the General should want nothing whereby to shew his Worth These and the like means were often used not only to Trivulcio but to the King of France yet were they not able to make him alter his resolution He therefore departed from Millan and the care of the Venetian Army and the administration of the War was committed to Theadore Trivulcio This man was formerly entertain'd by the Venetians and had the same place and imployment as Renzo da Ceri had before but was not able to come unto the camp till now whither as soon as he was come he had the same authority given him as Giacopo Trivulcio had before though not the name nor degree of Captain General This mean while King Francis having provided all things for his departure and sent some of his men already before he left the Duke of Burbone in charge with the Government of the affairs of Italy wherein he endued him with great authority and returned into France But being resolved before he went to send more aid to the Venetian Army he recommended the men to the care of Monsieur Odetto de Fois named Monsieur di Lautrech one famous in War and desirous of Glory who for his worth and courage was thought fit to exercise the place of any Commander His commission from the King was to go with those men to the taking in of Brescia and to do all things for the good and service of the Venetians with the same care and diligence as if the City were to be recovered for him and to be annex'd to the Crown of France And certainly all the Kings Proceedings were such as plainly shew'd he bore a great good will to the Common-wealth for he had often constantly affirm'd that if the occasion of War should require it he would be ready to return again into Italy with no less Forces then he had done now to the end that the Common-wealth might be restored to her former Power and Dignity Wherefore the Venetians to purchase more grace and favour with the King thought fit to send an Embassadour who might continually reside with Monsieur di Bourbone who as it hath been said was left in Italy in the supremest place of Dignity since it was likely they might have many occasions to treat with him in To which imployment they chose Andrea Trevisano who as soon as he came to Millan Andrea Gritti who had tarried in that City after the Kings departure to procure the coming of the French to our Army returned to the camp by order from the Senate where he was made Commissary in the place of Dominico Contarini who falling sick had got leave of the Senate to be gone Almost about the same time came Monsieur di Lautrech to the Army and now the French aid being come it was thought it was no more to be doubted but that Brescia not being able any longer to ressist so great Forces would at last fall into the power of the Common-wealth The Pope thinking that such success would make much against his designs sought by all means to hinder it He propounded a Truce and howsoever desired that the business might be spun out at length hoping that if the Siege of Brescia should prove long and difficult some occasion might arise which might make the Venetians listen the sooner to agreement though upon bad conditions And because he himself was able to do but little in this business no great belief being given to his words nor exhortations he thought to interpose the King of Polonia's authority perswading his Embassadour who was yet at Venice to re-assume the business of Peace by making new Proposals As if the Venetians would forego the friendship of the French and side with Cesar the noble Cities of Cremona and Lodi might be added unto their State for the King of France might be easily driven out by the joynt Forces of the Emperour the Pope and the Common-wealth and then those Cities might be obtain'd from Cesar by the King of Polands Intercession and Authority so as being for the future sever'd from the State of Millan they might be added to the Dominion of Venice which would make way by occasion of handling other particulars for the re-gaining all the other things which were now held by Cesar. Upon the same design the Pope to the end that by absence of the Commander the business of Brescia might be drawn out more at length exhorted King Francis to send Monsieur di Lautrech to Rome seeming very desirous to treat with that grave and wise man in many things concerning the business of Naples which he knew the King did very much desire and therefore he thought this proposition would be very acceptable to him And though the Pope had contrary thoughts in his head yet he seemed very desirous that the beginning of that War might not be deferr'd for that Ferdinando King of Spain after long sickness was dead and the power of Charles Duke of Burgony who had taken upon him the name of Prince of Casteile grew daily more formidable to all those that had any States in Italy but chiefly to him that therefore all force and industry was to be used in not suffering his power to increase too immoderately But as Leo's cunning already sufficiently known to all could not bring about his design he having lost all credit so did it afford great cause of wondet by his uncertain way of proceeding for it seemed that these courses wherewith he thought to have joyntly provided both for his own safety and the like of the Ecclesiastique State did ill become his wisdom for he endeavoured as he had done all the time of his Popedome that the Venetians who had always shew'd themselves obedient to the Apostolique See whereof there wanted not many evident examples being supprest by so many adversities should be still troubled with the labour and dangers of War so as their Forces should be kept low and the dignity and power of the Common-wealth weakened and that on the contrary he should so study to advance the Emperours greatness when he knew that nothing could be so pernicious both to himself and all Italy as to suffer the Dutch Armies to continue long in that Country giving occasion thereby to revive the ancient claim and pretences of the Emperours And say he should have forgot ancient passages whereby he might be instructed how many cruel and bitter things that Nation had plotted against the Popes of Rome how could he forget modern affairs and speeches told unto him used by Maximillian Who was wont in all his discourses to say publickly that the Churches State did belong to the Western Empire and
that it would be his Fate to return the Dignity of the Empire in Italy by his Forces to its former greatness Therefore they who thought they saw more into Leo's intentions were of opinion that his chief aim was to take the Venetians off from the friendship of the French Which if he could not do yet that by the weakening of their Forces those of the King of France would likewise be weakened he being a friend and confederate of the Common-wealths whose greatness moved thereunto either by hatred or fear the Pope could not tolerate Whereas he was less jealous of Cesar's Forces as well in his own respect as of that of the Church by reason of his natural light headedness by reason of his paucity of men and want of monies for which reasons he thought his greatness could never be so well grounded but that it might by some chance be made to toâ—ter Thus did this year end mens minds being variously possess'd with hope and fear and not knowing what the end of so many evils would be for in the beginning of the next year which was the year of our Lord 1516 and the 8th year from the time that all Italy and especially the State of Venice began to be sorely molested with War new Preparations for Arms and evident signs of future troubles began to appear Souldiers were taken into pay every where more means were used for the renewing of War then was before and chiefly the Venetians refusing all Treaties of Peace or of new Leagues and being return'd to besiege Brescia with great hopes of gaining it were resolute to continue the War till such time as they should have gotten that City either by force or by voluntary surrender Cesar also who had not been himself in person in any of the Armies the last year past but managing the War by his Captains had not managed it over well re-assuming his former thirst after War sought to raise commotions in all parts and to augment his Forces that he might molest the affairs of Italy he called many Dyets craved aids muster'd men sent for Commanders but he chiefly sollicited the Switzers to take up Arms and to revenge the death of their valiant companions promising to be their Leader and to be willing to share with them in all labour and danger The King of England did the like out of envy to the King of France his recent glory and out of anger that he had taken the King of Scotland into his protection The Pope with the like intention but more secretly endeavour'd the same with the Switzers All these affirm'd that the Switzers could undertake no War which could bring them greater glory or richer booty then that of Italy which being already begun must now again be renewed with greater Forces They moreover promis'd them some pay for their Souldiers but much hopes of greater advantage which they might always have by their Friendship This mean time the Venetian Commanders Lautrech being already come as hath been said with aid to their camp held many Councils and did differ in their opinions touching the managing of the War Some were for the raising of the Siege from before Brescia and for carrying the whole Army to Verona for which they alledged that that City now that their veterane Souldiers were gone to relieve Brescia was but weakly garrison'd and that the Enemy had made no provision for necessary defence as not suspecting any such thing then But the season of the year made much against this opinion for the Camp could not without great inconvenience be removed in the midst of Winter nor the Souldiers be led to a new Enterprize Besides it might appear a rash thing to change greater hopes of getting Brescia with the uncertainty of what might befall about Verona for the condition of Brescia being considered it was evidently seen that unless they did intermit their begun works the Town must of necessity fall into their hands either by force or by surrender it was apparent that the City was in great want of money Corn and of all sort of Victuals the Commanders were at oddes within themselves the Souldiers weary of being long besieged and by reason of many sufferings rather ready to mutiny then to fight and the Citizens as well by reason of their new grievances laid upon them by their new Masters as out of their ancient affection to the Venetians desirous of Novelties and ready upon any accident to drive the Garrison out of the City Moreover the Defendants were reduced to a small number for the Foot who were come a little before to assist the Besieged seeing that with diversity of opinion but no resolution many discourses had been had of leading the Souldiers forth to fight and that the scarcity of Victuals did daily increase were most of them gone from the City leaving the business unperfected These things being found by the report of many to be true it was by general consent agreed that they should keep their Quarters and attend with all diligence to straiten the City more Our Army abounded in all things for the Senate were so careful to provide all things requisite for War as though the Enemy strove much to hinder it all their endeavours proved vain Amongst the rest Mark Antonio Colonna endeavour'd often by sending his Souldiers out of Verona to keep the Army from victuals and by laying ambushes to intercept the monies which were sent to the Venetian camp To which purpose he kept continually good store of Spanish Foot and Horse at the Town of Legnano which was now fallen into his power to block up all the ways of that Country and the Enemy growing daily more bold and offering at great matters they made incursion even to the Territories of Brescia which they might safely do because they saw the Venetian Army was busied about the Siege Wherefore the Captain General and Commissaries thought that it stood not with the honour and reputation of that Army to suffer that so few men should come so near hand to insult over them Wherefore having notice that Colonna endeavour'd to come into the confines of Mantua to block up that way likewise which as the safest was frequented by those that went to the camp Paolo Manfrone and Mercurio Bua were sent by our men to meet them and to fight them Who though they undertook the business couragiously yet did they not succeed well therein for Colonna having notice of their coming by his Scouts took with him some companies of veterane Souldiers and went speedily towards Valeggio where he had such advantage of place as he might chuse whether he would keep safe there or fight upon advantagious terms Our men and the Enemy entred at the same time by several ways into this Town and both of them strove to possess themselves of the Bridg which joyns the Town together being otherwise divided by the waters of Menzo each side hoping to repulse the Enemy and to make themselves Masters of the
not look the Enemy in the face but had yielded the field unto them They therefore considered that though they should resolve not to give Battle yet they might chuse some strong place opposite to the Enemies Quarters wherein they might keep and observe Cesars ways and search into his counsels and then change place and purpose according as time and occasion should counsel them Yet because the French were of a contrary opinion the whole Army was brought from the Territories of Brescia and brought into those of Cremona whither the Duke of Burbone was come but a little before with his Horse and Foot Their intention was to wait for the Switzers here who were not yet past by and to keep them from passing Maximillian being this mean while past over the River Adice with all his men came to the Town of Guscolenga having met with many Souldiers from Verona in his March as also with Mark Antonio Colonna with 200 Horse for the Venetian Army being drawn off they thought they might find all things sure in that Country Cesar being entred into the Brescian Confines resolved before he would go any farther to possess himself either by fair means or by foul of the Town of Asola which is the first Town on that side of the Country thinking it neither became his safety nor his honour to leave any place behind him in the power of the Enemy whereby they might keep back victuals from his Army But this proving a business of great length by reason of the Defendants valour all other warlike Proceedings were impeded and in the mean time the French had better opportunity to increase their Army Much praise was attributed for this to Francisco Contarini Commissary of the Town to Antonio Martinengo and to all the rest as well Souldiers as Citizens that were in the Town for having with so few men but much courage withstood so great an Army and by defending Asola frustrated the Forces of so great a Prince and much lessened his reputation since with expence of much time and labour he could not get so small a Castle Yet the Switzers had won such reputation and credit in their last Skirmishes as the French resolved neither to keep where they were nor to hazard themselves upon the event of Battle unless their Army were munited and increased by the same Nation Wherefore Maximillian being gone from before Asola after having spent much time there in vain for fear lest by keeping so great an Army so long a time before so little a Town his Souldiers might be discouraged and might miss of doing greater matters the French Commanders when they heard of his being gone called suddenly a Council of War wherein they resolved to raise their camp and to carry it to the River Ada hoping that by keeping upon the Banks thereof they might hold the Enemy play and hinder them from passing over the River But the French and Venetians were not well gone from thence when all that lay between the Rivers Poe and Adice fell into the Emperours hands except Cremona and Crema which redounded so much to his honour and to the terrour of the others as the French neither confiding in themselves nor in others march'd away with their Army so suddenly and so fast towards Millan as it was doubted whether they went thither to defend the City or to be defended themselves by the Walls thereof Maximillian making use of opportunity pursued those that fled and began already to promise all good success unto himself and staying six miles from Millan he let the City know That if it did not surrender all the sooner it must look for all severity But if it would yield to him of its own good will it might presume of obtaining many immunities and much more freedom in all things Affirming that he was come into Italy with intention according to the custom of his Ancestors of taking up the Ensigns of the Empire in that City and to drive the French from thence and out of that State who were unjust and unlawful Lords thereof and to recover the right dues of the Empire This Message was answered as pleased the French that the State of Millan which was formerly a member of the Empire was sever'd from thence by authority of the Emperours and for a certain sum of money which was paid down for it that therefore Cesar had now no more pretence to that City which both by right of inheritance and right of War was lawfully possess'd by Francâ—s Vallois King of France that therefore the Millaneses would keep that City for their legitimate Lord to whom they had sworn Loyalty and that they had so provided for all things as they doubted not but to be able to defend the City against all injurious violence Yet all things were full of fear in that City the Citizens and Souldiers doubted much what the issue of the War would be and not knowing well how to provide for their own safeties which they more minded then the preserving of the State for the King all their consultations were full of fear and doubts Amidst these doubts and difficulties the Venetian Commissaries especially Andrea Gritti who had most power with the French being firmly resolved to defend the City Exhorted all the rest to do their utmost and to be of good courage they put the Citizens sometimes in mind of the Kings humanity towards them sometime of what punishment they were to suffer if they should often provoke his anger they likewise apply'd themselves to many of the chief of the Army entreating them and conjuring them that calling to mind their late Victory and the Glory which they had wone they should resolve upon serving the King and the Venetians That the cause and common interest was the same therein and that the business it self was not desperate if it were couragiously and constantly defended to what purpose said Gritti do the French take such pains and put themselves into so much danger to what purpose do they send so many Armies into Lombardy if at the very first appearance of the Enemy all defence must be given over and those things must be yielded which they have gotten with long War and with much expence yea even of their own bloud We as knowing the Senates intention and the like of our whole City of running the same fortune with the French will willingly expose all our men and all our Forces not refusing to endeavour every thing even to the utmost Thus by Gritti his counsel and exhortation the Suburbs of the City were set on fire to the end that the Enemy might not make use of them for their advantage great Guns were placed upon the Walls divers Corps de guarde were ordained and all things were prepared for defence These provisions did somewhat cool the Enemies courage and afforded them occasion of many doubts and difficulties so as taking time to think what to do those within began to be of better hopes for in this
King of England did also oft times out of the said reasons indeavour to bring these two Princes to fair tearmes for that it very well became a great and wise Prince as he was and who had alwaies prefer'd the Interest of Christian Religion before any self-respect to use his best indeavours to introduce peace amongst Christian Princes that they might be able to defend their States against the Turks who having overcome the King of Persia in Battle totally destroyed the Empire of the Mamalucky and taken the Kingdome from Camâ—sone Gauro King of Memphis did very much advance by the ruine of other men and to the end that they might win greater Favour and Authority with the King the Senate knowing that it would be acceptable and commodious to the Kingdome of England resolved to send their great Gallioans towards the Rodes of that Island which had not for some late years been upon those Seas Whilst these things were treated of by Embassadors the War did notwithstanding still go on for after the Switzers and Dutch were gone Lautrech having left sufficient Garrison in Millan drew all the Army out of the City and not making any delay marched into the Territories of Brescia intending to renew the Siege of that Town the Duke of Burbone being at this time gone from Italy the supream Government of the Kings affairs were intrusted with Lautrech a man famous for many indowments of mind and who would have been more Famous in War had he not been too much opinionated After the departure of Cesar's Army the City of Brescia was left almost without any defendants for the Souldiers of the Garrison seeing Cesar grow less in his reputation and having no hopes of relief being also weary of the toylsome labours and inconveniencies of the late Siege and not having received their pay at due times were some of them returned home and some gone over to the Venetian Camp So there were but only 700 Spanish Foot left to guard the City under Captain Hiccardo but these were all men of known Valour and Integrity Where ore the Venetian Commanders thinking they might now hope well to get that City made the more haste not tarrying for the French who followed them a little more slowly to the end that finding the Enemy unprovided they might be the more confused at their unexpected approach Thus though the night came on whilst they were on their March not allowing any the least time for the Souldiers to rest themselves at the very instant of their Arrival they ordered their men before the Walls and suddenly clapt their scaling Ladders thereunto by which many of them began already boldly to mount and to put for entring the Town The Foot who were upon the defence astonished at this unexpected accident and confounded by the darkness of the night ran up and down every where striving to keep the Ladders from off the Walls and if any of our men were got up to the tops thereof they threw them down they fought in several places endeavouring to defend themselves some here some there They at the same time minded fighting the Enemy and their own defence The Combate drawing forth thus in length the Enemy having borne the first brunt grew hourly more corragious so as the Venetians being in a disadvantageous place where they could neither tarry nor fight were forced to quit the Enterprize and to retreat It was afterwards known that this designe miscarried by the Ladders being too short soon after came Lautrech with his Army wherefore the Commanders thinking they were now strong enough endeavoured to doe their best to storme the City They surrounded the Walls with 5. bodies and placed their Cannon in such parts as they thought most convenient and began to play so furiously upon the Walls as in a short time a part thereof fell down to the ground which facilitated the way to make an Assault Amidst these dangers and difficulties Hiccardo not at all discouraged provided carefully for all things not refusing any labour and all the Souldiers being equally desirous to defend the City labour'd both day and night about the Walls by day in repairing the Rampiers by night in bringing the Rubbish into the Town wherewith they quickly raiâ—ed new Rampiers where the Wall was broken down but the ruine which were made by so many Batteries could not be repaired in so short a time nor by so few men nor could sufficient Guards be kept in all necessary places at once Wherefore Hiccardo understanding that the Enemy were ready to give an Assault which he could not sustaine without evident ruine to himself and his men he resolved to surrender the Town This was welcome News to the Venetians who desired the preservation of that Noble City and to returne it unto the Common-wealth undefaced or ransackt which would have been hard to doe if the City had been taken by force the Commanders not being able often times to refraine the insolency and rapine of the Souldiers especially if Forreigners Truce was therefore made by a certaine tacite consent of both sides and by Messages sent between the Town and the Camp an agreement was made upon these conditions That the City should be delivered up to Lautrech unless it were releeved by 8000 men within three days that the Souldiers of the Garrison should be permitted to goe whither they licted provided it were not to Verona that no prejudice should be done to the City neither by the Venetian Souldiers nor by the French and that it should be lawful for the Count Gambara and for some few Citizens who had adhered to Cesar 's party to enjoy their Country and all their goods and that all their faults should be forgiven them These conditions were the more easily given way unto for that it was confidently beleeved so great a supply could not come unto the City in so short a time for the Dutch Souldiers who were come to the Castle of Aâ—fo to relieve the Besieged were returned back being routed and put to flight by a greater number of our Souldiers Things being thus agreed upon and no succour appearing within the pre-limited time Hiccardo and all his Souldiers march'd out of the Town in good order with their Colours flying and Drums beating and at the same time Lautrech and the Venetian Commissaries entred who were received by a great concourse of people of all conditions and of all ages manifesting shews of much joy whereby they witnessed their good will to the Common-wealth Lautrech took possession of the City first and then presently delivered it up to the Venetian Commissaries and the Common-wealths Standard was set up Thus this famous City after so great confusion of affairs having suffer'd very much and run several fortunes in War returned under the Dominion of her ancient Masters and was restored to her former peaceable condition When the News of the recovery of Brescia came to Venice great joy was throughout all the City and the Citizens by this
success began to have better hopes of putting an end unto the War The Venetians did always make very great account of Brescia by reason of the number of her Inhabitants and she was of great service to the Common-wealth by means of her fruitful rich and copious fields and moreover because the Gentry and commonalty therein were ever held to be faithful and loving to their Country The Senate gave many thanks to the King of France for that by the ready assistance of his men they had re-gained that City wherein as his Commanders had shewn singular Worth as should always be by them acknowledged so did his Majesty share in the glory and the Common-wealths obligations to him was much increased thereby Letters were likewise written to Lautrech wherein as his faith and diligence were much commended so was he desired to make use of such fitting occasions as did offer themselves for other prosperous successes since the fortune of the Common-wealth began to alter They put him in mind that if the Army who were very desirous of the Enterprize were suddenly carried to before the Walls of Verona they might be almost sure to get that City and so the whole War would be prosperously ended that he could do nothing that would redound more to his own glory and to the advantage of his King then this for assuredly when the Common-wealth of Venice should chiefly by the aid and favour of the French be restored to her pristine greatness their Empire would be confirmed for many years in Italy to his particular and immortal glory whereof he having shew'd himself to be at all times desirous he needed imitate no body but himself Lautrech being much taken as it appeared by these Speeches he resolved to march with his camp in company with Trivulcio towards the Territories of Verona but being come to Peschiera whilst the Army was yet on this side the River Menzo Lautrech told the Venetian Commissaries who expected nothing less at this time That he could not tarry longer then three days in the Territories of Verona for that he had had intelligence that the Switzers were resolved to take up Arms and that they were already prepared to assault the Dukedom of Millan the danger whereof being considered he thought it would make much against the Service of his King to keep his men any longer farther off from the Confines of that State These things being propounded in the Council they were all of a joynt opinion not to remove the camp from the place where it was but to tarry there till they might have some more certain News of the Switzers moving which was brought to the camp only by a flying rumour Lest if the Army should advance farther and be doubtful whether it should tarry there any longer or no they might make men believe by their sudden departure that they had raised the Army for want of Forces or for fear of the Enemies approach and out of dispairing to do any good upon Verona which would make them lose the reputation they had won by their prosperous success at Brescia and whereas now they were a terrour to their Enemies they would become their scorn But the News of the Switzers advancing increasing daily Lautrech would needs carry the whole Army into the State of Millan And though this resolution was gain-said by all the other Commanders who alledged That the place where the Army now was was naturally very strong and very fit wherein to put on such Resolves as the condition of Affairs or the Enemies March which was then uncertain should require Yet he standing fix'd to his opinion of removing the camp moved that it should be carried to near Asola in the Brescian Territories alledging That Verona was then gallantly garrison'd for that after the dis-banding of Cesars Army many of the Switzers and Dutch were retreated thither so as that Attempt was likely to prove vain and that therefore to undertake a difficult business without assured hopes of effecting it was no better then to hinder themselves in their other Proceedings and to confound the whole Government of the War He added hereunto sometimes to find other excuses for his counsel that the Venetians had given ear to the King of Poland who was said to have treated of peace by his Embassadours wherefore they were to expect an issue of that Treaty before they fell upon any other business and finally he complain'd that monies were not sent at the time appointed to pay the 6000 Dutch Foot as the Common-wealth had promised Gritti gain-said all these assertions saying that things were much otherwise then Lautrech had represented them to be That there was a great scarcity of all things in Verona especially of Corn that the Garrison which was entred thereinto was likely to be a greater inconvenience to the City through the dearth of Corn then a safety by increasing the numbers of the Defendants that if the Army should fall off then when the Harvest was so near at hand and should afford the Enemy opportunity to gather in the fruits of the Earth and bring them into the City they must make account to attempt the same Enterprize upon much greater disadvantage at another time when they should have no other hopes then what lay in their Forces and Weapons and that not without much danger and uncertainty of good success Moreover that they understood by those Souldiers that were fled into their Camp that there was great falling out in the City between the Citizens and the Souldiers and great confusion in all things whereby the Affairs of War were treated of with much negligence and jealousie That therefore when the Army should draw near 't was likely that the people partly to provide for their own safeties and others out of theâ—r affections to the parties they sided withal would make some commotion and afford better opportunity of gaining the City Assuredly said Gritti it is not to be believed that the Senate of Venice should â—reat of any thing touching peace with the Polish Embassadour contrary to the will of the King of France nor yet so much as without his knowledg the constancy of the Senators having been such and so manifest in renewing the War for so long a time their observancy towards the King and their confidence in the French Nation having been so great as that they had often times refused fair conditions of peace which had been offer'd them and had always studied the Kings greatness no less then the good of the Common-wealth which might be witnessed as well by their actions of the former year as now of latter days near Millan wherein rather an express Commandment then tacite consent came from the Senate Let these suspitions and jealousies then cease and let them not prevail so far as to make any of us less ready to do what the common good doth counsel the monies which are due to the Dutch Foot are already prepared and as soon as the ways shall be safe
and open they will doubtlesly be brought to the Camp but when I think of our departure from hence and of our going into the Brescian Territories I find that greater inconveniences will insue thereby And the like will befall our City for the people of that Country who have been always faithful to the Common-wealth and who have suffer'd so much by the Wars now when they should begin to make themselves whole will be opprest almost with their late former grievances by the coming of so great an Army into their precincts since it is they that must feed it So we shall be burthensom to our friends and shall forbear our Enemies we shall lessen the affections of the former and encourage the others When Gritti had spoke thus to confirm his opinion he added that though Lautrech should not follow them his opinion was that the Venetian Army should of and by it self march into the Territories of Verona The Captain General and all the rest of the Venetian Commanders were of the same opinion with Gritti so as certainly his opinion would have been followed if after more mature consideration they had not feared that such a resolution would in some other respects be prejudicial to the Common-wealth for by this division of the Army the forces of the League would not only be diminished but the Enemies would believe by this disagreement of the Commanders that the confederate Princes might easily be divided But Lautrech were it either in pursuance of his nature which was not to part easily from his opinion or that he would not willingly hazard the glory of having recovered Brescia to any new events of War could never be perswaded either by reason or by entreaties to venture upon the taking of Verona but with much ado yielded at last to tarry awhile in those Quarters where he was The opinion of many was afterwards confirm'd by the sequel of things that Lautrech having notice of a Treaty of agreement which was in hand between King Francis and Charles Duke of Burgondy which was begun in the City of Noyon did by thus drawing things out at length more mind his Kings conveniency then either his own praise or the Venetians service The Senate being this mean while inform'd of all these passages and esteeming it to be very disadvantagious and contrary to their designs to permit the Enemies who were in Verona to gather in their Harvest they charged Commissary Paulo Gradinigo to draw forth a Band of the best Souldiers that were in Garrison at Padua and that with them and those that were in the Territories of Vicenza under the Government of Frederick Gousaga he should over-run the confines of Verona spoil the corn which was upon the ground and use all means possible to keep the corn from being brought into Verona But the Enemy being advertised of these mens departure went unexpectedly out of Verona and going by another way then our men did went into the Territories of Vicenza and Padua and did much mischief Lautrech had stay'd in the same Quarters about some thirty days when the News of the Switzers being quite over and having no other reason for his so long delay growing likewise suspitious that it might redound somewhat to his disparagement that he had kept the Army so long idle and had lost so much time he resolved at last to remove the camp and to go into the Territories of Verona whereunto he was the rather moved by a protestation made by the Venetian Commissaries that else they would not issue forth the monies which were then come to the camp for the Dutch Souldiers The camp being raised the first day of August all the Army was led to the Town Gotalengo to be passed over the River Adice The first thing the Commanders did was to possess themselves of the straitest passages of the Mountains by which the Dutch were wont to come from Germany to Verona by placing good Guards in them to the end that the ways being block'd up the City might be kept from being relieved By which means the Spanish and Dutch Foot corn growing every day dearer and dearer and not having received their pay from Cesar whereby to help their many inconveniences past over in great numbers to the Venetian camp where they were willingly received and muster'd amongst their Militia And the Switzers moved by the example of others and hating the great inconveniences of a Siege return'd most of them to their own homes There were then in Our Army 8000 Italian Foot and 6000 Dutch to boot with the French aid 1000 Curassiers 2000 light Horse many famous Commanders in War and all other things necessary for the taking in of the City It was resolved that the Army being divided into two camps the City should be begirt on two sides to the end that the Defendants who were already reduced to a small number might be the sooner wearied by doing perpetual duties These things being begun to be put in execution as was resolved of in counsel the Dutch Souldiers though they had received three moneths pay began to mutiny and refused to obey their Commanders and though Trivulcio was already on his March with his other companies they would not stir from where they were saying they would not carry Arms against the Emperour nor be led to the taking of a City possess'd by him These men not being to be perswaded out of their opinion the Venetian Souldiers not being able to do of themselves what was particularly recommended to Trivulcio Lautrech promised to give them other companies out of his Souldiers but considering afterwards that by the loss of those men his Army would be much weakened and his camp not be over safe he changed his mind and without attempting any thing fell aloof off two miles from the City and the Venetians were forc'd to do the like for they were not able to do any thing of themselves This mean while the Garrison began daily to decrease within the City for many Dutch Colours return'd home and others past over to the Venetian camp and came in such numbers as no more fugitive Souldiers would be received into the camp for the Venetians remembered that these men were rather a trouble and an expence then any aid wherefore they thought it not safe to relye upon their Loyalties And they feared likewise lest a much greater number of Mountainers who had formerly been in Cesars camp seeing such hopes of gain given them and that they might get those pays from Cesar's Enemies which he had not paid them might descend from the neighbouring Villages into the Territories of Verona Yet so many were the defendants as though great store were gone the City was notwithstanding well munited Wherefore Lautrech not thinking it fit to attempt any thing without the hopes of effecting it demanded more help of the Venetians if they would have him take Verona which though it were hard to do yet that they might not leave a business of so great
importance unattempted they sent 4000 Foot to the Camp and great store of Artillery Powder and Victuals that nothing might be wanting which was necessary for War All sufficient provisions being had the Army drew neer the Walls of Verona This City is divided by the River Adice which runs through the midst of it into two parts and is walled round about by Walls which look upon a large Campagnia and are in compass 7 miles about neer unto which are great Rampiers of earth which take up the greatest part of the space which lies between the Wall and the Houses of the City whereby the Wall is so secured as it cannot easily be shot through nor beaten down by the Cannon There are besides in the Walls themselves divers Bastions of several forms and greatness which bearing out beyond the right line of the Wall in certain fit places are very proper to disturbe the Enemies Artillery to keep the Enemy aloof from the Wall and for the safety of the Souldiers who stand thereupon to defend the Town The City was therefore thought to be strong enough and safe according to the custom of those times and the then manner of fighting and the rather for the Count Carreto who had the Government of that City had added several new works the year before to the old Fortifications which made it more defenceable Moreover greaâ—â—tore of Artillery were carried thither and many expert Cannoniers And the Garrison was not to be esteemed small for besides Horse there were about 6000 Foot what Spanish what Dutch what Switzers in the City who were all commanded in cheif by Mark Antonio Colonna who was now no longer a Commander under the Pope but under Cesar a man very expert in Military Discipline which he had learnt by being under Prospero and Fabritio Colonna in the Wars very Famous Comanders in those times He was very ambitious of glory in War more of which he would have won had he not been given according to the abuse of those times too much to pillageing and to other barbarous and dishonourable deportments He had been very diligent in preparing all things fitting for defence and having carefully and with much confidence exhorted the Souldiers and Citizens to stand upon their defence he expected an Assault Lautrech on the other side divided his Army into two Camps he pitcht himself with his Foot and Horse over against that part of the City which lies towards Mantua and Trivulcio having past over the Adice with his Venetians sate down with them opposite to that part of the Wall that looks towards Vicenza Both Camps began to play upon the Walls at one and the same time but with some difference of designe for Lautrech placed all the force of his Artillery against one only part that he might make way for his men to enter the City and that the Enemy might not have leasure to repaire the breach made in the Walls by the violence of Cannon shot But Trivultio having taken more room to encamp himself began to batter a larger place of the Wall hoping that when he should have thrown it all down he might fight upon better advantage since the Enemy not knowing where the Assault would be given must consequently be imploy'd in several places Lautrech having observed that a certain place neer the Gate commonly called della Calcina was not very strong for there was there no other defence but one antient weak Tower he turned his Cannon upon it and having quickly beaten it down he commanded his Souldiers to goe presently to the wall who being incouraged by their Commanders and egg'd on by the hopes of sacking so rich a City went boldly on and making haste that they might soon get out of the danger of Cannon shot they came to handy blows with the Enemy and a valiant fight was performed on all sides The French to win praise and shun shame strove to get to where the Enemy were thickest knowing that they fought in their Commanders fight for Monsieur Lautrech's brother looked on and was a witness of each mans Vallour and Cowardliness But the Spanish and Dutch Foot were full of confidence calling to mind their own Gallantrie and what they had done formerly which made them the boldeâ— against danger for they were all Veteran Souldiers who had been preâ—ent at all these wars of Italy The Assault was given and sustained with equal Valour The Enemy brought many of their Artillery into the vacant place where the Tower had stood and where the Combate was and placeing them in some more eminent parts plaid therewith apace upon the French on the flank and made much slaughter upon them So as having lost many of their men they were forced to retreat unto the Camp But Trivultio although he had already thrown down a good part of the Wall and that there was space enough for the Souldiers to have Assaulted the City forbore falling on being aware that a great number of the defendants having well munited the place from whence they had repulst the French were run thither where they knew the greatest Effort was made to assist the weaker side wherereof Trivultio gave notice to Lautrech and desired some men of him that he might the more safely attempt to take the City But Lautrech though he might very well have done it for the Venetians and French Camp were so joyned together by means of a very strong and safe Bridg which was made over the Adice as the one might assist the other and though he had often promised to send him assistance yet he prolonged the time and sent none it was now 15 daies since the Camp before the City and the Enemy was reduced to great extreamety a great part of the Wall was thrown down the Souldiers were weary with fighting great scarcity of Powder and the Commanders and Citizens differed in their oppinions All which things invited to make hast and yet the business must be drawn out at length This mean time news came to the Camp that a strong band of Dutch Foot came speedily to relieve the Besieged and that they had already upon Articles taken the Castle della Chivsa which they had Assaulted at unawares so as the way was open for them to enter the City Lautrech was hereat more discouraged then he had reason to be which made him give over all thought of continuing the Siege so as he seemed not to mind it much now and that measuring more according to opinion then reality he was solicitous of nothing but how to carry his Army quickly to a place of safety At which sudden change and pernitious resolution the Venetian Commissaries being much perplext they went unto him and did all they could to entreat and to conjure him by the loyalty he ought unto his King and for his own honour that he would not too much undervalue his owne Affairs the reputation whereof he ought to inhaunce as much as he could They told him that it was usual
Streets and being come to the cathedral Church had much ado to get in at the Gates Here Lautrech having received the Keys of the City from the Bishop of Trent did at the same instant give them into the hands of the Venetian Commissaries Andrea Gritti and Giovan Paolo Gradinigo Then some of the chiefest of the Citizens did together with the Commissaries and in the name of all the rest congratulate the return of that City to under the command of the Common-wealth attesting the Citizens constant good will towards her and promising Loyalty and Obedience thereunto at all times These things being ended and the French assistance being to be dismis'd the Senate that they might not omit to shew their respects and love to so gallant a man and one who had deserved so well of the Common-wealth as Lautrech resolved to present him honourably in the name of the publick and charged Commissary Gritti to wait upon him to Millan When he came to Lodi he found Giovan Giacopo Trivulcio there who was come to meet him and to bring him the Order of St Mihel from the King Then after the passing of many complements on both sides Gritti left him who according to orders received from the Senate went to visit the other Cities belonging to the Common-wealth to provide for all things necessary for them and to confirm the people in their love to the Common-wealth And at last after having for so many years perform'd his faithful service with much applause to the Common-wealth having won much love amongst the Citizens and glory amongst Forreigners he returned to Venice Great joy and general Feastings was had throughout the whole City Every thing seemed to smile and to eccho forth joyful acclamations But chiefly all due praises were rendred to God and solemn processions devoutly made by publick Decree for many days thanks being given to God for his great goodness in having granted them a desired peace after so long and troublesome a War Great alms were given to Monastries and to Alms houses and such Citizens and Forreigners as had served the Common-wealth faithfully were well rewarded The Common-wealth being thus restored to her pristine greatness after having suffered so many Calamities and the Affairs of Italy being put as it was thought into a firm and settled condition the Venetians hoped they had been freed from all Fears for many years The End of the third Book THE HISTORY OF VENICE Written by PAULO PARUTA BOOK IV. THE CONTENTS THe Peace of the Common-wealth such Cities as were return'd to their obedience send Commissioners to the Senate Padua and Verona are strangely fortified The Venetian Merchants obstructed in Spain The situation of Venice A voyage of the Common-wealths Galltouns An end of the Truce with Maximillian A treaty of peace between him and the Venetians Universal Truce treated by the Pope Truce concluded between Cesar and the Venetians the conditions Maximillians death Francis King of France and Charles King of Spain contend who shall be Emperour Francis sends Embassadours to Venice to stand for him Charls is declared King of the Romans Soliman succeeds Selino in the Turkish Empire His nature Lodowick King of Hungary prepares for War He sends Embassadours to Venice The Venetians send Embassadours to Constantinople to confirm the peace The King of France scandalized at Charles his being chosen Emperour treats of confederacy with the Venetians The Pope hisitates The Dyet is held at Worms Cesar endeavours to make the Venetians his friends Cesars genius the like of the King of France The Peace of Italy is disturb'd The King of Hungary sends an Embassadour to Venice The Senate resolves to help that Kingdom Soliman takes Belgrado and frights all Hungary The death of Duke Loredano Antonio Grimani succeeds him The King of France speaks with the King of England at Ards in Picardy Commotions in Spain Risings in Germany New designs in the King of France The Pope agrees with Cesar. The Venetians endeavour Peace Preparations made by the Pope and Cesar. Lautrech goes for Italy The Venetians arm their Confines Ioyn with the French The Imperialists before Parma They retire to before Millan They take it Lautrech gets safe with his Horse to Como He winters in the Territories of Brescia The Duke of Ferrara in Field The death of Pope Leo the tenth The consequences thereof Lautrech marches into the field again He attempts Parma and Pâ—acenza but in vain He returns towards Millan Takes Novara and Vigueano The King of France prepares to go for Italy Lautrech gives over the Siege of Millan Sits down before Pavia Withdraws from thence The French and Imperialists meet at the Charter house of Pavia The Imperialists retreat to Biccoca where they are assaulted by the French The Switzers make a gallant retreat are backt by the Venetians The Switzers Impatiency marrs all Alberto Pietra's speech to make them keep the field They disband The Venetians and French retreat to the confines of the Common-wealth Lautrech repasses over the Mountains to acquaint the Court how Affairs go in Italy THe ensuing years contain more prosperous successes and will afford me more delightful matter to write on Wherefore I hasten thereunto as abhorring the memory of the past calamities and as weary as if I had had a part in those troubles and dangers The Common-wealth after the past Wars enjoy'd three years quiet in which time being healed of her so great labour and grievous adversity she began to hold up her head again and to resume her ancient power and reputation The Wars therefore which we now shall write of made by the Common-wealth on Terra firma though they be no less remarkable for the Grandetsa of Princes for famous Commanders Forces length of time and other circumstances yet were they more prosperous and of less danger the Common-wealth having taken up Wars for the space of almost ten years no less to defend the Affairs of her friends and confederates then her own and more for glory then safety In the beginning of the year 1517. all Truces being solemnly published as you have heard in the former Book and all men hoping that secure peace would assuredly ensue all the Cities on Terra firma which before the late War were under the Dominion of the Common-wealth were returned to her obedience and sent their Deputies to Venice to congratulate with the Senate that Arms were laid down with Honour and the State recovered And they did also willingly offer all their means forces and fortunes to be at the Common-wealths service The Senates first and chiefest care was to ease the City of Venice and all the other Citâ—es and Castles on Terra firma of many grievances which were imposed upon them in the more troublesome times of War by reason of the scarcity of publick monies to the end that private mens means being restored unto them in the time of peace they might be the readier to assist the Common-wealth at another time of need It was likewise
provided that the places of Magistracy as well of the whole State as City which were formerly granted upon certain loans of money to the publick should be disposed of without any such loan consideration being had to every mans worth and merit and likewise that all such as did serve the Common-wealth in any place should be paid their full stipend part whereof was formerly made bold with for the greater occasions of War Nor were such things forgot as tended to the convenience or splendor of the Common-wealth Study was renewed in the City of Padua which had been given over for the space of eight years and many famous men in all sorts of learning were brought thither This University famous throughout the world for the excellency of all learning for the number and quality of Professors and for the abundance of Scholars was a great adornment to the Common-wealth and a great convenience for all other Nations for to this place came many from all Countries to be instructed in the learned Arts. But the pleasantness of peace had not made them forget the occurences of War nor lessened their care in things belonging to the preservation of the State The wise Senate thought that whilst their thoughts were not imploy'd elsewhere it became them in wisdom to provide for such things which being ordered and disposed of in peaceful times do either keep the storms of War far off or if they shall happen make the State the stronger and more able to resist them They were chiefly careful in seeing Padua and Verona well munited the soundest foundations of their Empire on Terra firma The Senate spared therefore neither for cost nor labour to make these very strong Fortresses to the end that for the future the Enemy despairing to win them might not think of assaulting them Andrea Gritti and Georgio Cornaro were appointed to take the care hereof who going to those Cities were with the advice of Trivulcio and the other prime men of the Militia to deliberate and do whatsoever should be requisite for the exact and secure defence thereof Many things were there renewed which had been destroy'd by the War and many new works were added Great Bastions were built in several places of the Wall according to the modern â—ashion Many noble Gates were also made not only for safety and conveniency but even for ornament And certainly if we shall justly consider with what Grandezza what illustrious shew and what regal expence these strong holds were in these times built by the Common-wealth we shall find that the Venetians ought to be as much admired for the magnificence and stateliness of these as were the ancient Romans for their hot Baths and Aquiducts and other rare Fabricks And because the friendship and saâ—e commerce with the Ottoman Empire was of great importance for the preservation of the peace and quiet of that City by means of Traffique the Senate chose two Embassadours Luigi Mocenice and Bartholomeo Contarini to send to Selino to congratulate the victories which he had won who inflamed with the glory of War after his prosperous success in Persia had assaulted the Empire of the Mamalucchi with a puissant Army and overcome in Battle Campsone Gauro King of Memphis had chased and routed his Forces and subjugated great and rich Provinces which had been long under the Empire of the Soldans of the Mamalucchi whereby he had much inlarged his confines Therefore his friendships was for these respects much the more to be desired hâ—s power being so much increased and become formidable and since the Venetian Merchants exercised great Traffique in those Countries which he had lately won To this was likewise added that the pretentions of a certain Tribute paid by the King of Cyprus to the King oâ— Egypt for which the Common-wealth paid 8000 Duckets yearly to the Soldans of Caire as the Lusinian Kings had wont formerly to do were now together with the Empire of the Mamalucky past over to the Ottoman Princes These Embassadours sailed therefore first to Cyprus and from thence went to Damascus where Selino winter'd with all his Army Their commission was chiefly to endeavour That the Venetians who by reason of their merchandizing had wâ—nt to keep in Alexandria Tripoli Baruti Damascus and other places of Marchandize in those Regions might enjoy the same rights and priviledges whâ—ch had been long granted them by the Lords of Egypt and Soria And that the Common-wealth might likewise be permitted to keep her Magistrates in those places with the same authority and dignity as they had done formerly who were to have a care of the Venetian Merchants Goods and Persons These things were easily granted by Selinus who having at this time turn'd his thoughts and forces elsewhere desired friendship with the Venetians and in the begining of his new Empire to increase traffique in that Province for his own particular good for the conveniency of his subjects and for the Interest of the publique Revenue They were at the same time likewise to treat of the like Affairs with Charles King of Spain to wit that the commerce and traffique which had been long before held in his Kingdomes and States might be confirmed and that also the Venetians might be suffered to go into those parts and to contract Merchandize as they had always been allowed to do in King Ferdinands time Wherein it seemed there was now some interruption for Charles his Officers he being but newly come unto his Kingdomes had perswaded him that he might easily and much to the advantage of his customes tranfer all the merchandizing which was had in divers Maritime Cities of Africa into the sole City of Oran which was in Charles his possession if the Venetian Vessels which were wont first to touch there and then to pass into the Spanish Rivers should be forbidden to enter upon any such occasion into the Havens of his Dominion when they had tarried to contract any Merchandize in any of the Moores Cities By which prohibition it was hoped that those Inhabitants might be necessitated to come to Oran and to furnish themselves there with divers sorts of Merchandize which cannot be brought them from elsewhere many whereof they keep for their own use and make much advantage by carrying many others to the Ethiopians Moreover the Spaniards had laid new Imposts upon our Merchants for whereas formerly one only tax of ten in the hundred and that only of such things as were exported was wont to be paid now two tenths of all things as well imported as exported were exacted and that according to a price limited by them But the business was much otherwise then the Spanish Ministers represented them for neither would the Moores have thought they could traffique securely in those Towns which belonged to the Spaniards whom they held to be their bitter and perpetual Enemies neither would the Venetians have run the hazard of so long navigation if their profit should have been so much lessened by
Mamalucchi have now fallen if that had stood These two joyn'd together did so counterpoise the Turkish Forces as their safety would have freed now the Kingdom of Hungary and the rest of Christendom from danger He who shall well consider the progress of the ancient Monarchs will find that their chiefest difficulty lay in getting to such a pitch of power and force as no one Potentate could of himself alone give a just counterpoise to their power Other acquisitions have been the sooner and more easily made by reason of the almost insuperable difficulties which have been still met withal in getting many Princes joyn in the destruction of one alone The Romans spent many years in conquering Italy but being by the Conquest thereof made stronger then the rest they in a few years vanquish'd so many Princes as they subjugated the greatest and farthest distant Provinces It is therefore evident that the longer Christians defer to oppose the Turks they make the danger the greater and the remedy more difficult I will not say that to take upon them the defence of Hungary is a glorious thing for Christian Princes to do not that it is a duty which they owe to their Religion to their profession not that it makes for every one of their Interests but I will more truly say it is necessary for the preservation of their States This Kingdom being lost which hath for so many years withstood the violence of the Turkish Forces on this side and retarded the course of their Victories what remains to keep them from over-running Austria from disturbing all Germany and from entring into the Confines of this your State This very Kingdom which hath hitherto been the great Bulwark to hinder their advancing if this be lost which God forbid it will be of great opportunity for them to the subjugating of other Nations and to the ruinating of other Kingdomes But this being defended as it is necessary it should be so is it neither impossible nor yet very hard to withstand their farther progress if Princes do not rather want will then Forces The Hungarian Nation by ancient custom and almost by nature haâ—h always been warlike our Princes and our people have won great and particular praise and honour in War nor hath my now King and Master nor his Subjects degenerated nor are they to degenerate any whit from the Worth of their Ancestors They have minds and for as much as is possible for men to have Forces ready to defend themselves But alas how can one only Kingdom not very great not very rich find men monies munition and so many other requisites for War to withstand the numerous Turkish Armies gather'd together out of so many Provinces Marry if it be assisted and succour'd by other Princes the Kingdom of Hungaries Forces will not only be so increased but even the Honour and Courage thereof as we no ways doubt to frustrate all the Enemies designs made against us nor will we refuse if occasion shall be offer'd to give him Battle in a pitcht field so to secure by our own dangers if God shall please to favour as we are to hope he will our pious and generous boldness not only of our own Country but all the Kingdomes and Provinces of Christendom for many years But I find I have transgress'd my bounds by my too long speaking I speak of things that are well known and to those that understand them better then I do The sum of all is this Our Kingdom is one of the out-walls of Christendom against the fury of the Turkish Forces Common safety and common defence ought to be provided for by common Forces and Counsels Your wisdom and piety makes you foresee and consider dangers and your power and authority endows you with means to give a speedy and opportune remedy thereunto The Embassadour was very attentively listned unto whose speech made the greater impression in all that heard him because they were all very well minded to the business it was therefore resolved that endeavours should be made with all the Princes of Christendom by means of the Commonwealths Embassadors to make them all joyn with common consent and force to assist the Kingdom of Hungary and to provide against such great dangers to the which they readily offered their best assistance and the power of the whole Common-wealth But these Treaties wrought no better effect then they had formerly done so as the danger growing daylie greater and King Lodowick thinking himself necessitated to fight the Turks for the freeing of Belgrado a strong and important City and the Frontire Town of that Kingdom from the fury of the Turks before which the Turkish Army was already incamped he sent Iovan Statilio his Embassador again to Venice to borrow some monies of the Senate by which he might increase his Forces and put himself with better hopes upon the fortune of Battel The Commonwealth had formerly many times furnished the King of Hungary with monies to assist him against the Turks and they thought themselves now more obliged to abbet that Kingdom out of the particular strait conjunction which they held with King Lewis and for that by reason of the greatness of the Ottoman house those respects were grown more considerable for which he had endeavoured the preservation and prosperity of that warlike Kingdom The Senate therefore resolved to send thirty thousand Ducats to King Lodowick together with greater promises and offers and not concealing the friendship which they held with him they ordered Lorenzo Orio who was their Embassadour in Hungary to follow his Camp Bet the King's forces had ill success Belgrado was lost nor were the other Cities of the Kingdom free from fear of the Turkish forces for Soliman left his Artillery and part of his Militia in Hungary intending to return thither as he told the Venetians by one of his Chiaus whom he sent to Venice to acquaint them with this his victory and subdue that Kingdom At this time to the great grief of the whole City Duke Loredano died who had governed the Commonwealth very prudently for the space of twenty years and who incouraging others by his invincible spirit had overcome the malice of Fortune and reduced the City to a peaceable and quiet condition He was of a great wit and natural insight into Affairs and of much experience in the world having spent his youth in continual Navigations and his riper years in managing the most important Affairs of the Common-wealth exercâ—sing the chiefest places of Magistracy both within the Common-wealth and abroad He dyed being almost 90 years old having even till then had vivacity in his Intellectuals though his body was subject to divers infirmities His Encomium was made by Andrea Navaghiero and he was buried with great pomp in St Iohn and St Pauls Church Antonio Grimani was chosen to succeed him a man famous for his wealth and for the honours he had attain'd to in the Common-wealth and one who had often times
because they saw themselves backt by the Venetians who making good the Rear secured them from being prest upon by the Imperialists Oâ— the French Army there perished in this assault more then 20â—0 men all of them Switzers but the loss was peradventure greater in the Imperial Camp they having lost many men of good condition Though this action had no very good success yet as being full of confidence and courage it was likely rather to have added unto then to have lessened the reputation of the French Army and to have invited them to other undertakings had not the same impatiency of the Switzers which formerly perswaded them against reason to attempt the Battle disturb'd all their designs and frustrated other hopes by their returning to their former tumults Lautrech loaded the Captains of the Switzers with gifts and promises and pray'd them that by their entreaties reasons and authority they would endeavour to keep their Foot in due obedience which they all did But amongst the rest Alberto Pietra a man in much favour and authority with his Nation calling them all together spoke thus unto them You gave yesterday My valiant Fellow Souldiers so noble a proof of your daring and military experience as that action is not to be numbred amongst the least of praises which by common consent are given to our Nation in all that appertains to the Militia But to arise to the height of glory it is requisite that we persevere in the same purpose of beating and quite conquering the Enemies Army And that we return to try the fortune of War lest it be thought that by yielding to the first no very fortunate encounter it was fickleness not true valour which made us expose our selves to the dangers of Battle Or else that we confess we are overcome though in truth we be rather Conquerours having assaulted the Enemy even within their works done them much harm and retreated safe and in good order not any one of the Enemy having dared to come out of their Camp and pursue us No not so much as to shew any resentment or that they do equal us in Force and Valour But if we do first quit our Quarters which we now are in it will assuredly be said that the Imperialists got the Victory and that we are gone not of our own wills but driven away by the Enemy Whereas on the contrary if we tarry here we may get many notable advantages we shall confirm all men in the opinion that the Victory was really ours we shall not a little encourage those that adhere to the French party we shall infuse such terrour into the Enemy as to avoid the danger of more assaults and of more certain ruine now that they are aware we are better acquainted with the situation of their Quarters and with our advantage and disadvantage they will retreat to within the Walls of Milan and will leave us Masters of the Field and free to fall upon whatsoever Designe we shall please We have understood by express Messengers that it is the will nay the express command of our Masters and Governors that we continue during this Militia in the service of the King of France How can we disobey what they command Or wherefore ought we to do it in a business which for our own glory and profit we ought to seek and pursue yea though we were forbidden We must not then certainly refuse to do it when it is enjoyned us under pain of disobedience We are assured that the King will very shortly come into Italy with a great warlike preparation nor can I see what forces the Enemy have to withstand so great a Force or how they can oppose our Designs The whole State of Milan will assuredly fall suddenly into the King's hands who to revenge himself of the City for her rebellion and of those his Subjects for their many injuries and to reward the valour of his Army will give the prey and plunder of them and it unto his Souldiers and you who have hitherto shared in such labours and in so many dangers will you lose the advantage thereof and not be at the sacking of so many and so rich Cities for the very hopes whereof though you were in Countries far off you ought endeavour by all means possible to be present at this Militia that you might receive fitting rewards for your military actions What consideration can there be of so great moment I beseech you which can counterpoise so great glory so great advantage What else is it that can make you forego such hopes You complain for want of pay and in resentment thereof will revenge your selves upon your selves Consider better what the injury is that is done you what it is you can with reason complain of The King hath not provided monies time enough for your occasions his Ministers may peradventure have been negligent therein Can you doubt that your Pays are stopp'd or that there is any doubt to be made of your receiving them We know for certain that the monies are already in your masters hands and that the delay of payment is only because the passages are so shut up and guarded by the Enemy as the monies cannot without manifest danger be brought unto the Camp If you will resent this revenge your selves upon those that are the true cause why they are detained Think of beating the Enemy and so all the ways will be open the Country will be ours all things will depend upon us and not upon the will of others These are more useful more generous thoughts and more answerable to your former actions then to think of returning home as chased by your enemies to whom you have been a terror and will be so still if you be not wanting unto your selves Tâ—ese words unwillingly lisâ—ned unto made no impression in the Souldiers as being contrary to their already resolved will who persevering obstinately in their former refractoriness required that the Camp might be removed from thence and that they might be dismist the Miâ—itia wherefore Lautrech to shun further danger was forced to rise and went with his whole Army towards Trecco where finding the Bridge already made he lodged upon the Banks of Ada â—is men being quartered some on the one side some on the other side of the River the Venetian Commanders desiring it should be so for the better security of their affairs Where having stayed a â—ew days the Switzers disbanded and went several ways to their own homes but most of them took their way towards Lecco where they undeâ—stood the monies for their pay was come The Grand Maâ—stre Monsieur de Mommorancie Monsieur de Palissa and other Frenchmen following them with their companies since neither words nor actâ—ons were able to prevail with the Switzers to make them tarry any longer for it was so provided by the Venetians that they should be defrayed by them without monies till their pay was come from France For the Venetians were very much troubled
and from so many cross and calamitous events of War on Terra firma to greater and more grievous dangers for the safety of others at a time when the other Christian Princes being bent upon their private and present Interests did not mind the publique cause of Christendom Adriano Fiorentino by Nation a Low Country man was now chosen Pope a man but of mean Parentage but highly esteemed by all men for his goodness and learning as also by reason of Charles the Emperours grace and favour whose Tutor he had been He took upon him the name of Adrian the sixt and departed soon by Sea from Spain where he then was to Nise and from thence to Rome Whither many Prelates and Embassadours from Princes flocked from all places to do their wonted obedience The Senate of Venice sent six of their chief Senators in a solemn Embassie to Rome to present themselves according to custom before the Popes feet To wit Marco Dandalo Luigi Mocenico Vicenzo Capello Antonio Iustiniano Pietro Pesaro and Marco Foscari Who being gone as far on their way as Bologna staid there because the Plague was grown very hot in Rome and the infection still increasing so as the Pope himself was forc'd to quit the City they after a few days returned to Venice The Pope wish'd very well to concord and general quiet and was very zealous of the welfare of Christendom for as soon as he took upon him the Popedome he set himself wholly upon accommodateing of differences between Princes and sent Briefs unto them all wherein he piously and efficaciously exhorted them all to lay down the arms which they had taken up one against another that they might turn all of them joyntly against the Turks the common Enemy who threatened grievous and instant danger to Christendom and had now assaulted Rhodes with so great a power threatning ruine to others He gave many grave and fatherly admonitions in particular to the Venetians exhorting them not only to dispose themselves to peace but that they would together with him indeavour to accommodate the differences which were amongst other Princes to the end that they might at last joyn all of them in a firme League and oppose the power and greatness of the Ottomans But finding the Princes very slow and cool in embracing his rememberances and on the other side the dangers of Christendom increasing for the Island of Rhodes was already taken by Soliman with a powerful Army the Pope thinking it became him to proceed more severely in this business he made his Legates who were resident at all Princes Courts to present them with Monitories whereby he made all such lyable to Ecclesiastical censures who did not within the space of 3 Moneths apply themselves to accept of the universal Truce which was propounded and treated of And because the differences which were between Caesar and the Venetians was a principal impediment to the bringing of this business to a good end he offer'd to take upon himselfe the care of accommodateing all their difficulties The mean while he desired that a League might be made between the Church the Emperour Venetians the Duke of Milan and the Florentines for the deâ—ence and quiet of Italy Which thing though it was known to be of it self very good and advantagious and was willingly listned unto by the Senate yet there arose some difficulty in the manner of the Popes propounding it whereby it was clearly seen that the end of this League aim'd at the taking up armes against the Turks by which vaine rumour the Venetians feared lest they might provoke the anger of a most powerful Prince against them who was now more proud and puffed up then ever with his new victory So as they might be the first and peradventure those alone who were to withstand the violence of his Forces The aforesaid Embassadours were therefore more speedily dispatch'd away from Venice to doe their obeisance unto the Pope and that they might inform him with their rational respect and therewithal ascertain him of the Senates good will alwaies ready and disposed to peace and true quiet with Christian Princes and no less ready to wage War with the Turks when they should see it might be done joyntly and with Forces fitting to suppress their power The Embassadours were honourably received by the Pope who commended the Senates good intention promised to inlarge their priviledges and that he would so handle the League as that it safely might be imbraced by the Common-wealth hoping as he said that when he should have any earnest of the other Princes good will the Venetians would be the forwardest and most servent in providing for the safety of Christendom and in preventing so many eminent dangers The Venetians did not this mean while intermit the treaty of agreement with Cesar but to the end the particulars thereof might be more commodiously treated of the Senate deputed three Senators of several orders of the Colledg to wit Luigi Mocenico Counsellour Georgio Cornaro Savio of the Counsel and Marc Antonio Veniero Savio di Terra firma To negotiate all things thereunto belonging with Adorno The chief difficulty lay in finding how to accommodate things which were taken by all sides in time of War Cesar propounded that all parties should keep what they were then possess'd of but the Venetians desired that all places which were usurped should be restored and that all jurisdiction should returne to the same condition it was in before Whereunto was added that Cesar would have the Venetians bound by vertue of this confederacy to defend not only the State of Milan but the Kingdom of Naples also generally against all men the which the Venetians refused to do For to oblige themselves to take up Armes against the Turks seemed so dangerous as the safety of this League did not counterpoise it and that by sending their men so far from the State would more weaken their affairs then Cesar's friendship could secure them Moreover this League aiming at the defending of Charls his Territories in Italy from being offended by the French the Kingdom of Naples was thought to be safe enough by defending the State of Milan the condition of times and the Commonwealths occasions required that before all other things regard should be had to keep friendship with Soliman who had a great Army ready to assault Hungary as he did afterwards so as it was wisely done to shun all occasions of irritating a powerful Prince whose friendship they might make use of to the singular advantage of the City by reason of the great good it reaps in time of Peace by its many negotiations to the Levant and the Common-wealth having at this time particularly sent Pietro Zeno to Constantinople by reason of the success at Rhodes he was honourably received by Soliman and had quieted some former distastes occasioned by certain dep redations made upon the confines of Dalmatia and had obtained very large orders to the Sangiacchi of those neighbouring places that
of Naples with two hundred Lanciers seven hundred Light Horse and four thousand Switzers desired leave of the Pope to pass thorow the State of the Church and thorow Tuscany to go to Naples which the French did the rather endeavour that the Imperial Forces drawing towards those parts the State of Milan might be the weaklier defended whereof many Towns did daily surrender without making almost any opposition But the main point of the War was brought to about Pavia to the taking whereof the King was come in person with his whole Army firmly resolving not to rise from before it till he had taken it for he thought that to leave a City of the Enemies behind him so well munited with men would be to the danger and certainly to the dishonour of that his Army which was said to consist of above 24000 Foot 2000 Curassiers a great Train of Artillery and wherein were all the famous Warriours of France and on the other side the Cesarians placed their chiefest hopes of good event in the preservation of that City wherefore all mens eyes were turned upon this business whereupon other important effects were to depend The Pope and the Venetians were chiefly solicitous herein fearing on the one side that the French forces who were but badly satisfied with them might prove victorious and on the other side that if the Imperialists should beat the French they would remain the sole Arbytrators of all Italy So as it being hard to know which party it was best to take to in so difficult a business they spun it out in length pitching almost upon a Neutrality therefore neither did their men go to assist the Imperialists neither did they come to any agreement with the French but expecting what the success at Pavia would be which the Town being now besieged would require some time they thought to make advantage of time Yet the Pope to the end that if need should be he might come to better conclusion with the French he by means of his Almner who was already sent to the camp did negotiate divers things tending to agreement To the which the King of France seeming to be very well inclined the business would have been soon agreed had not the arival of some new advertizements stop'd it on the Popes behalf for News being come that 6000 Dutch Foot which were sent by the Emperour to releive Milan were already come to Ispruch with whom the Arch-Duke Ferdinand was to come himself in person into Italy and also that the Spanish Foot which were destin'd for the same purpose were already imbarked the Pope being somwhat incouraged and thinking it stood with his honour since he was not inforced by any greater necessity to seem that he had realy according as it was given out sent his Almner to the French camp to treat of general peace together with particular agreement sent Paolo Vittori to the Viceroy to witness unto him his great desire answerable to the place he was in to make peace between the King of France and Cesar so as they might both attend according to their callings to repaire the present mischiefs which were threatned Christendom by Soliman who was already armed in the field That having therein all fitting respect to Cesar's benefit and satisfaction he would propound very good conditions unto him if as he had often affirmed his mind were inclined to peace To wit that he might freely keep possession of the Kingdom of Naples wherein he would oblige himself to maintain and defend him And that the French should possess the Dukedom of Milan but upon particular promise not to make any other attempt upon Italy without the Popes consent Which negotiations being held on for a few daies produced no other fruit but divers jealousies both in the French and Spaniards so as both parties did continue to solicite the Venetians to favour them Girolemo de Pij came to Venice on the behalf of the French indeavouring that the Common-wealth would renew their Friendship with the most Christian King or at least that she would not be against him And the Vice-roy sent Charles of Aragon thither desiring the Senate that they would cause their men to joyn with the Imperialists The French Embassadour was answered in general tearmes shewing that they had referred this whole business to the Pope but they gave the Vice-roy many reasons why they had delayed sending their men Thus they continued to proceed irresolutely a good while till at last the Pope having made agreement though very secretly with the King of France in behalf of himself and of the Venetians reserving a caution unto themselves and entering protestation likewise that they did not enter into the League to interrupt the general peace the Senate was necessitated to come to some resolution Many things and with much diversity of opinion were consulted hereupon And the Senate being met upon a day appointed to put a final end to the business Georgio Cornaro Procurator who had still been of the same opinion spoke thus I was never of their minds who think that States may be always governed by the same Rule and who are for the continuing in the same opinion on which they have once been of without distinguishing of times or affairs I very well know the uncertainty and variety of thâ—se affairs that we busie our selves about in these our discussions and therefore I doe little rely upon my self or my own judgment and I use not to be tâ—o forward in speaking my sense of things lest I may say somewhat which I may afterwards repent Which custom of mine I doe now the more willingly follow for that the business is dubious and difficult and subject to various and important accidents We speak of making a new League with the King of France and of foregoing that which but some moneths ago we made with Cesar which was published and begun to be observed I see that the State of the affairs of Italy is in a shoâ—t time altered and our designs hopes and fears altered through new accidents but I see also and very well know that this fluctuation and variety is such as we cannot ground any counsels we can take upon assured foundations nor can we presume that oâ—r this days results though now good will prove so to morrow for the Fortune of War is still in question and what the success shall be of the offence or defence of the State of Milan is uncertaine The whole condition of the affairs of Italy is most uncertain she is shaken and disturb'd by the armes of two of the cheifest Princes of Christendom Wherefore to know whereupon we may with most sâ—â—ety repose our hopes and our advices we must accurately consider the State of affairs ballancing the various nay rather contrary respects but chiefly we must lay aside all affâ—ction of love or fear by which we may be yet more blinded in coming to the knowledge of this truth which is of it self obscure and haâ—d to
be fâ—und The King of France is come into Italy with a most powerful Army contrary to the opinion of all men and therefore finding the State of Miâ—lan for the most part unprovided he hath so happily begun his Enterprize as by marching not by fighting by the bare name and reputation oâ— his Forces he without use of weapons or exposing himself to danger hath put the Enemy to flight won a great part of the Country taken the very City of Milan and found all things prosperous and obedient But it seems this his too hasty Fortune is very soon at an end and having now sate down before Pavia he meets with expence of time and unexpected difficulties in compassing his end so as the issue thereof is not only doubtful but the whole fortune and end of the War depends thereupon It is above forty days since the French sate down before Pavia yet do we not finde their hopes of getting it much increase nor the courage and fervency of those that do defend it diminish nor the Imperial Commanders slacken in their diligence to relieve it It is certainly a very hard buâ—iness to foresee the event of this Siege but it is easie to know that all other successes will for the most part depend upon this for the Imperialists having the Cities of Lodi and Cremona whereinto they have put great Garrisons and are very busie in fortifying them if they can likewise defend Pavia who as we know do expect a succour of Spanish and Dutch Foot to be brought them by the Archduke Ferdâ—nâ—nd himself they may easiâ—y maintain the State of Milan and force the French to pass back over the mountains and the more numerous their Army is and full of all the Nobility of France so much the more it may be doubted that it may disband both by reason of the great expence and inconveniences which it will not be long able to undergo as also out of the natural custom of that Nation not goâ—d at patiently supporting any enterprise loâ—g as of late years we have had many experiences If then this should happen as it easiâ—y may and that the French being either driven away by the Enemies Forces or confused by their own disorders should forgo the Dukedom of Milan and should return to France and that we shall have abandoned Cesar 's friendship not have valued our Confederacy broken our Covenants and by this ouâ— inconstancy and fickleness of faith shall have purchased not only the Emperour's dâ—spleasure but shall grow hateful to all men what is it that we may not have reason to fear The Imperialists being so very strong sâ—â—ll satisfied with us fit to offend us and disposed so to do Whereby our own troubles will not be a little increased and our afflictions and dangers will be the less compassionated by others since it is our selves who have been the occasion of our mischief which God grant it may not prove very great and that together with our own ruine we draw not after us the râ—ine of all Italy For the Imperialists being armed and strong in Italy as they are and the counterpoâ—se of the French Forces being taken away who knows not that they will not only possess the State of Milan quietly but will be Arbytrators of all the affairs of Italy For the prevention whereof siâ—ce the Forces of all the Italian Princes are not able to make head agaiâ—st him and effectually oppose so great and formidable a Power There is no other remedy against so eminent a danger but to take all occasion of anger from the Emperour by showing our selves ready and willing whereby he may be the more induced to establish peace But if we should be otherwise minded it is not these reasons only which perswades us to continue our confederacy with Cesar but even necessity does force us so to do For for us only to follow this advice and to unhearde our selves from the other Potentates of Italy in the defence of common liberty would be to take too great a weight upon us with no small danger For I know not what grounds we can have to rely upon the other Princes of Italy The Pope is immoderately fearful inconstant irresolute in his Counsels low in moneys and ready to repose his safety rather in the reverence which is born unto his person and in the respect which is to be had unto the Church then in his own forces or those of his confederates The Florentines must do as he doth The Duke of Ferara fearing to be bereft of the City of Modena by the Pope and of Reggio is ready to side with any body and come what will come to close with the most powerful â—oâ— save his owne stake And the other lesser Potentates not thinking that they depend upon the Authority of any others so as they may by any means preserve themselves will side with the Conquerour But on the other side if we shall continue our League made with Cesar and that the French get the upper hand in this War we are not to fear the like dangers for our Counsels and Actions will be much excused by the tye of our League with Cesar which is very well known to the French and which they know it was necessity which forced us to no free will nor was it without some fault of theirs by reason of their slowness in making necessary provisions for maintaining War against Cesar. Moreover as we being mindful of the friendship which for these many years we have had with them those respects and dangers being over shall willingly joyn with them so it is to be believâ—d that they will have the like inclination which clearly shewn by their Kings having so often and so fervently press'd us to close again with him and to renue our ancient friendship and confederacy But that which may better witness his will thereunto is his owne interest which will alwaies easily perswade him to indeavour our friendship and to put an esteem upon it either to keep what he hath gotten or to make further acquisitions in Italy For he shall happen to drive the Spaniards out of the State of Milan he will not notwithstanding have driven them out of all Italy Nay as long as the Spaniards possess the Kingdom of Naples so Noble and so Principal a place the French will still have new suspitions of their Forces and new desires to possess themselves of that Kingdom to the which they pretend as well as to the State of Milan Wherein our Forces and our assistants will be too useful for them to make them dispise us or to refuse our friendship By all these reasons it clearly appears that come what will come we may more easily make friendship with the French then with the Spaniard Therefore my opinion is that whilst things are in this doubtfulness and suspention and the event of War so uncertain we make not too much hast to have that with danger which we may soon after hope to
deceived therein nay it may be our neutrallity will be so much the more pernicious for that we are secure on neither side and come what will come we are expos'd to the discretion of the Conquerour For it is not to be hoped that Cesar seeing himself abandoned by us at his greatest need will bear us any respect when he shall be at the highest pitch of his prosperity Nor that King Francis who hath so oft in vain sought our friendship when his fortune though favourable was yet doubtful will have us for his Friends and Confederates when he shall be totally Victor and free from the fear of his Enemies It is then the best course by much to side early with those whom we may promise our selves we may make use of as our truest friends and neighbours who can most opportunely assist us in our affairs and who we have reason to believe will in this great action bear away the victory and these are doubtlesly the French with whom we have been joyn'd in Amity for these many years between whom and us there hath past so many friendly offices and reciprocal good will who have the same affections respects and ends that we have to allay Cesar 's immoderate greatness I am of opinion that we ought to carry our selves much otherwise in these affairs then he advised who spoke last for it is often seen thaâ— greatest hatreds and enmities falls out amongst those who have been nearest joyn'd in affection and love which usually happens because the omissions of a friend who is tyed by many obligations to another is held to be greater then those of a stranger would be wherefore if we who have so many ties of obligation to the King of France shall defraud his hopes and interrupt his designs by separating our selves from him I know not how we can hope if we let slip this occasion to regain his favour and though his own Interests may perswade him to embrace our friendship yet we must think that Princes are but men and subject to like affections as other men are nay more then others because they may the more easily satisfie their appetite Anger therefore conceived by the King against us may be of greater force then any reason which should perswade him to the contrary But that which more imports our present Resolves is we see that Fortune favours the French very much and is ready to settle them in full possession of the Dukedome of Milan the King himself is in Italy with a powerful Army to the very fame whereof as many Cities have already yeilded so must Pavia quickly do to its Forces and whatsoever else the Imperialists hold in this State Moreoveâ— the Duke of Albeny is ready to pass with a great many men into the Kingdom of Naples to molest the Imperialists also in those parts who to succour it will be forc'd to divide their men and be the less able to defend the State of Milan I see not therefore upon what foundation he grounded his judgement who sought on the contrary to shew that Pavia may be maintained and that the â—rench Army will soon disband We know by the last advises that that City is brought into great straits of all things and that the Dutch Foot who were at first so ready to defend it being now oppress'd by many sufferings and not satisfied for their want of pay do daylie raise such tumults as they make their Commanders despair of any good success the Viceroy and Duke of Bourbon confess that unless Pavia be reâ—eved within a few days it must be lost and then withal the whole Dukedom of Milan And what hopes can there be of relieving a City inviron'd with so great and so valiant an Army there being but few men in it and faâ—â—ing of its expected succour I therefore think that it may be feared with reason that the Imperialists despairing to be able to defend the State of Milan will make use of all their forces in the Kingdom of Naples and the whole burthen of the War will rest upon us if we do not early stave off this danger And certainly it is too strait a precinct wherein he thought to save himself and whereinto to reduce our hopes who disswade us from friendship with the French and slight this safer receptacle affirming that the Kings Army will disband of its self and will be ruin'd by its own disorders On the contrary me-thinks that nothing hath been attempted of many late years by the French Nation in Italy which hath a fairer aspect of constant will and of assured success then this present business wherein the King seems to be very fervent wherein the whole glory and warlike honour of that Nation is concern'd there being therein the better sort of people and the most cryed up Commanders that France hath and it being assuredly known that if their so great Forces prove vain this time the Crown of France must for ever give over whatsoever it pretends unto in Italy and much to its shame and to its greatest dishonour tolerate Cesar 's so vast greatness and the like of the Spanish Nation which is very odious to them Whence it may be probably argued that the French will be very constant in their prosecuting this Siege of Pavia and that finally they must have the better of the whole war the end whereof as it becomes the wisdom of this State to foresee so it becomes us in like wisdom to provide early against those evils into which our State may by such accidents fall and to make use of those means which God of his Divine grace hath offered us by suddenly concluding a Confederacy with the most Christian King which hath been offered us by him himself and propounded unto us These words of Trevisano wrought very much upon the auditory and his reasons together with the inclination which the Venetians have commonly had to France in memory of their long friendship with that Nation did at last prevail but they were no less perswaded thereunto by the fear which they had on the one side of the present danger of the French and on the other side of Cesars future ambition Peace was then establish'd and concluded with the French by means of Embassadours at Rome and was afterwards confirmed in Venice in the beginning of Ianuary the year 1525. It was said in the preamble thereof That Pope Clement from the very beginning of his Popedom had alwaies had peace between Christian Princes for his principal object but that he could not effect this his desire before now by reason of divers impediments and difficulties that the present condition of times would not permit the deferring of laying the ground-work of universal Peace by accomodating the affairs of Italy wherefore his Holiness and the Venetian Senate knowing that the most Christian King was well enclined to the quiet and safety of Italy long vexed with perpetual war which drew on also other wars were come to agreement with the
altered the Colleagues should contribute such Forces as should be requisite to effect it and that when it should be gotten the Pope should determine to whom it should be given so as might make most for the quiet of Italy and so as it were done with the satisfaction of the Confederates without whose consent the Pope promised he would do nothing in that point that the new King who ere he should be should pay the usual Tribute to the Church and 70000 Duckets to the King of France whose pretences should remain entire to that Kingdome if it were not won now This being agreed upon the League was finally concluded in France Don Capona intervening for the Pope and Secretary Andrea Rosso for the State of Venice The end of this Conjunction was specified to be The freeing of the State of Milan from the oppression of the Imperialists the Liberty of Italy and the recovery of the King of France his children adhering for what concerned particularities and preparations for War to what had been formerly treated on and concluded with the Kingdome before the King had his Liberty Yet it was not published till they might know the King of England's resolution who was desired to be one of the chief Contractours For it was thought that his name and authority might adde much to the reputation thereof It was therefore resolved that some should be sent into England from the Colleagues to request Henry that he would quickly declare in the behalf of the Confederate Princes against Cesar. For the Pope there went Iovan Battista Sanya a man of an high spirit and great with the Datario for the King of France Ioan Ioachino and Mark Antonio Veniero for the Venetians who was intended before to be sent Embassadour thether from the Common-wealth But the king of England though he said he was very well inclined to this League and not well affected towards Cesar resolved notwithstanding not to declare himself publickly till he had desired Charles that to gratifie the Colleagues he would set the son of the most Christian King at Liberty and restore the State of Milan to Francisco Sforza which if he would not do he declared he was to denounce war against him in all their names which though it was consâ—nted unto yet the business was prolonged and divers difficulties promoted So as any longer delay being thought to be unseasonable the League between France and the Princes of Italy was published and proclaimed with great solemnity and it was generally thought that the Forces of this League would be able to quel the Imperialists and to drive them out of the State of Milan especially since the Castles of Cremona and Milan held still for Sforza There were at this time in the Venetian Army 1000 foot 900 Curasiers 800 Light-horse and a great many Switzers were suddenly expected taken into pay partly by the Pope and partly by the Venetians and partly by the King of France who when they should be arrived it was resolved that the Colleagues would go to succour the Castle of Milan to attempt the taking of that City and that on the other side the Marquis of Saluzzo should fall down into the Dukedome of Milan wiâ—h the French Curassiers and 10000 foot raised at the Confederates common expence and assault the Cities of Novarra and Alexandria and that in the mean while the Maritime affairs should be prepared to molest the Imperialists in other places and to divide their Forces The Venetians gave order to their Captain Generall and to Commissary Pietro Pesaro to bring their Camp as soon as might be to Chiari in the Territories of Brescia to begin the war and the Pope ordered all his Commanders and souldiers to go into the parts about Parma to the end that being joyned together they might do what should be thought best for the League But this joyning of forces was unseasonably deferr'd by reason of the difficulty in what place the Armies were to meet for Francesco Guicchiardini who was Lieutenant General of the Ecclesiastical Army would not give consent that the Pope's men should go to Cassalle Maggiore as it was first resolved alledging that the State of the Church was not to be abandoned though it was urged on the contrary that they being masters of the field there was no cause of fear This mean while Malatesta Baglione came to Lodi with a Troup of Vinetians where he had private intelligence with Lodovico Vistarlino a Citizen thereof and though there were in it a good Garrison of 1500 foot yet he easily took it and held it in the name of Francisco Sforza After this the whole Venetian Army past over the Poe and two dayes after the Popes men joyn'd with them and they went all to Milan the Duke of Urbane had good hopes to get the City at the first assault for he was informed by some of the Milaneses that the people were up and ready to side with them as soon as their Army should be come to the City and that the Imperial Commanders having already sent away their baggage would soon be gone themselves and give over the defence of the Town This was so verily believed as Lodovico Count di Belgiojoso had desired the Duke of Urbane to give him 2000 Foot with which he offerr'd to relieve the Castle of Milan The whole Army of the Confederates being advanced they quartered in the Monastory del Paradiso toward the Porta Romana with a firm intention to give an assault hoping to win the Suburbe and to lodg there and the enemy being often come forth to skirmish were still valiantly repuls'd by our men but soon after came the Duke of Burbone with a good number of foot and did not onely make good his station against such as skirmished with him but indammaged them on sundry parts so as the Duke of Urbane failing of his hopes of getting the city by assault and fearing lest he might fall into some greater disorder if he should tarry long in those quarters retreated with the whole camp in good order to Marignavo without receiving any prejudice But great hopes having been had by the Armies being drawn near Milan of good success in the Enterprise and there being great necessity of relieving the Castle of Milan the Senate when they heard by their Commissary that the camp was raised were very much amazed and grieved and the Duke to justifie this his act sent Luigi Gonzaga to Venice who might by word of mouth give an account of what was done and of the reasons which had moved the Duke thereunto whereupon the Senate were satisfied but the Pope was not so easily appeased he did not onely complain very much of this action but likewise of the manner of the Dukes proceedings for not having acquainted those that imployed him with his most important counsels which Guicchiardini did aggravate to the Pope by his bad offices done to the Duke being displeased with him because his Discourses were not well listned unto
any they hoped to reduce it by way of siege to such a scarcity as it must fall into their hands To this purpose there was six Gallies deputed two for every Colleague which being to keep the Guard took some Ships and divers other lesser Vessels which were bound with victuals for Genua so as the City began soon to be incommodated but it was supplied by those of the River who brought them corn which under divers pretences was permitted to be carried to neighbouring places though not without some complaint against Doria who as either envying Navarro's glory by whom his Country was won and subdued or out of some other designe was suspected to have proceeded with but little sincerity and misbecoming means to bring the enterprize to a speedy conclusion But the Geâ—ueses by way of defence had been very careful in securing the Haven placing some great Vessels in the mouth thereof loaded with Artillery and moreover six small Gallies commanded by Gobbo Iustiniano which came forth somtimes to skirmish with those of the Enemy putting so far into the Sea and no further then they might be safe under the shelter of the greater Vessels which lay in the mouth of the Haven and under the like shelter of Castello della Lanterna all which were furnished and fraught with Cannon So all the hopes of gaining the City lay in the Siege which was still continued the Popes and the Venetian Commanders having by certain Trenches secured themselves from being invaded by those of the City if it should so happen that by fortune of the Sea the Fleet should not be able to get out of Porto Fino where it lay But the Genueses seeing themselves daylie more and more straitned resolved to sally out and by assaulting the Rampires endeavour to endamage the Enemies Fleet whereof the Captains of the Fleet being soon aware they landed Philippino Doria and Iovan Baptista Grimaldi with eight hundred Foot and two pieces of Artillery and setting the poops of their Gallies towards land when the Souldiers of the City came they did not only stand their assault but repulsed and worsted them At the same time the Duke of Urbine being much prest thereunto by the Venetians and spurr'd on by his own desire to recover the reputation of the Army which it might seem to have suffered in by its retreat from before Milan as soon as part of the Switzers to the number of five thousand were come to the Camp resolved to return to before Milan to relieve the Castle which as yet held out for Sforza from which six thousand persons were gone out under the conduct of Captain Pasqualino and had luckily past the Enemies Trenches without any harm or impediment whereby the scarcity of the besieged was somwhat alleviated The Army being come within a mile of Milan two thousand men were sent out to take Moncia and to possess themselves of il Monte di Brianza very convenient places for the bringing of victuals from the parts thereabouts to the Camp When the Army had taken up its quarters the Commanders began to consult what course they were to take to relieve the Castle which being begirt about by the Enemy with double Trenches and with Bastions the difficulty of relief was much encreased but whilst they vainly consulted about succour news came to the Camp that Sforza failing of his hopes of being relieved by reason of the Enemies new works had surrendred himself to the Imperialists and delivered up the Castle upon condition of being set at liberty and suffered to go to Como till such time as his cause should be taken notice of by Justice And not long after the same Sforza came into the Confederates camp accompanied by Count Galliazzo with two hundred light Horse but he stayed there but a while being resolved to go to Como and in the first place to take possession of that City which was to be delivered up unto him by the Imperialists though the Confederates Commanders laboured much to disswade him from so doing acquainting him with how dangerous a thing it was to commit himself again unto the uncertain word of his Enemies when he might repose surer hopes of his welfare and dignity upon that Army which was raised only for his particular service and to repossess him of his paternal State and at last when they told him that if he neglected such offers they would fetch his brother Maximilian Sforza from France he promised that when he should be come to Como he would send Embassadors to Rome and adhere unto the Pope's counsels But it was not hard afterwards to draw Duke Sforza to side with the Confederates who soon had occasion to know how the Imperialists were minded towards him for they denyed to take away the Spanish Garrison from Como though upon agreement the City was to have been delivered up free unto him So as ratifying the League with the Pope and the Venetians he went to Lodi which City was freely given him by the League Though the loss of the Castle was very grievous and of great concern yet were they not quite out of hopes of getting the City of Milan wherein was a great scarcity of all things and the number of the Defendants not answerable to the greatness of the City nor to the Forces that were before it more Switzers being come unto the Camp and 4000 of the same Nation being quickly after expected who were raised by the King and who were said to be already come to Bisanso So as it was thought the City would soon fall into the hands of the Collegues either by force or by Siege Whilst these aids were expected the Duke of Urbin intended to send some of his men to attempt the taking of Cremona a business much desired by the Collegues and chiefly by the Pope but it behoved them to put off the effecting of this for fear lest the Imperialists might sally out of the City as it was given out they intended to do and might assault the Confederates Army At last Malatesta Baglione went thither but with fewer men out of the same reason then were requisite to bring the business to a speedy and good end For finding the City fortified with double Rampiers and well provided of Defendants he assaulted it several times in vain then finding it very hard to storm the Town with so few men and that to forego it before the business was finished would redound but little to the honour of the Leagues Forces it was resolved that Commissary Pesaro Camillo Orsino and Antonio da Castello should go with a good many Foot to the Camp before Cremona and soon after an other thousand Italian Foot were sent to succour them and 1000 Switzers But neither these nor those doing any good the Duke of Urbin resolved to go thither himself though it were much to the prejudice of the business of Milan And taking a great many Pyoners along with him he cut Trenches and by little and little won
ground upon them so as the City being brought into great straits was forced to yield The Duke dispatch'd away a Gentleman of his with this good News to the Senate at Venice to whom it was very welcome not only for the good success of taking the Town but also for that they hoped the Confederates would by this good beginning be incouraged to undertake greater Affairs The City was immediately delivered over to Francisco Sforza who made his residence there and the Senate sent Secretary Luigi Sabbadino thither that he might be present with him as a Servant of the Common-wealths to assist him But this mean while a strange and sad accident hapned which did much disorder the affairs of the League retarding and interrupting all their designs for the Colonesi having got together about 600 Horse and 5000 Foot entred Rome at unawares plunder'd many of the Prelates houses the Church and Palace of St. Peter the Pope himself hardly escaping their fury who intended to have made him Prisoner by retiring into the Castle of St. Angelo So as not tarrying any longer in the City Cardinal Colonna having in vain labour'd to make the people take up Arms in his behalf they went out loaded with Booty and carrying away goods to the value of more then 300000 Duckets This accident forc'd the Pope for his liberty and security to make Truce with Don Hugo for four moneths by which he promised to make his Forces pass back again over the Poe and to make his Gallies withdraw into the Churches Dominions But afterwards thinking more maturely upon these affairs and knowing to how many dangers in the future he was incurr'd to free himself from the present danger though in observation of his late capitulation he recall'd his forces from those of the League yet he by his Nuntio's ask'd counsel of the King of France and of the Venetian Senate whether he should continue to observe those things which necessity had compell'd him to promise to Don Hugo or else not doing so to pitch upon some other resolve And soon after he sent Monsieur di Lige who was come then to Rome back again into France about the same business Clement being a witty man and of a mature judgment knew that to observe the Truce was no better then to afford Cesar means of making more bitter War and of overcoming those difficulties by this delay which he found himself at present opprest with and in fine of settling himself in Italy and of indangering all their liberties But his immoderate fear perverted his judgment and suffer'd him not to discern this truth Wherefore the General of San Francisco being sent by the Emperour to Rome to treat of peace he listned attentively to him and exhorted the Venetians not to descent from it For said he Arms must one day be laid down and that since it was now offer'd the occasion was not to be let slip The Senate answered they did never desire War but that they had sought by War to secure peace And that they would not be averse unto it so as it might be treated of and concluded by the knowledg and consent of the King of France For if they should do otherwise they should much to their prejudice alienate him for ever from minding the affairs of Italy and lose a safe refuge in case of any adverse fortune They therefore indeavour'd to confirm the Pope shewing him that there was no reason to come now to so precipitous a resolution nor with so much indignity to receive the proposals made by Charles without expecting an answer from France especially upon so dishonourable conditions as to pay a great sum of money to Charles and moreover to deliver up into his hands as pledges of his fidelity places of so great importance in the Ecclesiastical State as were Parma Piacenza and Civita Vecchia And also that it did appear by many signs that Cesar was very weak in Forces especially since the so many rumours of succours terminated only in the assistance of Georgio Frondisper Whose Army being to be maintain'd at his own private charge and by some pillage it was to be hoped that it would very shortly dissolve That the people of Milan wanting pay refused all obedience to their Commanders And on the contrary that Renzo de Ceri was expected from France with monies and that there was hopes that the King himself who was already come as far as Lyons would pass over in person into Italy that the greatest danger of the Dutch was secured the business of Genua successfully begun that all things promis'd fair The Pope being moved by these perswasions and it may be much more by the remembrance of his so grievous and so rescent injuries and for fear of not being preyed upon by the Spaniards when he should be abandoned by the Confederates he resolved to suspend the Treaty of this new Truce and the observance of what as yet had not any effect agreeing only to Treat of the Universal Peace and this by the advice and consent of the most Christian King The coming of Master Russâ—l did not a little further this resolution who being sent by the King of England to present the Pope with thirty thousand crowns for the occasions of the War came just in this nick of time to Rome and laboured much to confirm the Pope in the continuance of the League or at least that he would set his mind upon the introducing of a true Peace amongst all Christian Princes which the Venetian Senate did not dissent from but gave order to their Embassadour Andrea Navagiero who was then in Spain to intervene at this Treaty which was to be negotiated upon and concluded in France but for the honour of Cesar it was to be ratified at his Court and in his presence The sum of the Treaty was That the King of France his sons should be set at Liberty That Lombardy should be left in a peaceful condition Sforza's State restored And the debt paid which the King of England pretended was due to him by Charls Difficulties daylie encreased in the concluding and in the observance of these Articles so as for all these endeavours the provisions for War were no ways slackned But the business of Truce being suspended the Pope sent his men whom he had recalled from the League camp presently away to recover those Lands which the Colonesi had usurped from the Church The worser the Imperialists condition was who were reduced to great straits and the greater the Confederates hopes were of good success the more â—id the former endeavour to relieve their affirmed affairs and the others to keep out all relief whereupon it was that all good and bad success did depend and the whole fortune of the War Therefore Charls made a Fleet be prepared in Carthagena to relieve Genua he solicited his brother the Archduke Ferdinand to raise men in his Territories and to send them from the nearest parts into Italy and he had ordered the
yield threatning on the other side that they would put them and their houses to fire and sword if they would obstinately persist to defend themselves They considered that at the present the Viceroy was far off and that they could not hope to receive any speedy succour from the Spaniards and that when they should have gotten the city they need not distrust the reducing of the Castles likewise into their power which not being succour'd must likewise suddenly yield Yet others were of opinion that they were to expect till Renzo was further advanced and that they might streighten that City with greater Forces upon the getting whereof they knew all other good success did depend and the end of the war wherefore they were to proceed therein with more mature advice and well grounded hopes since if the business did not succeed well the whole enterprise would be much prejudiced that a short time might mightily facilitate good success for they knew the city was in great scarcity of Corne which after the late taking of some ships laded with wheat which went to relieve it must needs grow greater and almost insupportable whereupon the people tumultuating would by their disorders facilitate the Victory That therefore in expectance of such an occasion they were to draw unexpectedly neer to the walls of the City and not give the Spaniards leisure to order their affairs and to provide for better defence that it was to be considered that a little withstanding would be sufficient to resist the forces of that Fleet which were so weak and so few as they could not attempt the taking of the Town but with more danger then hope That therefore they were to expect some more recruits of men either by shipping from France or from the Army by land and that the mean while they might go to Salerno and reduce that and the other neighbouring Towns to the devotion of the League before they should be better garrison'd and so the city of Naples would at last fall into their hands But these reasons not prevailing it was resolved that a Herauld should be sent into the City who should require the delivery thereof up into the hands of the League upon such promises and threats as were mentioned in the Consultation But Don Hugo dâ— Moncada who was within the City curbing the people and resolving to stand upon defence when hee understood that the Fleet was within four miles march'd out of the City with 2500 foot and 300 horse to disturb the designes of the captains of the League who had already landed many souldiers under the conduct of Monsieur de Valdemonte and of Horatio Baglione who being got very near the City to discover the situation met with Don Hugo and his men fought them and made them run which was not done so much by the souldiers valour as by shot from the Gallies which playing upon the Enemy who were upon the shore prejudiced them much but frighted them more so as being disordered and in confusion thinking how soonest to withdraw themselves from the danger they fled towards the City and turn'd their backs upon our men who pursued them so fast as they would have left some pieces of Artillery behind them had not Don Hugo by making some Spanish Souldiers make a halt recovered them But being hereby necessitated to retreat the flower he had not leasure at his entrance into the City to cause the Bridg be pull'd up nor to shut the Gate which Baglione who pursued him made himself suddenly Master of But having but a few Souldiers with him and fearing that if he should enter the Town with them he should not be able to keep them from plundering so as being disordered and confused they might be cut in pieces he retreated to the Gallies which were but a mile off This success infused such terrour into the Neapolitans as they sent to intreat the Captains of the Fleet that they would not play upon the Town with their Cannon nor ruine the Country for for their parts they were ready to yield But this so fortunate opportunity could not be made use of for Don Hugo knowing that there were but few forces in the Fleet appear'd willing to defend the Town and to undergo any whatsoever inconvenience and by this time it was clearly known that they could not storm the City for that the Souldiers of the Fleet were reduced to a small number by reason of the Garrisons which it behooved them to leave in the Towns that they had taken until the great Fleet which was promis'd by the King should be come from France Which not coming the Captains of the League were necessitated to lye idle and to let the victory escape out of their hands And though they had often very earnestly desired that they might have a thousand Foot at least sent them from the land Army offering to send their Gallies to take them up at Terracino they could not get it effected For great disorders were hapned in the Ecclesiastical Army Little discipline no obedience to Commanders great want of monies and of victuals so as when it was expected that the Army answerable to the first prosperous success should advance and gather more force and reputation it grew every day less and less through its own inconveniences Which mischiefs proved the harder to be remedied for that a suspension of Arms being in agitation and the Pope being according to his custom irresolute and sparing in laying out of monies he was now more slow and sparing therein And this Treaty being known in the Camp the Commanders and Souldiers began to despise the Orders of the Popes Legate and all interests of the League Insomuch as some of the Captains who had been most honour'd and best rewarded by the Pope went over to the Imperialists and took pay of them These proceedings confirm'd Clement the more in his former purpose and in buckling close to the treaty of agreement insomuch as he would say that since he must serve he would rather serve the Emperour then always depend upon the immoderate wills of Captains and of every base Souldier But the resolution taken by Burbone was above all things else cause of great disturbance to the designs of the Confederates and of particular trouble to the Pope for Burbone having at last overcome all difficulties and drawn the Souldiers out of Milan was on his way to joyn with the Dutch who expected him beyond the Trebbia not knowing particularly what enterprize they were to fall upon only it was publiquely given out that Bourbone to get the Souldiers out of Milan had promised them the sacking of Florence and of Rome which was the only means to make them move The Pope growing apprehensive of himself as also of the affairs of Florence not out of any charity towards his Country as was afterwards seen but fearing least some alteration might happen in the Government of the City together with the suppression of his family which were then
of all the confederate Princes and shewing on the one side his desire of the common good nay the necessity which had inforced him to accept of the Truce and on the other side how abusively he was used by the Imperialists desired them to intercede earnestly with their Princes that upâ—n occasion of so much danger they would not to the common prejudice abandon him and the Florentines And he entreated Dominico Ventero the Common-wealths Embassadour particularly that he would be a means to the Senate that they would give order to the Duke of Urbin to carry his Army beyond the Alpes promising that he would renew the League and inviolably observe it And the Senate though the sending of those men so far from their own State and the hazarding of them amidst the Mountains bore with it no small difficulties and though the Pope following his own counsels and several from theirs had given them occasion enough to lay aside all thought of his Interest yet continuing their first intention they gave order to the Duke of Urbin and to Luigi Pisani who when Contarini was left Commissary in Lumbardie was gone unto the Camp that they should if occasion should so require pass over the Alpes Whereupon the Imperialists being past they were quickly pursued by the French and by the Venetian Camps so as almost at the same time all the Armies were brought into Tuscanie Burbone quartered near Arezzo and the Leagues Army at Barbarino the City of Florence being as it were in the midst between these two Armies which occasioned great tumults in the City wherein the mindes of the Citizens being variously contaminated by the humour of factions some desiring a popular Government others the powers but of a few and the exaltation of the house of Medici they fell easily to civil contentions and the popular faction began already to prevail the preheminency of Government being taken out of the hands of the Medici and of their dependants and Hipolito and Alessandro both of them being the Popes Nephews were parâ—cularly declared to be Enemies to the Country But the Duke of Urbin coming opportunely to Florence in the time of these commotions who as soon as he saw Burbone bend towards Tuscany taking only 80 Gentlemen along with him hasted with the Commissary Pisani and with Frederick Bozzuole to Florence to keep the Florentines in loyalty to the League put a stop to the audacity of the young men through â—ear of his army which was not far off and reduced Affairs to their former condition without any blood-shed or prejudice by civil dissention And got thereby thus much good to the Colleagues as that the Florentines being received into protection promised adherance to the League and to maintaine in the camp at their own expences 250 Curassiers and 5000 Foot or whatsoever other numbers the Pope should please Whilst these things were in treaty with the Florentines the confederacy was renued in Rome by the other confederates whereby the Venetians were bound in a great sum of Money not to remove their men out of Tuscanie or out of the Ecclesiastical State without the Popes leave and to be the first that should send their Fleet against the Kingdome of Naples Which conditions being thought by the Senate to be too hard as indeed they were were not accepted of but their Embassadour Dominico Veniero having exceeded his Commission was sent for back to Venice and committed all' Vfâ—icio dell ' Anogaria and Francisco Pesaro was chosen Embassadour in his place before whom many had been chosen who would not accept of the imployment Alledging that they had other places of Magistracy wherefore a Law was made that during the War it might be lawful for any one to be chosen and taken out of whatsoever place or imployment But lest the Pope might think they had any thought averse to the confederacy or common good they sent immediately Secretary Andrea Rosso to Rome to ascertain the Pope of their good will to the League provided that too heavy and almost insupportable conditions were not to be laid upon them as had been especially at this time when they were to re-inforce their Army in Lumbardie Antonio da Leva being marched into the Field and the Invasion of the Landsknechts being expected But Burbone were it either that he did despair of doing any good at Florence to the defence whereof all the Confederates Forces were brought or that he did alwaies intend the other resolved to make towards Rome being thereunto invited by Romes not being provided against these dangers for the Pope vainly confiding in the Citizens and Country people great store whereof were entred into the City and Armes were given to above 5000 of them had been careless in raysing new Foot or in making use of those which he had insomuch as having given Commission to Philippo Doria to raise 3000 Foot whereof he had already raised a third part and brought them to Civita Vecchia he took no order for their coming to Rome And he made his Almnor write to Guido Rangone who was come with a good number of Foot to Otricoli commanding him not to come towards Rome without express Order Wherefore though the Duke of Urbine had given Count Guido notice of Burbone's March to the end that he might go time enough to Rome yet would he not stir having been commanded the contrary by the Pope But he did not escape being blamed for this by many who said that in such a case he ought to have obeyed the Duke of Urbine as being the Captain General of the League But Burbone having now with great resolution overcome many difficulties whereinto the Army was reduced for want of monies march'd towards Rome wherein he used such dispatch as he advanced fourty miles a day making but one only Quarter between Viterbo and Rome the great rains which in many parts had overflown the Country not making him slack his pace Before he came to Rome he sent to ask leave of the Pope to go as he said to the Kingdom of Naples being thereunto moved either by the scarcity of victuals or for fear of being surprized by the Army of the League which followed him if he should have made too long abode any where or as some thought that he might pick an occasion to do that which he had already determined But the Pope was not pleased to listen to such proposals or to give way thereunto were it either that he did now know the Enemies most intrinsecal thoughts or that he did sufficiently confide in the assistance of the people and in the Leagues Fleet which was now at Cevita Vecchia with some store of Foot But howsoever it was Burbone having somewhat refresh'd his men with victuals whâ—ch the men of Aquapendente of St Lorenzo and of some other Towns which he had taken furnish'd him with he resolved on the sixth of May to accost the Walls of Rome and to give an assault Renzo da Ceri to whom the Pope had
committed the charge thereof had made but weak defences for the Suburbs and provided but slightly for all other defences So as the want of diligence to secure dangers made the Souldiers fool-hardiness more successful so as clapping the Ladders to the Walls of the Suburbs and not being discover'd till it was too late by the Defendants by reason of a very thick mist which fell that day after some few hours dispute they won the Walls and entred the Suburb Antonio di Montefalco who had the custody of that part where the first assault was given and had 100 Foot with him repuls'd the first Assalliants and being afterwards relieved by many of the armed people he for a while withstood the violence of the Enemy But Burbones Souldiers continuing to fight stoutly those new and unexperienced people when they saw the danger increase and growing very apprehensive of themselves and of their own particular Affairs gave over the defence of the Wall and began to run leaving free entrance to the Enemy Burbone was one of the first that mounted the Walls who receiving a Muskâ—â— shot through his side and right thigh fell presently down and dyed Yet did not the Souldiers forbear going on egg'd on by the fury of Battle and desire of prey Then the Pope teaching by a notable example that when the height of danger is in question 't is wisely done to think all things possible and to seek all opportune remedies against them as if they were sure to happen being deceived in his trust and in his hopes which were more grounded upon the Enemies disorder then on his own Forces being poorly advised and full of fear after he had tarried a good while in his Palace expecting what the event of the Battle would be resolved at last to save himself together with many of his Prelates in the Castle of St Angelo Renzo who had been long born away with the same errour and seeking too late to amend it ran up and down the City calling upon the people and solliciting them to take up Arms and to stand upon their defence But they were so possess'd with fear by reason of this unexpected and bitter accident as his words were not heard nor was there any thing to be found in them but confusion and terror So as the Enemy making themselves soon and without much ado Masters of the Suburbs and of the Transtevere they entred into the City between the Gates Aurelia and Settimiana which were not defended either by Walls for they were quite ruin'd by age nor yet by armed men Thus a great and noble City in a few hours space and without almost any defence fell into the power of cruel Enemies Much time many men and great labour having been often formerly spent in the same War in taking the meanest and least Castles Philippo Doria and County Guido when they saw Burbone approach near Rome were without receiving any Orders march'd away with their men the one out of Orvieto the other out of Cevita Vecchia to assist the Pope But being prevented by Burbone who had block'd up the Avenues to the City they soon return'd to from whence they were come And the Duke of Urbine following the Enemy though somewhat the slower by reason of the hinderances his Army met with came therewith to Viterbo where finding the Country wasted by the Enemy he was forc'd to stay for want of victuals not having above seventeen thousand Foot in his Army of the thirty thousand which by obligation of the Confederates it ought to have consisted on so much was it diminished by various accidents The Light Horse and the Foot going often out of these Quarters got many Booties which they took from the Imperial Souldiers as they came loaded with prey from Rome There is nothing so calamitous so bitter wicked nor cruel which Rome did not at this time undergo Falling from the height of all prosperity to the very bottom of all misery which affords a notable example of the change of fortune and of the frailty of humane Affairs for in the times last before these to wit in the Popedome of Leo the Court of Rome was gotten to a great height and to such a magnificency and splendor of living as there was nothing of worldly felicity more to be desired in her Great store of Courtiers men excellent in all arts Pallaces princely adorned abundance of all things So as the people of Rome being inriched by the concourse of so many Nations and by the profuseness of their expences lived merrily and luxuriously and though Clement as well by nature as by accidents of War was somevvhat more sparing and modest yet this course being once begun the same manner of life vvas still continued both in the Court and City The Dutch and Spanish Foot being entred the City as hath been said they became barbarous with much rage and fierceness to all things not distinguishing between what was sacred and what was profane without any bounds to their avarice or lust sacking rapine and other miseries which attend the conquered and which use to end in a few days continued in this City for many moneths the souldiers grew furious against the popularity killing as well such as were unarmed as such as were armed sparing neither Age Nation nor Profession having assaulted the houses they made the Masters thereof Prisoners taking away what they had of most precious nay using torments to make them discover what they had hid and shewing no more respect towards churches they with their wicked and sacrilegious hands robbed Altars took away holy Reliques from the Shrines and the piously consecrated vows of many devout persons of all Nations and violating even the holiest Pixes thâ—y threw the most blessed Sacraments to the ground and that they might leave nothing uncontaminated or free from their wickedness they dragg'd noble Matrons out of their houses and sacred Virgins out of their Monasteries and stripping them stark naked led them through the publike streets and most libidinously satisfied their dishonest wills Nor were the greatest and noblest Prelates of the Court more secure then others to whom the Dutch Foot principally using all sorts of scorn and infamy shewed the immense hatred they bore to the Church of Rome This miserable Fortune and so many grievous calamities made all men confess that the ancient ruines brought by the Northern Barbarians to the City of Rome were renewed nay that the cruelties of the Goths and other barbarous Nations was so far out-done by these most cruel and wicked men as their detested memory would last longer then that of any others But the scourge of this miserable people did not determine in the power of men for thorow the nastiness of these base people and by their dissolute way of life or were it thorow the maligne influence of the heavens great sicknesses ensued soon after which growing contagious slew men suddenly so as the infected fell down dead as they walked and talked in
his Commanders in Italy to attend the freeing of the Pope with all their might and the securing of the Churches dominions for the better effecting whereof he advised the Cardinals which were yet at Liberty to meet all of them at Avignon whether the Cardinal of York promised also to come this place being made choice of as safe and commodious for the Transactions which were to pass between them and the Court of Spain and the Cardinals accepting of the advice of meeting chose Bullognia for the place of their convention But Cesar hearing of what had befallen at Rome and of the Popes captivity appeared to be no less displeased at it then were the rest affirming publickly that he had rather his Commanders had not been Victors then to have used the Victory so and going about to justifie himself as of a thing not onely done without his consent but even against his directions He alleadged his long indeavours for Peace out of a desire whereof he had pass'd by so many injuries received from the Princes of the League and had in many things condescended to their desires especially in such things as concerned the Territories and honour of the Church and the exaltation of the Apostolical Sea which was alwayes of such force with him as he had alwayes preferr'd it before his own interests and before the satisfaction of many of the States of the Empire which sought to withdraw themselves from the obedience of the Popes of Rome the knowledg whereof had made Leo and Adrian the 6th his friends and had made them â—avour his desires and enterprises as just and honest That he was now the more troubled at it because his dislike was not able to undo what was done but that as for himself he was ready to remedy it as much as he could and to imbrace all fair conditions of agreement touching which he himself had written to the King of England and had treated thereof with divers Cardinals of the Court. yet his actions answered not to these his words for he neither gave any positive answer touching the Pope's freedom nor was he less diligent in providing for War and in his discourse he would often excuse Bourbone and his Army he would aggravate offences received from the Pope mention his inconstancy and breach of faith in past agreements and shew into what dangers the Colleagues had endeavoured to bring him whence it might be comprehended that his intentions did not correspond with his speeches and that nothing but necessity and force of Arms would make him consent to the setting of the Pope and the King of France his Sons at liberty Wherefore the King having formerly resolved to take ten thousand Switzers into pay for the affairs of Lombardy and being till now somwhat slow in effecting that his resolution and growing more jealous and apprehensive of the Imperialists fortune and designs after the taking of Rome he forthwith sent monies for that purpose to Lyons and earnestly solicited their departure The Venetians were not wanting in encreasing the King's desire herein by their fervent and frequent endeavours minding him of the necessity of strongly prosecuting this War since Religion and State policy did concur in not suffering the Apostolique See and the Liberty of Italy to be suppress'd and that they might invite him thereunto no less by actions then by words they resolved to rig up their Fleet with all speed which had suffered much by bad Weather at Cevita Vecchia and by other misfortunes and moreover to Arm four other Bastard Gallies whereof Antonio Marcello was made Commander that their Fleet might be the readier and more able to assault the Marishes of Puglia They propounded likewise to the King that ten thousand other Foot besides the Switzers might be raised at the common expence and the mean while they took many Commanders into their pay such as were then esteemed most experienced in Military affairs and amongst the rest Count Gaiazzo and the Marquis Palavasino and to enhearten Francisco Sforza whose friendship and ready will was thought necessary above all things else for the good success of the affairs in the State of Milan they lent him ten thousand Ducats wherewith he promised to encrease the number of his men which were already above two thousand Foot and to come with them in person to Lodi and joyn with the Venetian Army And because the Towns in Romagna were exposed to much danger not having any one who did assist or succour them in times of such misery and disorder the Senate being much prest thereunto sent monies to the Governour of Ravenna to raise Foot and to Garrison that City encouraging him to hold out and promising him greater supplies if need should require which they soon after made good by sending three hundred Foot and an hundred light Horse into the City under the command of Iovan di Naldo charging him to hold that City in the name of the Apostolique See and of the League but some disorders arising between the Citizens and the Souldiers the City sent Iovan Donato one of their citizens to Venice to desire they would send one of their Nobles to be as Commissary in Ravenna to which purpose Bartholomeo Contarini was chosen The like also did those of Cervia soon after the Guelfs having driven out those of the Ghebeline faction and received in a Venetian Garrison and Magistrate not only giving way unto but requiring an Apostolique Legate for the quiet and preservation of those Cities But the Duke of Urbine having received Orders from the Senate and ordering all things in reference thereunto having first made sure of the City of Perugia which was then governed by Gentile Baglione who was suspected to have held intelligence with the enemy and having put a good Garrison thereinto he went with his Army to Todi and from thence to Orvietto near unto which place the French and Ecclesiastiques being joyned to the Venetians as was formerly agreed upon the Duke calling a councel of the chief Commanders and causing the Senates Letters to be read affirmed resolutely that he would march towards Rome and according to his Commission endeavour by all means possible to get the Pope out of the Castle and not refuse if the Enemy should come forth to come to a day of Battel with them wherein he himself would be in the first rank and put himself upon the greatest dangers Which resolution being approved of by Commissary Pisani was likewise assented unto by all the rest only Commissary Vetturi opposed it and entred his protestation against it in writing as being a precipitous advice full of certain danger and uncertain success saying that our men were far inferiour both in number and worth to those of the Enemies Army wherein there were many men and most of them well disciplin'd accustomed to fight and to overcome and therefore grown bold and ready to with stand a much greater force This did somwhat allay the Duke's former ardour yet still he continued
afterwards close with his enemies The Venetians were then six thousand Italian foot two thousand Lansknechts thirteen hundred Light Horse and two thousand Curassiers The French foot exceeded not seven thousand though the King payed for a great many more And this counsel proved very lucky for it kept the War far from the Common-wealth it hindred the further proceedings of the enemy it preserved the City of Bullognia by the reputation of the neighbouring Forces which was in the more danger by reason of the Intelligence held between the Imperialists and Bentevoglii whose faction was grown the greater by the addition of the Malvezzi wherefore the Venetians at the request of Cardinal Cido who had the Government of that City sent two thousand Foot to guard it But the scarcity of victuals and the many sore sicknesses by which the Army was much diminished hindred them from making any attempt Out of these reasons the enemies forces being much increased and those of the Confederates diminished the Pope despairing of being soon relieved applyed himself wholly to Treaties of agreement Wherefore he very much desired the Duke of Urbin that he would suffer the Viceroy to come safely to Rome hoping by his means to obtain better conditions then were then offered him by the other Imperial Commanders which succeeded otherwise either for that the Viceroy had not authority enough to do it or else for that minding himself more then the Pope he agreed rather to those conditions which might please the souldiers that he might win their favour and be made their commander then to those which made for the Pope's advantage who still continuing earnestly to desire an agreement for he had been often deluded by those of the League they came presently to an agreement but upon hard and dishonorable Conditions and which were often afterwards refused by him He being thereby bound to pay 400000 Duckets to the Army and to put into the Imperialists hands the Castle of Angelo the Forts of Hostia Cevita Vecchia and Cevita Castellana and moreover to cause the cities of Parma and Piacenza to be delivered up unto them for all which he was notwithstanding not to be then set at liberty but to be carried to Gaetta and there to expect Cesar 's resolution touching what was to be done about the ratification of the Agreement and concerning his person and the like of many Cardinalls and Prelates which were in the Castle The Venetians were much displeased at this since by these Articles Cesar's Forces and reputation were greatly increased having lately incensed Cesar yet more against them by having given Commission to their Embassadour That together with the King of France's and the King of England's Embassadour he should require Cesar to set the Pope at Liberty and in case of denial they were all of them to denounce war against him But it being known that it was great necessity the fear of his own person and chiefly the hatred which the Collonesi and the Dutch Foot bore unto his name and person which made him accept of so prejudicial tearms believing that he might easily change his minde and that time might make way for better fortune they resolved to hinder such things which post factum would be hard and perhaps impossible to do therefore for the preservation of Cremona they caused their Army in Lombardy which quartered in the Territories of Crema to pass over the river Ada that it might garrison those Cities hinder the delivery of them up disturb the business agreed upon and to keep the Imperialists in work and to weaken them by laying waste the Country about Milan and Pavia These forces of the Venetians were then about 10000 foot 500 Curassiers 700 Light-horse under the command of the Duke of Urbine and of Commissary Dominico Contarini to boot with 3500 foot which the Duke of Milan who was come according to his promise to the Army had brought with him Yet they did not purpose as yet to fall upon any important Action for they expected Lautrech's comming who being gone from France with part of the Forces which were destin'd for the enterprise of Italy was already come to Piemont The Commanders differed in their opinion touching the way of managing the war some thought that it was best that the French should joyn with the Leagues Army which being again advanced were quartered near Narni these alledged for their advice that fit occasion might be taken from the disorders and inconveniences of the Enemy of obtaining their chief end which was the Pope's Liberty by drawing to the walls of Rome since that the Cesarean Army by reason of the Plague which was in that City and thorough the licentiousness wherein the souldiers had lived for many moneths past was much diminished both in numbers and Vallour the Foot lying some within some without the Town without either order or military Discipline and many of them going dayly in threaves from the Camp so as by the addition of the French they might hope to prevail over the enemy and to drive them quickly out of Rome Yet others thought that the safer way to atchieve this was to force the Imperial Commanders to draw their men out of Rome to relieve the State of Milan wherein the war being still hottest it was thought the Enemy would not be able to make their party good no though they should recall their army from Rome and that the relief would either come too late or not be sufficient to stop the course of Victory so as many good effects might be wrought at one and the same time and peradventure a final end might be put to the war This being generally approved by the greatest party Lautrech entred the State of Milan with powerfull forces 8000 Switzers 3000 Gascones and 10000 foot which were led on by Peter of Navar and being come into the country of Alexandria he did not think it fit to advance any further without attempting somewhat with his Forces he therefore sate down before the Town of Bosco which was guarded by ten Thousand Dutch Foot which after some dayes battery yielded He with the like success got the Town of Alexandria soon after and put thereinto a garrison of five hundred of his men that he might be sure to have as he alledged a safe place for his men to have recourse unto in case of adverse fortune and likewise to receive those that were to come from France But both the Duke of Milan and the Venetians were much troubled thereat and it proved afterwards a great hindrance to the affairs of the League through some diffidence which grew among the Colleagues who grew jealous of the proceeding of the French for their having detained the City and through no small scandal that Lautrech took on the other side at this their jealousie The Venetians complained hereof by their Embassadours both to Lautrech and to the King himself placing the occasion of their dislike notwithstanding rather upon what judgment the enemy
his Souldiers into the Town not making any opposition And the Government being taken from the Adorni the City was reduced into the power of the King of France in whose behalf Theodore Trivulcio was left Governour there And the Venetians that they might not leave the valour of their Captains unrewarded added 30 more Curassiers to Fregosa's conduct and doubled his pay They likewise shewed some testimony of honour to Guido Naldo to Agostino Clusone Hanniball Fregosâ— Cesare Martinengo and to others who had behaved themselves worthily in this action The business of Genua being ended and Giovan Moro Commissary of the Venetian Fleet being come with 16 Gallies to Legorne where Doria waited for him they resolved to go with all the Army to the Island of Sardignia which they thought would be easily gotten and would make very much for the enterprize of Sicily But the counsel proved unfortunate for the Fleet being come near the City of Sardo and having got some maritime Towns it so fell out as there arose a great Tempest at Sea which scattered the Gallies and made them go several waies Some that belonged to Venice after being long beaten by the Tempest they got safe into Legorne others after having run much hazard got into Corsica whither also all the French Gallies were first come save two which were split upon the Sardignian shore And nothing being then to be attempted more at Sea the Winter drawing on and the Fleet sorely rent Commissary Moro came with his Gallies to Corfu At this time Pietro Laude was made General at Sea by the Venetians He was commanded to coast along the neighbouring Seas of the Islands and Dominions of Venice to secure and consolate the Subjects but chiefly that passing into Sicily he should bring away as many Ships as he should find loaden with corn in those parts and send them to Venice to supply the great scarcity of corn that the City was then in But the General having in this interim sent Commissary Agostino da Mula with two nimble Gallies and Antonio Marcello with four bastard Gallies to secure the Eastern Seas it hapned that Marcello being in the Haven of Suda in the Island of Candia and being told that a Turkish Gally was passing by the Island he believing that it was the famous Pirate Cortugoli who at that very time and about those Seas had rifled and burnt a Ship of Venice and cruelly slain all the Mariners and Passengers he put forth to Sea with a great desire to vindicate this injurie and without any farther knowledg having met with her assaulted her took her and brought her and her consorts into Bicorne where he might afterwards ken 7 Turkish Gallies passing by one after another whereof the Moor of Alessandria was Captain to whom likewise the Gally that was taken belonged but Marcello keeping his station and apprehending nothing especialy since he saw the Gallies dispersed afforded the Moor opportunity to assault him as he had designed to doe at unawares who having gotten all his consorts speedily together assaulted our Gallies on the flanck Marcello being affrighted at the unexpected assault sought to escape the danger by flying as did his consorts but not being able to be gone so soon one only Gally escaped and the Moor took the other two who carried them into Alessandria Which action the Captain being to give an accompt of he was comitted to the Magistrate of the Avogadori and was sent for prisoner from the Fleet but he dyed for very grief by the way And Solimar finding the Captains imprudency and the Senates respect in a civility not at all usual with barbarous Princes did not only send back to the Venetians the Gallies which were taken but also great store of Salt-peter along with them which was a very seasonable present at this time they having spent all the Salt-peter they could get out of the neighbouring places by reason of their continual Wars Soliman at the same time had given many other signs of his love and good will to the Commonwealth giving them free liberty to carry corn from Allessandria and from other of his Countries and using great civilities and expressions of love unto them in their greatest adversities Wherefore the Senate thought fit in correspondency to the effects of so great a Princes love whose friendship was very behooveful for the Common-wealth to send an express Embassadour to him who in the names of them all was to thank him for his so many testimonies of love to the Commonwealth and to desire the continuance thereof To this purpose Tonnaso Contarino was made choice of who had many rich vestments and other noble ornaments given him to present unto the Court Bashaws and chiefly to Ibrahim who was then in great esteem by reason of the extraordinary favour he was in with Soliman Whilst these things were a doing Lautrech returning to his former designs when it was thought that pursuing his victory he would have carried his Camp to before Milan past with all his men over the Poe and marched towards Piacenza with a resolution as he said setting all other things aside to endeavour the Popes freedom This caused much wonder in all men that abandoning the fortune and occasion which was offer'd him of putting a speedy end to the Wars of Lombardy he would leave such reliques thereof behind him as in time would be harder to be supprest nay which might much indanger what he had gotten since none but the Venetians staid there and the Enemies expected great and sudden succours Which made many men doubt that Lautrech did this rather out of his own particular affection or out of some of his Kings interest then by any care he had of the Popes freedom It was very certain that he was very highly offended at the complaints that the Venetians and Francisco Sforza had made touching the affairs of Alexandria and likewise that at this time the treaty of agreement with Cesar was closely followed for which it made much for the King that the whole state of affairs should remain as yet uncertain and doubtful And this jealousie seemed to be the better grounded since Lautrech who went so hastily and so unopportunely from the state of Milan proceeded afterwards very slowly in his mâ—rch and that after the arrival of the Dutch foot the expectation whereof he alledged in excuse formerly for his delay he stayed still loytering at Parma Nor did the Army of the League make any greater progress which being brought to Monte Falco spent their time idlely though the weakness of the Enemies Army afforded them occasion of making some attempt Whence the Venetians began to suspect that the Duke of Urbine out of some particular respects of his own did not proceed with such sincerity as he ought to have done wherefore they set a Guard upon his Wife and Son who were then in Murâ—no But the Duke having sent a Gentleman of his one Horatio Florido to Venice that he might get leave to
come himself to Venice to justifie his actions the Senate either being better informed or that they might the better accomodate themselves to the time and affairs would not suffer him to leave the Army but removing away the Guard from his Wife and Son seemed to be satisfied with him But the Venetians since they could not make Lautrech alter his resolution made their men come into Lombardy which were then about fifteen thousand foot having left three thousand five hundred Light Horse with Lautrech for the enterprize of Rome being thereunto moved out of the pressing care which they had of retaining the Towns which they had recovered in the Dukedom of Milan the weight whereof lay only upon the Common-wealth Francisco Sforza being so exhausted of money as he was hardly of himself able to maintain the ordinary Garrisons of the City much less to bring men into the Field as he was bound to do by his Articles and as was necessary to resist the Forces which were prepared by Antonio da Leva Moreover the respect of their own affairs did not a little move them and the fear of bringing the danger home unto themselves bereaving their Country of defence by sending their Forces so far off and especially because they heard that many armed people were gathered together in the parts about Tirol and that great provision of victuals and munition was made in the City of Trent to be sent into Italy And this fear made the greater impression in them because now Ferdinando of Austria who had quieted the affairs of Hungary by the victory he had gotten over Giovan the Vayvod of Transilvania had better conveniency to attend the affairs of Italy as he had oft times seemed very desirous to do Wherefore thinking it necessary to encrease their Army to the number of twenty thousand foot and to make greater provisions to maintain another great War the Senate entreated the King of England that he would be assistant to the Commonwealth and to the cause of Italy by contributing part of the expence in so great a need to the payment of that Army which was to maintain the Liberty of Italy which he had so often promised to defend But the King affirming still that he would make War upon Cesar in Flanders and free Italy from any such danger by diverting his Forces shewed that it was good for the common service to lessen the provisions which were destined for such enterprizes so as the Commonwealth being to be alone at so great expences and the publique Treasury being already much exhausted by the so long War was forc'd to have recourse to many extraordinary ways for the raising of monies Amidst all these preparations for War the business of Peace was not notwithstanding quite laid aside but the Emperour seeming to desire it had several Treaties with the King of France and with the Venetians somtimes apart for particular agreement and somtimes joyntly for a general peace The demands which were made on the King of France his part and on the Venetians were That Cesar should set the King of France his Sons at liberty That he should free the Pope and forgo whatsoever he held that belonged unto the Church That he should restore Francisco Storza Duke of Milan unto his State and that he should remove all his forces out of Lombardy and out of Rome Which Cesar neither wholly accepting of nor yet altogether denying he sought by various difficulties to hold on the more certain resolution chiefly by demanding a great sum of money of the Venetians whereby holding the business on foot but full of doubts he desired to take the advantage of time and to steer his course according to the event of the affairs of Italy and according to the preparations made by his Brother hoping the mean while to conclude the particular agreement with the King of France more to his own advantage to whom as the King acquainted the Venetians afterward he did at last propound The excluding of all the other Colleagues and the appropriating of the State of Milan to himself Whereby and by his first resolution in all his Treaties of having Sforza's cause decided by Judges and that in the mean while he should keep the City of Milan in his own name and with his Garrisons it might easily be conceived that all his Treaties tended only to this that the Confederates Armies being disbanded he might put himself in safe possession of the State of Milan so as all thoughts of Peace being laid aside War was again denounced by the Confederates to Cesar wherein thinking that it might make much for their advantage if they could draw the Duke of Ferara and the Marquis of Mantua into the League and having tryed them both they concluded with the Duke of Ferara to receive him into their League upon condition that he should maintain two hundred Curassiers at his own charges in the Colleagues Army and that he should contribute ten thousand Ducats monethly for the space of six moneths towards the payment of the Foot For which the Confederates were to take him and his State into their protection After which agreement a large and stately Palace which did formerly belong to him in Venice was restored unto him But the Treaty was somwhat more difficult with the Marquis of Mantua for he desired to be declared Captain General of the League in Lautrech's absence To which the Venetians would not consent in respect of the Duke of Urbine But at last Girallimo Zane Podesta of Verona being gone to Mantua in the publique name to treat of this business he concluded it without that condition taking the person and the State of the Marquis into the Confederates protection But Cesar seeing he was to make his party good against so many enemies and desiring to make his cause appear less dishonest and by so doing to sever the King of England perhaps from the rest of the Confederates he resolved at last to give the Pope his Liberty To which purpose he sent sufficient commissions to the Viceroy and to Don Hugo di Moncada who being dead the Viceroy concluded the Agreement The Pope being to leave according to former Articles Ostia Civita Vecchia and Civita Castellana in the Emperour's possession and paying the same sum of money though with some further respite of time And passing his word above all things else that he would not oppose Cesar in the affairs of Naples nor of Milan The Colleagues in the beginning of the year one thousand five hundred twenty eight prepared to make War with most powerful forces both by Land and Sea and chiefly to fall upon the Kingdom of Naples as the King of France had long before desired and intended Wherefore he prest the Venetians that they would encrease their Gallies to the number of twenty four according to the first capitulations But they said they had fully made good their promise with the former sixteen because of these there were eight Bastard Gallies every
and a terrour to all the country When all the souldiers were assembled and the whole Army mustered near the Town San Termo it was found to consist of about thirty Thousand Foot of a good number of Horse and of all other things requisite for whatsoever enterprise Therefore the Prince of Orange and the Marquis Guasto much troubled at the danger which they saw their affairs were in in the Kingdome of Naples did at last though not without much adoe draw all their men out of Rome which was much furthered by twenty Thousand Duckets which the Pope gave to the Imperial Commanders though under some other pretence whereby they were inabled to give some pay to the Dutch Foot who were more unwilling then the rest to depart But the whole Army was not above fourteen Thousand Foot their numbers being much lessened by the Plague that was in Rome and by the going away of many souldiers loaded with prey So as the Pope being partly free of that oppression which made him proceed with some more reservedness towards the Confederates began to treat more freely with them and to discover part of his thoughts He sent the Archbishop Sepontino to Venice to demand the immediate delivery up unto him of the Cities of Cervia and Ravenna and the Bishop of Pistoia to France to the King whom he had held in hand till then with hopes of renewing the League to excuse himself for not being able to satisfie his desire in declaring himself not being able by reason of his weakness to think of any thing but Peace to which purpose he sent the same Bishop as his Nuntio into Spain to treat thereof with Cesar in which message he mingled some complaints against the Venetians for having taken and still detained some Towns belonging to the Church The Venetian Senate were very much troubled at this the Pope's request not so much for the thing it self as that they knew being made at such a time and after so importunate a manner it shewed clearly that the Pope sought an occasion to alienate himself wholly from them for it stood not with reason that while all things were in such disorder and that many of the Ecclesiastick Towns were yet in the Imperialists hand they should rashly quit those Towns Yet some were so fully resolved not to loose the Pope upon any whatsoever conditions as they maintained that howsoever the Pope was to be gratified and for the rest to rely upon his word hoping that he would never abandone the Commonwealths Interest This business being discuss'd in the Senate Dominico Trevisano a man of great authority as well for the dignity of being one of St. Mark 's Procurators as for his long experience spoke as is said to this effect Our proceedings in these last wars have hetherto been such as if we do not go astray and do not contaminate the sincerity and generosity which hath accompanied them they will remain of perpetual glorious memory to posterity For we have wisely constantly and religioussy defended and maintained the Liberty of Italy and the Grandezza and reputation of the Church of Rome not abandoning our own interests nor having done any thing in respect thereof which was not just and laudable We are desired by the Pope to deliver up unto him the cities of Cervia and Ravenna whereinto we put our men at such time as he was in greatest danger and trouble that the Imperialists might not possess themselves thereof to which purpose we put our Garrisons into them to preserve them from the common enemy Whether to give the Pope satisfaction herein be just advantagious for the State and for our affairs and suting with the present condition of the times or no may easily be discerned by any one who delights not in deceiving himself and who will measure the present result with reason not with passion I will not inlarge my self now upon the right and pretentions wee have to these Cities I believe they be true and good But I will say we must consider things in the condition they are in not in that they ought to be Therefore it will be sufficient to say that when we sent our men and our Commanders into these Cities they were in the Churches possession and they were guarded and defended by us with an intention of preserving them not of possessing them It will therefore agree very well with that untainted fidelity wherewith this Commonwealth hath alwayes proceeded to restore that which we would take it is true thinking it belonged to another though it were or ought to have been ours But set this respect aside though it be of no small esteem in so religious and so well instituted a Common-wealth as this of ours let us consider I beseech you whether it be a usefull advice or no whether it be a resolution well squared out to these times to detain these cities now any longer The war is hotter then ever and the event thereof very doubtfull wherein if to the misfortune of the Italians the Imperialists prevail who know's not in how many dangers and troubles we must be continually having many potent enemies at hand and but few friends Therefore all our thoughts all our endeavours should now aim at our confirming the forces of the League by driving the Emperours forces out of Italy at the establishing Francisco Sforza in the Dukedome of Milan at giving a particular King to the Neapolitans upon which things the true safety and establishment of our State on terra ferma doth depend which hath been so long floating and is still exposed to great danger And what is of more moment to attain unto these advantagious ends then the Popes favour what can be more prejudicial then to have him against us Why do you think it is that Cesar doth with such earnestness and such humanity endeavour his friendship unless it be that he finds clearly it is his surest foundation for greatness in Italy And shall we be aiding and assisting to this desire of our Enemies whereas we ought to labour all that we can to break their designs And yet it is most certain that if we adde this ill satisfaction to the inclination which the Pope begins to have to Cesars proceedings we shall make him to fall upon some prejudicial Agreement unto the League and particularly prejudicial unto our Commonwealth which is most concern'd therein When on the contrary by gratifying the Pope in this his desire we may hope nay rather be assured to sever him from the Emperour and win him to side with us And say this succeed not we shall assuredly setâ—ce him in that neutrality wherein he acquainted us he would continue unless he were compell'd to the contrary by some urgent necessity We ought to endeavour that he be thrust upon this necessity by some bad behaviour of the Imperialists as it may very well fall out he may be but shun by all means giving him occasion to do so which will redound to our prejudice
Which we may assure our selves of if we will reflect upon the many calamities whereinto we were led not many years ago by the like accident and through the too great desire of preserving these Cities the names whereof I wish may not prove fatal and as it were the original of many troubles to our Commonwealth The memory hereof is so fresh and so unfortunate as such an acquisition ought at all times to be abhorr'd by us Is this the first time that occasion hath been offer'd us amidst the so great revolution of the Affairs of Italy to possess our selves of these Cities Have we not been often invited thereunto of late years by the French And if we will remember well we shall find we have formerly had both better opportunity and juster occasion to do it both when the Pope hath had bad success and in the vacancy of the Popedom and when he shew'd himself to be an Enemy to the State Yet this very Senate hath always wisely dispised such invitations esteeming the loss certain and the benefit of such an acquisition but seeming And we ought now to continue the rather in the same opinion for that this small addition to our State if we were sure to keep in free and peaceable possession of these Cities it doth either block up the way of advancing to greater and more noble acquisitions or doth make it more difficult for if we succeed well in the business of Naples as we may hope to do if the Pope declare himself for the League or at least appear not an Enemy to it we shall recover many Towns in the parts about Puglia which belong unto us by articles which both by the condition of the Country by the conveniency of Havens and for the affection of those people towards our Commonwealth do in themselves and in hopes of greater matters deserve to be esteemed by us equal with whatsoever other acquisition the Commonwealth can make But I beseech you how do you think the King of France or the King of England will interpret our refusal or prolonging the delivery of Cervia and Ravenna to the Pope they being required by him Doth not the King of England profess that he engageth himself in this War only in regard of the Church and Pope as being desirous to preserve the name which he hath gotten of being Defender of the Faith And the King of France to whom as we have lately understood from our Embassadour the Pope hath intimated that he will enter into the League if he have these Towns restored what will he think of us if he shall see that we do neglect the so important Interests of the common Confederacy and yet it is in the friendship and assistance of these Princes that we must place our hopes We shall assuredly be drawn by their entreaty and by necessity to do that which now we shall deny to do and yet shall we lose all our thanks for this action from the Pope from whom we may expect so many favours and so much advantage and lose the praise of having defended the Dignity and State of the Church to which our Commonwealth hath always aspired And to say nothing of what hath been done by our Fore-fathers famous and worthy actions have not we our selves even now been at very great expence and hazarded our men to so many dangers to free the Pope out of prison and to drive the Imperialists out of the Churches Dominions Who will certainly have a fair pretence to keep those Towns which are in their hands when they shall see the same done by us since by our example they may cloak their designs with some excuse and seeming honesty But since I have heard those that are of a contrary opinion object more against the unseasonableness of the time then against the thing it self let us confider I beseech you whether being to do it it be not better for us to do it now then to defer it to another time and to another occasion Really I cannot see what more advantage can be hoped for from the resignation of those Towns then that which is now propounded since the Popes friendship can never make more for our advantage then at the present when it lies in his power either to further or obstruct our good success in the Kingdom of Naples according as he shall shew himself favourable or an Enemy to the League But if the affairs of War shall prove amiss as the worst is always to be feared for the end of War doth often differ from the beginning nay I will say more let what will happen if Cesar and the King of France shall agree as we very well know what Cesar hath often said that though he should lose the Kingdom of Naples intirely it will be in his power to re-have it whilst he hath so good a pawn in his hands as the Kings Sons What will be our condition when we shall be abandon'd by the King of France have the King of Spain our Enemy the Pope so far from befriending us that he will not be well satisfied with us and perhaps necessitated by contracts made with other Princes as it fell out in the times of Julio and of Leo to prosecute and offend us The fortune of the Common-wealth is not yet so well settled after so many storms as that we ought to lanch forth into the same Sea without fear of more dangers We by the good advice of temporizing have even in our greatest adversities not only saved but recovered our Commonwealth and her ancient Dignity more then we could have done by force of Arms. We may also hope for more prosperous success in the future if we walk in the same way But howsoever we ought always to endeavour to carry our selves so in all our actions as though better fortune may peradventure be wish'd for to our Common-wealth yet it may not be wish'd that this Senate had been wiser These words wrought much upon the Senators though most of them were formerly of another opinion Wherefore Luigi Mocenico who was one of the chief of the Colledg who had advised the Senate to dismiss the Popes Nuntio with an express negative standing up spoke thus If we shall regulate our thoughts and our opinions according to the various interpretations that may be given them and not according to reason we shall proceed so diversly and with such uncertainty in all our affairs as we shall make chance the guide of our counsels But certainly our actions have been such and such our intentions towards the common good and particularly towards the Apostolique See as there is no cause to doubt our faith and sincerity Have we seized upon the Cities of Cervia and Ravenna by force or rest them from the obedience of the Church to bring them under our Dominion Is it not well known that being sought unto for help by the Governour of Ravenna and knowing what danger that City was in of falling into the Imperialists hands
fight them being thereunto chiefly moved as he said afterwards for fear lest the Army which was paid from France might suddenly dissolve and lose what had been already won because the King did already appear plainly to be weary of so vast expences and that his Officers being variously affected were negligent in taking care for provisions He was likewise perswaded thereunto out of great hope of victory The Marquis of Saluzzo being already joyned with him and expecting daily choise of Foot from the Venetians and Florentines On the contrary the Imperialists though their numbers were not much inferiour yet their prowess was much diminished partly through great sickness partly through the luxury which they for so many moneths had lived in whereby their bodies their mindes being weakned and grown effeminate they had almost lost their Gallantry Moreover being used to live licentiously they did not observe Military order and discipline as they ought to have done Lautrech did like wise much exceed the Enemy in Horse and train of Artillery so as it seemed he did not without reason hope to shorten and secure the victory and the acquisition of that whole State by a day of Battel The Emperours Army hearing of Lautrech's approach were gone out of Troja and had quartered themselves upon the leaning of a Hill not far off whereunto Lautrech being already come very nigh although the Florentine nor Venetian foot were not come to him he resolved to put his Army in Battel array and to face the Enemy defying him and provoking him by many Cannon shoâ— which he made against their Camp But the Imperialists being but little indamaged thereby by reason of the height of their scituation resolved not to joyn Battel but keeping within their quarters sent out only some Horse and Harquebusiers to skirmish with the French who still advancing and winning ground got into a situation equal with the Enemy from whence they might prejudice their Camp with their Artillery But those who went out afterwards to skirmish in much greater numbers not being able to keep Lautrech from winning the Hill the Enemy resolved to retreat and to quarter on the other side of Troja towars Nocera But understanding not long after that Horatio Baglione was come to the Leagues Camp with a great many Florentines all of them expert Souldiers and that Camillo Orsino and Commissary Pisano were expected the next day with the Venetian forces they quitted l' Abruzzo and marched straight forwards towards Naples following their first advice plâ—cing the total end of the business and their hopes of maintaining that State in the defence of that City and retayning only the Spanish and Dutch foot about 10000 in number they applied themselves diligently to providing the City with victuals Lautrech finding that he could not draw the Enemy to Battel which they had so manifestly refused went about to make himself Master of the Country and not to leave any Town untaken behind him which was the Enemies till he should come before the walls of Naples Wherefore understanding that the Prince was entred into Melsi with a very strong Garrison of Souldiers he sent Pietro Navarro with the Gascoigne foot and Baglione with the Souldiers of the black Band to take it by whom the Town was play'd upon taken and sack'd and at the same time Commissary Pâ—sani with two thousand Italian foot took the Town of Ascoli and then joyned suddenly again with Lautrech to whom Barleti Trani and otâ—er adjoyning Towns did quickly yeild some being moved by what had befallen Melsi others by the love they bore to the French and by their being weary of the Spanish Government so as in all Puglia only the Town of Manfredonia held for the Spaniards Wherefore Lautrech leaving 2000 Venetian foot one hundred Curassiers and two hundred light Horse to besiege that City and to keep those others which he had taken march'd with all the rest of the Army towards Naples all Towns coming in apace unto him by which he past At last resolving to besiege it as thinking it the safest and most successful way whereby to get the City he encamped himself within near about a mile of the Walls having taken up his Head-quarters together with the greatest strength of his men at Poggio Reale in a strong situation and proper to keep the besieged from many conveniencies At the same time the Venetian Fleet being reinforced at Corfu and put in order after the prejudice they had undergone at Sardignia was come into the Rivers of Puglia consisting of sixteen Gallies under the command of Commissary Moro for General Lando was gone to the Island of Candia to appease some commotions which were raised in the Territories of Canea by the country people Six Towns in Puglia belonged to the Venetians by the agreement of the League which they had formerly been possess'd of to wit Ottranto Brandizzo Monopoli Pulignan Mola and Trani Therefore the Venetians were more diligent in pursuing this enterprize having to boot with their Gallies divers other armed Vessels of sundry sorts and their hopes of good success were much encreased to boot with the forces and reputation of the League by the love which those people bore to the Commonwealth so as upon the Fleets arrival Monopoli and Trani yeilded presently to them and a good inclination was found in the rest to do the like Manfredonia had somwhat a better Garrison in her and the Citizens were not so well affected to the State wherefore Almoro Moresini Captain of the Gulph went with some of the Gallies to the reducing thereof whither Camillo Orsino was also gone with some land forces Whilst they were encamped about the walls Ranuâ—io Farnese sallyed out with two hundred Horse and Girollimo Cremona with two hundred foot against which Andrea Ciurano advanced boldly with his Stradiotte Horse and after many hours skirmish put them to flight and drove them into the Town killing some and taking other some prisoners in which action Ciurano won much praise and made good the opinion which was conceived of his valour and skill by reason of other egregious deeds and chiefly by his having chased George Reynes a personage of great renown near Taranto and by having taken the Governour of the Town but this his glory soon ended for falling grievously sick by reason of his much pains taken in the Militia he died being much beloved by the Souldiers and valued by the Commanders for his liberality carriage and military discipline Commissary Moro was before Brandizzo who play'd upon the Castle which was yet held by the Imperialists with a good Garrison though the Town was already surrendred this battery was recommended to the particular care of Bernardo Segredo a young man of much ingenuity and courage who had brought it to such a condition as men being already landed to give the assault it was thought the enemy could not hold out long But Lautrech whose orders the Venetian commanders had commission from the Senate to observe
sending for the Gallies to Naples made him quit the enterprize and give over the hoped for victory Phillippino Doria was already come to Naples with eight Gallies but these not being sufficient to keep the City from being victuall'd by Sea and it being likewise thought that they could not be safe there if the enemy should send forth their armed Vessels which were in the Haven Lautrech had continually solicited the Venetian Commanders to come as soon as they could and joyn with Doria's Gallies to secure them and to straiten the siege yet more Such were the proceedings in the Kingdom of Naples but the Venetians were busied with other affairs of no less importance for Henry Duke of Brunswick after many rumours of his coming being very much solicited by Charls and Ferdinand to pass into Italy and to enter Lombardy to divert the forces of the League from the enterprize of Naples which Kingdom being in great danger he saw he could not succour by any way better passing from Trent into Valledragi was entred into the Territories of Verona and had brought with him about twelve thousand foot with whom it was said that Antonio da Leva was to joyn who was already come into the field with eight thousand foot that they might joyntly fall upon the Town in the State of Venice which Brunswick had denounced war against having with much vanity and very ridiculously challenged the Duke thereof Andrea Gritti a man of fourscore years of age to fight a single Duel with him But the Senate was not wanting in diligence to arm themselves they designed to raise an Army of twelve thousand foot of which four thousand to be Switzers to which purpose they sent monies into Switzerland and desired the King of France to further this their Levy by his authority They likewise brought great store of light Horse from Greece and from Dalmatia and recalled the Duke of Urbine from Marc d' Ancona And to the end that their own State might not be bereft of defence whilst they went to defend the States of others they commanded him to view all their Cities and Forts of greatest importance to put good garrisons into them and to do whatsoever else he should judge might make most for their safety then they chose divers select Gentlemen whom they entrusted with the particular charge of the chief Cities Girollimo Diedo was sent with one hundred and fifty foot to Treviso Pietro Sagredo with as many to Padua Zaccheria Orio Phillippo Correro Allessandro Donato Ambrâ—gio Contarini Ioseppe Badoero Lorenzo Lanudo Agostino Canale and Almoro Barbaro were sent to Verona with 25 souldiers apiece wherewith they were to guard the gates and places of greatest importance These preparations were judged worthy consideration in France wherefore they likewise prepared to send powerfull Forces into Italy which were to be commanded by Monsi ur de St. Paul one of the house of Burbone a personage highly esteemed for his birth and other honourable endowments but not much experienced in war and as it proved afterwards not very fortunate in this enterprise But these provisions proved too late for the present occasion for the Duke of Brunswick finding himself strong enough designed to fall upon some of the Commonwealths Cities being the more encouraged so to do because at his first arrival Peschiera Rivoltella and some other Towns neighbouring upon the Lake of Garda yielded unto him But the Duke of Urbine who was at Verona diligently observing Brunswicks marches prevented his designes and went presently to Brescia where he augmented the Garrison and from thence to Bergamo putting many of the Inhabitants of those valleys who were very faithfull to the Venetian interest into the City and begirting the city with trenches and outworks put it in a posture of defence Moreover he cunningly made the men of those parts propound treaties of agreement and giving of monies wherein they spun out time to the end that by retarding Brunswick's march more opportunity might be had to secure the principal places wherein there being good store of Light-horse they infested the Dutch Camp by sallying out and disturb'd their Victuals And amongst these Geralamo da Canale did very good service with five hundred Crabats which he had brought with him out of Dalmatia So as Brunswick falling short of his hoped for success and being incommodated for victuals after having according to the barbarous and cruel custome of that Nation ruined the Country and burnt many noble edifices went out of the Venetian Confines and came into the State of Milan where he was met by Antonio da Leva who hearing of his arrival was past over the Ada to joyn with him in some enterprise Wherefore both of them repassing over the Ada they went to encamp before Lodi from whence the Duke of Milan was gone a little before being advertised of the enemies approach by Gabrielle Veniero the Venetian Embassadour and leaving a good number of men in that city he came by the Venetians advice to Brescia But the Venetian souldiers who were in Lodi and who were commanded by Paolo Sforza the Dukes bastard brother having valliantly withstood many assaults repuls'd the enemy Wherefore Brunswick not having much money to maintain the Army longer finding that he had spent much time in vain began to be aware of his idle thoughts whereunto he had out of vain glory and hopes of Booty been perswaded by Ferdinando d' Austria who minding more his brother's advantage then the success of the business had earnestly perswaded him to pass into Italy and without thinking of advancing further to enter into the Kingdome of Naples as he had at first purposed to do he went by the way of the Lake of Como to return to Germany being pursued by il Conte di Giazzo and by Mercurio Bua who issuing out of Bergamo fell upon his Reer but did not much prejudice the enemy because they were too late aware of their departure Yet many of the Dutch who in great numbers parted from the Camp were ransak'd and cut in pieces by the country people The besieged in Naples were much troubled to hear of the dissolution of the Dutch Foot being thereby bereaved of the onely relief wherein their safety lay For but a little before they had with bad success attempted to beat the Galleys of Philippo Doria that they might have the way open by Sea since they could come by no victualls by land Lautrech having possess'd himself of Pazzuolo and of the neighbouring places The Imperiall Commanders were likewise herewith much molested for understanding that the Venetian Fleet was suddenly to come into those Seas they knew their danger would be the greater and their remedy harder Therefore being resolved to prevent the Enemy they determined to put out from the Haven with 6 Galleys and many other armed Vessels and to assault Doria's Galleys and were so assured of Victory as they thought as the Marquis Guasto Don Hugo and other chief Commanders went aboard those
Galleys as to an assured Triumph And having joyfully dined at the Island of Capri they went to assault Doria who lay with his Galleys upon the coast of Amalsi near Capo d' Orto being perswaded that the Genueses being terrified with this spectacle and with the unexpected assault would either run away or that if they would joyn battel with them though upon disadvantage that through the Vallour of the Spanish Souldiers which were the very best pick'd out of the whole Army they should obtain certain and glorious victory But the business fell out much otherwise for neither was Doria affrighted at the sight of the enemy he being a man very well experienced in Maritime affairs nor came the assault unexpected he having been so timely advertised thereof as that he had opportunity to prepare for it and to reinforce his Fleet with souldiers which were sent unto him from the Camp by Lautrech So as resolving to wait the Imperialists coming and not to refuse battel when he first saw the enemy appear he devided his forces and with 4 Galley's made boldly towards them causing the other two which were commanded by Lomelino to fall off at the same time to seaward as if they fled away but with orders to tack about and assault the Imperialists on the Flanck and Poupe whilest they were busied in the fight Which counsel being wisely taken and well pursued by the Captain and his Genueses who were very well verss'd in all things which belonged to Sea had such good success as two of the enemies Galleys fell into Doria's hands two were sunck and the other two being shrewdly shattered saved themselves with much adoe by flight the Marquis of Guasto Asconio Colonna and other Commanders were taken prisoners Don Hugo Cesare Feramosca and most of the souldiers which were in the Gallies were slain whereby the City of Naples was deprived of her best and valiantest defendants General Lando came this mean while to the shores of Naples with 20 Gallies who being likewise come for the business of Puglia and having tarried in the Gulf of Massa had already taken all the Towns appertaining to the Venetians as Trani Mola Puglignan Monopli Otranto and Brandizzo the Castles of Brandizzo remaining only in the Imperialists power Commissary Augustino da Mula being left to guard them The arrival of the Venetian General was of great advantage to the French and as prejudicial to the Enemy for leaving six Gallies at Gaetta and as many at Cume he scowred the Rivers neighbouring upon Naples with the rest from Capanella to Massa blocking up the Sea so as he suffer'd not any vessel to enter with victuals to the Besieged The Venetian Gallies did likewise possess themselves of some places where the Mills were which grownd corn for the City so as the corn which they had yet lest could not be made into bread but being deliver'd out unto the Souldiers ungrownd was either eaten by them in poâ—tage or baked in pans On the other side the Venetian Fleet was of great advantage to their friends for it furnished their Camp with victuals from Sea whereof by reason of the great number of useless people who flock to the Camp for the dearth that was that year generally throughout all Italy and by the carelesness of the Commanders there was great scarcity in the Camp And Monsieur ae Barbasi who brought monies from France with him to pay the Souldiers meeting with great impediments by the Imperialists who had block'd all the ways so as that he was fain to take a great circuit about was met by divers of the Venetian Generals men whom he on purpose had landed to assist Barbasi against Don Ferrante Gonsagae who was come with both Horse and Foot out of Naples to intercept the supply of monies and by their means together with some others that were sent from the Camp both Venetians and Florentines led on by Valerio Ursino and Hugo â—e Pepoli he repuls'd the Enemy but Hugo being too forward in pursuit of them was taken Prisoner Thus far the affairs of the League went on prosperously and with great hopes of putting a speedy end to the War by the acquisition of the whole Kingdom of Naples but now apparent signs grew not only of their declination but even of their ruine As it fortune could not long favour the French in Italy to whom she had so long shew'd her self therein an Enemy Their Army fell into sore and sudden sicknesses whereunto many causes did concur As the influence of the Heavens which had this year occasioned many pestiferous diseases in all pats the season of the year which being in the moneth of August was made the worse by the disorders committed by the Souldiers in eating great store of fruit But especially the badness of the air which was become unwholesom by reason of the waters which being diverted for several moneths from their ordinary course did overflow almost all parts about their Quarters Which put Lautrech into great straits finding inconveniences on all sides and great doubts and difficulties in either continuing the Siege the commenc'd inconveniences considered or in inlarging his Camp He was advised by almost all his Captains to carry the Souldiers into the neighbouring Towns and by dividing them to keep the mallady from spreading farther and that the sick might have the better means affâ—rded them of cure And truly the Army was brought into such a condition as necessity seemed to force him to such a resolution the rather for that the Sea being still block'd up he might sufficiently incommodate the Enemy though he inlarged his quarters But on the other side Lautrech was greatly grieved to see a Victory escape his hands which was almost won For if he should enlarge his quarters he knew that the Imperialists who did abound in Horse would by their coming abroad finde some wayes open to provide against their Incoveniencies He understood by Simione Romano whom he had sent into Calavria that all things succeeded well there that all those people did surrender out of their particular affection to the name of France that the Towns and Havens in Puglia were fallen into the Venetians hands that the Abruzzo was at very first reduced by the French that the Spaniards were already driven out of almost the whole Kingdome And yet all these acquisitions must prove to no purpose if by allowing those who were in Naples and who were already reduced to great straits the benefit of time he should lose the opportunity of getting that City upon which the good or bad success of the whole enterprise did depend He was also ashamed that the Spaniards suffering under great inconveniencies sickness and scarcity should notwithstanding bear all this with such constancy as that they would not listen to any Propositions of surrender and yet he and his French must through weakness of Spirit yeild to the very first frowns of adverse fortune and suffer themselves to be as it were overcome by those that
his Army reduced which was feared by all others before it hapned and despised by him alone So his own default aggravating his displeasure of mind did the more oppress him he could not for many days either act or advise any thing and the other Captains by reason of the severity of his nature and government proceeded slowly and with much caution in all things So as though he after being a little recovered and having gotten some strength was very diligent in correcting these disorders severely punishing the Souldiers disobedience and in increasing his Forces causing some companies of the Venetian Stradiotti to come unto the Camp which he recalled from the Enterprize of Taranto and soliciting the Florentines to send him two thousand Foot which they had muster'd for the service of the League yet all remedy proved in vain and too late But those within the Town grew so bold as sallying forth dayly in great numbers they came up even to the French Rampiers taking away their baggage and their free-bootings before their eyes and greatly molesting the ways and infesting the Country hindred the commerce between the Venetian Fleet and the Camp But soon after Lautrech relapsing into his disease by reason of his great labour and agitation of mind dyed The Marquis of Saluzzo in whom after Lautrech's death the supreme authority of the Army remained resolved with the approbation of the other Commanders to raise the Camp The present state of affairs not only requiring it but even necessity and danger which was much increased by the loss of Capua lately fallen into the power of the Imperialists by reason of the Capuans falshood who were inclined to adhere to Cesar Whereby the French Army was not only deprived of many conveniences but even of the opportunity of retreating They divided their men into three Squardrons and on the nine and twentieth of August early in the morning they marched away to Auversa with all possible silence that they might not be pursued by the Imperialists if they should be aware of their departure Which they could not notwithstanding do for the Enemies Horse being continually even upon their Trenches and aware of their departure fell upon them in their Reer guided by Monsieur de la Palissa and by Camillo Trivulcio routed them and slew many of them and the Spanish Foot coming in speedily soon after broke their Battaglia which was commanded by Navarro took many Prisoners amongst which the Captain himself But the Marquis of Saluzzo and Count Guido Rangone who were first marched forth of their Quarters with the Van escaped the danger for the present and got safe into Auversa but being presently pursued by the Enemy and the City brought to great danger they were quickly forc'd to yield upon discretion Thus a great and flourishing Army of the French was miserably wasted and destroy'd and of Conquerours became conquered and the whole face of affairs was altered to the great discontent of the Venetians Whose fortune at least as much as concern'd the Kingdom of Naples depended upon their Friends and Confederates the French Another sad accident followed this which was very prejudicial to the League and was of great concernment for the weakening of the French in Italy For the Plague being got into Genua and the City therefore abandoned almost by all the Citizens and Souldiers Andrea Doria came unexpectedly thither with his Gallies and with the few Foot which he had not exceeding five hundred and by the favour of the people who loved the name of Liberty which Doria promised to introduce he changed the Government framed new Orders and reduced it under Cesars protection Which novelty Trivulcio was not able to obviate having but a small Garrison of Souldiers with whom he had much ado to get safe into the Castle hoping as he said if he should receive sudden succour to return the City unto its former condition and to the Kings devotion Wherefore the Confederates Commanders resolved to send suddenly three thousand Dutch and Switzer Foot thither who were to come quickly to Alexandria to joyn with other French who came for Italy Whilst these things went thus the thoughts and provisions for renewing War in Lombardy ceased not To the which Monsieur de S. Paule being destined as hath been said the Venetian Senate desirous that Antonio da Leva might have no longer time nor opportunity to make any farther progress had sent Andrea Rosso Embassadour to France to hasten the coming of the Commander and of the Army And being very diligent in all things else they had sent pay to Iurea for five thousand Landsknechts who were taken into pay by the King for that Enterprize at the common expence The Senaâ—e had likewise given Order to the Duke of Urbine to receive the Dutch Foot into their pay who were disbanded from Brunswicks Army whereof there came a great many so as the Commonwealth having in her service in Lombardy of several Nations Dutch Switzers and Italians above ten thousand Foot fifteen hundred light Horse and eight hundred Curassiers with which forces it was hohoped that when Monsieur de S. Paule should be come from France with those warlike preparations which had been spoken of they might be able to drive Antonio da Leva out of Lombardy The Duke of Urbine's opinion was that of all other things they were to put an excellent Garrison into Lodi as into a place of great importance for the Duke of Milans Interests and for the Venetians also since the preservation thereof would make much for the safety of Bergamo and Crema which when it should be done as soon as the French should begin to ascend the Mountains he should pass over the Poe with the Venetian Army and joyn with them to suppress Antonio da Leva according as occasion should best serve As soon therefore as Monsieur de S. Paule was come into Italy who brought with him five thousand foot five hundred Launces and as many Light Horse it being about the end of Iuly the Duke of Urbine spoke with him at Monticelli a place seated upon the Banks of Poe to advise how they were to carry on the War for the common service the Duke of Urbine being ordered so to do by the Senate and it agreeing likewise with his own opinion propounded That they should keep all their Forces imploy'd in Lombardy to drive Antonio da Leva out of the Dukedom of Milan upon which all the affairs of Italy were finally to depend For as long as the Imperialists should have a secure receptacle in that State whereinto they might easily bring many Souldiers from Germany and from whence they received great conveniency for the feeding of their Army which had now been maintain'd a good while at the private expence of several men of the Country there was no hopes of putting a period to the War That any thing attempted elsewhere though it should succeed well would not be equally beneficial to what might be received by driving the
Enemy out of those Confines and by getting safe possession of the State of Milan Moreover it might be hoped that by keeping the Forces of the Colleagues joyn'd together and near at band they might at last draw the Pope into the League the which had been several times attempted in vain Monsieur de S. Paule and the other French Commanders were of another opinion viz That the business of Naples was not to be abandoned losing thereby their reputation both with the people and with the Enemy shewing amongst other things how necessary it was to keep the Imperialists imploy'd in the Kingdom of Naples so as they might not come and joyn with Antonio da Leva whereby growing very strong they might settle themselves in the possession of both those States In this diversity of opinion they pitch upon a way which might serve both their desires to wit not to give over the affairs of Naples totally but howsoever to intend chiefly the business of Lombardy wherefore since some Towns in Pâ—glia held yet for the confederates and were well affected to the Venetians and to the French it was resolved they should make head there and reinforce their men that they might make some other attempt and keep the Imperialists in fear and jealousie The Venetian Senate did therefore order their Commissary at Sea to go with his Fleet into Puglia to put very good Garrisons into all the Towns which held for the Commonwealth and for the King of France and to fall upon taking the Castles in Brandizzo and on the other side Renzo da Ceri and the Prince of Melfi were to pass into those Sea coasts with five thousand foot for the transporting whereof from Ancona to Puglâ—a the Venetians sent eight Gallies and other Vessels It was also resolved that the Fleet should be encreased and reinforced that they might make some other attempt in the Kingdom and keep the Imperialists busied in several places To which purpose the Venetians promised to lend the King twelve Gallies The Senate did moreover very much solicite the other Confederates as the Florentines and Duke of Ferrara that beaâ—ing patiently the adverse fortune about Naples they would seek to provide against other dangers by lending ready and stout assistance towards the renewing of the War in Puglia whereby the enemies forces would be kept far from their Territories being employ'd in defending their own affairs Whereunto these Princes shewed themselves very forward the Florentines offering moreover to keep up a body of men in Tuscany and the Duke of Ferrara an other at Modena to provide for all occurrences But as for the affairs of Lombardy and the State of Milan wherein the forces remained entire it was resolved to advance towards Milan and both the Armies being come to Landriano the Commanders thought it not fit to fall then upon the expugning of Milan which would be a thing too hard to effect Leva being entred thereinto with his Army after he had fetch'd much victuals into the City therefore they took an other course they fell upon the enterprize of Pavia which they thought they might be successful in for that there was but a weak Garrison there of only one thousand foot wherefore the Confederates Army marched speedily thither to prevent all impediments which they might receive from Leva if he should be aware of their march they encamp'd before it and began to play furiously upon the walls the Duke of Urbine having with much perswasions got some pieces of Cannon to be brought along and carried over the River Tesino So as a great Battery being soon begun they prepared to give an assault wherein the first place falling to the Venetians lot it hapned that whilst they were ordering their affairs some averseness thereunto appeared in the Switzers foot But the Duke of Urbine having sorely wounded oneâ— of their Captains with his own hand who said that there was not any one who could make his Souldiers move but himself and at the same instant turning the Cannon upon them he brought them all to be obedient so as a hot assault being given wherein the Duke of Urbine was one who together with some of his Curassiers all of them being on foot put himself into the first ranks and assaulting such Bastions as were best defended got the praise of being most nobly bold The Town was taken and sack'd and the most of the defendants slain and soon after the Castle also yeilded whereinto Galleazzo da Birago together with such souldiers as were left alive retreated they had their lives given them the Dutch foot being permitted to return to Milan and the Italians to return to their own homes The getting of Pavia proved very advantagious and of great credit to the League not only in its own respect but because it was accompanied with the quick surrender of Novara and of other neighbouring Towns whereby the enemy who received much victuals from thence for the nourishment of the Army which was in Milan was much incommodated The Venetian Senate was much rejoyced hereat hoping that it might in the future somwhat counterpoise their late loss at Naples they commended and thanked Monsieur de St Paul for it exhorting him to prosecute the prosperity which was promised by this good beginning not despairing but by his happy conduct they should get Milan and recover Naples The alteration in Genua was very unwelcome news to France wherefore the King sent an express Commission to Monsieur de St Paul that before all other things he should mind and endeavour the returning of that City into her former condition to the relief whereof the three thousand foot which were thereunto designed refused to go for want of having received their pay which put Trivultio into so great difficulties as he protested he would surrender unless he received some speedy succour Thus the affairs of the League which began to be a little refresh'd fell quickly back into great straits for as the opportunity which was offered of getting Milan was very great by reason of the rescent reputation won at Pavia and through the sufferings whereunto Leva's Arms was reduc'd but chiefly by the excessive and unsupportable Taxes imposed by the Imperialists upon the people of Milan which had made them ready to mutiny and to throw off the yoke of so severe servitude so was it requisite that to the â—ffecting thereof they should make use of all their forces together and to beleaguer that great City with two camps and yet Monsieur de St Paul setting his heart upon the relief of Genua did not only refuse to go to Milan but prest the Duke of Urbine very much to go along with him and to carry his Venetian forces to Genua that they might proceed therein the more securely to which the Venetian Senate would not consent since by sending their forces so far off they should not only lose all the advantage of their victory and make the Duke of Milan despair but should expose Bergamo and
other Cities of their dominion to great danger Wherefore being both of them resolute in their opinions the French Commanders rose with all their forces and past over the Po at Porta Stella to go by the way of Tuscany to Genua and the Venetians the Senate not thinking it fit that they should retire stayed at Pavia to be assistant in reputation to the affairs of Genua and that they might tarry there more securely and fall upon any enterprize which occasion should offer the Senate resolved to raise new foot to recruit their Army which was much diminished by several accidents But the French had but ill success for finding Genua strongly Garrison'd and they not being above two thousand Foot they had no hopes of doing any good there by their long tarrying though they were already got very near the City Wherefore they resolved to return to Lombardy and to quarter in the City of Alessandria whereunto Sforza gave way hoping that when two thousand Landsknechts who were already past the mountains should be come unto him they might return with better hopes to the enterprise of Milan But the mean while Trivulsio hearing of their retreat and despairing of timely succour yielded up the castle which was presently slighted by the people that they might have no such obstacle to their Liberty Savona likewise whereinto the succour led on by Captain Montigiano could not enter returned to the power of the Genueses after this they fell to alter the Government freeing it as much as at the first they could from popularity reducing those Families to a small number who were to partake in the management of the Common-wealth and instituting a magistracy of but a few citizens temporising their authority by that of the greater Councels though Doria's greatness continued to be very much in these civil institutions upon whose will and authority their establishment did depend And that they might be free from the fear of forraign forces which might cause an alteration in this new State the Genueses by publick order interceded with the Venetians desiring them to be contented that they might now remain in that free neutrality to which they had formerly exhorted them alledging it for a reason why they had taken up arms against their city because Antonietto Adorno was head of the government thereof who depending totally upon the Imperialists was very advantagious to the enemy But the Venetians answered that the face of affairs was much altered since they had very much offended the King of France by driving out his men and by receiving Doria who was his profest enemy whereby they had provoked the Kings forces against them nor could they be wanting to be assisting to the King their friend and Confederate And really the Venetians did very much desire that the business of Genua might be again attempted for the Kings better satisfaction who gave apparent signes of being displeased that they did not send their men with the Duke of Urbine to relieve Trivultio and because they thought it very convenient for their affairs that the City which was as it were the Gate of Italy whereby the Spaniards had convenience to enter thereinto by Sea might depend upon the will of their friend the King of France and especially at this time when Cesar had given out making use of such an occasion that he would come himself in person into Italy They therefore exhorted the Genueses to put themselves again under the King of France his protection who was a powerfull and courteous Prince in whom they should find both power and will to preserve their Liberty But neither the season of the year which was a very bitter winter nor yet the weakness of their Armies which were very much lessened by several accidents would not permit them to use force So as though it were known that there was a great scarcity of victuals in Milan that Antonio da Leva was sick and the Army sufficiently lessened which might very well invite them to the attempt of that enterprise since the Forces of the League were nigh at hand and though this might be a means to facilitate the good success of Genua and that the Senate had prayed the Duke of Urbine not to let slip so fair an occasion yet not trusting too much to their own Forces and apprehending the inconveniencies of winter the Captains of the League resolved to bring their Armies into their winter quarters and to expect a better season and greater Forces So as the Duke of Milan going to winter with his Forces in Pavia the Duke of Urbine was forced to rise from thence intending to go to Lodi but not pleased therewith he resolved to go to the banks of Ada and soon after past over the river to get into safer and more commodious quarters But the French Army went into Alessandria that they might afterwards joyn as the sea son and occasion should counsel But the Senate was chiefly troubled about the towns of Puglia which being preserved were very serviceable to the Common-wealth both in times of peace and war and being by agreement to be restored they might be a great advantage to them upon other occasionâ— Trani and Monopoli held then for the Venetians and Berletta for the French the rest being abandoned and these not without difficulty preserved by Commissary Vetturi when the French Army was routed who being about the taking of Manfredonia when he heard of what had happened at Naples sent a good number of Foot forthwith in Galleyes to Garrison those Maritime Towns writing forged Letters to the Magistrates that the French Commanders having been but very little damnified were retired with all their forces safe to Auversa to keep the people in their allegiance least out of fear they might be moved as many others had been to agree with the Imperialists Camillo Orsino was entred into Trani as soon as he rise with the Camp from before Maufredonia Iovan Corrado Orsino Iulio di Montebello and Horratio da Carpenna being parted from Brandizzo were in Monopoli and Renzo da Ceri who had the title of Lieutenant of the Kingdome was come to Barletta Whither also Simion Romano was come with his light-horse The Venetians were three thousand Foot Renzo brought with him five thousand and two thousand were raised at the charges of the Florentines and of some of the family of the Orsini so as they amounted in all to the number of ten thousand Foot to boot with four hundred Venetian horse and 300 horse which Renzo brought with him and in Abruzzo Iovan Iacopi Franco being got into Matrice and Camillo Orsino into Aquila they set up the French colours and held those Towns in the name of the King of France to whom the country people seemed much inclined as on the contrary the name of Cesar grew very hatefull to them by reason of the many extortions which his Officers used to the people The Venetians being intent upon the preservation of these places and hoping not only to
no other Army in Italy then those few men that are with Monsieur St. Paul and which are so much lessened as they exceed not the number of five thousand Foot So as we see that if the counterpoise of the French Forces be totally taken away whereby Cesar 's greatness may be moderated all Italy must necessarily be either subject to him or depend upon him or if any one Potentate shall preserve his Liberty he must live at perpetuall expence and in continuall jealousies of so powerfull an neighbour To all which mischiefs and dangers it is well known there is no sufficient remedy but the coming of the King of France into Italy For how negligent and full of delayes the French are in making Provisions for the war when the King is not present in person the fresh examples of so many of his Armies routed and ruin'd out of this onely respect may sufficiently witness Moreover If the Emperour shall come as the French Army ought to be in all things at least equall if not superiour to his it must be accompanied with like reputation which can only be effected by the King's presence which will help as much as almost an other Army will make the Pope declare for the League will confirm the Florentines and the Duke of Ferrara and will make all the people and princes of Italy ready to assist and adhere unto him in all his enterprises so as either Cesar will be kept from coming or if he do come he will meet with such a counterpoise as will frustrate all his disignes and will make him pass quickly back again over the Sea These advantages are not to be expected by making any attempts upon Spain which can but little or not at all avail our intentions For Cesar knowes that his situations being strong by Art and Nature and his Castels being excellently well garrison'd the King can make no important nor speedy advancement there nor can he tarry there long but rather is in danger of consuming his army through severall sufferings in that barren Country Where whilest mountains and walls shall fight against the King Cesar finding in Italy a fruitfull Country weak Cities and those but weakly garrison'd he will possess new Territories he will fortifie those which he is already possess'd of and will confirm himself in the possession of the greatest and best part of Italy But it may peradventure be said that the one may be done and the other not left undone the Affairs of Italy may be provided for and Spain may be assaulted He who shall be of that opinion may be sâ—id to deceive himself willingly For late experience shews the contrary we see how great difficulties and what impediments are found in bringing men and monies from France to recrute the Army commanded by Monsieur St. Paul and to bring it into a condition of being able to extinguish the little remainder of enemies which are yet in Milan under Antonio da Leva and yet the King is not imploy'd in any other enterprise I pray you what do you think the event will be when the king shall have carried with him the prime Flower of his Nobâ—lity to the borders of Spain or when the Emperour being strong in Italy there will be need of greater Forces to resist him then those which are now requisite and yet we find a want of them Assuredly the best Commanders and best Souldiers will be where the Kings person is monies and all Provisions for war will be carried thither for both the king and kingdome and not without reason will have chief regard to those things wherein the glory and safety of their king and Nation concern'd immediately and yet on the other side if the French do not gallantly recruit their Army in Italy the field must be yeilded to Cesar at his first arrival whereof being Master he will possess himself of all Cities and strong Holds which will have but small hope of being reâ—ieved by weaker Forces Therefore since it is impossible to attend two enterprizes at once and to negotiate them both with safety and hopes of bringing them unto a good end I know not why we should doubt of chusing that wherein the benefit appeares to be greater and more certain and the danger further off and more uncertain But I beseech you since it is so positively affirmed that if Cesar bee molested at home it is not likely that he will have leasure to think upon the affairs of Italy he being to prefer the preservation of his own Dominions before things further off and more uncertain Why will not we do the like by providing principally and primarily for the safety of Italy by the most assured and most immediate way and not dream upon prejudicing Spain nor seek how by a fallacious and far fetch'd remedy to obviate a certain and apparent danger nay we should rather value this reason the more and the more observe this rule for suppose the enterprise concerning Spain succeed prosperously what fruit shall we reap thereby But Cesar is possess'd of severall Territories in Italy so as by comming into them he may hope to secure them and keep them from being prejudiced so as whether he stay in Spain or come into Italy his business goes on advantagiously and is likely to prosper so as his counsell can never be blamed as peradventure ours may be there being so great a disparity between them T is true what is said to the contrary that we should have as great a care in keeping the King of France from increasing too much in power as in abasing Cesar's greatness Yet if I should enter into the consideration of all the particulars in this point this opinion would peradventure prove not to bee so absolutely true nor would the reasons nor respects of these two Princes prove alike But let us give it for granted let us see a little whether the condition of the Times and the present estate of affairs being considered we ought now to apprehend the power of the French so much or be jealous of the King of France his coming into Italy We have for many years last past been joyned in strait League and Amity with that Crown which being but for a very little while interrupted was soon redintegrated Moreover the King of France hath not at this time either any State nor many Forces in Italy nor means of getting any without our help and assistance On the other side we meet with many pretensions many difficulties and many occasions of diffidence in Cesar so as it is iâ—possible to have him our Neighbour and not to be jealous of him But that which imports most is Milan holds of him and many Towns in tâ—at State the City of Naples and the greatest part of that Kingdom and he hath still two Armies on Foot the one in Lombardy the other in the aforesaid Kingdom And shall we at this time and with these concomitances value things alike And shall we fear the power of
wrought upon his body making him fall grievously sick to be cured of which malady he was carried into Brescia Whilest the Armies were quartered thus near together many skirmishes past between them wherein most commonly Leva's souldiers came by the worst who desirous to repair himself by some more considerable action sent Cesare da Napoli with three thousand Foot beyond the river Ada to plunder the Territories of Brescia and Crema which the Duke of Urbine having notice of he left Count Giazzo with the Camp and went with some of his Souldiers to lie in Ambush near the place where he knew that the enemy was to pass the river and suffering some of them to pass over he fell unlooked for upon the rear who were yet upon the banks having sent the Light-horse back to block up the way that the enemy might not escape back to their own quarters Cesare da Napoli surprised by the unexpected danger caused the bridg to be broken to keep the Duke from passing over to fight him so as the souldiers who were yet unpass'd and were in number about one thousand five hundred were either slain or taken prisoners And it happened that amongst the rest a Spanish Captain was taken prisoner by a woman of a large stature and manlike spirit who being clad in souldier-like aparrel belonged to the colours of Count Giazzo who sending one day by way of sport for the Spanish Captain who was taken prisoner to come before him he shewed him Malgaretone so was this woman called by the Souldiers and told him that this was the souldier whose prisoner he was the Spaniard looking upon her said that he had comforted himself in this his misfortune in his being made prisoner by a valiant man as she seemed to be but when he knew the was a woman being overcome with shame and disdain he dyed of very grief within a few dayes The Armies kept many dayes after within their quarters But the Duke consulting with his souldiers wherein several things were propounded desired very much so to incommodate the Enemy as to make him forsake his quarters and at last he resolved having some advantage and using Art and military discipline to bring Leva to a battel He therefore placed all his Artillery only in one place from whence he went forth with all his Foot and horse carrying onely three pieces of Artillery along with him intending to leave them behinde and to retreat as soon as the skirmish should be begun seeming to do so out of fear and necessity so as when the enemy should advance to get the Canon he might disorder them by shot of Canon from the Camp which if it should happen he would sally out again and fall upon the enemy with greater violence when they should be disordered and in confusion But this could not be done as it was first projected for Count Giazzo being too far advanced with some of his Foot and the baâ—â—â— being begun a great way off his quarters and not being able to make his party long good with those few souldiers which he had he was forced to retreat in some disorder though in his own person he behaved himself gallantly So as it behoved the Duke seeing him in distress to advance speedily with the rest of his men to relieve him which he did with such resolution as the Imperiall Foot who were at first so forward in pursuing our men retired to their quarters in great disorder being still followed and damnified by the Venetians Leva lost in this action above one thousand five hundred Foot so as he durst not send his men any more out of his Camp nor attempt any thing but was much perplext being full of thoughts and difficulties He could not tarry longer where he was for want of Victuals wherein he suffered very much nor could he hope though he suffered so much to get any good he thought it stood not with his honour to retreat to Milan which would be as much as to say he did it for fear and being driven away by a much lesser number of Enemies to enter into the Venetian State was to small purpose and not without much danger all their Towns being very well garrison'd and on the other side the inhabitants of Milan were very exceedingly discontented and ready to despair by reason of the Souldiers extortions and injurious proceedings Insomuch as they had a great inclination to mutiny all of them crying out aloud for their Duke who was then with his men in Cremona nor did they doubt but that the Venetians being very desirous to see him reinstated would be willing to hazzard their Forces if they might see any hopes thereof But at last Leva being almost inforc'd so to do retired to Milan Who being gone the Duke of Urbine's desire was to remove his quarters nearer Mousa But the Senate being somwhat jealous that Sforzâ— negotiated some agreement with the Emperour which if it should prove so the way would be so block'd up as their Army could not succour Bergamo they thought it better that he should go with his army to Lodi that they might the better discover the Duke of Milan's minde But whilest these things were in Treaty the news encreased every day of the coming of the Dutch Foot and that they were to enter into the Territories of Verona to joyn with Leva the Senate resolved to bring all their Forces so within the Cities of their own Dominions Wherefore the Duke of Urbine having received such orders retired with part of his Army into Brescia and Count Gaiazzo went with the rest into Bergamo the Duke having by the opinion of all men won great praise and the renown of being a valiant and expert Commander in all these actions But Ianus Fregoso growing still sicker and his Melancholy humour encreasing for that he saw the affairs of the Camp proceeded so much differing from his opinion dyed within a few dayes to the great grief of the Venetians who had been very well pleased with his loyalty and dexterity which they witnessed sufficiently by conferring honour upon his three sons making Cesare General of their Light Horse Alexander Conductor of their Curassiers and Hannibal a Colonel of Foot At this very time there was continual negotiation of agreement had between the Emperour and the King of France wherein Margaret of Cesar's Aunt was the chief stickler whom he had authorized to treat of Peace and to conclude it Wherefore she having sent several Agents to the Court of France and the business being already begun the King thought good before any further proceedings should be had therein to send his Chamberlain Leluzbâ—iardo to her into Flanders to see Cesar's Commissions and to examine whether they were really such as were sufficient to conclude a business of such weight and he finding them to be very ample the King likewise destined to send his Mother to Cambray where she might meet with the Lady Margaret and negotiate and stipulate the particular conventions
of Peace between these two Princes The King did not acquaint the Venetian Senate with these Treaties till it was very late when by the departure of Queen Mother to the Diet at Cambray it could be concealed no longer nor did he then communicate any particulars unto them but did only promise he would come to no agreement with Cesar without their consent and knowledge and the like of the other Confederates and afterwards by endeavours which shewed him to be very well affected towards the Commonwealth he exhorted to universal peace which being as he said to be treated of at the Diet he desired that the Embassadors who were at his Court might have Commissions sent them to conclude it But the Senate though they were very jealous of the King's courses by these proceedings the rather for that they found he had long cunningly nourish'd them with hopes of his coming in person into Italy or of sending powerful forces both by Sea and Land and that yet he had done none of all this the King forbearing to do so for fear of disturbing this Treaty and expecting what the end thereof would be yet to shew that they had still the same minde which they ever had to peace and agreement they resolved to send commissions and authority to their two Embassadors who were yet together in the Court of France Giustiniano and Navagiero to intervene and promise in the name of the Commonwealth what should be fitting to the Treaty of peace But Navagiero having been very sick was dead before this Order came to France which was a great loss to the Commonwealth and much lamented by them all for he was a very learned Gentleman and when he betook himself to the management of publique affairs he shewed great ingenuity and wisdom Giustiniano remained then alone to negotiate this Treaty who received particular instructions from the Senate which in brief were That all things contained in the agreement of the year 23. should be punctually observed and likewise that whatsoever had been formerly promised and confirmed in the Diet at Worms should be effected for in the not observing of these things the difficulties between the Commonwealth and the House of Austria did depend but chiefly that whatsoever should become of the Agreement the restitution of the State of Milan to Francisco Sforza should primarily and principally be regarded But the Embassadour had no occasion to make use of these Instructions for though he followed the Queen to Cambray yet he kept for the most part at St Quintains some few miles from thence nor was he made acquainted with the most important particulars of the Treaty Wherefore the Senate began to be still more afraid that the King would minde himself only in the Agreement without any consideration of their or of the Confederates Interests and that his promise not to come to any Agreement without them was made not with any intention to keep it but least the Confederates should prevent him and by accommodating their affairs with Cesar should make his Agreement the harder and less advantagious To this purpose the King had likewise sent the Bishop of Tarba to Venice to treat of the particular provisions for War the which the less he intended the more did he seek to advantage himself thereby in the Treaty of peace that the contrary might be believed And soon after Theadore Trivultio being come to Venice by order from the King required the Senate to deposite the Cities of Ravenna and Cervia in his hands till some accommodation might be found in that business affirming that he did it to make the Pope declare himself since it was a thing of great moment to have him on their side if he should come himself in person into Italy to which answer was made that for as much as concern'd his coming the Commonwealth would in no wise be wanting in lending such assistance as they had often promised to witness the which they would be content to send twenty thousand Ducats by way of Imprest for the first payment to Susa or to Asti but touching the assignment of the Towns in Romagna that if the Universal Peace should be treated of in the Dyet at Cambray that was likewise to be decided together with the other difficulties and that the Senate would not be against such a deposition when they should see their affairs in a safe condition and when all other differences should be accorded But discovering the King 's cunning and contrary intentions in these intercessions they very much longed to hear the result of the Diet at Cambray The Senate therefore ordered their Embassadour in England Lodovico Faliero that he should mediate with King Henry who had alwaies been a friend to the Commonwealth to take upon him the protection of the Republique as he had formerly done when things went hardest with her and endeavour that in what should be treated off in the Dyet at Cambray nothing should be concluded which might prove prejudicial to her nor to the Liberty of Italy whereof he for many years past had to his infinite praise been a particular Defender Whilst these things were in treaty Cesar who for all this negotiation of peace gave not over thinking nor preparing for his coming into Italy came to Genua accompanied with many grâ—at Lords with thirty five Gallies and eighty other vessels having brought with him eight thousand foot and a thousand Horse from Spain which he caused to be landed at Savona that they might pass the more easily into Lombardy It was not easie to discern then what his design was for he had still constantly given out that he came into Italy to settle peace in her and to accommodate his differences with all the Italian Potentates yet he was very diligent in increasing his forces raising many Souldiers from all parts and giving order that all his men should meet in that place where he himself should be in person and resolving to go to Piacenza he sent forthwith to have his Lodgings prepared there Leva had at this time twelve thousand foot with him the Prince of Orenge was gone from Naples with seven thousand to Spoleti whither the Popes men were come Ten thousand Dutch foot began to fall down from Trent into the Territories of Verona which were raised in the County of Tirol and those that were lately come from Spain were eight thousand So as when all these should be met together the Emperour would have about fourty thousand foot in his service besides Horse whereof the number was not small the Dutch foot being accompanied with ten thousand Burgonian Horse The Italian Princes grew mightily afraid of this so very great power which increased by the fame that was given out though the King of France continued to affirm the contrary that peace was agreed upon between him and Cesar in the Diet at Cabrai all the other Colleagues being excluded Only the Pope measuring the danger according to the present state of affairs thought himself
Agreement made with Cesar not only to the end that their safety might have been provided for but that none might have doubted of the good intelligence had and held between the Venetian Senate and Crown of France That notwithstanding they did confide much in the Kings goodness and wisedom that he would not be wanting to the good and honour of the Common-wealth by interposing his authority with Cesar that her affairs might be reduced to such safety and tranquility as they desired and reason required But as concerning the restitution of the Towns in Puglia it was clear enough they were not thereunto bound out of any obligation for since the King had concluded peace with Cesar without including the Common wealth he had freed them from that tie of confederacy wherein it was agreed that the King should not make any accord without them Yet they desired to give convenient satisfaction even in this point but that a fitting time might be waited for to do it the rather for that his Sons were not to be set at liberty yet these two moneths in which time they hoped that some accommodations might be found out between their and Cesar's differences whereby this might be ended with satisfaction to the King To which purpose the King sent the Admiral into Italy to Cesar to exhort him to an universal peace and particularly to compose differencences with the Venetians whereby he hoped he should be able to make good the Articles of Cambray by procuring the restitution of the Towns in Puglia having already as much as concern'd him begun to do so by ordering Renzo da Cerâ— to deliver up all Towns and places which he held under him in the Kingdom of Naples to the Impeâ—ialists and had indeavoured that the Venetians would do the like but that they being first advertized of the Senates pleasure had refused to do it This was the present condition of the affairs of Italy Cesar very powerful and in armes the Pope his Friend and Conâ—ederate the other Potentates of Italy all of them almost for fear to obey his will the French driven fully out of Italy so as though they had not as yet laid down their arms they were bound by articles not to meddle with any thing concerning Italy wherein the Emperour might be prejudiced Yet amidst all these difficulties the Senate kept still their resolution of opposing Cesar if he should as it was thought he would do possess himself of the State of Milan Wherefore the first confederacy being broken with the rest they did again ratifie and confirm it by new obligations with Francisco Sforza wishing him not to be wanting to himself but to hope well for the Commonwealth would willingly serve him with all their Forces At the same time Soliman who had resolved to re-possess Iohn King of Hungary in his Kingdom he being driven out of it by Ferdinando's forces was entred with a numerous and powerful Army into the confines of Hungary and incamp'd before the City of Buda whereat the Inhabitants being mightily terrified he easily made himself Master thereof and making his Cavalry over-run the Campagnia of Austria he plunder'd and wasted the Archdukes Country threatening to come with his whole Army to before Vienna towards the which he caused great preparation of victuals be made and of warlike instruments to be brought to before that City by the River of Danubius Cesar was greatly troubled at this News seeing his Brother imbroyl'd in so many troubles wherein he knew his own honour was concern'd and the safety of the Empire if he should suffer so powerful an Army to come so near him whilst he being busied about lesser affairs should stand as it were an idle Spectator of so sore dangers which threatened his Country and himself too Other occasions of fear were likewise hereunto added For he had received intelligence from his brother that the Heretical sects increased much in Germany that they raised forces and that it was apparently seen they meant to put for novelty which pestiferous seeds if they should not be rooted out it was thought they would soon bring forth malignant effects to the great scandal of the true Catholick Religion and to the as much prejudice of the states of Temporal Princes and chiefly to that of the Empire These things being maturely considered made the Emperour begin to think of peace and to make him really intend that which it was thought he did at first but seem to do To forego Italy without having settled any of his affairs was neither for his honour nor for his safety and he knew he could not make peace though but for a while without agreeing with the Venetians upon whom whilst things were in this commotion the state of Italy did depend there being no slight suspition that if the King of France could get the Venetians to joyn with him as either open Enemies or but meanly satisfied with Cesar he would keep the articles of Cambray no better now that he had his Sons back again then he had done those of Madrid when he himself was set at liberty Cesar having thâ—n for these reasons resolved to accommodate his differences with the Venetians and to establish the affairs of Italy by an universal peace he suffer'd this his will to be clearly understood which made many Personages of great authority interpose themselves therein Andrea Doria sent Frederick Grimaldo to Venice to offer his service in this treaty saying that he knew Cesar to be so well inclined to peace as if the Senate would be pleased that he should undertake the business he hoped to bring it to a happy end quickly But the Senate neither accepting nor refusing this offer answered That they had always indeavour'd peace and did value the Emperours friendship very much as it became them well to do and that they were still of the same mind But they desired to see some sign whereby they might be perswaded that Cesars real intentions were what they were affirmed to be for the tarrying of the Dutch foot still in an hostile manner in their State ransacking and ruinating the Territories of Brescâ—a gave but small shew thereof Soon after Sigismond dalla Torre Chamberlain to the Marquis of Mantua came as Embassadour from him to Venice to exhort the Senate likewise to make peace with Cesar affirming yet more constantly then Doria had done Cesars willingness to peace and desiring them moreover that they would be contented that the Treaty might be held in the City of Mantua whither he knew that Cesar would presently send his Agents with commissions to that purpose And he the Marquis offer'd his best service herein as an Italian who was very zealous of the Liberty of Italy and as a friend to the Commonwealth Whilst these things were in Treaty Cesar prepared to go to Bullognia to speak with the Pope according to the agreement made at Barcellona which was chosen for the place of meeting insteed of Genua as being more commodious for the
weak foundations his own affairs stood and how impossible it was for him to maintain an Army and tarry any longer in Italy That it is a general rule what is acceptable and advantagious to an Enemy is to be shunn'd as that which may produce contrary effects to the adverse party That this which had an appearance of humanity and looked like a desire of peace and quietness was only a piece of cunning in the Imperialists to conceal their weakness and to make it be believed that they intended the common good when they did only endeavour their own advantage But suppose said these men that we may do well for the present tâ— agree with Cesar it will be fitting at least to expect what the result will be of the convention at Bullognia where Cesars mind and intentions may be better discovered especially touching the settlement of the Dutchy of Milan upon which the best grounded resolution of peace ought to depend by the obligation of ancient and new confederacy and by the disposition of the Commonwealth her self introduced by many weighty Interests That it was also probable that the Pope though he were not very well pleased with them as touching the towns in Romagna would not notwithstanding for the Churches interest and his own break the friendship and peace between the Emperour and the Commonwealth the safety and honour whereof did finally result to the accommodation and grandezza of the Apostolique See as that also the present peace would make for the business of Florence which the Pope did then so fervently endeavour to the end that all other respects and jealousies being laid aside Cesar might for the Popes satisfaction turn his Forces into those parts and bring them to a sooner and a more certain end These reasons wrought much upon the minds of many men who being now wonted to War were unwilling to lay down Arms unless with great honour and safety to the Commonwealth insomuch as they did for that time forbear the chusing of Commissioners to send to Mantua to treat of peace and resolved to send Secretary Andrea Resso to the Marquis To return their thanks for his offer and for the good Will which he seemed to bear to the Commonwealth excusing themselves for that they could not at the present resolve upon a Treaty since the Emperour and the Pope were to meet quickly at Bullognia to find out an accommodation for all the affairs of Italy and for that Bishop Bosoniences the Popes Nuntiâ— had interposed himself in that business and particularly in what appertained to the Commonwealth This mean while the Pope being gone from Rome went to Spoleti and from thence to Bullognia to expect the Emperour who came thither some few days after the five and twentieth of October which was the day the Pope entred that City As soon as they met the Treaty of Peace began both of them seeming desirous to settle Italy in a firm condition of quiet The first and most important businesses to be accorded were those which concerned the Duke of Milan who after many former practises and endeavours for which the Protonotary Caracciole and Don Garziadi Padiglia were gone with several propositions from Piacenza to Cremona resolved having formerly obtained a safe conduct and being councell'd so to do by the Venetians who for his greater honour sent their Embassadour Mark Antonio Veniero to accompany him to go himself to Cesar in Bullognia for one thing which made the business more difficult was that Cesar took it ill that Francisco Sforza should not humble himself to him as it became a Vassal of the Empire to do and that he did negotiate his business either too arrogantly or at least distrusting too much Cesars either justice or clemency The first thing which disturb'd this Treaty which was before brought near a conclusion was that the Imperialists would have the Cities of Pavia and Alessandria delivered up into their hands as pledges for the observancy of what should be agreed upon which Sforza following herein the counsel and opinion of the Senate who had put great Garrisons into those Cities and had lent the Duke ten thousand Ducats to maintain them utterly refused to do This demand having renewed in him and in the Venetians their former jealousies that the Imperialists desired to appropriâ—te the State of Milan unto themselves wherefore the Pope desired those Cities might be deposited into his hands which the Duke said he could not do without the consent of the Venetians alledging that it would be better to refer the discussion of his cause to the convention at Bullognia And thus he spun out the time without coming to any conclusion When Sforza was come to Bullognia where he was graciously received by the Emperour his business was brought to this conclusion the Pope interceding therein to whom Cesar had promised that he would not dispose of the State of Milan without his consent that his cause should be decided by Justice Whereunto the Duke did more willingly consent then to any other proposal to shew that he relied upon his own Innocence and upon Cesar's Justice But the Venetian Senate seeing that the agreement with the Duke of Millan which had been the chief cause of beginning the war and of the continuance thereof was in a fair way of being concluded sent Commissions to Gaspero Contarini who was their Embassadour with the Pope to treat and conclude of peace if they could agree upon particulars they having been very much and with great expressions of love solicited thereunto by the Pope who promised to interpose both his authority and favour with Cesar concerning this Treaty The Embassadour Contarini when he met the Emperour at his first entrance into Bolognia was very graciously received by his Majestie but nothing was as yet treated of saving general civilities which shewed a good inclination to friendship and peace When the Embassadour had made it known that he had Commission from the Senate to treat of an agreement and that therefore he desired to know upon what tearms it was to be made The Emperour seeming to correspond very much in a will and desire to peace deputed the Lord Chancellour Granville and Monsieur di Prato to this negotiation in which Treaty the Pope himself would intervene At first there was great hopes of comming to a speedy agreement but when they drew near a conclusion new doubts and difficulties were started which made it be believed that but little sincerity was intended therein chiefly for that though many endeavours had been had the Imperialists could not be brought to remove the Dutch Foot from the State of Venice who continued still to the number of about ten thousand in the Territories of Brescia and did prejudice the Country much And moreover twenty five Gallies being parted from Cevita Vecchia to go for Naples it was publickly said that these together with four more which were in that Haven were ordered to go into Puglia So as all expences and provisions
Walls of Florence all the other parts of Italy were free and quiet the Pope the Emperour Ferdinand King of the Romans and the Senate of Venice having at last ratified an Agreement upon these conditions That the Venetians should relinquish the Cities of Ceruia and Ravenna the Apostolique See and to the Emperour Trani Monopoli and whatsoever they were possess'd of in Puglia that all other Cities Towns places which were as then in their possession should remain under the Jurisdiction and Dominion of the Common-wealth which was to enjoy them peacefully and quietly That the Inhabitants who were in those Cities and who had adhered to the Venetians might be suffered either to tarry there or to goe elsewhere and that wheresoever they should be they might injâ—y the goods which they possess'd in their countries and particularly that it might be lawful for such Venetian Citizens as had any possessions in these Territories not only to enjoy their Incomes but to carry them whithersoever they should please without being subject to any prohibition or Tax That the Venetian Citizens should also have all those priviledges and immunities confirm'd unto them throughout the whole Kingdom of Naples which they had before enjoy'd by the concession of the former Kings and that generally free and safe abode and commerce should be allowed to all the Subjects of the Confederate Princes in all their several Dominions and that they should be well dealt withal and have Reason and Justice done them as if they were of the same Country where for the present they did inhabit or negotiate That all past faults should be forgiven to those who during the time of War after that Maximilian took first up Arms against the Common-wealth for having followed the Imperial faction or had either been accus'd and condemned for any thing thereunto belonging and that they should be restored to their Countries and goods except such goods as were formerly confiscated for which the Venetians promised to pay yearly 5000 Ducates And that all faults should be forgiven to Count Brunoro di Gambara by name and that he should be received into favour who was then the Emperours Chamberlain That moreover the Venetians should pay unto the Emperour for what remain'd unpaid of 200000 Ducates promis'd at the agreement made the year 1523. 25000 Ducates within two Moneths and the rest which should appear to be due within one year following But upon express condition that before the disbursment of these monies those Towns and places should be restored to the Common-wealth which were thereunto due upon the same Articles wherein if any dispute should arise the same should be determined by two Arbitrators and one Umpire Moreover the Venetians were contented to gratifie Cesar with 100000 Ducates more within six Moneâ—hs and that because the rights of the Patriarch of Aquilegia were reserved in the Diet at Worms wherein he pretended to be injured in his jurisdiction by Ferdinand of Austria that this cause should be decided by two Arbitrators and one Umpire to the end that the Patriarch might be restored to what should be found due unto him and that this agreement might not only aim at the present peace of Italy but to provide for the future quiet and security thereof each of the aforesaid Princes were bound to enter into a perpetual League for the defence of each other in as much as concern'd the Estates in Italy And it was particularly expressed that the Venetians and Francisco Sforza Duke of Milan for whom the Emperour promised and stood bound should alwaies have each of them five hundred Curassiers in readiness and that when either the Dukes state or the Commonwealth should be assaulted by any Forraign Army each should be bound to assist the other with eight hundred Curassiers wherein the foresaid five hundred were to be comprehended with five hundred Light Horse and six thousand Foot together with a sufficient Train of Artillery ammunition and all the expences thereunto belonging during the war and that neither of them should grant passage victuals or any other accommodation to such as should intend prejudice to either of them but should use all the means they could to hinder them And on the other side the Duke of Milan and the Venetians were bound to defend the Kingdom of Naples from any assault that should be thereupon made by any Christian Princes with sixteen Gallies at their own expence In this capitulation all the friends and confederates of these Princes were comprehended so as they should not prove enemies to any of the chief contractors and the Common-wealths of Genua Sienna and Lucca the Duke of Savoy the Marquis of Mantua and Marquis of Monferrat were particularly nominated by the Pope by the Emperour and by Ferdinando and by the Venetians Antonio Maria Montefeltro Duke of Urbine But with this difference that the Venetians were not bound to defend the States of the others though they were nominated and the Duke of Urbine was comprehended in his person and State under the same conditions as were the chief contractors as having a dependancy upon the Commonwealth and as being by her taken into protection Touching the Duke of Ferara it was declared that he was only understood to be comprehended with the rest when he should have accommodated the differences which were between him and the Apostolique See Thus after so many vexations and long Wars things were setled and accommodated and a certain and secure peace was made to the great comfort of the Subjects and the no less praise of the Princes All men thought that this peace and agreement amongst the Christian Princes was made at a very opportune time so as they might joyntly make head against Soliman who being wholly set upon the glory of War and being encouraged by the discords of the Christian Princes was come with his forces against their Kingdoms threatning ruine For though he was forced to rise from before the Walls of Vienna and freed her so from danger at that time by reason that the Winter came on and that he had no great Train of Artillery as also for that the City was defended by very many valiant Souldiers yet he declared that he would return the next Spring with greater forces to assail that City and other Towns in Germany Soliman at his departure from those consines declared Iohn to be King of Hungary shewing that he aimed chiefly at the praise of valour and generosity He also made Luigi Gritti chief Treasurer of that Kingdom who was natural son of Andrea Gritti Duke of Venice born at Constantinople whilst Andrea being a young man was there upon his own private affairs Luigi proved to be a very ingenious man endowed with many noble qualities so as getting first into favour with Ebrahim the chief Bashaw and of supream authority in that Court and afterwards by his means into the like of Soliman he had done the Commonwealth very good service in their last troubles by keeping them in friendship with
make that City the Seat of the Empire to abound in all things and especially in Gold to which purpose he had forbidden men of all Nations to buy any Silks or Spices and had already bought a great quantity of these merchandize with his own monies that he might bring them to Constantinople The Venetians were much troubled at these proceedings for though the Turkish forces seemed to threaten other parts yet their power encreasing by the ruine of other Princes it would become likewise more formidable to them and the going out of the Fleet would alwaies be occasion of trouble and of expence to the Commonwealth especially if the Fleet should come as it was said it was to do into the Gulph of Venice where the Western Vessels came oftentimes to pillage with much insolency And the removing of Traffique from the usual places did much disturb their Merchandizing and the ancient Navigation of their Galeasses which were wont to go every year to Sâ—ria and Alexandria The Venetians thinking how to give a timely remedy to these things exhorted the King of Hungary who was found to have some inclination to make peace with the Archduke Ferdinand to pursue it and thereby to rid Christendom of so many occasions of danger and prejudice They likewise encouraged the King of Poland who had formerly interposed himself in this business to re-assume the Treaty of Agreement They sought by many endeavours with the Bashaws at Constantinople and especially with Luigi Gritti who grew daylie greater in favour and authority there to keep the Grand Seignior from sending forth his Fleet by shewing the care and diligence used by the Commonwealth in keeping the Sea open and free from Pyrats and likewise from his other intention of bringing the Merchandize of Soria and Alexandria to Constantinople shewing many inconveniences that would arise thereby so as without any considerable advantage to Constantinople and to the great prejudice of his other Provinces and of his Imposts traffique would lessen by leaving those of the Western parts no occasion of making those Voyages if they should not be permitted to send forth so many sorts of Merchandize which they vented in great quantities in those Countries and wherewith they contracted for Spices and other Merchandize more then with ready money But to take all occasion from the Turks of sending out Gallies and especially into the Gulph of Venice the Senate ordered the Commissary of their Fleet that he should warn the Gallies of Malta not to come into the Gulph nor to prejudice any Vessels which sailed into the Eastern Seas which were guarded by them which if they should deny to do that then he should endeavour to disarm them The Turks thought themselves very much inâ—ur'd hereby and complaining of the Venetians they said that it did not suit with the friendship which they profess'd to hold with the Grand Seignior to suffer that the Turks who were their friends should be so much prejudiced at their own homes and before their faces especially since their security was to rely upon the provisions and forces of the Commonwealth in which respect to preserve her jurisdiction and to shun occasion of disorder the Turks forbore sending any men of War into the Gulph At the same time Cesar having summoned a Diet of all the German Princes in Augusta many things appertaining to the State and to Religion were therein treated on The Protestants insisted chiefly in demanding a General Councel wherein their opinions concerning the points of faith might be examined and decided which they did not out of any desire of sifting ouâ— the truth but because they believed that the Pope would not give way thereunto lest they might enter into some other Treaties whereby his authority might be endangered so as they thought they might have good occasion thereby to foment their false opinions amongst the people The Emperour seeking how to appease so many humours and how to cut off this root of greater evils propounded the business to the Pope who looking for little good thereby nay rather occasion of greater disorders and yet being unwilling to seem to refuse it sought to spin out the business at length alledging many respects which gave just occasion of delay and chiefly the discords which were then on foot amongst Christian Princes to appease the which he said it would be best first to think how they might all concur joyntly to assist and favour the Counsel But the Protestants growing more earnest in this their desire and the Popes fear increasing he who greatly detested this sort of people began to propound that they might be prosecuted by temporal arms which he oftentimes mentioned not onely to Cesar but to the Venetian Senate also to whom be sent an express Nuntio to exhort them to use their Counsels authority and forces herein and to make Cesar undertake this business the more willingly he offered him a certain sum of money But the Senate were much of an other opinion and fought to disswade the Pope from it Whose piety when they had praised they shewed him afterwards that to take up arms at this time and without any pressing occasion was no better then to shew his fear the more is a just cause which he would go about to secure by preventing by way of Arms the power which the concourse and favour of the people might bring unto the adverse party Than it became those who sustained the cause of Religion to try all things especially by Scripture and by reason Moreover that the Protestant Princes would be necessitated to procure forces and more followers and their cause would be more favoured by the people and have some fair appearance since they were to withstand the violence of Enemies that the Princes of Italy were wholly exhausted by the so many wars That it was to be suspected to what party the Electors of the Empire would adhere in such a case they being more desirous of agreement then of war as appeared by their Embassadours who were sent to the Emperour at Brussels That the Hans Towns of Germany were resolved not to assist Cesar if he should go about to attempt any thing rather by power then by reason That Cesar was not able of himself to raise sufficient forces to oppress the Princes and people who were in commotion There appeared such reason in these things and the Authority of the Senate was so great from whose advice the Pope had very much differed as changing his opinion he forbore sending his Nuntio to Cesar as he had intended to do and suspended any such Treaty And truly it was thought to be a much wiser course and better becoming the condition of the present times to think rather of sustaining the Turkish Wars and to keep the forces of Christendom united as much as might be especially those of Germany who were to withstand the Turks first violence For it was held for certain that Soliman whose haughty mind must needs be scandalized for his being
a Pope who might be better minded to the Commonwealth They further added the thing was not in it self so much to be desired nor so advantagious to the Commonwealth as to be so highly prest for and so violently endangering themselves thereby to iâ—cur the Pope's displeasure and Ecclesiastique censures things which had formerly proved very prejudicial and almost ruâ—â—ous to the Commonwealth in depriving her as it had often done of her chiefest Senators By giving them these dignities and charge of Churches and by interessing so many Families in Ecclesiastical goods and preferments so as by the Laws many Citizens were excluded from the most important negotiations of government How could it be thought to tend to the publique good or that it was of small moment in their Cities to introduce hereby a Court-like life in many of their families and mere of grandeâ—za and deliciousness then became a private life which their Ancestors had always endeavour'd as much as they could to keep in an equality thrifty and far from such things as might coâ—rupt the ancient customs of their forefathers as might beget in some citisens too haughty thoughts and in others envie at their too great fortune That the ambition which was in all men of attaining unto the usual employments of the Commonwealth was sufficiently advantagious without adding another ambition thereunto of thirsting after ecclesiastical dignities which would be so much the greater as the thing endeavoured seemed the more desirable by the perpetuity of honour and by the profit which waited thereupon and that though they were formerly suffered it was to be consider'd that the manners of these times as is usually seen in all other human things were already gone far beyond the bounds of that naked honesty wherewith their predecessors had governd themselves and the Commonwealth But others held to the contrary that they were not to forbear their former resolution of drawing the Pope to condiscend to their reasonable requests that they had had experience enough by their late successes of what force a constant and generous resolution was whereby having overcome so many difficulties of the severest and saddest times they had recovered almost their whols State on Terra firma That it was not to be doubted but that they might soon reduce their Commonwealth to her former dignity authority and honour if they would still use the same means And what reason was there to believe that the Pope to whom peace was more advantagious then to any others since thereby he might settle his Nephew in that Grandeâ—za in his country which had cost him so much labour and expence to put him into would now by troubling the affairs of Italy expose so great and now so certain a Fortune to new and doubtful events of War That they could not expect a better occasion or opportunity That Cesar would further this request both out of the common Interest and for the need he had of keeping Friendship and good Intelligence with the Common-wealth That the thing it self was such as length of time would prove prejudicial to it for by endring the longer deprivation thereof their former pretence of possession would become the weaker But that if they would consider the particulars of this businesse more inwardly the advantages and conveniencies thereof would appear to be so many as there would be no doubt of the contrary That other great Princes had this concession and used it with ample authority and why should the Common-wealth which was Mistris of Kingdomes be inferiour to the rest That it was apparent enough how much it imports Princes in point of State that Prelates who are of such Authority in Cities should not only be their Confidents but should also be bound unto them and that they should acknowledge that Dignity and all their Fortune from their Natural Prince so as they might proceed in all things with more sincere Faith and greater Respect Nor could the Ambition after this degree be more harmful then that by which the magistracies of the Commonwealth are usually procured and that it had always been thought that the need that one Citizen stood in of anothers favour in the attaining unto honours doth help much to the preservation of civil Government Whereof the more various important occasions are offer'd so much more the love and union of Citizens are confirm'd and augmented Nor was that wealth to be blamed in Citizens which is justly conferr'd upon them by the Publick And that it was the comfort of many families and made many out of such hopes to be the more careful in breeding up good Subjects who by their learning and manners might be capable of such preferments and prove after very fit for the Government of the Commonwealth And when provision is not had by the good Orders of a City that Citizens may of themselves love good demeanour and the good of their Country it was in vain to blame riches or praise poverty since both of them may equally allure corrupt minds to wickedness though by several ways These and other reasons were alledged according to the diversity of opinions so as the business rested in suspence and undecided But at the last taking a middle way it was resolved that to gratifie the Pope possessions should be given to all such as till then the Pope had conferr'd Bishopricks upon in their Dominions But that nevertheless not desisting from their former demands but professing that they had done this only out of respect and observancy to Clement they should seem to hope the more to obtain their desire Yet the Pope who did first require this in sign of their obedience could not be appeased but appeared still more obdurate so as the business could be brought to no better condition But other more weighty affairs diverted them from this care and advised them to endeavour a good intelligence with the Pope for in the beginning of the year 1531. 't was known that Soliman intended great war upon Christendom having already accommodated his differences with the King of Persia from whom some were already come to Constantinople to confirm the peace Many things raised a jealousie that he would make attempts not only by land but by Sea too for he had sent his Standard to Cariadino surnamed Barbarossa a very famous Pyrat for his skilfulness in Sea affairs and for the great harm he had done to Christendom and this man he had received into the number of his Commanders which he acquainted the Venetians with to the end that they might not proceed with him any more as with a Pyrate but as with one that belonged to him And though the Bashawes did often affirm that they would keep friendship and peace with the Commonwealth yet it being neither honourable nor safe to leave the Sea open to the discretion of these barbarous people it behoved them to make extraordinary provision of Gallies and of Souldiers which was the more grievous to them for that the publick purse
them Thus by order from the Senate twenty Gallies were suddenly armed in the Islands of Candia Zante and Corfu and in other Towns of Dalmatia which made up the number of the Fleet sixty the Government whereof was given to Vicenzo Capello who was created Captain General at Sea His Commission was to look carefully to the preservation of all places and subjects belonging to the Commonwealth not suffering any injury to be done unto them but not to meddle by any means in the affâ—irs of any forraign Fleet that both the Imperialists and Turks should be treated as friends that they should be allowed Havens and Victuals but neither Arms nor ammunition nor any thing appertaining to War for the Senate was stedfastly resolved to keep peace and friendship with all The Turkish Fleet being then put forth into the Eastern Seas to the number of eighty Sail some twenty lesser Vessels being numbred amongst the Gallies commanded by Immerale and the Imperial Fleet into the Western consisting of forty nimble Gallies to boot with a great number of Men of War commanded by Andrea Doria and it not appearing as yet what the commanders ends or commissions were General Capello kept between Zant and Corfu endeavouring according to his Commission to secure the Subjects but to shun all occasion of encountring with this Fleet in case it should advance that he might give no suspition of favouring one party more then the other Immerale being come to Pevesa Capello tarrying at Corfu sent one of his Gallies to make him a friendly Visit which he took very kindly and promised to have a great care to the affairs of the Commonwealth not suffering any of her subjects to be injured and it was a great truth that the Turkish Fleet having touched at Zant and at other places had not injured any one But Doria putting from Sicily where he had tarried long sailed towards Greece and hearing that the Venetian Fleet was at Zant he would go thither also with his Gallies that he might speak with General Capello intending as it was believ'd for he had often said he would do so to put a necessity upon the Venetians of joyning with him by making the Turks jealous that their Fleets would joyn concerning which union he had written many letters to the Senate and the Emperours Embassadour then resident at Venice had several times with much importunity prest to know that if it should so fall out as his Masters and the Turks Fleet should have a conflict whether the Venetian General was to assist Soliman or no Which it being very well known how far the Venâ—tian were â—rom doing they knew these queries were made to bring them to some farther justification of themselves by some promise which might make them quit their Neutrality Therefore the Senate and General Capello gave such answers as might witness their forwardness and willingness to keep friends with Cesar but that they would not be brought either out of favour to him or out of any vain hopes of self-interest to break peace with so powerful an Enemy Thus the Imperial and Turkish Fleets being almost equally ballanced in point of force they lay idle all the Summer neither of them daring to fall upon any Enterprize for fear of being worsted by the other At last the Turkish Fleet beginning because it was much weakened by the Souldiers sickness to retire towards Negraponte to the end as it was believed that they might winter in Constantinople Doria grew thereupon the bolder and having a great many Souldiers in his Fleet after many consultations steered his course towards Morea reâ—olving to attempt the taking of Corone which after some resistance made by the Turkish Garrison he took by force and soon after took Patrasso by agreement But winter being now at hand both the Fleets with-drew into their several Havens not doing any remarkable action Wherefore the Venetians that they might not be at so great an expence to no purpose disarm'd their extraordinary Gallies which had been armed abroad and some of the oldest also which had formerly been in their Fleet This happy success of the Imperialists encouraged the Christians to hope for greater things every little acquisition being highly esteemed by them who were always wont to come off with the loss But others weighing the condition of affairs better said that such things were vainly undertaken as could produce no true nor greatly considerable advantage to the service of Christendom for since the Turkish Forces remained intire both by Sea and Land what reason had they to nourish any hopes of maintaining those places long to which the Enemy might easily bring their most powerful Armies both by Land and Sea And certainly the sequel made this be the better known for the next year Corone was re-taken by the Turks to the great loss and shame of the Christians And the like not many years after befell Castel Novo which was first taken and soon after lost by our men as shall hereafter be related These things were done abroad but in Italy all things were this mean while peaceable save that the Duke of Milan was forced to send his men against the Commander of the castle of Muss who desirous to better his condition by some novelty and hoping to be assisted by the Landsknechts had taken some places amongst the Grisouâ—s and threatened the City of Como which caused the Duke to send a Servant of his Iovan Battisto Spetiano to crave help from the Senate To which the Senate answered that they were to proceed herein with great caution lest they might trouble the quiet of Italy and raise jealousies that they had deeper designs But that if the occasion should increase he should find them as ready as they had been for so many late years to assist the Duke and his affairs Which was the occasion of the quenching of this little spark which if the Venetians should have taken up Arms was feared might have broken out into a greater fire For the Grisouns being assisted in this interim by some of the Cantons of the Switzers had assembled a good number of men with whom they made head against the aforesaid Commander and brought him to agreement to the which the Duke when he understood the Venetians resolution did the more willingly assent and at last had the town of Lecco and the Castle of Muss restored unto him for a certain sum of money At the same time the possession of the Cities of Modena and Regio was confirm'd to the Duke of Ferrara by the Emperours favourable decree in his behalf though the Pope complain'd much thereof To whom the Duke being to pay for this 100000 Duckets within a prefix'd time and the Pope requiring Pledges the Duke gave him fifteen Gentlemen of Venice whom the Pope accepted of upon the Senates word that they were sufficient security for such a sum A little before this the Duke was return'd to favour and friendship with the Commoâ— wealth whereby he was freely
and Sea Captains meeting together they resolved to send the Gallies immediately back to Barbary and took order the mean while for curing the Turkish Captain using him civilly and excusing their fault by the errour of night When this News came to Venice the Senators were for the same cause greatly troubled and the rather for that the Harvest proving very bad this year and they having hoped to feed the numerous Inhabitants of the City with corn which they expected out of Turky from whence they had not only obtain'd transportation of corn but had begun to load divers of their ships therewithal they feared lest this offence might be done unseasonably For the Turkish Officers who were upon the shore side had already without expecting any farther Orders from the Court embargode the Venetian ships which were at the loading places ready to carry corn away For this it was propos'd by some that another Commissary should be chosen in lieu of â—analâ— who should be deprived of that place and sent for back to give an account of what he had done But this action was by others stoutly defended as done by military reason and worthy to be rewarded not punished for that it did not become the dignity and honour of the Commâ—nwealth which was so highly esteemed to punish or but to appear inclined to punish such servants who behaving themselves well and valiantly had discharged the trust imposed in them faithfully Thus these proposals being laid aside it was resolved by a joynt consent to send Daniel de Fedirici Secretary to the Pregadi to Constantinople who was a discreet man and well experienced in other affairs that he might justifie what was done viva voce to the Bascia and to Solimans self shewing the necessity which had inforced our Captain out of apprehension of the armed Vessels which came so near him and by the darkness of the night to fight their friends Gallies and that on the other side the sudden sending back of those and the good usage of their Captain might sufficiently prove their sincere good will towards the Grand Signior The admittance of these things was much furthered by the good offices done by Ebrahim and Gritti but especially by the new war of Persia on which Soliman having already fix'd his mind he would not promote any thing that might divert him from it Thus these commotions being honourably appeased at Constantinople Canale reaped the more praise and glory who dying not long after in the same charge the Senate in acknowledgment of his long and faithful service granted a certain annual Revenue in fee during Canales life time to his Son Antonio in the Island of Corfu Canale was certainly a gallant man in his time and very famous for his experience in Sea affairs and for his noble daring which made him easily attempt whatsoever difficulties These things hapned in the Venetian Fleet but that of the Emperours after it had tarried long about Naples and Messina went boldly on to relieve Corone though her Captains knew that the Enemy was very strong in those Seas And they were successful therein for according to their intention they brought relief to their men who were besieged in Corone and were already reduced to the utmost extremity But conceiving some better hopes afterwards of greater success and victory against the Turkish Fleet which leaving the way open to its Enemies did by its direct running away declare the weakness and fear thereof it proved by fault of the chief Commander or by the perpetual misfortune of Christendome vain and to no purpose Nay it may be said that this cowardise of the Turkish Commanders proved more prejudicial to Christendom for Soliman not satisfied with those to whom he had committed the Government of his Fleet and blaming their fear and want of experience sent for Cariadino nick-named Barbarossa who of a Pyrate being become a Prince did then command over the City of Algiers and gave him the charge of his maritime affairs This man was very expert at the Mariners art and having roved a long time with armed ships upon the Sea knew very particularly all the Christian situations and Sea-coasts about Barbary and had got a great repute by many prosperous successes against the Moors in the African Rivers and particularly by the rout which he gave the Spanish Gallies as they past four years before under the Government of Don Hugo di Moncada to Genua to find out Doria He may be said to be the first that taught the Turks how to manage a Fleet all things else belonging to the maritime Militia who had hitherto minded the grounding and increasing of their power only by Land Armies By his counsel the arming of Gallies with Slaves was first instituted which were formerly used to be armed with raw and unexperienced men by him were many other orders made whereby the Turkish Fleets are become more formidable to Christian Princes Soliman being resolved to make use of this man gave the Venetians quick notice thereof to the end that they might treat with him if they should meet him hereafter as with one that appertain'd to his Court knowing that he was continually pursued by their Gallies as one who had done them much prejudice And truely he was afterwards an Instrument of much mischief to Christendom and particularly to the State of Venice as shall be made known by what succeeded At this time for all these eminent dangers that threatned Christendom the Pope was notwithstanding so intent and more then ever fervent in his accustomed desires of exalting his Nephews and his Family as he had had secret Treaties with the King of France of a Marriage between Katharine to his Nephew Lorenzo de Medici and Henry Duke of Orleans the King 's second Son to effect the which he promised the King to come to Nize The News of this interview being noised abroad though the business which was there to be treated of was not certainly known did much trouble the Venetians chiefly because it was given out that the Emperour was to meet there also The actions of these Princes were therefore diligently observed by the Senators who had learned by what had pass'd at the Diet at Cambrai and by more recent affairs that all things ought to be apprehended and suspected from the ambition of Princes But the interview which should have been in Iuly being put off to September the true cause of this meeting was discovered for the better ordering whereof the Bishop of Faenza met at Nize for the Pope and Monsieur Le Grand for the King which freed the Venetians of their jealousies The Pope acquainted them afterwards with his designe and with the cause thereof wherein not concealing his intention of his Neeces Marriage any longer he thought to disguise it in other colours and that he did not look so much at his own particular interest in this Treaty as at the common good and the safety of Italy Which he knew and which
at last obtained a subsidie of one hundred thousand Duckets to be raised from the Clergie a thing not of so much esteem in it self as that divers difficulties being thereby overcome it was thought the like might be come by the more easily afterwards as also that it argued the Popes good opinion of the Common-wealth Monies being raised by this means and by many other wayes the Senate minded the increase of their Galleys which were still commanded by General Capello and the sending of Foot into their Islands and Maritime Towns that their affairs might be safe and that they might expect what the Issue of so many Fleets would be The Turks ceased not whilest their Fleet was preparing to attempt the regaining of Corone by land Forces wherewith they did besiege it so closely as the Spanish Souldiers growing impatient and being almost desperate by reason of their so great sufferings in almost all things sallyed out to assault the Turkish Camp but succeeding ill therein for they were worsted by the enemy lost many of their men and were forc'd to retreat back into the Fort They found themselves by these losses and by the pestilence reduced to so small a number as when the ships arrived which brought relief from Cicily the Spanish Commanders despairing to be able to maintain the Fort any longer got into the same ships and left the Town in the power of the Turks Yet it was a common opinion and not unlikely that this was done by express order from the Emperour who knowing that he could not maintain that place which was environed by the enemies forces but by continuall great expence and with small hopes of further progress resolved to keep it no longer to but little purpose The loss of Corone proved grievous to the Venetians in one respect since they saw the little hopes which they and the other Christian Princes had of keeping the Turks under seeing they were not able to keep what they had got But on the other side finding that Corone though possess'd by the Christians not to be a situation sufficient to overcome so many difficulties nor to attempt any thing against the Turks with any hope of considerable profit and that on the contrary this place afforded occasion of many scandals and was apparently dangerous to draw them into another war the Imperiall Fleets being upon this occasion to frequent their seas which would cause great jealousies in the Turks this did a little allay their sorrow for the loss of that City Cariadino being this mean while put to Sea with an hundred sail and come very near the mouth of our Gulf the Venetian Generall who watched his wayes prepared according to the Senates former orders to draw more inward that he might not abandon the custody and safety of the Gulf But the Turkish Fleet steering its course towards the Tirrhen Sea made for the shore of Calavria and landing suddenly did not onely plunder the Country but took two Towns on the Sea side though of no great value great was the fear which possess'd the mindes of all that were in Naples and in Rome by the Fleets coming into these parts For had Cariadino pleased to bend his course towards these Cities the inhabitants wanting souldiers and being in great confusion had neither power nor will to withstand so unexpected an assault But the Turks taking many prizes went to the Iland of Ponts where taking in water for their occasions they went from thence to the Affrican rivers to effect their chief design which was to assault Amuleasses King of Tunis Cariadino was very well inform'd of all the affairs of that Countrey of the situations places the Prince his forces and how the people stood affected towards him Wherefore using both force and fraud he hoped to compass his end easily as he did He gave out that he brought along with him Rosette the Kings brother whose name he knew those people would be very well pleased with and falling upon the Enemy and upon the City where he knew they were weakest after some variety of fortune at last he took Tunis At this time the other Fleets did not any great matters but it hapned that it behoved the Venetians Commissary to proceed with violence against some Multa Vessels and to rebuke their Captains who was Phillippo Mazza Knight of Ierusalem who having rashly not only passed through the Eastern Seas with armed Vessels but even entred into the Gulf pillaging not only the Turkish Bottomes but those of the Christians also was taken by the Captain of the Gulf and sent to Venice where his cause being to be heard before the Consiglio di quaranta criminale to whom the business was by the Senate referr'd he who had his liberty upon Bail not waiting for his sentence fled away with three Pinnaces and with much arrogancy and neglect of the Commonwealth continued doing mischief Wherefore the Commissary who watch'd his ways narrowly lighting upon him at unawares caused his head to be cut off The Turkish staves were set at liberty and sent to Constantinople the Pinnace wherein Mazza was burnt the other two were soon after senâ— to the Emperour who desired them who seeming at first to be somewhat troubled at this accident because the Malteses had put themselves under his protection being better inform'd of the action and of the occasion thereof was pacified and the great Master of Malta blamed Mazza's action as done not only without his leave but contrary to his orders Whilst these things went thus the Pope had been troubled with long sickness whereof he dyed in the height of all his prosperity He was a Prince of high but unsettled thoughts addicted beyond measure to his own affections so as saffering himself to be master'd sometimes by fear sometimes by covetousness he appeared various and inconstant in his actions chiefly in his friendship with Princes and with the Common-wealth he preserved peace and union a long time more for his own interest then out of any good will and because the Senate according at the present condition of times required would not give him any the least cause of breaking with them by their being obedient to him in all things Alexander Fernese a Roman and an ancient Cardinal and one much esteemed in the Court succeeded him in the Popedome who took to him the name of Paul the Third Divers were the conceptions which were had of the new Pope but most were of opinion that continuing to keep neutral amongst Princes as he had done for fifty years together whilst he was Cardinal and which was no small cause of bringing him to this supream dignity he would only mind the common good without siding with my Prince that he might the better intend the peace and quiet of Italy Which the Venetians did not dislike who desired to see a fair settlement made of all things and perswaded themselves by reason of the good affection which he seemed always to bear to the Commonwealth before his
being Pope that if he should forego this his neutrality he would rather confirm the Leagues which they made first with his Predecessor Clement then think upon any new affairs They therefore resolved to send him eight Embassadours Marco Minio Tomaso Mocenico Nicolo Tiepoli Ieronimo Pesaro Iovan Badoaro Gasparo Contarini Frederico Riniâ—ro and Lorenzo Bragadine To whom they gave no other imployment save according to the usual custome to promise obedience to the new Pope not thinking it fit to demand any thing till they might discover somewhat of his thoughts since this his new fortune and dignity But the Emperour being more desirous to know what his designs might be and being still apprehensive of the French proceedings try'd the Pope presently touching the renewing of the League which he had made with his Predecessor Whereunto that he might the more easily perswade him he used means likewise to the Venetians that they would re-confirm their first capitulations with him exhorting them thereunto out of the consideration of the quiet of Italy which they so much desired And the which if they would joyn with him they should be able to make good against any commotions of the French though the new Pope should dissent from it and that nothing could prevail more to make Paul side with them in the beginning of this his Popedome then to see this union and good intelligence between the Commonwealth and him whereby it would behove the other Potentates of Italy to depend upon them To the which the Venetians neither totally assenting nor dissenting as being far from any innovation they shewed first that there was no neessity to re-confirm the League and then that they would be very ready to do it if it should be needful and thus ended the year 1534. The next year the Pope who diligently attended all weighty affairs declared himself more openly that he would interpose in making peace between Cesar and the King of France to whose Courts be sent express Legats But he seemed to be chiefly mindful of the affairs of Italy and particularly of the protection of the Common-wealth notwithstanding as all humane actions especially those of Princes are various and accidentally changeable an occasion hapned of suddenly altering this good intention of the Popes with danger of troubling the peace of Italy In the time of the vacancy of the Popedome the marriage was celebrated between Guido Ubaldo Son to Francisco Maria Duke of Urbine and Iulia sole daughter to Iovan Maria Varano Duke of Camerino upon whom her fathers estate descended This Match was at first approved of by Paul and it was thought that affairs would pass peaceably on But soon after the Pope being either perswaded to the contrary by others or falling of himself as it is often seen in those who are got to great prosperity into greater and higher thoughts began to think this a fit occasion to exalt his house to which this fee-farm of the Church was to be granted as a beginning to raise it above the condition of private men He therefore declared openly that he would not suffer that the Dukedome of Camerino should be possess'd as he said contrary to reason by the Duke of Urbine since it appertain'd only to him to dispose thereof as of a Fee-farm escheated to the Church This did much trouble the Venetians who had taken the Duke of Urbine into their protection and who bare greet good will to him and to his family for the good service he had done unto the Commonwealth For the Pope to boot with Ecclesiastical censures prepared to take up temporal Arms and had raised a good number of Foot to hinder the fortifying of Camerino and the Garison which the Duke was preparing to put thereinto They therefore used all the means they could to appease the Pope and the rather because the Duke willingly condiscended that the business might be decided by reason But the Pope listening neither to intreaties nor to reason said he could not govern himself herein otherwise then reason of State did advise him and not dissembling his intentions he said he would regain that by force of Armes which was taken from him A thing which was thought by all men to be of great concernment the condition of these times being considered by reason of the so many troubles of Christendom of the Turkish Forces and of the new Heresies which did increase apace in many noble Provinces Therefore the Venetians not leaving any thing undone to extinguish this small spark which might burst forth into a greater combustion represented it to Cesar intreating him to interpose his authority in maintaining that peace throughout all Italy of which to his so great praise he had been the chief Authour This being listened unto by Cesar who interceded fervently therein with the Pope helped very much to allay his very first heat but it was thought he was the more pacified by other proposals made by those that favoured the Duke and the Venetians of greater moment for the advancement of his house that he might give a noble fortune in Romagna to his son Pietro Luigi and restore the Cities of Ravenna and Cerviâ— to the Venetians to the end that the State and person of Piero Luigi might be taken into protection by the Venetians whereby the new Prince might be in great safety for it was not to be doubted but that the Venetians both in gratitude for the favour received and for their own interests since it would be better for them to have a particular person be Lord of that State then the Church would upon all occasions maintain the greatness of the Family of Farnese This offer being willingly listened unto by the Pope hoping to meet with some greater preferment for Luigi did satisfie his ambition till some better opportunity might be met with all to effect his desire He therefore began to value the Counsel of the Venetians the better and in particular favour to them was content that the deciding of the difference concerning the state of Camerino should be deferr'd to another time But there were many greater things which troubled the cogitations of Princes at this time not without some molestation to the Venetian Senate For Cesar prepared a great Fleet to pass therewith into Affriâ—â— to recover 〈◊〉 He was eagerly bent upon this enterprise moved thereunto chiefly by reason of State to secure the Kingdome of Naples which Cariadino did insolently threaten to assault and also not to suffer the Turks to grow more powerfull in these parts whereby they might infest and trouble the rivers of Spain which made his Subjects much desire this enterprise But he was hereunto incited also by a great desire of warlike honour thinking it a thing becoming so great a King as himself to assist the forlorne King Amuleasses and to repossess him of the State whereof he was legitimate Lord though others seeking to detract from his glory said that he sought hereby to shun the renewing war in Hungary and to
evade the recovery of what the Turks had taken from his brother Ferdinando fearing to encounter the Turkish Armies He gave a particular account of all these his designes to the Venetian Senate seeming very zealous of the common good of Christendome but particularly a desire of assisting the Common-wealth and of keeping friendship with her Wherefore to satisfie him the League was renewed in the very self same terms as was contained in that of Bolognia to remove all doubts that it might be null'd or weakned by Pope Clement's death And their Embassadour Mark Antonio Contarini the more to shew the continuance of their Amity was commanded to follow the Emperour whithersoever he should go as he accordingly did and processions were made by all the religious orders throughout Venice and prayers poured out to God for the happy success of this business This so great preparation begot severall suspicions in the Turks which were augmented by the sinister Offices done by Iohn Forreste the French Embassadour at Constantinople who very falsly but with efficacious reasons went about to make the Bashaws believe that the Venetians egg'd the Emperour on to go with those so great forces into Greece against Soliman's dominions And notwithstanding the King proceeded otherwise by his Embassadour at Venice desiring the Senatours out of great Zeal as he would have it believed to their service to be very vigilant in observing Cesar 's wayes saying that they might very well be jealous of this so great preparation for a Fleet and that many things might be said thereof tending to the prejudice and eminent danger of the Common-wealth that they might upon all occasions make use of his Forces and promise unto themselves all things from his kingdome and that he desired to witness this unto them again to the end that they might relie upon these his offers as might be most usefull and advantagious for them The Senatours were not a little troubled hereat finding clearly that all this tended only to make the Commonwealth mistrustful and peradventure to move them to open war either with Cesar or Soliman wherefore they should be forced to have recourse to France either for their intercession with the Turks or for their assistance against the Imperialists Yet concealing these their suspicions in part they returned thanks to the King for these his friendly offers which though they did not think they should now need yet they acknowledged that thereby the Common-wealths obligations to that Crown were increased But they complained much of the bad Offices done them by his Embassadour at Constantinople which were so contrary to what was true and so destructive to their affairs The King hearing this sought to free himself from fault by denying that he had given any such commission to his Embassadour But it was very certain that the King of France had already begun to hold some secret intelligence with the Turks concerning things of great concernment and very prejudiciall to Christendome And as Soliman being now busied in the wars of Persia deâ—err'd the conclusion of this business and the future evils so was it foreseen that he would the more easily embrace the King of France his proposals for that being become more haughty by his having victoriously over-run Persia with his Forces he would be the more desirous to abate Cesars greatness and glory as also that finding how much his people had suffered by the length and difficulty of their march and how much the Persian Forces were to be vallued by which he had been much indammaged in his return he would seek to turn his war elsewhere But the endeavours of the French could not yet prevail so much against the Venetians as to trouble their peace nay Soliman who was got so far with his Army into the confines of Persia as that he had plundered the City of Tawris the Regal seat of those Kings and then passing into Babylonia had driven the Persian garrison out of Babylon and brought that City into his own power gave a particular account to the Senate of his prosperous successes and of his putting the enemy to flight which though it were in high tearms as concerning the enemy exaggerating their loss and his victories yet was it with great shew of good and continued friendship to the Commonwealth But it was given out that presently upon his return to Constantinople he would rigg out a very great Fleet to which purpose he had sent for Cariadino and given other orders which were evident signes that he would not give over waging war And in this Interim the winter being over Cesar had disposed of all things for the Affrican enterprise and had imbarked himself at Barcellona whether his whole Fleet was come consisting of three hundred sail of several ships commanded by Prince Doria and wherein were forty thousand fighting men besides a multitude of Mariners and slaves and he was accompanied by the chief Lords of Spain and by the Infante of Portugal who brought eighty sail of ships to Barcellone The Fleet Sayled first to Sardignia and put in at Caglieri where necessary orders being given for the administration of War it pass'd on to the Carthagenian shore this Country is called Martia famous for the ancient and noble seat of the Common-wealth of Carthage where coming to Land neer Goletta he suddenly landed his Army incamped before it the taking of this place being thought requisite toward the taking of Tunis The Turkish Gallies in Goletta made valient resistance but the Fort being almost quite thrown down by Cannon shot the Town fell into the Spaniards hands Which is a Cittadel consisting of many Bastions lying almost in the mouth of the Channel where the Sea water makes a Lake upon which stands the City of Tunis about twelve miles from the Sea The Spaniards entring into this Lake they took without any manner of contest about 50 Saile of Gallies and Flie-boates which were put there by Cariadino as a safe place Cariadino was so discouraged at this loss as though coming at first out of Tunis with his Army he shewed as if he would give the Emperour Battel yet he soon retreated into the Town of Bona and not thinking himself safe there neither for he heard he was pursued by Doria passed into Algiers The Cities of Tunis and Bona though they were very well Garrisoned when they say themselves abandoned by their chieâ— Commander fell soon and easily into the power of the Spaniards but Cariadino escaped all these dangers being reserved as a scourge to Christendom for the sins thereof and he went soon after to Constantinople whether he was sent for and meeting Soliman before he was come thither with his Persian Army he excused the loss of the Kingdom as well as he could and was by him received into grace again and made Governor of his Fleet. And Cesar parting victoriously from Affrica gave the Kingdom of Tunis which he had won a noble gift to Amuleasses upon obligation of paying him every
the most barbarous and Foe-Nations were called in to the prejudice and ruine of Christendom and the very State of Venice behoved to be concern'd therein all her Art and indeavours whereby she had fought amidst the troubles and dangers of others to preserve her selfe Newtrall amongst Princes and to keep friendship and peace with all not being able to free her You may know by what hath already been related what the thoughts of Francis King of France were and how he was bent to leave nothing unessay'd to weaken the power of Charles the Emperour and to revenge the so many injuries which he thought he had received from him Wherefore he had oft-times tri'd the Venetians and indeavoured by severall wayes to alienate them from Câ—sar And lastly he had sent Monsieur de Rhodes to Venice who filling the Senators with great hopes and promises laboured to make them alter their resolution of continuing in League with the Emperour but all to no purpose the Venetians being as firm in their faith to Cesar as they were far from desiring any thing which might disturb the quiet of Italy Wherefore Francis failing of this hope and his anger against Cesar increasing for that he had assaulted him within his own Kingdom and knowing that he was not able of himself to effect the businesse of Millan so long as it should be defended both by Cesar and by the Venetians He thought he could compasse this his desire by nothing better than by pursuing the friendship which he had already begun with Soliman whereby he hoped either to get the Venetians to side with him or else to make them forbear favouring of Cesar the reasons being known to be very great which made the Venetians highly value Solimans authority And on the other side the Emperours forces might be diverted and the defence of the State of Millan weakned by the comming of the Turkish Fleet into Puglia or into other Rivers belonging to the Emperours Dominions The King therefore turn'd all his indeavours towards Constantinople where though he had his Embassador Iohn Foreste resident he notwithstanding sent Don Serasino da Gozi of Ragusa with new and more efficacious orders and with larger promises This man meeting often with the chiefest Bashaws proposed many things to them which being represented to Soliman might make him comply the more easily with the King demands As the greatness of Charles the 5th the which if not moderated would either become formidable or at least suspitious to all other Potentates to the diminution if not of their States at least of their reputation and dignity the easinesse of the attempts that might be made against him especially in the Kingdom of Naples by the conveniency of the country and since by a short cut at Sea the Turkish Armies might passe from Albania into Otranto and at the same time draw near those Rivers with their Fleet. The generall hatreâ— which those people bore to the Spaniards Government nay that the dispair of some of the chiefest of that Kingdom was such as promised readinesse to imbrace any occasion which might tend to novelty and change of Government whereby the way would be opened to the further abatement of Caesars power Agiate and Luftebei were then of great authority in that Government as those who being in the first rank of Bashaws after they had with much praise discharged the place of Belgerbei of Asia which purchas'd them much reputation Luftebei being the grand Signors sisters Husband and one of the six Bashaws della Porta and both of them great enemies to the name of Christianity and who often after Ibraims death had counsel'd Soliman to turn his forces upon Christendom making use of this occasion and applauding the French Embassadours proposalls much amplifying also the reasons promoted by him indeavoured to set Soliman upon the Enterprise of Italy They amongst other things minded him of Mahomets example a wise and valiant Prince who with a prosperous beginning had easily taken the City of Otranto and by the terrour of his Arms put all that Country into great confusion and opened the way to his acquisition of the noblest part of Christendom had not death interrupted his designs These things being represented to Soliman prevailed much with him who was ambitions of Glory excessive proud and haughty thinking that it made much for his honour that so great a King should have recourse to him for assistance against another powerful Prince his Enemy and thought he had a fit occasion offered him to forgo his enterprises in India and Persia wherein he saw he consumed many of his men without any great advantage without lessening his honour or the reputation of his forces He therefore readily promised the French Embassadour to molest the Emperours affairs the next summer with powerfull forces both by Sea and Land but thinking it of great concernment towards the effecting of these things to take the Venetians from off their friendship and confederacy with sendâ—anusbei â—anusbei one of the Dragomani della Porta to Venice to exhort the Senate thaâ— since there was a powerfull Army and Fleet to go from Constantinople the Common-wealth would shew her selfe a friend to his friends and an enemy to his enemies promising that he would see great respect should be given to the affairs of the Common-wealth and that he would preserve peace inviolably with them To which the Senate did with mature deliberation return answer That the Commonwealâ—h had alwaies fervently desired peace with all Princes and especially with the Ottaman Lords with whom they had â—ad long friendship to the free and advantagious commerce of subjects that they did still continue so firm and constant in the same resolution as there needed no further declaration thereof Soliman seemed well enough pleased with this answer a Prince asmuch as such qualities can have place in a Barbarian nobly minded and for the most part friend to what was just and honest But false complaints being made unto him by many of his people who for their particular respects and interests desired an interruption of peace of divers actions done by the ministers of the Commonwealth with little respect as they said to the honor and advantage of his Empire they perswaded him to permit that his Officers might also be allowed to do some novelties which might shew a mind ill affected to the Common-wealth and bring things at last to an open war Thus many Venetian Merchants being at Constantinople and in other parts of the Turkish Dominions upon their private occasions some were imprisoned upon severall false pretentions of delinquency and had their goods forfeited into the Exchequer two Venetian ships were imbargode upon various pretences the one belonging to Alessandro Contarini taken in the Seas of Cyprus by the gallies of the guard of Rhodes as a Pirates vessel and another in the havens of Alexandria alleadging that they were to make use of it upon important occasions There was also a new impost of ten in the
hundred laid upon such merchandizes as were wont to be brought by Venetian Merchants from Soria the publick Letters of the Consull were severall times intercepted and now no longer cloaking their intentions Mustafa one of the chiefe Bashaws complaining that the Common-wealth was too straitly linkt to their Enemy the Emperour said That she had pull'd the anger and the forces of the grand Signor upon her These things gave just occasion of resentment and were a pretence of just war if Soliman had a minde to take up arms against the Venetians yet there were other reasons and arguments which perswaded to the contrary It was not at all likely that since the Turks might make war against the Emperour onely who was not very well provided at sea and might beat his forces which they appeared very desirous to do that they would put a necessity upon the Venetians of joyning with the Imperialists and of uniting their forces which being very strong at sea might not onely be an hindrance to them in their attempts upon other mens Estates but might endanger their own affairs That for the space of thirty eight years friendship and peace had been so constantly preserved by the Turks for these respects with the Venetians and that Soliman had alwaies shewed himself most desirous thereof both by his words and actions That there had not as then been any injury done or any occasion given on the Venetians side that he should molest them with Arms since the Venetian Senate had wisely and justly measured the forces of the Ottaman Empire and accommodating their thoughts and actions to the condition of times had proceeded with great temper and respect towards the Turkish affairs so long as the dignity of the Common-wealth might not be injured and did temporise as well as she could with so great and formidable a Potentate whom not being able to quell it would be wisely done to preserve his friendship and to wait for the benefit of time or for the Common-wealth's better fortune At this time Tomaso Mocenico was come Embassadour from the Common-wealth to Constantinople to congratulate with Soliman according to custome for his prosperous successe in the Persian war and for his happy return to that city who having kiss'd Soliman's hand and presented him with accustomed vestures was fairly received and favoured by the whole Court particularly by Agiace the first Basshaw who several times assured him that the grand Signor stood very well affected to the Common-wealth and desired to continue the ancient peace with the Venetians if they would correspond with fitting respect and with alike good intentions towards him That it was Solimans inviolable custome to keep his word and that it must not be believed that he could differ from himself He therefore very modestly excused the businesse concerning Contarini's ship and the other novelties used towards the Venetian Merchants and Merchandizes as done without any directions from the Grand signor and which should be suddenly remedied It was likewise famed that the Sophi King of Persia was ready to march into the field with a powerfull Army which would force the Turks to turn their forces upon the confines of Persia and that the news spread abroad that the Turks were to fall upon Christendom tended rather towards the keeping up a certain reputation and esteem amongst Christian Princes than to any resolution he then had of imploying his forces at that time against them It behoved the Senators to be very jealous and doubtfull by reason of these so differing reasons and so discordant within themselves of the Turks proceedings being drawn severall wayes sometimes through suspition of War sometimes through hopes of peace which various affections were very cunningly fomented by the French Embassadour who perswaded himselfe that by this means he might make the Venetians yield to his Kings desire of siding with the French and to forgo their friendship with the Emperialists by which means he said they might secure themselves safely from the dangers threatned by the Turks But several were the reports which were given out by the Souldiers and people at Constantinople of this business some affirmed the grand Signor made this warlike preparation with a firm resolutâ—on to pass into the Rivers of Puglia others said that the Fleet was to enter the gulph of Venice and to attempt somewhat there against the Emperour there were some also who believed these forces were to go into Barbary which counsell was known to be given by Ariadeno Bashaw surnamed Barbarossa and there wanted not those that said it went against the Venetians naming particularly the Island of Corfu But whatsoever the intention was it was most certain that great preparations were made and great care taken therein for men both by Sea and Land It was held for certain that what of gallies what of other Vessels there were above 300 sayl to go to Sea many Instruments and Engines to take Cities great store of Ammunition of all sorts that the Belgerbei of Greece was already gone with Orders from Constantinople that very many Souldiers were raised in Scopia and that the grand Seigneurs quarters were to be taken up there who was said to go himselfe in person to Vallona where provision of Bisket and of other things were providing for the Fleet. The Venetians being much troubled at these great preparations for War and by divers accidents growing jealous of the Turks fidelity though the Articles of peace made many years before stood yet firm with Soliman resolved to arm themselves as strongly as they could thinking they had no other way to secure their affairs than to bereave the Turks of all wayes of molesting them if they should have a mind to do so The Senate therefore immediately took 8000 foot into pay wherewith they increased their Garrisons on the Sea coasts and furnished them with Ammunition that upon occasion that might make their party good against the Turks They gave order that the old gallies in the Arsenall should be caulked and that 50 new ones should be built but they chiefly minded the re-ordering of their great Gallies or Galliouns they stayed some of their own ships and some forrain vessels which were bound for severall voyages to make use of carrying Garrisons into their forts and munition for their Fleet which being to be numerous and powerfull since the danger did increase they resolved to arm 100 Gallies and to create a Captain-Generall at Sea whereunto according to the custome of the Common-wealth Giarolomo Pesaro a man vers'd in severall imployments of the Republick and principally in maritime affairs was chosen by the Conciglio de Pegadi and confirm'd by the Conâ—â—glio Majore and there were ten Governours of Gallies chosen by the councell of Ten who were to fit in councel with the General But amongst other things the want of Monies did much molest them the publick Exchequer being much exhausted by reason of the late long Wars Wherefore they were forced to have recourse to extraordinary means
about a thousand Horse to over-run and pillage the country at unawares as he did When the newes hereof came first to Venice all mens minds were very much molested especially theirs who sat at the helm of government though they did very much suspect it before For though it was thought the Fort of Corfu was able to withstand the Turks assault without any danger they judged it would be very hard for them long to withstand the forces of so potent enemies and to defend their Dominions exposed in so many severall parts to their injuries That therefore this was likely to be the beginning of great troubles to the Common-wealth which began but then to repair her self from the so many evills she had suffered in the late wars in Terra ferma The Island of Corfu is seated on the utmost part of the Venetian Gulph between the Ionick and the Adriatick sea It hath on the north side the Rivers of Albania from whence it is not above two miles divided but it is distant by land from the head of Otranto sixty miles on the East The Island extends it self from the East to the West in almost a Lunary form except that the Rock whereon the Fort is placed makes as it were two semi-circles on the inside The waters between the Island and the Terra ferma are commonly called the Channell of Corfu which though it be not above two miles over on the East end of the Island where the Port Casopo is yet the Island enlarging it self more from landward on the other side called Levidimo it is above ten miles over The Island is of an excellent aire as is witnessed by the Orange Trees and Cedars which grow there in great quantity and very beautifull which peradventure afforded the Poets occasion of so highly celebrating the Gardens of King Alcinous who kept his Court there The ground is fruitfull very fit for corn having on the North side many pleasant plains The city is placed almost in the midst of the Island upon the root of a mountain which is almost surrounded by it The suburbs are sufficiently great and capacious and were at this time inhabited by above 8000 persons The Fort was but of a very small circuit and capable of not many men but so seated as it was secure from being injured by any enemy having two Castles scituated very high upon steep Rocks which are not onely a defence to the walls of the Fort on all sides but discovering the sea vallies and neighbouring mountains afford means of keeping the enemies Fleets and Armies afar off which cannot approach near it without much dammage One and the antientest of these Castles is wholly environed by the Fort the other of later structure stands part within the Fort the greater part serving for a wall or rampire thereunto There are no other cities nor forts in the Island but onely many stragling villages and on the South-side stands the castle of St. Angelo stronger by scituation then by art The whole Island is about 120 miles in compasse and it was antiently much more inhabited and the inhabitants esteemed for sea-affairs which they did so industriously study as it may be gathered from what Thucidides relates in the war of Morea They had many maritine forces and were well esteemed by the other Grecians This Island had been under the Venetians dominion for 150 years last past and was kept by them with great expence and care being thought to be very fitly scituated to preserve the Empire of the Sea for there being in it good and capacious havens their Fleets may with great safety keep about it and be ready to defend other eastern Islands and Dominions and also keep in any enemies from entring with their Fleets into the Gulph which could not safely advance leaving an enemies Fleet behind them in a strong scituation This Island is therefore with reason held to be the bulwark of Italy against the Barbarians forces So as the danger being increased of later years by reason of the Turks power the Venetian Senate taking into consideration together with their own safety the common service of Christendom have by stupendious art and much cost brought this Fort into such a condition as it may truly be thought impregnable It was at this time governed by severall Magistrates sent thither by the Common-wealth Simone Lione was Consul Luigi da Riva Commissary Andrea Falliero Commander of the old Castle but Iacopo di Novello was chief Governour of the Militia a man wel experienced in matters of war who falling sick just at this time dyed and Babone di Naldo was chosen to succeed him who had purchased the repute of great valour and fidelity in the last wars on Terra ferma and who at this time was a Collonell The Senate being willing to gratifie him for his ready acceptance of this employment allowed twenty Duckets a month in his life-time to his son Paule Naldo carried with him Letters from the Senate to the Governours of the Island wherein they were ordered to exhort the Commanders and Citisens in the name of the Common-wealth to behave themselves valiantly and faithfully promising them rewards and speedy succours to which purpose they were preparing great store of Gallies and Souldiers and that the Senate had a great care of their safeties and of preserving the Island In the Fort there was a Garrison of about 2000 Italians and as many Islanders many whereof being trained up to be Cannoniers did excellent service There was great store of Artillery and sufficient Ammunition for them The charge of the Militia was particularly given to divers according as need should require the keeping of the Haven was committed to the care of Nicolo Semitecolo Zaccheria Barbaro had the charge of the Victualls and Luigi Sanuto of the Artillery all these three being Governours of the Gallies of that Guard So as the Governours and Captains did undauntedly expect the enemy Yet the Venetians being jealous by reason of the importancy of the place that some evil accident might befal it or at least that the enemy if they were not disturbed might lay a long siege to it set all their thoughts upon freeing Corâ—u from danger by fighting the Turkish Fleet There were many things which advised thereunto the knowledge that as long as the Turkish Fleet remained entire whereby the Camp might easily be furnished with men which they abounded in the Island of Corfu and the other Islands also must be exposed to many dangers and that the Common-wealths forces being wasted though with nothing else by the length of war some of her Dominions must at last fall into the Turks hands Moreover that the Common-wealth had then a great and strong Fleet ready consisting of 100 Gallies and conveniency to encrease it and make it greater by arming good store of great Vessels That they had a fit occasion to try the fortune of a Battle not suffering the expence of so great a a preparation for war to be
that is present and certain Who is there amongst us that does not know the many conveniences we reap by peace and the as many inconveniences which arise from war It may suffice to say that in time of our so long troubles we were able to maintain war in Terra ferma for the space of almost twenty years because we had the sea open which supplyed this city both with publick and private wealth but that being now shut up our traffick is hindered our taxes lessened every one of whatsoever condition suffers and there is want of all things And what is there to be said of the Turks power a great Empire numerous Armies store of gold abundance of all things requisite for war and that which I am sorry I can so truly say such obedience and military discipline as is rather desired then observed amongst Christians What have we therefore to do in the condition we are in but to temporise and wait for better fortune against so powerfull an enemy Great is the vicissitude of human affairs which hardly keep in the same posture any while at all And it is the part of a wise man to know his advantages and his disadvantages and to wait the friendship of time If we call to minde past things we shall finde that war with the Turks hath alwaies been a businesse of too great weight for us to bear We would not have peace with Mahomet after the losse of Nigroponte hoping to regain it yet at last we were forced to agree with him upon the yielding up of Scutari and Brazzo di Maina to the Turks After the Common-wealth was almost wasted by long war with Bajazet we came at last to peace with him upon his own conditions and upon harder terms than those we had refused by which to boot with the places which he had taken we yielded up the Fort St. Maura unto him which we had recovered but a little before I could produce many more such unfortunate examples and yet the Turks were not then so strong especially at sea as now they are Let us not then be so far born away by appearances as to foregoe better counsells To make war with the Turks appears to be a pious and generous thing yet he who shall weigh things aright will finde that in the conâ—ition that Christendom is in at the present it is impious and unwise the nature thereof being changed by many various accidents What greater impiety can be used then by continuing war to expose the people commended to our care to so many sufferings and such certain raine We have the spectacle of Corfu before our eyes from whence fifteen thousand persons were carried into bondage by the Turks To make gallant and generous attempts becomes a magnanimous and generous Prince when reason and hope perswade him thereunto but otherwise it is rashnesse and imprudency To expose our selves to certain dangers when they may be avoided what is it but to tempt divine Providence And the Parable which we read in the Gospell that he who is to go against a potent Enemy ought first to consider well whether he can withstand him with ten thousand men who comes to assault him with twenty thousand Doth it not teach us to be wary and mature in all our actions and not to leave any place for repentance to our selves nor for blame to others Foscari's wisdom and eloquence was much commended yet could it not convince a certain fatall inclination which was already grounded in the mindes of many to continue the war So as the number of votes falling short to make this proposall passe the businesse remained undecided as before and yet the not resolving to write to Constantinople was in effect to resolve to prosecute the war and to be bound to stipulate the League as soon as might be Soon after therefore larger Commissions were sent to the Embassadour at Rome touching the concluding it wherein they yielded to such Articles as had suffered a long debate each of which was first distinctly readd and approved of by the Senate The Articles were these That a League and confederacy Offensive and Defensive was made by Pope Paul the 3d. the Emperour Charles the 5th and the Common-wealth and Senate of Venice against Soliman grand Signior of the Turks whereby the Confederates obliged themselves to make war against the Turks with two hundred Gallies one hundred Frigats fifty thousand Foot whereof twenty thousand were to be Italians ten thousand Spaniards and twenty thousand Germans and four thousand five hundred Burgonian Horse Which forces were to be accompanied with a sufficient train of Artillery Ammunition and other necessaries And all these forces were every year to be ready by the midst of March. Of these Gallies the Pope was to arm thirty six the Emperour eighty two and the State of Venice eighty two that the Emperour should be particularly obliged to finde all the ships and the Venetians to give the Gallies to the Pope furnisht but upon condition that every part of the other expences were to be proportionably made good in what they should exceed the rest and particularly that the Venetians should be paid for as many armed gallies as they should lend above their just proportion of eighty two that of all the expence which should go to the maintaining of these forces the Pope should contribute the sixth part the Emperour three and the Common-wealth two Moreover that the taking of Corn from every place should be open for the common benefit which was to be sold to such of the Colleagues as had need thereof at reasonable rates That Ferdinand King of the Romanes should be understood to be included in this confederacy for whom Cesar obliged himselfe that he should raise an Army apart by himselfe to assault the Turks on the side of Hungaria and that the King of France should be likewise understood to be therein concluded when he should declare that he would accept of that primary and most honourable place which was reserved for him which if he should doe the Pope should determine what forces he should bring to joyn in the common enterprises which were understood were to be for the increase of those which were already agreed upon and divided amongst the Colleagues and if any other Italian Princes should joyn in the League the expences of the three chiefe confederates should be lessened as much as their contribution should come unto That the Pope should likewise indeavour to draw the King of Poland and the other Christian Princes into the League and that if any difference touching the League should arise amongst the Christian confederates it should be determined by the Pope that Andrea Doria should be Generall of all the forces at Sea and the Duke of Urbin of those at Laxd Concerning the acquisitions which should be made by the common Arms it was thus ordered by a writing apart That every one of the confederates should have whatsoever should be recovered and which had
formerly been his own restored unto him with a particular declaration that the Empire of Constantinople should belong unto the Emperour without prejudice to the Common-wealth for what belonged to her to which likewise La Vallone and Castel-Nuovo should be reserved as things appertaining to her and that a fitting proportion of what should be gotten should be reserved by way of pre-eminency for the Apostolick Sea That in other things whereunto none of them pretended every one of the confederates should partake thereof according to the proportion of his expence in the war that if the Island of Rhodes should be recovered it should be restored to the Knights of Ierusalem There was no mention made of the King of England in these Capitulations but the Venetians thinking they might receive no little aid from this King who was master of many Forces and of great Authority sought by their Secretary Girollimo Zuccato then resident with him to make him favour the League and desired the Pope to do the like which he did But he thinking himselfe scandalized for not being particularly named in the Capitulations would not give ear thereunto but complained that he and his Kingdom were not taken into such consideration by the Colleagues as they ought to have been And for the King of France there appeared new signs every day that he had no minde to enter into the League wherein the increase of his Rival and perpetuall Enemy's forces and reputation the Emperour was treated on The League being concluded and established in manner aforesaid the Venetians ordered their General Capello that if the Turkish Fleet should come into the gulph he would tarry behinde in the Levant so as he might the easlier passe into Sicily or whithersoever he were to joyn with the Confederates Fleets This course was judged good to incourage those of the Levant and to indammage the Enemy according as occasion should serve and that they might not lessen the Garrisons 2000 foot were raised and forthwith sent to re-inforce the Fleet. Some were of opinion that the Generall should have free leave given him to do upon all occasions whatsoever he should think would be best for the Common-wealth They urged that since all accidents which might occur could not be fore-seen and according to which the Generall was to order his designs and to steer his course it was a dangerous thing to binde him up by Commissions and to force him to do what peradventure might be contrary to reason they instanced in the successes of the last year wherein the having given limited orders to Generall Pesaro had been the cause of great disorders which proved at last the breaking out into war Yet the consideration of not retarding the joyning of the Fleets prevail'd as also a certain indignity which as it was thought it would prove if the Generall should think of retreating as if he shun'd the Enemy and should therefore withdraw himselfe with his Gallies into the waters about the City whereby so great a preparation should prove vain But above all things they vvere very solicitous in providing monies whereby to supply their expences A Bank vvas therefore erected in the Exchequer wherein as many as vvould bring in any Monies into the publick Treasury vvere promised to be paid fourteen per cent during their life Much severity vvas used in calling in such Monies as were due to the Common-wealth Three other Commissaries were chosen for what should be borrowed Girollimo Marcello Bernardo Moro and Giulio Contarini but no use could as yet be made of the Clergies goods for though the Pope had transmuted the favour whereof he had before given so favourable an intention to the Senate to wit That he would permit them to alienate ten per cent of the Clergies Revenue till it should amount to a million of Gold or that they should raise it in five years space by so many Tenths of the same goods yet he had never given out his Briefs for either of these finding out severall excuses and delaies at such a pinch Many propositions were made for the raising of monies but the Senate proceeded with great respect and caution not to do any thing at this time which might peradventure lessen the peoples affection to the Common-wealth they would not therefore accept of the proposall of selling the Commons though much money might have been made thereby there being great store of them throughout the whole Terra ferma But for all this scarcity of money they spared not for any thing that was necessary for War victualls were provided from all parts and ammunition Ordnance were cast such Ladders Pick-axes Spades and other tools as the Duke of Urbine gave order for for Land-service were made in great abundance The Duke seemed very desirous to do great things in service to the Common-wealth and aspired to the obtaining immortall glory by war and truly the Senate confided very much in his worth and Loyalty in so much as the Pope threatning to make war upon his State by reason of his pretence to the Dukedom of Camerino as being held in fee-farm of the Church and which was then fallen to the Duke by the right of his wife the Senate dispatcht away one of their Secretaries speedily to Rome and obtain'd that the Duke should not be molested therein as long as he was imploy'd in the common service of the League or particularly by the Common-wealth He therefore caused two gallies to be prepared the one for himselfe to go in person to the Fleet the other for his Son to go in and chose his very good friend Barnard Sagredo one much esteemed of him by reason of his great experience at Sea to govern them the Senate being desirous to shew how acceptable this the Dukes good will was to them who had said he would bring his wife and family to live in Venice freely gave him one of the noblest Pallaces of the City but whilst he was carefully ordering all these affairs going to Pesaro to take order for his own particular businesse he fell into a great sicknesse which kept him from going to the Fleet. At the same time severall Negotiations were had of Peace between Caesar and the King of France both of them seeming to be desirous thereof to which purpose their Agents were forthwith sent to Canus a place between Parpignon and Narbonne but the whole time being spent in contentions no good came thereof For both these Princes Commissions were bounded and limitted in that very thing whereon all other resolutions did depend Cesar not giving way by any means to the restoring of the Dukedom of Millan not the King of France that any thing should be treated of the prime Article whereof should not be the restitution of that State Many things were propounded to bring these Princes to an Agreement chiefly the marriage between Mary Daughter to the King of Portugal lately dead and to the Queen then wife to Francis King of France and Neece to Cesar and
death all things being in a confusion they drew in the Turks by Ropes into the Fort. Barbarossa's selfe was so displeased with this barbarous and cruel act as in lieu of a reward which these Rascal 's hoped for he put them to death Barbarossa whose number of Vessels was much increased went afterwards to the Island of Candia to get prey and to attempt those Forts This was much suspected before it being generally bruited in Constantinople that they would this year attempt that Island wherefore the Senate had been very careful in providing it with all things necessary that it might be able to withand so powerful an Enemy They had sent many Souldiers Ammunition Victuals thither and to boot with the particular Magistrates had given the Government of all those Forts and of the Militia to Iohanni Moro whose valour and wisdom was highly esteemed He was made Commissary Generall and indow'd with extraordinary Authority The preservation of this Island was held by all men to be of great importance by reason of the noblenesse and riches thereof as having been the ancient seat of Kings producing plenty of choise Wines of Oyls and other things for the conveniency which it afforded of furnishing many Gallies speedily with men fit for Sea-affairs for many faire and safe Havens wherein the ships that traffick in the Levant are received and the Fleets which guard those Seas and moreover because there is therein a Colony of many noble Venetian Families who had habitations and large possessions given them in that Kingdom 330 years before Amongst other things the Commissary Generall was willed to incourage those Gentlemen in the name of the Common-wealth and the Cavaliers which are those who hold any thing in fee of the Signory of Venice to defend the Island and themselves promising them on the faith of the Senate that they should not want any possible aid He therefore assembling one day the Councell in the City of Candia which consists of all the Nobility of the Colony prepared them by an efficacious exhortation valiantly to expect the comming of the enemy If you said he wil wel consider the peacefulnesse of your present condition wherin you with quiet and honour enjoy so wealthy possessions the gratious aspect of the heavens which affords you such abundance and conveniency of all good things which grow here and which are brought hither from adjacent parts I am assured the consideration thereof would perswade you more then I by my words can do to use your utmost endeavours and not to spare any thing neither expence pains no not life it self to keep your selves and children from changing conditions from falling from the heighth of such prosperity into the depth of misery as it wil happen if this Island falling into the Turks power the very thought or mentioning whereof doth astonish me you be enforced either to live elsewhere and be deprived of this your country wherein you enjoy such wealth such conveniencies or else tarrying here to be subject to the tyranny of barbarous Infidells If you had no other tie to defend this Island a noble and prime member of the Common-wealth then what by these advantages you are obliged unto you neither could nor would refuse to do what you are bound to in respect both of your Ancestors and selves and what the service of our country doth challenge from the love whereof I do not believe this distance hath been able to divide you not being members cut off but true sharers in her honour and in all her fortune But since hereunto your own particular interest is inseparably joyned wherein you know the totall of all you have nay of your very being is concerned I shall not need to shew you the importancy of the cause in hand or incite you to make such provisions and seek for such remedies as may preserve you from such a danger I will onely therefore put you in minde that you suffer not your selves to be removed from that good resolution which I see is grounded in you by any fear which may make you lose your courage and abandon your selves I do not deny but that the enemies power is very great and so to be esteemed but I affirm it is not such as we ought to â—istrust being able to resist it and we may hope that we may reap praise and honour by their comming We hear for certain that though there be many souldiers in the enemies Fleets yet they want a sufficient train of artillery and many other things requisite for the taking in of cities so as we may believe that if they shall approach this our Island it is rather with an intention of pillage if they shall find us so negligent as to afford them occasion so to do then of making war and say they did intend it and were provided for it why should we believe that they would undertake a businesse which will require time when they shall see such Fleets of Christian confederate Princes upon the seas by which either their Fleet or some of their cities may be assaulted and fought with They have as much reason to think upon their own defence and preservation as of offending others I know and am commanded by the Senate to assure you that the preservation of this Kingdom and your safeties is had in very great consideration by them for which they will readily expose their Fleet and all their forces whereof the provisions already made for the good of this Island may be a sufficient testimony in the speed and expence whereof the Common-wealth hath not onely exceeded the opinion of others but hath gone beyond her self You then whose dangers and safties are most concerned and whose advantage is immediately treated of are so much the more bound not to leave any thing undone wherein your loyalty diligence charity towards both these your countries may appear Let every one vuy who shal help the common cause most with monies authority and with their persons and I assure my self we shall not onely avoid the greatest calamities but we shall preserve our country from the inroads and plunder of the enemy to our immortall glory and to our merit with the Common-wealth The Commissary had not fully ended his discourse when many of the Gentlemen rising up attested what he had said promised loyalty and some engaged themselves in generalities some in particular offers to employ all their power and industry in defending the Kingdom The Commissioner said the same things afterwards to the Cretensian Gentry and Commonalty encouraging all men to defend themselves So as with great cheerfulnesse and confidence of good successe they fell to make all necessary provisions Some Gallies were armed at the charge of particular men many men were sent for from their country-farms who having arms given them some of them were brought into the city to encrease the garrison of Italian Foot some placed in Corps de Guard upon passes and places of concernment to hinder the enemie's
advancing wherein the Nobles and Feudatories did so industriously and so fervently behave themselves that the particular family of the Calergi a family of great wealth and authority in this Island raised and armed above 25000 men Barbarossa continuing his course drew near the Island on the North side between Standia and the city of Candia but without touching land sail'd along the coast till he came to Rettimo where staying but a while because he was much damnified by the artillery from the city he went to Suda where finding better conveniency of aboad by reason of the Haven which was very safe and capacious the entrance whereunto was then free for any enemies ships the Rock which lies in the mouth of the Haven not being reduced then as it is now into a safe and impregnable Fort and by the nearnesse of the city of Canea which he designed to assault he landed many men wherewith he fell to plunder the adjacent country comming even to underneath the city This was antiently called Cidonia and was alwaies numbered amongst the chief cities of the Kingdom for the conveniency and beauty it receives from the Campania and by reason of the Haven which is very near it and for the number of inhabitants But the Fort was not yet fully finished the two Bulwarks which were a building on the South-side were not perfected nor was it any waies fenc'd on the West but by old weak Walls and the Ditch was hardly dig'd in any place by reason of the condition of the earth which was very stiff and in some parts rocky but the industry of these times hath overcome these and all other difficulties Andrea Gritti was Governour of the city it had about a 1000 Italian Foot for the Guard and many Grecians of the city and country Therefore when they saw the Turks approach the Fort without either trenches or works and in disorder they boldly sallied out and disordering the enemy by shot from the city they put them to flight and slew many of them Nor had those who roved about pillaging and wasting the country any better successe for many of the Islanders were assembled together with severall sorts of weapons and being encouraged by the Masters of families whose authority is very great over the inhabitants and incited by the chief Governours by hopes of reward who for their better enheartning had promised to take off all taxes and to release them of many debts due unto the publick they behaved themselves so as the Turks meeting with stout resistance every where and with greater difficulty then they had at first believed they were forced soon to give over the enterprise and having lost many of their souldiers who were cut in pieces as they went up and down pillaging the country they retreated to their Gallies Yet Barbarossa desirous to try some better fortune in some other part or at least repair his losse leaving some calamitous marks behinde him of his having bin there sent one hundred Gallies to Sithiâ— This place is seated on the head of the Island very weak and but badly guarded though a particular Venetian Magistrate makes his residence there The enemie's Fleet had conveniency of going to Scarpanto an Island not above forty miles off and then in the Turks possession who finding Sithia abandoned took away some pieces of artillery and a little ammunition ruinating the neighbouring country as much as they could But being forced to be gone for fear lest the Venetian Fleet comming to relieve Candia might force them to fight they embarckt their souldiers and went with all their forces towards Negraponte He at the same time returned to besiege Napoli and Malvasia whither the Sangiacco della Morea was gone by order from Soliman who sitting down before both these towns besieging them writ Letters to the Governours and to the people exhorting them to yield unto him promising them large rewards but speedy and severe punishment if they should obstinately persevere to make resistance Saying That he was sent thither by Soliman with direction not to rise from before them upon any whatsoever accident till he had reduced those two Towns under his Empire That all relief was far off and that it was vain for them to hope to make long resistance That therefore they were to make use of that good nay necessary advice of complying with the times and with the Conquerours fortune But the Governours and people were resolved to defend themselves trusting much to the strength of their scituation and that they should speedily receive victualls and ammunition from the Venetian Fleet sufficient to hold out a long siege They therefore gave no answer to these Letters but they betook themselves the more diligently to defend the city and because there was great want of water in Napoli the Stradiotti a bold and warlick people sallying oftentimes forth accompanied with Italian Harchebugiers provided the Town therewith But of all others Clasone's diligence and worth who was head of that Militia appeared most in all those actions And Generall Capello not suffering these valiant and faithfull men to want help seasonably sent them all such things as they needed most in six Gallies But the sufferings of those in Dalmatia by the Turkish forces were great for the enemy landing in great numbers upon those confines destroyed whole countries carried away both men and beasts infusing terrour and confusion into all men insomuch as Camillo Orâ—ino who was chief Governour in that Province advised that abandoning all the other towns all the souldiers should with draw into the town of Zara to secure that as being the chief town and fittest to be maintained fearing that to defend them all against so many forces of the enemy would be the indangering of them all But the Senate did not approve of this advice valuing very much to boot with the losse of so many towns the note of infamy which the Common-wealth might seem to attract if they should willingly and all at once without making any tryall of their forces yield up so great and so gallant a territory to the insolent enemy Therefore betaking themselves diligently to make all possible provision for the defence and maintaining of them they resolved to raise more Foot and Horse to the number of 12000 Foot and 1500 Horse whereby they hoped they might be able to secure that Province and to encrease the peoples affection towards the Venetians and to encourage them to defend themselves They chose fifteen Gentlemen who were to go forthwith to the custody of Zara Sebenico and Cattaro with thirty foot with each of them Luigi Badoaro was likewise sent to Zara with title of Commissary Generall of Dalmatia with obligation not to part from that city without leave from the Senate All the inhabitants of Dalmatia were permitted to send their wives and children to Venice to be preserved from being injured by the enemy Upon this occasion the Doge spoke in the Senate exhorting them to assist their country
indisposition of health come to the Fleet was to supply the place which was before destined to the said Duke He promised also that as soon as he should be come to Barcellona he would dispatch Doria away with orders to come and joyn with the other Fleet at Corfu with 32 Gallies more Yet there were many reasons to doubt what the issue would be That Cesar had often said before he went to Nice it was impossible for him to make offensive war at one and the same time against the Turks and French that there was small hopes of his having peace with France the meeting at Nice being now dissolved and nothing concluded That his Officers in Napolls had not onely hindred the Captains sent by Camillo Orsino from raising men in that Kingdom to relieve Dalmatia in her greatest necessities but by severall feigned excuses and contrary to the Articles of the League had denyed Generall Capello the transporting of Corn for the service of the Fleet. And such were many other both his words and actions as gave just occasion of beliefe that Cesar desired to spin out the time being either not willing or not able to make war against the Turks nor to suffer for as much as in them lay that the Venetians should make peace whereby his share of the war should be the heavier Therefore desiring to secure himselfe as much as he might by putting a new obligation upon the Venetians he desired that the Articles of the League might be renewed and established which though it seemed to be superfluous the agreement being so lately made and stipulated in Rome yet they would please him therein that they might not leave any thing undone which might make for the uniting of the Fleets to shew that they did clearly intend to prosecute the War The Capitulation being confirm'd Cesar commanded Gonsaga who was not yet gone to go to Corfu but to carry the Gallies onely along with him leaving the ships to the end as he affirmed that the foot which were not yet all come might be imbarked therein But his long looked-for arrivall produced no good effect for the Venetian and Popes Generalls propounding a voyage into the Levant that they might attempt somewhat against the Enemy Gonsaga would not assent thereunto saying that it was not safe for the Confederates and particularly that it stood not with Cesars honour to fall upon any enterprises with so small forces desiring therefore that they would tarry at least till the ships came which could not be long in ariving The Fleets lying thus idle at Corfu the Patriark Grimani impatient of so long delay and desirous at least to exercise his Gally-slaves he went with thirty six Gallies towards St. Nicolo di Cività where understanding by those of the country that the Castle of Prevesa was but weakly guarded he thought it not fit to let slip the occasion of assaulting it at unawares it being a very commodious receptacle for the Turks to disturb the affairs of Christendom The Castle of Prevesa is seated upon the Promontory of Actium a little within the mouth of the Gulph of Larta called of old the Creek Ambraico which is about sixty miles about the mouth thereof is very narrow and shallow being choaked up by many shelfes of sand of the neighbouring River Larta from whence both the City and the Gulph take name So as those that would assault the Castle being to passe thereby it was not meanly safe for no great ships could enter thereinto nor no sleight Gallies but one by one and not without incurring danger This Castle was built by Octavius Augustus in memory of the Navall victory which he got near this place and was called Nicopoli It is built after the antient form and is not very strong but much esteemed for scituation and guarded by an ordinary Garrison of Turks The Patriarck entring by this mouth into the Channel of Giustiniano's Gally having first made way for the rest he landed his men and artillery in open Campagnia about a mile from the Castle and because his greatest hopes of good successe lay in making haste not spending time in making Trenches he began presently to play upon the walls with his Artillery wherein Alessandro da Termi who had the charge thereof proceeding somewhat slowly the Patriark himself would land the more to hasten the planting of the Artillery and to fall immediately upon battery Which was not well begun when many Turks began to appear from the neighbouring parts where we were quartered whose numbers encreased so fast as they grew formidable And our men who were not sheltered by any works remaining exposed to manifest danger by the enemies Horse it was resolved to re-imbarck the souldiers and artillery and without any further attempt to return to Grimani's boldnesse and diligence was praised and if his purpose had been seconded by good successe he would have purchased plenary praise But there were many who wish'd that more maturity had gone to this advice considering the great danger whereunto he did expose himself as well of being assaulted by the enemies Horse in open campagnia having nothing to secure his men nor his artillery from suddain assaults as of having the Gulph's mouth block'd up and so himself hindred from getting out he not having possess'd himself as he ought to have done of the other side of the mouth which lay over against the Castle Some add that the Patriarck meeting with Commissary Pasqueligo on the way who was sailing with 25 Gallies towards Zâ—ntes to listen after the Turkish Fleet and who offered to follow him and to be aiding to him in his designes he did not discover what his intention was to do but refused his company Yet this his journey helped to discover that scituation and whatsoever else was requisite to the making of that enterprise and was the cause of our mens meeting with a fair occasion not long after of getting a notable victory if they had known how to have used it For Barbarossa hearing that the Patriarck was entred into the Gulph of Larta made thither immediately with his whole Fleet hoping to meet with him and to suppresse him but when newes came to Corfu whither Barbarossa was gone and that he tarried at Prevesa the Captains of the League differed in their opinions touching what was to be done some were for going to Messina to meet with Doria who being come from Spain kept about those havens to prepare divers things needful for the Fleet excusing his delay and laying the fault upon others Others were bâ—tter pleased to tarry at Corfu and wait for Doria's comming who had given notice that he would be with them ere long for they thought it neither good nor safe especially for the Venetians to abandon Corfu and the guardianship of the whole Gulph At last Doria came thither on the 7th of September but not with all his Gallies for he had left some in Spain to guard those seas from the incursion of
some perswaded to make use of Cantelmi 's voyage and of the Kings offer alleadging that he being full of various thoughts it was to be hoped that his desire of regaining the ancient friendship of the Common-wealth so to separate her from Caesar might be predominant with him And that as on the one side the interposition and authority of so great a Prince might advantage them much in their making Agreement with the Turks so on the other side they might secure the affairs of the State by Land from other dangers since by this confidence his desire of convening with Caesar would be cooled That they ought not totally to alienate the minds of Christian Princes there not appearing as yet any certain hopes of renewing capitulation and commerce with the Turks That it was certain the Emperour was much offended for their having negotiated peace apart for the Common-wealth when they had given out that they would not treat of any thing but of the generall Truce and that if they should now refuse the King of France his offer the King of France would be as much offended since they should thereby seem to value him but a little and to be totally alienated from his friendship which bad satisfaction to both might make them joyn the more easily together against the Commonwealth that they ought at least to desire the Kings messenger to treat of Truce in generall which if it should succeed the conveniency of time and of some rest would be of no small consideration and as touching the particular affairs of the Common-wealth to authorize him to say unto the Turks that the Senate would not be backward in making agreement if it might be had upon faire conditions by this means the business would be kept on foot with the service and honour of the publick and that if any jealousies should arise of the Kings keeping his word and of these new Agreements with the Emperour we might then resume the businesse into our own hands and that all way of Treaty for us was now shut up since their sending away of our Embassador Others notwithstanding proposed That a dispatch might be forthwith made to the Embassador Contarini willing him to tarry wheresoever the messenger should meet him and expect new orders from the Senate which should be sent according as affairs went Others were better pleased that a new Embassador should be sent and some were for referring the managing of the whole businesse to Consul Canale since he was now at liberty and might negotiate But all these joyned in protesting against making use of Canetlmi or communicating any thing to him in this businesse who was a banisht Neopolitan and who to boote with his Kings interests and ends which peradventure might not stand with the service of the Common-wealth had his own particular designes which might rather retard then further the businesse that it became neither the publique safety nor honour to discover the Senate's intention to one who as might justly be suspected would rather hinder then help the effecting of it That Caesar would not leave anything unattempted to break this treaty of Peace which was so prejudiciall to him and that the King of France would be glad to please him in all other things out of hopes of having the State of Millan restored That it stood not well together that the King of France as he affirmed should make peace with the Emperour to make war against the Turks and be a means of making peace between the Venetians and the same Enemies What faith could be adhibited to the words or indeavours of a King that was ill satisfied with the Common-wealth for having secured the state of Millan to Caesar by their last confederacy and hindred him from what he so much desired That they had been in vain brought by the promises of other Princes to undertake and continue this War wherin they had to no purpose spent 3 millions of Gold That they might now be clearly aware of those counsells which sprung from passion and were bent upon peculiar interests and not to put themselves into away which might bring the Common-wealth to ruine by continuing involved in so great and insupportable expences An other accident of no less concernment was hereunto added which increased the doubts and difficulties The Harvest was this year very bad every where and chiefly in Italy so as the City of Venice which wanting sufficient Territories of her own was to feed a great number of people with Corn fetcht from other Countries was chiefly incommodiated hereby The people who were wont to feed deliciously and to eat no bread but what was made of wheat were glad of any sort of Corn and in danger to want that too if they were not furnisht from forrain parts a thing which gave the Senators much trouble so as to supply so great a necessity some thought it necessary to make friendship with the Turks Others to have recourse to the Spaniards to have Corn transported either from the one or from the other the same thing susteyning contrary opinions Thus the time ran on without any certain resolution so as the Embassador Contarini receiving no new instructions came to Venice and Cantelmi departed without any Commission These irresolute Counsels made Caesar who watched all occasions hope he should be able to break this Treaty of Peace and to draw the Venetians to confirm the League once more wherefore thinking that nothing could more further his intentions then to make it be believed that he held good intelligence with the King of France whereby being free from so many impediments he might imploy all his Forces in the Levant and make the King of France at last favour the design he resolved to send a principal personage to Venice and perswaded the King of France to do the like who might give an account of the speech which they should have together and discover somewhat of the Venetians minde therefore on the 10th of December the Marquis of Guasto who was then Governour of Millan went to Venice on the Emperour's behalf and Monsieur Anibao who was Marshall Generall in Piemont on the behalf of the King of France These were received with such honour as became the greatnesse of the Princes that sent them and their own eminent qualitie They were met by a great many Senators in the Butcentauro and in other 7 Gallies were lodged in a noble Palace and defray'd at the publick charge Their first audience was in the great Hall whither the great Councill came and a great concourse of people wherein nothing past but complements But afterwards at a private audience in the Colledge the Marquis of Guasto told them That he was come in the name of Charles the Emperour to acquaint them as good and well esteemed friends of the meeting which the Emperour was to have in France with the most Christian King and in Flaunders with King Ferdinando his brother and the Queen his sister who were the Governours
the Turks unlesse enforc'd by necessity so if that should happen he could not but commend them for complying with time and necessity This afforded occasion for such as desired peace to fortifie their reasons which the transporting of Corn from many of the Turkish Dominions did much more whereby the City was supplyed in her great need and this was much amplified by the popularity comparing it with the actions of their friends who contrary to the expresse Articles of confederacy forbad any portage of corn out of Sicely and did afterwards mightily enhaunse the price when the Fleets and City was in great want At the same time information was given by Letters from the Consul at Constantinople that great Festivalls were preparing there upon occasion of the grand Signieurs daughters marriage to Rusten and of the circumcision of two of his sons Wherefore it was expected by all and much desired by many of the Basshaes that according to custome an Ambassadour might be sent to that Court whereby the Treaty of Peace might be re-assumed Out of all these respects and for that they who at first were hottest for War grew lesse fervent in those desires their inconveniences encreasing and their hopes decreasing the chusing of an Ambassadour to send to Solyman was again proposed in Senate and Luigi Badoaro was chosen to that purpose a Senator of great authority and one who had still perswaded the Senate thereunto offering to take that employment upon himself His Commission was That procuring and assisting the Treaty of Truce in generall which was at first begun by the Ambassadour Contarini and continued by the King of France his Agent he should endeavour for the particular service of the Commonwealth to procure the restitution of all such places as had been taken by the Turks in that War which if he could not obtain he should notwithstanding proceed on to conclude the Agreement upon the renewing of the antient Articles as Contarini had formerly been ordered to do And he had leave given him to charge the Towns of Napoli and Malvesia with five or six thousand Duckets and to promise thirty thousand Duckets to re-imburse the expences which the Turks had been at in the War This was the Senate's order But the Councill of Ten which at this time had the supream Authority in treating of the weightiest and most important affairs of State without communicating it to the Senate to the end that the businesse might be carried more secretly and with lesse contention amongst a few added a larger Commission to wit That if he should see the conclusion of Peace grow otherwise desperate he might totally yield up the Cities of Napoli and Malvesia For these who were the antientest and most experienced Senators knew how grievous and insupportable the expence of the War grew daily That Napoli and Malvesia were seated far off and therefore hard to be reliev'd and that they lay very fit to be taken by the Turks that they had severall times already been in much danger for want of many things and had already fallen into the enemies hands had not the Truce preserved them That the Common-wealth was at this time badly besteaded by Fortune that therefore it would be wisely done to throw somewhat over-board though never so dear to bring the rest safe into the Haven free from the storms of this most dangerous War That it was an assured rule confirmed by long experience that Treaties had with the Turks were much prejudiced by length of time and that the protracting of businesse made the conclusion more difficult These things were the products of the end of this year In the beginning of the next 1540. the Emperour came to Paris on the sixth of Ianuary where he was received with all demonstrations of honour and humanity by the King whereunto the Emperour corresponding in all things laboured to make all men believe that he had cancell'd the memory of all things past that he had no thoughts but of honour and peace and that he was much joyed to be with the King He bestowed the Order of the Golden Fleece upon the Dolphin upon the Duke of Orleance the Kings sons and his nephewes Here Christophoro Capello who was then Ambassadour from the Common-wealth at Paris acquainted both these Princes with the Senate's answer to the Marquis of Guasto and to the Marshall Anibao The Emperour's reply was That though he was very well minded and resolved to make War upon the Turks yet he was so straitned in time as he knew not how to do what the Senate desired and what he himself knew requisite to put a Fleet in order so soon and so numerous as might confront the enemy That therefore it would be better as then to intend the ending of the generall Truce already begun by the most Christian King That they might have opportunity to raise Forces convenient for great enterprises with better hopes of good effect But that in the mean while according to his promise he would do all he could for the safety of their States by Sea The King of France having made new attestation of his good-will said That he would make it be known to all the world that he never had any intention to disturb the common good of Christendome but that he was ready to embrace all love and friendship with Caesar that so a more usefull and necessary War might be undertaken But that none of these things were now to be treated of to keep from mixing weightier matters wherein diversitie of opinions and difficulties might arise amongst the present festivalls and mirth Therefore all businesse was put off till the meeting at Flanders These words of the Emperour and of the King of France being by Letters from the Ambassadour Capello related to the Senate were thought to consist much upon generalities and that no foundation could thereout be made neither of peace amongst themselves nor of war against the Turks Wherefore they all resolved to minde the Treaty of Peace and the Ambassadour Badoaro whilst he was on his journey was desired by Letters to execute what he had in commission as soon as he should be arrived and to obtain some firm conclusion whereby the affairs of the Common-wealth might be secured It being thought that when the newes of union between these two Princes should come to Constantinople as it might facilitate the agreement with the Turks so when it should soon prove vain it would detract from the reputation of the affairs of Christendome and make those Barbarians more haughty and insolent Badoaro having soon dispatcht his journey came about the midst of April to Constantinople and began to treat according as he was commanded with the Bashaws making use of the French Ambassadour's advice Great difficulties arose at the first beginning of the Treaty not that the Turks were averse to peace but for that having notice of Badoaro's more secret Commissions growing more insolent by reason of the fear and the desire of peace
which they found to be in the Venetians and out of the certainty of obtaining whatsoever they should desire they soon protested that they would not hear any thing till such time as the Islands in the Archipelagus and Padino and Lawrana which were formerly possess'd by them should be freely restored unto them as also the Cities of Napoli and Malvesia and that they should be re-imburst for their expence in the War At which so sudden and pertinacious demands the Ambassadour being struck with consternation and beginning to suspect what he found to be true he delayed the businesse a while not being resolved what to do On the one side he was spurred on by his Commissions and reiterated desires to conclude the Peace on the other side he was withheld by thinking that by continuing the Treaty the Turks might be encouraged with hopes of obtaining all they desired Having by reason of these doubts past over some daies in silence Barbarossa who was desirous that the Peace should be made and was willing to further it perswaded him not to give over the Treaty whereunto though he saw some more hopefull way was opened yet found he not the Basha's minds any whit mollified So as he was brought by degrees to assent to all those things which were reserved for the last and most desperate remedy to wit To yield up together with the Towns already possest the Cities of Napoli and Malvesia and to pay 300000 Duckets in the space of three years for the expences of War For what remained the former Capitulations were renued and confirmed with many particulars which concerned the good establishment of the Peace the removing all occasions of injuries on all sides the maintaining of free and safe commerce between the subjects on all parts and the securing of Navigation in all Seas When the newes of this Agreement came to Venice though the thing it selfe was much desired by all the City being reduced to a very low condition by reason of the War and dearth and in a condition of being restored by Peace yet when the particulars were understood it was not so very welcome many blamed the purchasing of peace at so dear a rate others blamed the Embassador's too great fear who had suffered himselfe to be brought at the Turks first demands to the ultimate terms reserved for the last and desperate remedy But these first commotions ceasing and the state of affairs being more maturely considered and the true reasons which had moved those wise Senators who do alwaies watch over the welfare of the Common-wealth to pitch upon this resolution all were satisfied and their wisdome praised And the treachery of some perfidious men coming afterwards to light Badoaro's reputation was salved The business went thus Amongst others Constantino and Nicolo Cavazi the one as Secretary to the Consiglio di Dieci the other the like to that of the Pegadi were admitted into the secret Councells as also Maâ—teo Leone as one of the Colledge being a Savio di Terra ferma he who held this place was then admitted into both these Councels These men receiving an annuall stipend from the King of France communicated all the important affairs of the Common-wealth unto him Agostino Abondio had likewise a hand in this business and Iovan Francisco Valerio mentioned before born of a noble Family but not in lawfull wedlock who held somewhat of Church-living in France both which the King had corrupted with many gifts that they might serve him upon such an occasion it so fell out as Ierolimo Martelosso who kept Libidenus commerce with Abondio's unchast wife found some of Nicolo Cavaza's Notes in his house and finding that they contained some stare-affairs in them he carried them to the Councell of Ten wherein many things being searched into the whole treason was at last discovered Whereupon Nicolo Cavaza Abondio and Valerio betook themselves for sanctuary to the French Embassador's house but it being soon known Officers were sent to apprehend them and after long resistance made two pieces of Cannon being brought in a Barke to beat down the house the Traytors were delivered up into the hands of Justice and were hang'd on a Gallowes in St. Marks Piatsa Constantino Cavazza and Matteo Leone got away into some place of safety and a sum of Money was set upon their heads in what Country soever they should be found No news was ever heard of Cavaza but Leone went to live in France where meeting with no favour at Court and failing of all assistance he taught a Grammer-School that he might have whereby to live and his posterity was for ever deprived of Nobility The King seemed to rescent the violence which was used to his Embassador's house which made him that for some moneths he would not give audience to the Venetian Embassador but being one day in the Camp before Perpegnano giving place at last to reason and desirous to know news from Constantinople he sent for him he complained modestly and with a seeming minde to be reconciled of the violation used to his Embassado'rs house saying What would you think if I should deal so with you To which the Embassador Veniero readily answered I wish it were Gods will that I had any of your Majesties Rebels in my house or in my power I would seize on them my selfe and bring them to your Majesty which should I not do I should be severely reprehended by the Signory Whilst these Treaties of Peace were in hand though the Generall Mocenico was abroad with a good many Gallies yet was there nothing done which might unseasonably disturb the hopes of Agreement But the Generall understanding that Dragute was about the Islands of Zante committing Piracy with many sayl he went thitherward to meet with him and to fight him who having a good wind and kenning our ships steered another course to save himselfe and not daring to return any more into those Seas went westward where he and eight of his ships were taken by Gioanetino Doria When the peace was concluded he went to Napoli and to Romania before he went to Dalmatia to disarm to acquaint those pople with what had past at Constantinople and with the States resolution to deliver up those Cities to the Turks The news was very unwelcome to them they were equally afflicted with tarrying and with going away to tarry and live under the tyranny of the Turks was the more grievous to them for their having lived so long under the moderate Jurisdiction of the Common-wealth and for ever to abandon their Country their Goods Houses and their ancestors Bones was a sorrow insufferable wherefore the General when those of Napoli were assembled together in the Piazza somewhat to comfort them spoke thus unto them You may clearly enough conceive by that paternall love with which our Common-wealth did at first receive you into her protection and hath thus long graciously govern'd you what I have now by publick order to say unto you and which hath already
come unto your ear which is That the assignment of this City and of the neighbour City Malvesia over to Soliman by the agreement made at Constantinople was a resolution put on by necessity not by choice You may have known upon many occasions but chiefly in these your last troubles wherein to assist you the Common-wealth readily exposed a great part of her Forces to great dangers what love she hath alwaies born unto you She hath furnisht you with Monies Souldiers and Victuals to keep you from falling into the hands of the Enemy who threatned to put you all unto the sword and to lay your City desolate Nothing hath been left undone to keep you her dear and well beloved subjects from falling into the power of others very great Fleets have been prepared immeasurable expences In fine for this cause the weight of an insupportable War hath been the longer sustain'd And what greater sign can the Common-wealth shew of the affection she bears you in the present condition of affairs and in this your afflicted Fortune then that which she now does by promising to give other convenient habitations where she might best to those who shall desire to go from hence to keep them in her protection to assist savour and nourish them It hath been said by wise men that that place ought to be truly thought a mans owns Country where a man can injoy any good And what is better and more to be desired than to live under the Goâ—vernment of a moderte and just Prince Fortune though never so averse hath not been able to bereave you of this You shall continue under the Dominion of the Common-wealth you shall have abodes allotted you in another Country where you may live though not so commodiously as here yet freer from the perpetuall fear and danger of the Turks to which it may be said you were continually exposed Many men being too numerous at home have of their own choice parted from thence and committing themselves to fortune have quitted their native Country to get new and uncertain habitations by force of Arms To have a safe and certain place of refuge in times of misery hath wont to be so great a consolation as greater prosperity hath often made men forget what was past 'T is true it had been more to be desired to have still lived in peace that the Enemy had never besieged this City that they had not set their minds upon subduing it or in such a case to have had Forces sufficient to repulse them and to revenge injuries But since neither of these hath been either in our power or in yours in the condition wherein we are what is there more to be done than for us to play the part of a good Prince and Pastor by keeping your persons in our protection since we are not able to carry away the walls and houses of this City and for you to rejoyce at this your Prince his affection and to accommodate your selves to Time and Necessity your persons shall be preserved your posterity educated and you valiant Fathers shall be get generous Children Who knows but that they may work your revenge Great is the vicissitude of worldly affairs and the greatest Empires are as well subject thereunto as other things Our Common-wealth will assuredly be alwaies ready to take up Arms against these Enemies when there shall be such an union amongst Christian Princes as it may behoped Christendom may reap good thereby Therefore as it is necessary so is it wisely and safely donne to seek to live and to hope for better things Whilst the General spoke tears fell from all the Auditors eyes occasioned no lesse through tendernesse of affection then through griefe The Generall used afterwards the like words with those of Malvesia whereupon the Inhabitants being a little comforted after the sorrow they suffered for so sad newes most of them prepared to be gone taking what they had of best along with them and soon after in November the Articles of Peace being confirm'd Commissary Contarini went to those shores with 20 Gallies and many other ships of severall sorts whereinto having taken all the Artillery Ammunition Goods Souldiers and persons of those Inhabitants who would depart He by Orders from Constantinople delivered up the keys of those two Cities to Cassin Basshaw of Morea who with some few entred the Towns and after our men were gone the Gates were opened and free entrance was given to the Soudliers who were there abouts Things being thus brought to a peacefull condition the Generall and the Commissary disarmed leaving out only the usuall number of Gallies to guard the Gulph and for the safety of Navigation But when Commissary Contarini came to Venice he was commanded by Pietro Mocenico Advocate for the Commons to come into the Advocate 's Court and give an account according to the Senate's Order three years before of what â—ad hapned at Puglia when he sunk the Turkish Galley but the businesse being argued in the Senate and Contarini's cause defended by many of the Senators the Advocates command was taken off and he freed of all fault the occasions being ceased which had made his fault appear the greater his worth remaining in him which had alwaies been commended by all men and his deserts increased by the service he had done during all this Warre Nicolo da Ponte pleaded amongst others in his defence who speaking often in the Senate began to be highly esteemed for his Eloquence and growing to greater dignity after many years imployment in the highest concerns of the Common-wealth is arrived at the Principalitie which he now worthily possesseth The year 1540. brought forth no other more noble accidents being memorable enough for the Peace made with the Turks wherein the Common-wealth prosperously continued for the space of thirty years her affairs in Terra forma being likewise quiet at the same time by her friendship with the Christian Princes so as I shall have but little to write of these times yet because the Senate being made acquainted with the chief businesses which past between the Christian Princes interposed her Counsel and Authority either in respect of her selfe or others I will relate in this my History such passages of these Times as do appear to me most memorable and for some concernments of the Common-wealth which I have undertook to write of The End of the Tenth Book THE HISTORY OF VENICE Written by PAULO PARUTA BOOK XI THE CONTENTS THe hopes of peace and quietnesse soon vanisheth upon new accidents The death of the King of Hungary and Ferdinando's pretentions to the Kingdome Soliman distasted and War made by him upon the House of Austria New distastes between Caesar and the King of France The King of France is much troubled at the death of his Ambassadour Rincone What Caesar's designes appeared to be The Venetians resolve to be Newters They excuse themselves to the Pope for not granting him Vicenza for the Councill to be held in An
comming by the way of Trent into Italy they quickly sent four Embassadours to him Iovan Antonio Veniero Nicolo Tiepolo Mark Antonio Contarini and Vicenzo Grimani who going to meet him upon the confines of Verona received him with much honour and waited upon him whilst he passed through the State which was but onely for two daies for going to Peschiera he entred into the Mantuan Territories from whence he went to Millan from thence to Genua and then to Luca to meet the Pope with whom having tarried a while he pursued his journey towards Algiers But his advice proved bad as was foreseen for having landed his men on the shore of Algiers and meeting with more resolution and worth in the Inhabitants of that City then he expected but chiefly receiving very great losse by the Arabian Horse raised by the Turks of the neighbouring Country who with great speed and with a new and unknown way of fighting to our Souldiers disturbed their works The time was so spun on as way was made to great ruine for a horrible tempest arising at Sea which made the Ships Anchors come home some were driven upon the shore others carried into the high and boisterous seas Insomuch as having lost many of his ships and the rest being much torn the Emperour was forc'd to quit the enterprise having onely purchased this praise That he was never in the least dismai'd amidst so many adversities and dangers Many chief personages who followed the Court perished by the distemper of the aire and sufferings amongst the rest Marino Iustiniano Embassadour from the Common-wealth who by orders from the Senate had alwaies accompanied the Emperour and Nicolo da Ponte who was then Lieutenant at Udine was chosen in his steed This so great losse was interpreted by some to redound much to the advantages of the Italian Princes since thereby Caesar's forces were weakned and his minde began to droop who having alwaies promised unto himself prosperous successe in all things was thought did aspire at the soveraignty of all Italy Notwithstanding others out of serious considerations were of another 〈◊〉 thinking this to be a common losse and inconvenience to Christians in generall and particularly to the Common-wealth of Venice For the Turkish Fleet being counterpoised by his Forces at sea that ceasing these more formidable Enemies grew almost insuperable and all things were exposed to their discretion and fury Whilst these things were done by Caesar the King of France his thoughts were not quiet who being highly incens'd against Caesar studied by all means possible to revenge the injuries he had received therefore he had by his Embassadors whom he had sent before to Luca to meet the Pope press'd hard that his Holinesse would declare that the Truce made formerly at Neece by his procurement and authority the more to honest his cause was broken by Fregoso's and Rincone's death But resolving howsoever to use Force and hoping to out-do Caesar by the friendship and assistance of the Turks and Venetians he resolved to send Paulino Embassadour to Constantinople to treat of the particulars touching the Fleet 's putting forth to prejudice Caesar and tryed again to get the Venetians to joyne with him On which Paulino having discoursed much before he parted from Constantinople he had obtained as hath been said that Ianusby should be commissioned to enterpose Soliman's authority with the Venetians to encline them to listen to his proposalls touching making War with Cesar. Paulino being then come to Venice as he returned to Constantinople he together with the Bishop of Monpelliers who was there Embassadour in ordinary for the King had private audience in the Colledge before the chief of the Councell of Ten where he delivered what they were ordered to do by the King Paulino in a long Oration perswaded the Senators to a new confederacy with the King What the ends were said he of the King my Master and what those of the Emperour may now be so plainly discerned by their actions as their ends and designes are no longer concealed The King of France at the Popes perswasion laid down his Arms in Piemont and stopt the course of his almost assured victories out of a good inclination which he alwaies had to concord so far as his honour might not be thereby prejudiced And the Emperour who first seemed so desirous of peace refusing Articles of a fair Agreement entred himself in person with an Army into France That the King was contented to accept of the Dukedom of Millan not to unite it to the Crown of France that so the Princes of Italy might not by reason of his greatnesse grow jealous of him but to make one of his sons Lord thereof And the Emperour being resolved to keep that Dukedom in himself had often deluded his King and the Princes of Italy with vain hopes especially the Venetians who desired alwaies more then others to haâ—e a new Duke and particular Lord in that State That the King had of late nobly refused the offers of those of Guant who rebelling against Cesar had recourse to him for protection Nay he had readily given way to Cesar 's men and for himself to passe through France for Flanders to appease the tumults of that Province from whence if he had been so minded he might have reaped advantage That he had several other waies witnessed his goodwill to Cesar having received him with incomparable honour throughout his 〈◊〉 â—ingdome in the very City of Paris and in his own Palace treating with him still with singular civility That on the other side as sooâ—â—s his businesse was done the Emperour had not onely not corresponded any waies with him openly denying what he had promised but being full of implacable anger against the King had treacherously and spitefully caused his servants to be slain when by the Truce renued at Paris all his affairs should have been secure That these and many other things which lay open to the eyes of all men might witnesse what the endeavours ends and natures of these two Princes were by which might be well considered whether of these ought to be chosen for a friend and confederate to the Common-wealth in whether she might repose more faith friendship gratitude equity and modesty in all proceedings That it ought also to be particularly considered how great Cesar 's power would be when he should together with the Kingdom of Naples securely possesse the State of Millan the French being excluded Italy and all allayes ceasing which might curb his desires bent undoubtedly to be Lord of all Italy That it was to be had in consideration what good might be got by keeping friendship with Cesar and what they could promise unto themselves from the King of France That Cesar promis'd onely in gratification to the Common-wealth to put a Duke into the State of Millan not intending as might be seen by his actions to do as he said That what his King's gratitude would be and the fruits of this new conjunction
agreement should be made as a friend to the Grand Seigneur nay that it should be declared in express words that the State of Venice should not be molested during that Agreement by those Princes that were therein comprehended and that if it should happen otherwise the Agreement with Soliman should be taken as broken and yet there was an opinion that the Venetians opposed the Truce which there being no hopes of Peace was treated of wherefore Caesar made his Embassador Mendosa return from Trent to Venice not cloaking this suspition but attesting howsoever his great good-will to the Common-wealth and praying the Senate to favour the treaty of Truce which was said to be already well begun at Constantinople and would be the easilier brought to a good end by the assistance of the Common-wealth promising to make her be named therein on their behalfe and included as a friend These things made the Venetians the more desirous to indeavour a suspension of Arms between these Princes because besides other no small considerations they thereby received much safety and honour being to be declared friends to both Parties and to receive and injoy the benefit of peace which might arise from that Agreement which made the Senators more zealous in interposing their Authority knowing very well how much it might make for them to make the Turks believe that she was in good esteem with the Christian Princes and the same Christian Princes that she was so valued by the Turks as that they were stedfastly resolved to keep peace with her It was thought the Emperour did so very much indeavour the conclusion of this Truce with the Turks because he was not onely out of all hopes of being assisted by the German forces against them but inforced to take up Arms against the chiefe Lords and States of Germany who contaminating both sacred and prophane things to the great disparagement of the Church of Rome and Majesty of the Empire did dayly plot more Novelties breaking forth into open Rebellion Wherefore the Emperour who to purchase their loves had formerly yeelded not without the Popes resentment that the Councill should be held in the City of Trent with great prerogatives on the Germans behalfe did afterwards repent himselfe knowing that he had done little good to the cause of Religion lost much ground with the Pope and gotten nothing with Germany and sought to moderate the conditons whereupon the Councill was to meet he therefore sent his Embassador Don Diego de Mendosa to the Common-wealth to bridle the liberty which some of the most licencious and worst affected towards the Court of Rome used But the Venetians knowing that the calling of the Council was not acceptable to the Pope as being done at an unseasonable time and in an unfitting place and in a manner little becomming the dignity and authority of the Apostolick Sea thought they would not openly oppose it would not send their Embassadors thither But the Agreement at Constantinople which was so hopefully brought neer a conclusion of Truce for many years no way of accommodation being to be found for the difficulties which arose touching the restoring of some little Castles in Hungary ended in a short suspension of Arms for but one year but with intention as it was said and written also from Salamons selfe to the King of France that things being better debated at Ferdinando's Court the Embassadors were to return again the next year to the Court at Constantinople with new Commissions to establish peace for a longer time New dislikes arose this mean while between the Turks and Venetians upon occasion of the Confines of Dalmatia where the Sangiacchi of Bossina and Clissa desiring to trouble the quiet for their own advantage or else to pillage the Country or to make the Venetians give them something to avoid those troubles went about to usurpe a good part of the Territory of Zara alleadging that a Country which contained 49 Towns did belong to the Towns of Nadino and Urana as the proper Territories thereof which being by the last conventions granted to belong to the Grand Seigneur they said their Territories belonged unto him too wherefore they threatned the Inhabitants of these places upon pain of great penalties not to acknowledge any other Government then Solimans This did much trouble the Venetians this Country being of great concernment both in it self and for the preservation of the City of Zara. And though their claim was clear for Nadino and Urana being small Castles have no peculiar Country but the Towns thereabout make up a Country together with Zara the chief City of that Province yet by reason of the strange and insolent proceeding of the Turks in such like affairs laying claim to any whatsoever Country whereupon the Grand Seigneurs Horse hath once set his foot they feared this might be the occasion of longer and greater trouble But Soliman being acquainted with the businesse referr'd the examination of the difference over to the Sangiacco of Chersego and to two Cadi's these are the ordinary Judges in point of justice and what they should determine should be done who were to meet upon the place to that purpose with the Representatives of the Common-wealth The Senate chose Luigi Reniero for this employment who handled the businesse with such dexterity and wisdome as the possession of that whole Territory which was in question was left free and quiet to the Common-wealth And new difficulties being raised again upon what had already been decided according to the Turkish custome Reniero as being well acquainted with the businesse was sent Consull to Constantinople who making our claim appear clear to Soliman did not onely obtain that these pretensions should never be any more questioned but that some other Towns formerly usurped and till then injoy'd by the Turks should together with the 49 Towns be restored to the Venetians So great a friend was this Prince to what was just and honest unlesse he were misled by false suggestions This year the Doge Pietro Lando dyed leaving behinde him the reputation of a good and wise Prince and Francisco Donato was chosen Prince in his place Nor did any thing else worth memory happen this year The next year 1546. those who desired the peace of Italy were sorely afraid that she would quickly return to her former troubles for the peace between the Emperour and the King of France not having effected the most important affairs which were agreed upon between them it remained so loose that nothing but opportunity of time was expected to make them re-assume Arms both their forces and thoughts for the present being otherwise employ'd The King of France by the unseasonable death of his son the Duke of Orleans could not obtain the Dukedom of Millan promised him in consideration of the marriage but his antient desire of possessing it was no whit lessened Nor was the Duke of Savoy re-possessed of his Towns the King detaining them under various excuses hoping to satisfie
Cesar some other way An other novelty likewise hapned which was thought would add fuell to this fire of war which was a kindling The Pope finding his other designes for the agrandising of his house prove vain the City of Parma and Piacenza being severed from the Church which were thereunto joyned by Iulius the 2d gave them in fee-farm to his son Pier Luigi obliging him to pay 8000 Crowns a year for them by way of tribute and in lieu thereof to yield up the Dukedome of Camerino and the Signiory of Nepi wherein his son Octavio was but a little before invested to the Apostolick Sea Cesar was so much displeased hereat as he could by no means be brought to assent thereunto nor give way to the investment thereof desired of him by the Pope as being Lord of the State of Millan whereof these two Cities had wont to be a member This obdurancy of Cesar did so alienate Luigi's heart from him who was formerly sufficiently enclined to the French as it was thought he would embrace any occasion that should be offered to witnesse his ill-will and to damnifie Cesar. The Pope being for these respects grown suspected by both sides and equally mistrusting both Cesar and the King of France but being notwithstanding resolved come what will come to make good what he had done touching the setling of the new Dukedom upon his son he had much discourse with the Venetian Embassador shewing in what danger the affairs of Italy would be as soon as the King of France should have rid his hands of war with the King of England with whom he was in treaty of peace Or when Cesar having reduced the Protestant Princes to his obedience at the Dyet at Ratisbone should have no need to take up Armes against them He therefore desired that the Senate would joyne in close intelligence with him concerning the common interests and in signe of greater confidence he made the new Duke send Agostino di Laudi as his Embassador to Venice who acquainting the Senate with the dignity conferred upon him offered both himself and State to be at the Common-wealth's service Correspondence was had hereunto in a friendly manner but in generall tearms which might not any waies oblige nor whereby the Pope might be the more encouraged to do any thing upon these hopes which might disquiet Italy But minding their own defence and providing for what might happen the Senate took Guido Ubaldo Duke of Urbin into the service of the Common-wealth with the title of Captain Generall of the Militia allowing him 5000 Crowns a year pay for himself and 15000 for a hundred Curassiers and a hundred light Horse which he was bound to have alwaies in a readinesse for the Common-wealth's service But Italy's safety consisted in the troubles which were to continue between the Emperour and the King of France for the latter could not by any forces though very great both by sea and land and by hazarding all fortunes recover the City of Bullen from the English who were resolved not to restore it upon agreement And Cesar having assembled the Protestant Princes in the Dyet at Ratisbone to treat of things touching Religion could do no good upon them though he went there himself in person But whereas they first seemed contented that the Councill should be held in Trent promising to send their Doctors thither to treat of the points of Faith and to stand to what should there be decided they now demanded that a Nationall Councill might be called in Germany which being afterwards reduced to Trent that the meeting might be in all parts free and other more exorbitant things Whereby the Pope argued that making use of this occasion he needed not to fear the Councill but might secure his son in Parma and Piacenza since both Cesar and the Princes and people of Germany had turned their thoughts else-where and were to end bitter contestations by war He therefore began to incite Cesar by frequent messages who was already sufficiently incenst against many German Princes and Cities exhorting him for his honours sake to take up Arms against those Rebells and promising him great assistance not onely by concession of many boones in Cesar's States but by contributing a great many Foot Horse to be paid by the Apostolick Sea The Senate had at first a hand in this businesse seeking as they formerly had done to slacken the Pope's fervour in undertaking this war whereby they thought Italy might receive prejudice and no certain hopes that the affairs of Religion would fare the better by force for whole Germany a great and powerfull Province being as it was said to concur therein whereof many of the chief Hans-Towns had already declared for the Protestant Princes who were risen for fear â—est the Emperour might under other pretences bereave them of their libertie and the name of the Pope being grown greatly hatefull in Germany there was reason to fear that that warlick Nation might overflow Italy and they be prejudiced thereby who had no hand in that commotion Or if Cesar should subdue Germany his forces and reputation growing greater by this victory his power would be more dangerous for the Princes of Italy But afterwards knowing the Pope's resolutenesse herein and that being carried away by two powerfull affections fear and hope touching State respects and his own greatnesse and the like of his family he would not be brought to listen to any other counsell The Senate forbare any such courses and rather sought to go by the way of diversion in the discourses which were often held with them to this purpose by the Pope's and Cesar's Embassadours that they might not offend Cesar without any advantage by advising him against the enterprise or by commending it make him demand more expresse aids of them Notwithstanding all this it was said that the Common-wealth was comprehended in the League which was made at Rome which some did so assuredly aver as in the notes which were publickly given about of the confederates contributions and of the preparations for war five thousand Foot were reckoned to be paid by the Venetians who being desirous to satisfie these Princes in what might neither cost them monies nor trouble did upon request willingly grant passage to the Pope's Souldiers who being mustered in Bologâ—â—a to the number of 12000 Foot and 500 Horse were to passe to Trent through the territories of Verona and the like was done to Cesar's Souldiers they being furnish'd with victualls and all other conveniences The Pope's Army was made up of the best Souldiers of Italy and commanded by valiant Captains of all which the Pope's nephew Ottavio Fernese was General a young man but of great hopes and who had been trained up some few years before in the Militia when he went with his father in Law the Emperour to the Affrican wars But people from several Nations were flock'd to Cesar's Army and many out of Germany her self drawn out of the Patrimoniall States of
Cesar had not shared the advantages of war with him by giving him part of the monies which were paid by those that compounded nor having communicated the most important advices of peace or war to him nor his representatives as he ought to have done since he shared in the expence and hazard But on the other side Cesar said that the Pope had fail'd him in his promise and devoire since the war not being yet fully ended which he had undertaken chiefly at his entreaty and by his advice he had recalled his men whereby he did not onely deprive him of that aid but did diminish the forces and reputation of his Army whereby there was yet a great strength of men to be overcome in Germany under the conduct of Iohn Frederick and of the Lansgrave the one of which for the antient blood of Saxony and the other by reason of the love the people bore him would be able to raise so great an Army as without due providing for the contrary might yet question the victory These things did Cesar amplifie either to draw the Pope to a new contribution of Monies or Foot or to get leave as he had often desired to make use of the revenues of the Church in Spain for this war or peradventure to make his victories appear the greater by magnifying the forces of the enemie But the Pope being far from favouring Cesar's designes any further prefer'd the apprehension of his greatnesse and his being very ill satisfied with him before all other respects But the occasions of dividing the Pope from the Emperour grew much greater the next year 1547. For Cesar's power and reputation daily encreasing he grew the more ambitious of Government He did so prosper in Germany as bringing the Duke of Saxony to Battle not affording him time to withdraw into the strong holds in his own Country as he designed to do he won such a victory as he thereby put an end to the war the Duke being taken prisoner and his forces so utterly defeated as the Lansgrave dispairing to save himself by force of Arms or by any other means put himself willingly into Cesar's hands who possessing himself of the Forts of Hessen detained him prisoner So as all things being peaceable and quiet in Germany he entred as it were in triumph into Auspurg where he summoned a Dyet from all the parts of Germany wherein he obtained many things for his advantage and satisfaction amongst the rest a great contribution from all the Princes and Haunâ—e-Towns whereby to take 20000 Foot and 4000 Horse into pay for the service of the Empire wherein he comprehended his own patrimoniall estate and the like of his Family Betwixt which and the Princes and Haunâ—e-Towns of Germany a perpetuall League was made for the common defence Yet these his great prosperities did not at all quench his thirsting after new acquisitions and glory his chief aime was at Italy and together with other higher designes to settle himself fast in the State of Millan whither he sent great store of Artillery which were presented him by divers German Lords and afterwards a good number of Spanish Foot making of them an ordinary Garrison in that State esteeming them most faithfull to him He also made the people swear fealty to him and to whomsoever he should name to be Lord over them intending that Government to his son Philip who to that end was to go quickly for Italy And he treated still with the Swissers capitulating with them to defend the State of Millan He moreover had placed a guard of 400 Spanish Foot in Sienna and an Officer of his who exercised much authority in many things and attempted to build a Fort there intending as it was thought to bring them under the yoke of servitude for the which occasions were not wanting by reason of commotions raised in the City the people whereof not being able to see themselves inslaved had driven out the Spanish Foot and done many other things contrary to Cesar's dignity He sought also to possesse himself of the Town of Piombino and to take it from the Lord thereof upon severall pretences promising to recompence him with other territories that he might make use of that scituation which lay upon the Sea-cost of Tuscany and was very commodious in other respects for affairs at Sea But above all other things the taking of Piacenza which was done as shall be said together with the death of Duke Pier Luigi caused fear in all men and particular affliction in the Pope and two of the prime Princes of Christendom Francis the first of France and Henry the eighth of England's death which ensued not long after one another all things seemed to smile upon Cesar For these Princes of great power and mature counsell being taken away he remained in supream authority and sole arbitrator of affairs The King of France his death begot more alteration in thought than in effect for Henry his third son comming by the death of the Dolphin and of the Duke of Orleance to the Crown who was brought up under his father's discipline and did inherit his affections especially his hatred to Cesar appeared soon ready to tread in his fathers foot-stâ—ps and not to yield any waies to Charles his fortune But the King of France his death was severally interpreted by the Italians some thought that the occasion of many troubles to Italy was taken away which by reason of his unquiet nature of the bitter hatred which he bore to Cesar and of his obstinate resolution of getting the Dukedom of Millan was never to have an end but by his death Others were of a contrary opinion who thought the new King would not so soon forego his fathers resolutions and enterprises which though he should do they thought that more prejudice then advantage would redound thereby to the Italians who the counterpoise of the French forces being taken away were with little cure to their libertie to depend the more upon the Spaniards will Some in Venice did with much griefe call to minde the love which the late King bore to the Common-wealth his readinesse to assist her in her lowest ebb of fortune and chiefly his assisting her in the recovery of Verona They likewise alleadged as signes of his good-will his having so often desired a new conjunction with the Common-wealth not being any waies scandalized at his so many repulses which had won no small honour to the Common-wealth and had made her be the better esteemed by Cesar's self Others not without some bitternesse of spirit remembered the ficklenesse used by this King upon many occasions and his great ingratitude towards the Common-wealth which having with much readinesse taken up Arms and exposed her self to so much expence and hazard of war first for his own freedom and then for the like of his sons from Cesar's hands had been so scornfully abandon'd by him as that in his agreement made with Cesar he had made peace not onely without
that State wherein our proceedings have been so cool and so full of circumspection as we may partly blame our selves if we have not met our desires therein And if he had so great a mind to suppress the Common-wealth as is affirmed when could he have better done it then of late years when we have had our hands full of War with Soliman yet he hath rather indeavour'd our maintaining then our suppressing having sent his Fleet to assist us and he hath increased our honour and our Forces to defend our selves against so powerfull an Enemy by the new confederacy he made with us and if his provisions for War may seem to have been short and tardy in respect of our necessities and desires and that his actions have not been answerable to his promises we must be content to have received such usage as all men do receive by the Law of Nature that he minded more his own interest then that of others and if we measure this very thing more by affection then by true reason it is a usuall thing for humanity to doe so Caesar would assist us to such a degree but he did not think it became him to expose his Fleet to the same danger as we would do ours his cause not being the like to ours He would not sâ—e us fall yet he would not see us grow too powerfull lest he might have reason to apprehend our greatnesse as we now fear his These are passions common to all men and very usuall in Princes but if we weigh all things well we are not onely not necessitated but we have no reason to make Warre with Caesar neither for any injury we have received nor for any we are likely to receive These reasons were the more easily credited because they tended to the preservation of Peace to which every one was of himselfe well inclined and Cesar indeavour'd much to keep them in this mind promising faithfully to preserve Peace and Friendship with the Common-wealth The Pope's and King of France his desires were conformable but by several messengers thus answered That the Senate commended the care they took of the common good and for the defence of their own affairs that they would take example by them and watch the more narrowly over their State which they thought would prove a sufficient remedy at this time against such dangers as were to be feared wherefore they saw no reason of comming to a straicter and more particular union by which they might provoke such as went about to disturb the Peace Though the Pope nor King of France were not well satisfied with this answer yet they seemed to be so to keep from alienating the Venetians further from them hoping that they might at last be brought to alter their minds and adhere unto them therefore praysing the mature wisdom of that Senate they said that Cesars intentions which could no longer be concealed being now better discovered and the world believing no longer that they had ambitious ends they would speedily resolve upon assured and good grounds to secure the affairs of the Common-â—ealth and of all Italy But though the hopes of any good successe in their indeavours against the Emperour were lessened by this the Venetians resolution yet the Pope's and the King of France his desire of taking up Arms was not much lessened which they were kept from doing rather by the difficultie of the businesse then for any want of will But though they could not use open force the French and the Ferneses held private intelligence in divers Cities of Italy particularly in Genua Sienna and Millan Cities which were infected with humours of severall factions and therefore the more easie to mutiny for that upon finding a good Inclination to Novelties they might with the lesse forces compasse their designs It is certainly worth consideration to think how great human Imperfection is and into how many excesses they fall who give themselves over in prey to their own affections Pope Paul who was a very wise man so many years vers'd in the waightiest affairs of the World being by the unavoydable laws of nature brought to the extream period of life yet being carried away by vast designs and irregulate thoughts did not value the exposing Himselfe his Family the Church and all Italy to the greatest labours and dangers of eminent ruine by taking up Arms against Cesar so powerfull and so prosperous a Prince at a time when he had whole Germany to joyn with him which was implacably offended against the Pope and Court of Rome for the difference of Religion for the counsell given by the Pope to Cesar to wage War with them and for not being able to obtain that the Councill of Trent which they had so earnestly desired and which was now granted should be perfected and on the other side he being so ill provided of men monies and friends to withstand so great a force of War as he drew upon him and being bereft amongst those Hereticks of that sacerdotall Majesty and respect by which Popes have kept themselves free from injuries more then by forces which things being seen and well known by the Venetians they were much troubled at insomuch as though their Counsels were not listned too and suspected they forbare not notwithanding when they found the Pope after their answer still resolute in his former opinion modestly to represent unto him these things so worthy of consideration to which he had sometimes given ear when his reason prevailed over his sense wishing him therefore to be somewhat more circumspect in these his intentions and in delivering himselfe as it were a prey into the power of the French The next year 1548. was spent in almost the same Negotiations in indeavours of Leagues secret Treaties Princes machinations upon other mens estates preparations for Arms and in a desire of attempting novelties but without any great effect or commotion For though the King of France did very much desire to trouble the affairs of Italy so to keep Cesar's thoughts and forces busied there yet he thought his hopes in the Pope were but small who was already very old in almost a decrepit age having little mony and peradventure no constant resolution to maintain the war if any accommodation should at any time be proposed by the Emperour as might easily happen by his alliance with Octavio Fernese He saw the Venetians resolved though Arms should be taken up not onely to keep their neutrality but so joyned in amity by the friendship of so many years with Cesar as he thought it impossible to divide them He had also a minde and had already turned much of his forces to prosecute war against the English hoping by reason of many divisions risen between the Governours of the young King in point of religion and out of particular contentions not onely to defend Scotland by vertue of the marriage between the young Queen thereof and his eldest son who was destin'd to be her husband but
be very haughty being as yet very young unexperienced in affairs of the world having never been from home before and bred up by his mother in great pride and elation according to the custom of the Portugalls But afterwards when he came to mature years he proved a Prince of singular worth and full of modesty and temper treating with all men with a miraculous comelinesse so as greater civility nor gravity was not to be desired in him Whilst Christian Princes were thus full of disorderly and unquiet thoughts their States and Dominions were not troubled by the Turkish Forces by reason of an unexpected advantage which arose from new resolutions put on by Soliman of turning his Forces against Persia which were first destin'd for Hungary For being eg'd on by a fervent desire of glory which he thought he might acquire if he could beat Tamas his forces Being desirous to effect this his designe he listned more willingly then before to new treaties of Truce to which end Ferdinando had sent his Embassador Iâ—sto de Giusti to Constantinople with new Commissions and Truce was at last established for five years upon engagement that Ferdinando should pay 30000 Duckets yearly to Soliman by way of Tribute for the Towns of Hungary The Common-wealth was named by both sides in this Agreement which redounded in mens opinion much to her honour and safety especially because it was therein exprest that none of the within named should disturb the peace or quiet of rest during the time of the Truce And truly it was worth observing how our Princes did by their want of Trust lessen their own reputation and add to the authority and daring of the common enemy Cesar demanded that the King of France being to be comprehended in this Convention should be bound to observe those things which were promised him by his father King Francis And on the other side the King of France desired that by the Articles of Truce Cesar should not make war with any Christian Prince during the said time And the businesse proceeded so far as King Henry sent his Embassadour Monsieur de Codogne in all haste to Constantinople to disturb the agreement though the directions of Truce were dispatched affirming that Cesar's onely end in making this Truce was that he might the more freely make war with him and that it became the wisdom of Soliman not to suffer Cesar's power to encrease for he would observe the Truce no longer then might make for his own advantage Monsieur de Codogne said the same things at Venice minding them likewise of Cesar's greatnesse and exhorting the Senate to joyn with him in keeping the Treaty from being effected Which though the Venetians did not assent unto yet he passing on to Constantinople and finding the Truce already concluded procured a Letter from Soliman to Cesar and to Ferdinando written in an imperious manner but containing things becomming a great and just Prince That he did willingly accept of the Truce but with an intention that Arms should be laid aside every where by those who were friends to either parties And that therefore if any of the within named Princes should make war with the other he would with his forces assist the injur'd party against him that should first disturb the peace The King of France upon this occasion grew jealous of the Venetians that out of a desire that this Agreement might be concluded wherein they were to be comprehended not caring for the interest of him their friend they had too much favoured Cesar's and Ferdinando's affairs And on the other side Cesar complained that this counsell was first given to the King of France by the Venetians and was afterwards countenanced by them in Constantinople to the end that he might be the more straitly obliged to keep peace with the King of France out of a desire that he might have no occasion of renuing war in Italy which would be very inconvenient for them But the truth was that after the first treaty for universall peace and quiet the Venetians medled in nothing but what concerned the interest of their own Common-wealth knowing that these Princes would be jealous of every thing At the same time great dislikes grew between the Pope and the Emperour and there was great appearance that they would come to an open breach for Cesar was still for the celebration of the Councill as it was first intimated and already begun at Trent as well to content Germany which desired it very much as also for that he thought it would detract from his reputation that the Councill which was already proclaimed by his authority nay at his desire to be held in Trent should now without him and contrary to his will be dissolved and transferred to another place and the Pope was as resolute that the Councill should be celebrated in Bullognia whither many Prelates and Bishops were already gone by his order But the Imperialists though the Pope had made it be intimated unto them that they should depart affirming that the Emperour was protector of the Council but that he had no power to call it tarried still at Trent obeying Cesar's power and commandement who on the contrary protested against the Prelates which were at Bullognia and against the Pope himself and to give it the greater force sent the Cardinall of Trent of the House of Madrucci a Prince of the Empire to Rome affirming that he would not give his assent to any Councill save that which was summoned at Trent which if it should be disturb'd and that thereupon great mischiefs should ensue he desired to be justified before God and Man Though these things were very grievous to the Pope especially being added to the successe at Parma yet his hopes of agreeing with Cesar made him proceed more cautiously But whilst the time was spun out in many negotiations Octavio being impatient to wait any longer for the recovery of Parma having in vain endeavoured to reduce it into his own power for Camillo Orsino who had the custody of the City had forbid him comming into the Citadell resolved rashly to throw himself into the power of the very Spaniards themselves from whom he had so lately received such injuries to get possession of that City by the favour of Arms as Mendosa Embassadour at Rome had cunningly perswaded him to do The Pope was strangely dejected at this accident the great dislike whereof being added to the weaknesse of his very great age for he was 84 years old he died soon after having govern'd the Sea of Rome 15 years with great wisdom and commendations for he had proved himself to be a just Prince a lover of good and vertuous men and for a good while having been Neutrall amongst Princes and desirous of peace and quiet for which he would have been the longer praised and remembered by men if he had not parted from his former resolutions in his latter time being carried away by an immoderate desire of aggrandising his
Pope or at least to alienate him from Cesar since he undertook to defend a vassall of the Church whom Cesar sought to oppresse and would not for any thing the Pope could do desist from molesting him in the businesse of Parma but required that Piacenza might likewise be delivered up unto him so as a great fire was already kindled in the midst of Italy No lesse dangers were likewise threatned in other parts for Ferdinando King of the Romans taking occasion from the discords which arose amongst the Barons of Hungary and particularly from the commotions raised in Transilvania by George Bishop of â—aradino a man of great Authority and who hoped to be able to possess himselfe of that Province parted from Auspurg loaden with promises of assistance from the Emperour which tended to the inducing him to yeeld up his pretences to the succession of the Empire to his Son Philip he was gone into Austria where he had already commenced Dyets that he might raise as many men and monies as he could for such an enterprise And on the other side it was known that Soliman who was already returned from Persia to Constantinople would not indure that that infant-King recommended to his protection should be bereft of any part of his Dominions and he had the better occasion to take up Arms against the House of Austria and to think the Truce for five years broken for that the Imperiall Army had taken two Towns in the Rivers of Africa to wit A City called by the same name of the Province Africa and Monestero These Towns being formerly possest by the Moores were the year before taken by Dragute who being afterwards made a Sangiaccho had received them into Solimans custody and were since taken by Prince Doria who put thereinto a Spanish Foot-Company The Venetians were the more displeased at these accidents because they thereby lost their hopes of renewing the Truce for a longer time a thing which was yet in Treaty at Constantinople promises being past therein on all sides and if it had succeeded the Common-wealth would have been therein named and comprehended with much honour But Soliman continuing his desire of friendship and peace with her when he came to Constantinople sent a Chians to Venice to acquaint the Senate with his return from Persia and of his prosperous success boasting them sufficiently according to the custome of that Country though in effect the attempts made in Persia meeting with greater resistance by the Persian Forces than was expected proved to no purpose so as he was reeturn'd to Constantinople with his Army very much harrassed But the Senate being desirous to preserve Solimans favour corresponded with this his demonstration of friendship and sent Caterino Zeno Embassador to him who though he were very aged being 84 years old refused not to serve his Country though it were to take so long and difficult a journey And his Embassy proved very prosperous for by his wisdome he quieted the complaints which were often renewed by the Turks touching the death of Sabba Rays whereof Soliman promised there should be no more speech had The year 1550. past over with these petty proceedings which was the more celebrated notwithstanding throughout Christendom for that the year of Jubilee fell that year wherein the treasury of Indulgencies according to the ancient Rites of every five and twenty years is largely opened in Rome to devout people whereof there was a greater concourse then in that City upon occasion of the new Pope This year was likewise more remarkable for other reasons for the new intimation of the Councill to be held at Trent whither many Prelates flockt apace from all parts and then by reason of a great scarcity of Corn which was almost generall but chiefly in Italy which made Princes make bold with the publick Monies to furnish their people particularly the Signory of Venice which with singular Piety and Liberality provided for the people of that City and of her other subjects and inviting others to bring Corn from Countries far off they gave great sums of Moneys to such as brought Grain into Venice from whence it was distributed into other Towns belonging to the State according to their need But the year 1551 which insued the fire of War began to flame higher in Italy than before to the danger of all Italy whereat the Venetians were the more troubled because they had alwaies taken the greatest care and pains to preserve peace The Pope was a great cause hereof but more out of the uncertainty of his resolves than ouâ— of any ill-will For he suffered himselfe by little and little to be drawn from his first intentions giving ouâ— Writs of summons against Octavio Fernese whose defence he himselfe had undertaken but a little before accusing and protesting against the King of France his having taken the City of Parma into his protection though as it was said he seemed at first to assent thereunto at least not to dissent He was not aware that the bitter words which he continually used against the French and the Ferneses made them joyn the closer together and to increase their Forces and provisions for War against which not providing any sufficient defence he was brought into a necessity of throwing himself into Cesars power with whom he was notwithstanding ill satisfied for the very selfe same businesse of Parma The Pope was by degrees drawn into these Inconveniencies by tricks used by the Imperialists which he was not aware of those who were nearest him seeking for their particular ends to conceal the truth to make other mens dissemblings be believed and to nourish vain suspitions in him so as without being aware thereof he was drawn from his neutrality and occasioned the interruption of that quiet by which he at first indeavoured to win praise and Glory It becomes Princes to bethink themselves well before they undertake any businesse for they cannot without losse of honour easily withdraw themselves from their resolutions when they are once made known nor can they often prosecute them to any purpose without great prejudice to themselves and subjects The Venetians did oftentimes intercede with the Pope to appease these most troublesome commotions considering how long and grievous the War was like to prove which was now about to begin upon so slight an occasion in Italy That it was a very unfitting time for it now by reason of the news which was every where â—â—ard of Solimans intentions nay of the preparations which he was making to assault the Christian Countries both by Sea and Land And these Discords between Christian Princes what were they else but inducements to make the Turks sooner put on such resolutions nay assured hopes of giving them the Victory in their hands Peace and Quiet was to be desired by all men but particularly by him to whom it was recommended as to the common Father and expected from his wisdome and from that holy resolution which he had shewn of being Neutrall
between Princes and of maintaining general Love and Agreement between them which had made men begin to celebrate the memory of his Popedom as very glorious The Pope appearing to be somewhat perswaded by these reasons began to think of an Agreement to which purpose he sent the Cardinall de Medeci brother to the Marquiss of Marignano and Cousin to the Duke of Parma and proposed the giving of Camerino and Nepi to him in lieu of Parma which was to remain unto the Church wherewith he forthwith acquainted Caesar making use both of the Senates reasons and authority and affirming that he was thereby put upon such a resolution The Pope thought he should not find the Emperour averse to an Agreement if not out of his own disposition at least not to alienate him from him by despising these his proposalls and his pleasure and giving him occasion to favour the French faction in Italy not without danger to the Kingdom of Naples by reason of the insurrections which were therein at that time And it was thought that the Popes indeavours would have prevailed with the Emperour had not he been otherwise wrought upon by contrary counsels given unto him by his Ministers of State and chiefly by Don di Mendoso Embassador at Rome and by Don Ferrante Gonsaga Governour of the State of Millan who used therein as it was thought their own particular enmity against the Fernesi more then their love to their Princes good But the Pope finding it resented otherwise and not daring for fear of his Forces to offend him returned to his first purpose of prosecuting the Ferneses who on the other side being joyn'd in League with the King of France could the less listen to any proposalls All wisest and best men were much troubled to finde the State of affairs in this condition for it was too clearly seen that the continuance of this controversie for the affairs of Parma would breed open War between the two most potent Princes of Christendom Charles the Emperour and Henry King of France and would bring the Seat of War into Italy For whilst the Pope was incited to the recovery of Parma by Caesars Forces and the King of France did back the Ferneses in the possession of that City by his Men and Monies their Forces must needs meet and suddenly full foul one upon another so as those who saw further into the sequel of these things knew and did not stick to say openly that the reward of this Victory would be the appropriating of this City to the one or the other of these Princes to the certain prejudice of the Italians since they would not want pretences ' either by way of re-imbursement of the expences which they had been at or for some other reasons to retain this City which must be either taken or preserved chiefly by their Forces The King prepared to send succour to the besieged and incouraged Octavio with great hopes and the Emperour having much increased his Forces in Lumbardie did still incourage the Pope pomising to make them joyn with the Forces of the Church and that he would give order to Don Ferrante Gonsaga to observe the Popes commands in the businesse of Parma but the Pope growing jealous of Caesars designs and openly detesting the proceedings of his Officers began to repent what he had done and sought how to draw himselfe out of the businesse He therefore resolved to send his Nephew Ascanio della Cornia to the King of France to perswade him to desist from Arms and to listen to some Agreement shewing him the difficulty of the enterprise which he had undertaken in maintaining a City which was so farre distant from his Dominions and not long after he sent Achille de Grassi to Venice who though he seemed to be sent onely to justifie the Popes actions and to correspond with the so many indeavours oftentimes used to him by the Senate in exhorting him to Agreement having shewed him powerfull reasons by which he said he was perswaded to put on that resolution yet mentioning other matters whereby the Pope might be conceiâ—ed to desire that the Common-wealth would interpose her Authority with the King and the Duke to bring the businesse to some Agreement which the Senate was not unwilling to do if they thought they might have done any good for the common quiet Ascanio returning speedily from France brought word back of the Kings good inclinations which he would be willing to witnesse by his actions for he would perswade Octavio that Parma might return to the Church upon condition that the Emperour would likewise restore unto her the Castles held by him in the Territories of Parma nor would he remove his Garrisons from Parma till he might be sure the Emperour could not possess himselfe of it wherein there being many difficulties it was seen that the proposition tended more to the spinning out of time then to come to any Agreement So as there was no thought now on any side but to provide for Arms. The King continued sending of men into Italy under Monsieur de Neuers and other Commanders raising more Souldiers at Mirandola commanded by Pietro Strozzi The Pope and the Emperour did the like so as the Imperiall and Ecclesiastick Armies being numbred together they amounted to 15000 Foot and good store of Horse which were all commanded by Ferrante Gonsaga who was Captain of the League And these Forces were held to be such as it was generally thought the City of Parma would soon fall into the Leagues hands But Strozzi used great vigilancy and diligence who parting suddenly from Mirandola entred the Bullognian Territories over-running and plundring the Country so fearfully as the Pope beginning to apprehend not onely Bullognia but Ravenna also and some other parts of Remagna was forc'd to send for his men from before Parma to come to the Bullognian Territories to keep his own affairs from danger which Strozzi making use of he marched with miraculous speed towards the parts about Parma and entred the Town himself with a good number of Foot and great store of Victuals so as the besiegers dispaired to get Parma in haste and war was likely to be drawn out at length and occasions likely to be given of many other weighty occurrences whereby all Italy already much perplext might be reduced to much danger and calamity Therefore the Venetian Senate being intent upon all things and resolving whatsoever should fall out to depend onely upon themselves resolved to take 4000 Foot and 500 light Horse into pay whereby to increase the Garrisons of their frontier Towns and placing their chiefe Commanders in them they had a great care of their own affairs But the Duke of Florence being bound to Caesar for many favours already received and out of hopes of others that he might receive did openly assist the Imperiall party both with Men and Monies not with any intention of fomenting this fire which he would much more willingly have seen extinguished but not
to increase some jealousies that were conceived of him that he as well as the other Italians did not approve of the Imperialists proceedings nor of Caesars own intentions Which suspicion was much increased by the new Fort which they built in Sienna which was commonly called the Ceppo or Stocks of Tuscany The Duke of Ferrara who as vassall to the Church ought to have proceeded with much circumspection following his own dependencies and passions did adhere sufficiently in his minde and in underhand-helps to the French faction Wherefore to keep those that were besieged in Parma from being relieved with victualls and other things from that side the Imperialists had taken Brisello and two other little Castles belonging to the Duke which stood upon those confines The Duke being much moved at these things sent his Embassadour Girolino Serofini to Venice to be advised by the Senate how to govern himself in these hard times and so sad occasions for he was resolved to walk in the same steps the Senate did and follow their wise counsels particularly in keeping himself Neuter but that he had not forces enough of himself to do so So as unlesse he should receive some assistance he feared he must be enforced for the preservation of his State to side with some one and to act contrary to his desire This was thought to be a piece of cunning whereby the French desired to spy into the Venetians intentions that they might draw them into some confederacy or at least discover somewhat more of their meanings Therefore the Senate thought fit to answer in very generall tearms That the Senate had ever desired above all things that the peace of Italy might be preserved to which purpose they had used severall endeavours both with the Pope and others as they saw needfull But since they could do no good thereby they would at least keep themselves in peace and in their former neutrality which that they might do with more honour and safety to the Common-wealth since the rest stood upon their Arms they were resolved to Arme also and by providing for their own affairs they would have respect to the preservation of the Duke's State out of the particular affection which they bore unto his person and for their own interest which by reason of the neighbourhood of their Dominions was almost inseparable from his The French not being satisfied with this answer thought to discover unto the Senate as it was already generally known their intentions of attempting some important novelty in Italy to which purpose the King had sent Luigi Alemanni to Genua to make that City upon severall pretences joyne with his faction and particularly that he might have the use of their Havens for his Fleet to put into and to land the men which he designed to send into Italy And Cardinall Tornone being then at Venice whither he had retired himself when together with the other French Cardinalls he was commanded by the Pope to depart from Rome he was ordered by King Henry to appear in the Colledge and in his name to acquaint the Doge and Senators With the condition of the affairs of Italy with the occasion which had moved him and with his intention to send his forces â—o assist Duke Octavio and to maintain his cause wherein he thought he did a generous act and what became a great Prince and which he thought would please all the Italian Princes since thereby he undertook the defence of a pettty Italian Prince who was unjustly oppress'd by others and who had had recourse to him for protection That he could not dream the Pope would have been displeased that a vassall of his should be preserved by the forces and assistance of another not being able of himself to defend himself and that he did much lesse believe but that the other Italian Princes would be pleased that Cesar 's greatnesse might be moderated and some bounds put to his vast desires which were bent as was clearly seen to thrust the weakest to the wall and to enslave all Italy That the act it self might testifie that his thoughts were bent upon nothing else since he was in a condition as not needing the City of Parma by his being possest of so many Cities in Piâ—mont he had opened his way to what he designed to do against the State of Millan But that â—ince he now understood his actions were otherwise interpreted he had resolved to give it over Yet he could not be perswaded but that the Venetian Senate being so great and so wise a Potentate in Italy and upon whose authority the rest would finally depend would have that care and consideration of these commotions as many other of their important consequences did require That he did excuse what the Pope had done as actions rather of necessity then free-will being overcome with fear both by reason of Cesar 's so great power and of his so many armed men in Italy as also by the Councill already intimated out of weighty and dangerous designes the German Hereticks being to convene therein But that if he could be assured of the company and assistance of other Princes doubtlesly he would be of another minde for to sever himself from Cesar 's friendship in such a condition of affairs might be tearmed a regaining of his liberty The King was very much thank'd for these his overtures and counsells and his generosity in defending those that were the weakest and stood most in need of his assistance was commended and they hoped that by the Agreement wherein the Senate had already interceded with the Pope and which he seemed not to dissent from affairs might be quieted The King for all this did not forbear prosecuting the war though he could not according to his desire hope to meet with any that would receive or favour him therein in Italy except Duke Octavio Nay being now resolved to declare himself more openly against Cesar he sent more souldiers into Piemont and suddainly assaulted severall places that were guarded by Imperiall Garrisons some of which he quickly took and ordered that the Gallies which were forty in number commanded by the Prior of Capua brother to Pietro Strozzi and which roved upon the Seas might upon all occasions evill intreat the Imperiall vessells And it hapned soon after that Doria who as he was conveying Maximilian King of Bohemia and his wife in his Gallies past from Barcellona to Genua scaped narrowly being assaulted and fought with by the French Fleet whereof some Vessells which were behind were notwithstanding taken and carried to Marcelles But the League which the King of France negotiated with Duke Maurice of Saxony with Albertus Marquis of Brandenberg and with other Princes and Hans-Towns of Germany all of them unsatisfied though for differing occasions with Cesar was of much more moment some of them were highly incenst at the Lansgrave being detained prisoner contrary to Cesar's parole as some of those Princes affirmed and others were incited to novelties for fear
Land in Hungary and Transilvania for Ferdinando King the Romans assisted by Iovan Battista Gastaldo by Sforza Palavesino and by others possest himselfe of whole Transilvania and of the Country and Town of Timisuar which though they were taken from the Infant King Stephen and from the Dowager his Mother were notwithstanding protected and defended by Soliman who sent the Bashaw of Buda first thither and then the Belgerbie of Greece with a great number of Horse to drive out Ferdinando's Forces but in vain as then the authority and discretion of Fra. Georgio having done much therein by whose advice though contrary to the Barons of the Kingdomes opinions who did all they could to incourage the Queen with hopes of assistance from the Turks but she despising their Counsells and being full of apprehension both for her selfe and Sonne resolved speedily to yield up the whole Country of Transilvania to King Ferdinando contenting her selfe to receive by way of recompence the Dukedom of Opelio in Slesia together with a promise of marriage between a Daughter of the said Kings and her Son Stephen when he should be of years and of other honours and more Revenues so as the Turks succours comming when Ferdinando's Forces were grown very strong and were already possest of the Towns of Transilvania and Timisuar they could not drive them out but being overtaken with the inconveniencies of winter the Turks were forced to forego the enterprise and with little honour to return to their own homes and by the same reason of the bitterness of the season actions of War were likewise ceased in Italy the Imperiall and Ecclesiasticall Camps keeping still before Parma and Mirandola not doing any thing But it was generally thought there would be much greater doings and chiefly the two Brothers of Austria Charles the Emperour and Ferdinando King of the Romans had businesse enough to take order for the safety of their Dominions and Dignities Sore War was protested against Charles by almost all Germany It was treated of in a Dyet how they might do to beat him out of Germany and create a new Emperour he having done as they alleadged many things to the prejudice of the Empire and of the German Liberty He contrary to his usuall custome hoped to appease these commotions by agreement but it proved almost fatall to his eminent dangers For as it was too late to provide against them so also did his provisions prove scarce and uncertain For it was in vain for him to indeavour the raising of Souldiers out of the Towns and parts of the Empire they being for the most part either risen or about to rise against him and King Ferdinando had drawn all the best men out of Austria and Tiroll the Swissers and Grisouns were imployed in the King of France his service so as his chiefest hopes lay in 1000 Spanish Foot which the Duke of Alva was to being to him Ferdinando was in no lesse trouble by reason of the great forces which Soliman prepared to assault Hungary and Transilvania to resist the which he was the more disabled for that he could not hope for any help from his Brother by reason of his being imploy'd elsewhere and for that there was no great love between them because Ferdinando had denyed to resign up the succession of the Empire to his Nephew Philip the Emperours Son as he was requested to do Therefore indeavouring to provide for his safety by some other means he had indeavoured to appease Soliman by offering to pay him other 30000 Duckets by way of tribute for Transilvania as he did for the Towns of which he held in Hungary and to free himselfe from insurrections if he should be forc'd to fight and from any intelligence which the Turks might hold as it was suspected they did in the parts which Ferdinando had gotten he was very diligent in observing all mens proceedings whereby he came to discover that the Bishop of Varadino who had then been made Cardinal by the same Ferdinando's intercession with the Pope in reward for the service he had done him held private intelligence with some Bashaws and adhered unto the Turks aspiring to have the Dominion of that Province himselfe under Solimans protection Wherefore to free himselfe from these treacheries he resolved to take away his life as he did by the means of Sforza Pallevisino who taking some few others along with him slew him no lesse preparations was rumour'd to be made by the Turks in Constantinople to send forth a powerfull Fleet the next spring well provided of all things for some great enterprise All men were the more afraid because it was not well known what Solimans designs were and because these his Forces by Sea might easily betake themselves to severall places and enterprises The Venetians were more vext hereat then any others by reason of the vast expence and assured trouble they were to be at by the Fleets putting so often forth from Constantinople it becomming them to be provided for all accidents They therfore made Stephano Tiepolo Generall at Sea the third time they increased the Garrisons of the Islands and maritime Towns they made some Gallies be armed in Candia and were very diligent in making men work extraordinarily in the Arsenall that they might be furnisht with many more The Senate did moreover choose twenty Governours of Gallies and other twenty were chosen by the Consiglio Majâ—re to the end that all things might be ready and in good order to increase their Fleet to the number of 100 Galliâ—s upon any unexpected accident which might fall out These so great preparations of the Turks did not onely not incite the Christian Princes to any better Agreement but the King of France seemed the more eager to molest Cesars affairs for that he saw him busied in fencing himselfe from the Turks Forces but continued his intention of going into Germany believing that the Emperour being strained in so many parts and being particularly reduced to so great dangers by the conspiracy of so many German Princes against him would be brought to some Agreement even by the parting with some of those States in Italy or in some other parts whereunto the Crown of France had any pretence Having therefore assembled about 40000 Foot of severall Nations and 4000 Horse together with a great train of Artillery he went towards Lorrain where the City of Metz had been taken a little before by Ana de Momorancy High-Constable of France who was gone before with part of the Army a City belonging to the Chamber of the Empire though the Government thereof was put into the hands of some of her own chief men whereof the Bishop was the head The King entred arm'd therein too soon after and was received as became a great and victorious Prince with much honour He kept a while with his Army in this Country to keep those of Flanders who were prepared by Queen Mary sister to Cesar from disturbing his designs or the like of the confederate
Naples to go with 5000 Foot what-Dutch what-Spanish the Kingdom being now free from the danger for which the Garrisons of those Cities were increased with these men into Tuscany and indeavour the reducing of the City of Sienna to his devotion again It was thought that this success if the French-mens designs should prove secure would be very prejudiciall to the Emperour's affairs in Italy for though the French profess'd in words that they had tane upon them the defence of Sienna to free it from the oppression of the Spaniards and to restore it to its former dignity and freedom yet their intention was too well known For refusing propositions of Agreement which were offered they would continue their Garrisons in that City that they might make use thereof and of other places which they had gotten to raise men in Italy and for other designs of theirs So as in reward of Liberty the King of France required of the Senesi that they would declare themselves to be friends to his friends and Enemies to his Enemies The Vice-roy then desiring suddenly to obey Caesars Commands obtained passage through the Churches Territories which the Pope said he gave way unto because he knew not how to hindâ—â—â—im He entred with his Army into the parts about Sienna which he plundered and took some weak Castles which soon yielded but the stronger places were so well munited as the Imperialists were forc'd to keep long before them the whole force of the War almost was reduced to about Monte Alcino whilst which Fort was preserved Sienna which was excellently well provided of all things was in the lesser danger That which made the Senesi chiefly so resolute to defend themselves was the fear of being severely punisht by Cesar if he should regain the City and their hopes of not being long troubled with the Imperiall Army by reason of the dangers which befell the Kingdom of Naples by the Turkish and French Fleets The Venetians indeavoured to quench this fire which was kindled in Italy The End of the twelfth and last Book of the first Part of the Venetian History THE HISTORY OF VENICE The Second Part. Written by PAULO PARUTA Procurator of St. MARK Wherein the War made by the League of Christian Princes against Selino Ottaman upon occasion of the Kingdom of Cyprus is contained in three Books BOOK I. THE CONTENTS THe cause of the War of Cyprus How that Island fell to the Venetians Tribute paid for it to the Turks who desire the possession thereof notwithstanding Soliman does nothing therein His successor Selino is enclined to this enterprise out of divers respects He confirms the Articles of Peace with the Venetians and doth other things which make him appear more given to peace then war But soon after he deceives mens thoughts and consults about the taking of Cyprus He is disswaded by Mehemet but being perswaded by others he undertakes the enterprise Many tumultuous risings are appeased by him The dearth of the year 1569. Fire in the Arsenal the same year The Consul advertiseth the Senate of Selino's resolution but is not much believed but by reiterated advices they begin to look about them Provisions made Consultatitions had how to use the provisions which are made They minde the Garrisoning of Cyprus They acquaint the Princes therewith 〈◊〉 the Pope His answer He propounds the joyning of the Spanish and Venetian Fleet. Treats thereof with the Catholick King who promiseth among and permits that the League be treated of in Rome The Pope 〈…〉 aid of the King of Portingall but cannot 〈◊〉 The 〈◊〉 â—reat with Cesar and the Pope with the King of France but to 〈…〉 purpose The Italian Princes are 〈◊〉 to the League 〈◊〉 between the Pope and the Duke of Ferrara Quieted by the Venetians The King of Persia is solicited to make war with the Turks but in vain Hostile acts on both sides The Turks diligence in their preparations Diversity of opinion touching the managing of the war The Consulls carefulnesse to acquaint the Senate with all the proceedings A Châ—aus is sent to Venice by the Turk His proposalls and his answer Divers discourses touching what had past with the Chiaus His return to Constantinople and what effects it wrought with the Turks and with Selino The death of Doge Loredano and election of Mocenigo The Treaty of the League appears too cool in the Emperour and in the King of Spain An account of the Venetian Fleet and the progresse thereof The Pope's Fleet. Sebastiano Veniero takes Sopoâ—o The Turks trouble The General consults touching what the Fleet shall do It is resolved to take Malgariti but it is not done The Gallies of Candia expugne Brazzo di Maina and joyne with the Fleet The union of the Pope's Spanish and Venetian Fleets The proceeding of the Turk's Fleet. Tine is valiantly defended by Girolamio Paruta A description of the Island of Cyprus The Turkish Fleet comes thither and the mischief which it does What and how many the Garrisons of the Island were The Turks resolve what Fort they shall first assault They go to Necossia What terrour they infuse there The Army incamps without any hinderance The description of Necossia The Bishop of Baffo's Oration to the Necossians exhorting to defend themselves and to perseverance The Turk's Fortifications The Necossians sally out and assault the Turks but are repuls'd and slain The Turks do much molest the City A generall assault wherein the Turks are worsted A new assault The City taken and all put to death They go to Famagosta and what they do there The proceedings of the Christian Fleet. It resolves to go to the relief of Cyprus What and how great the Fleet was Upon the newes of the losse of Necossia they take a new resolution and return back An insurrection in Albania and the proceedings there Treaties of a League made at Rome and the difficulties which are met with therein A League treated with the Emperour with little better successe The Venetian Fleet resolves to relieve Famagosta Severall accidents which fall out there Considerations upon what hapned this present year THe War made by the Common-wealth of Venice against Selino Ottaman when his Empire and fortune was at the greatest height both by Sea and Land in defence of the Kingdom of Cyprus he being the most powerful Emperour of the Turks and in League with some of the chiefest Princes of Christendom may be numbred amongst the most remarkable things which hath hapned in our times or in the memory of our fore-fathers or in whatsoever other former Age The War being undertaken with much fervour and warlike preparation on both sides and with no lesse indignation then power whilst not onely the ablest Nations but such as did differ in Customes Lawes and Religion did contend for the priority of the Militia and for the glory of the Empire so as the present War contains events which for their variety and greatnesse may afford such delight and help as the knowledge
others having learnt by experience how unfortunate they had been in waging War with Soliman how powerful and formidable an enemy he had been to all Christendom and how little reason they had to trust to the help of other men or in the doubtful success of War having been much to their prejudice deceived in their hopes either by the insincerity of some of the Collegues or by the uncertainty of fortune At this time all men commended the Senates wisdom who could use such temper with the Turks as they should neither fear nor despise the Venetian name For as oft as any powerfull Fleet was put to Sea they spared for no cost to keep the maritime Forts munited and by arming their Gallies to give a kind of counterpoise to the Turkish Forces But they did still shun all occasions of interposing themselves in their designs and kept such friendship with Christian Princes as might seem to look more at their own safety then at the injuring of others and rather to the preserving of what was their own than to the acquiring what was their Neighbours Whence the Turks saw that the Venetians desired to keep friendship with them and that they knew how and were able to make War and be at enmity with them that they willingly avoided all occasions of making triall of their Forces but yet would not suffer such injuries as might be prejudicial to their Honour or State and by this means they had injoy'd peace for above thirty years Whereby besides the spinning out of time which made much for the weakest they did very much advantage the City of Venice wherein all Arts and Merchandize did flourish Whereby being much increased in inhabitants and in all sorts of Commodities they had lived a long time joyfully and contented in great tranquillity plenty the Citizens gaining much by traffick in the Levant and injoying their Revenues so long free from extraordinary taxes of War Yet were not all mens minds free from jealousies and troubles for finding that Soliman had studied Sea-affairs more by much then any of his Predecessors so as he sent forth almost every year a great Fleet the end whereunto not being known it caused much fear the Common-wealth being able by reason of her scituation to give a just counterpoise to the Turkish Fleets which grew now as formidable at Sea as their Armies had been some years before at Land so as feeling the inconveniences of War in time of Peace they were oft necessitated to Garrisonize their Forts knowing how little faith they were to adhibit to Infidels and to be in continuall expence and jealousie as may be known by what hath been said in the preceding Books But all men were chiefly concern'd in the care of Cyprus that Kingdom being a very considerable member of the State and which lying far from the City of Venice and being inviron'd round about by the Turkish Territories was in greater hazard of being possest by so powerfull Neighbours Being therefore intent upon the preservation of so rich and commodious a Province they had reduced the City of Necossia the Metropolitan of that Kingdom into a Fort-Royall and had added new Foot-Companies of those of the Country to the ordinary Militia of the Stradiosti and made other provisions for War indeavouring thereby to secure that Island and to bereave the Turks as well of mind as of means to assault it Thus this war which had been feared many years was defer'd all Solimans life time But his Son Selino succeeding him in his Empire all men grew quickly more afraid it being publickly given out that he had long had an inclination to the enterprise of Cyprus For before his Fathers death whilst he according to the custome of the Ottamans lived far from him in the Province of Magnasia having occasion by reason of the Neighbour-hood to receive severall informations of that Island and daily hearing much talk of the fruitfulnesse thereof of the Noblemens wealth and of the abundance of all things therein he had a great desire to possess it so as he said publiquely that when he should succeed his Father in his Empire he would seek to make himselfe master thereof It was also given out that Selino had begun to build a magnificent Moschea in Andrenopoli following therein the custome of many of his Ancestors who perhaps in imitation of those ancient Egyptian Kings who built Piramids and other Fabricks of a stupendious magnitude indeavoured to perpetuate their memorie to posterity by making royall Edifices He being therefore very fervent herein was told by the Mufty whose authority is as venerable in the Mahometan superstitious Ceremonies as is the Popes in the true Christian Religion that he not having as yet made any acquisition it was not lawfull for him to build a Moschey together wherewith many pious works were to be instituted and that it was not lawfull by their Lawes to employ any of the antient Revenue of the Empire in such things but onely the Incomes of such Countries as were conquered by him who would have so much honour done him Hereunto was added that it seemed Selino had not onely an occasion offered him to do this but that he was almost necessitated to make war somewhere that he might follow the footsteps of his predecessors who were alwaies used to do some notable action in the beginning of their Empire to win the favour and good-will of the Souldier the which it was thought it was the fitter for Selino to do for that he not being held to be a warlick Prince began to fall from that high reverence amongst the souldiers and people which was wont to be given by them to his fore-fathers War being therefore to be made it was not judged convenient for him to make it in Hungary and much lesse in Persia since the confines of the Turkish Empire were of so large extent as their Armies could not be conducted thither without much inconveniency they being much wasted by sufferings and by the length of the way before they could see the face of the enemy as had hapned to his grand-father Selino in the wars against the Sophie of Persia whom though he overcame in Battle yet he himself was overcome at last having in his return lost the greatest part of his Army by the length and difficulties of the march And as was more clearly seen in the last enterprise made by Soliman in Hungary wherein the getting of the Fort of Zighet was not thought answerable to the losse of so many of his best souldiers which ensued thereupon So as it was best for Selino to betake himself to some Sea-enterprise whereof none lay more convenient for him then that of Cyprus it being full of wealth and placed in the utmost precincts of the Venetian Dominions and therefore weakest as lying furthest from the heart wherefore it might prove an easie and a rich booty Whereas if he should go to the steril parts of Spain to attempt any enterprise he might
as God did now lay before him to preserve the faithfull Musselmans to molest their enemies and to make way for noble and glorious atchievments But Piâ—li and Mustafa Bashaw endeavoured the contrary with much fervency and with the same reasons but applyed otherwise who not onely out of envy to Mehemet but as his declared enemies the former having by his means been deprived of the dignity of Bashaw del Mare and the latter's life much endangered by severall imputations whilst he was Governour of Cairo did alwaies oppose Mehemets designes and counsells and they appeared the more zealous herein for that knowing they advised that whereunto their Lord was much enclined they hoped to wind into his favour and to deprive him thereof who advised the contrary by applauding his resolution To this was added That if the businesse of Cyprus should be pitched upon according to their opinions and perswasions Piali hoped to be restored to his former honour and to be Governour of the Fleet and Mustafa hoped to have the chief employment by land so as upon any happy successe they might each of them regain their former reputation and authority These men sometimes considering the advantage sometimes the easinesse of this enterprise and oft-times mixing the consideration of Religion with these concernments of State shewed How that the Venetians forces were of themselves weak and that what assistance they might receive from other Christian Princes was by example known to be uncertain and fallacious That the Island of Cyprus by reason of its far distance from Venice was hard to be garrisoned or succoured very convenient to be assaulted by them by its lying so near their Countries That it was a rich and noble Kingdom commodiously seated for their other Territories and so as it might secure the navigation upon those Seas to the subjects of the Ottaman Empire which so great an Emperour as he ought the rather to take into his care for that not onely in derision of his dignity but to the hainous scandall of Religion and of the name of Musselman the voyage to the Mecca was impeded the Pilgrims being miserably made prisoners by the western Pirats who had safe harbour in that Island And that as this war was of it self holy so it might be made the more meritorious by applying the rich revenues of this new acquisition to the use of the magnificent Temple which Selino caused to be built in Andrenopolis They moreover opposed Mehemet 's opinion very strongly and the Spanish enterprise urging the difficulty of carrying so numerous a Fleet into so far distant Countries to what dangers it would be exposed sailing through places where there were no Havens through the enemies Rivers and then how long it would be before the war could be begun what alterations time might afford how vain those hopes use to prove which are grounded upon popular insurrections without the groundwork of reall forces How craggy and mountainous those parts were and naturally apt to hinder any considerable progresse of any power how great soever Selino listned the more willingly to what these men said for that it was conformable to his own sense and on the other side Mehemet's allegations were of lesse authority for he being known to be very wary nay rather timorous sometimes in his advices he was thought to act according to his own inclinations when he was against making any war without necessity and now when he was for the enterprise of Spain wherein there wanted not much difficulty he seemed to do not onely what was contradictory to reason but contrary to his own nature Selino proceeded therefore herein with great respect and temper and at last meeting with no more opposition he resolved upon the enterprise of Cyprus saying He would be himself in person in it And he was so affectionate and so constant in this resolution as all men believed he would have begun this War the very first year of his Empire had he not been detained by other impediments for he found the Empire much exhausted of many things by reason of the continuall Wars made by Soliman and especially in the last enterprises of Malta and Sighet wherein many men were consumed and the Fleet was also almost unfurnished of all things so as it was necessary to refresh the Forces and to recruit the Navy by time and rest The Bashaw of Caffa being put upon it as it was thought by Mehemet to imploy the Grand Signior in other affairs had put him in minde that by cutting a neck of Land about some eighteen miles over in a place called Asdragan which was possest by the Russians two great and famous Rivers might be joyn'd together the Tanai and the Volga whereby severall Navigations would be much accommodated and the fishing of the Tanai would be bettered to the great and assured advantage of his Highnesse Imposts and with hopes of greater things for thereby an easie Navigation would be opened to Mare Maiore whereinto the Tanai falls and to the Caspian Sea whereinto the Volga doth disgorge her selfe so as Armies might upon any occasion be easily led into Persia. For the which many men being assembled and much indeavour being had the Muscovites through whose Country the Cut was to be made did not onely raise many Horse to disturbe the worke but the King of Persia hearing thereof and considering as it was true that by leaving this way open to his Territories they were bereft of a great security by reason of the difficulties of the deserts and by the length of the march which the Armies meet withall which come to assault them he began to multiply his men who were upon his confines and gave Selino just occasion to suspect that these things being discovered he would not ratifie the peace and confederacy which he had made with his Father Soliman Nor was the rising of the Arabians to be slighted who had possest themselves of much Territories about the River of Giemen tane the City Aden and indeavoured to make themselves Masters of the Mecca and giving out that they held intelligence with the Portuguesse made greater proceedings be apprehended But these rumours of the Arabians being at last appeased and the King of Persia having sent Letters that he would continue his friendship and former confederacy and together with them which made them be the better credited notice being given by the Bashaw of Ersirun that all things were peacefull upon the confines of Persia Selino thought that being free from all impediments and having already made much provision for War he ought not now defer it any longer and the rather for that he seemed to be invited to hasten the enterprise by two sad accidents which hapned this year which did much incommodiate the Venetians but not so much as it was thought The one was that there was so great a scarcity of all sorts of Grain this year throughout almost all Italy as there was great want found thereof in the City of Venice
and in all parts thereabouts so as it was thought that not having wherewithall to feed their own people it would be impossible for the Venetians to maintain an Army and a Fleet. The other accident was not so sad of it selfe but very horrible in appearance For fire taking on the 13th of September in the Ammunition of the Arsenal by night were it by chance or by any other malice which was never discovered it burst out into so great a flame as much mischiefe was done not onely in the buildings which are within the Arsenal but in the parts about it and to the wonder of all beholders it wrought some miraculous effects For those Towers wherein the Gun-powder was placed were blown up even by the foundation in so much as in the plain thereof there was a ditch above fifteen foot deep and the walls which begirt the Arsenal on that side though they were very strong and of a large circuit and certain huge vaults under which Gallies are sheltred were thrown down to the ground It threw down likewise the Church Monastery of the Nuns Della Celestia and some other neighbouring houses and many other Houses that were further off were torn and spoil'd great holes were made in the walls marble broken tops of Houses carryed away all the Houses of the City did so shake as it was generally thought that if such an accident had hapned a little before whilst some little Towers in the neighbouring Islands were not replenisht with Gun-powder whereinto the greatest part of the Ammunition Powder was carried but a little before that noble City full of so many and so stately structures had been utterly ruin'd and truly the noise was so great and terrible as it was heard by those that were above thirty 30 miles off and many in Venice amazed at so unusual a sound thought Dooms day had been come It was noised abroad that very great mischiefe was done in the Arsenal and a great part of the Navall preparations lost by this fire though indeed the prejudice was not great nothing having suffered save onely four Gallies which were crusht by the weight of the Vaults but those who solicited the War at Constantinople exaggerated these things representing to the Grand Signeur the Venetians condition to be very low and mean prognosticating certain ruine to the Common-wealth and an assured victory to the Ottaman Empire These were the reasons why the Turks continued peace for many years with the Venetians and why they broke into war with them at this time The Senators received due information of these Counsells and transactions from Mark Antonio Barbaro their Consull at Constantinople a very wise man who did excellent service all this while to the Common-wealth But at first men could not believe their own fears which they had found to prove false severall times before so as being now accustomed to a long peace they could not easily perswade themselves that their condition could be altered but either not believing these advertisements or interpreting things otherwise then they were they thought that this fury of war would burst forth somewhere else Nay some of the chiefe Senators and best experienced of that Nation advised that they should be very wary in making provisions for the Navy lest they might peradventure raise more jealousies then were needfull in Selino by their so great preparations and make him do that which peradventure he never dreamt of whereby they might rather hasten then avoid their danger The long nourishing of these appearing hopes was the cause why they did not make such provisions at the beginng of these jealousies as the eminent danger did require But at last in the beginning of Ianuary the year 1570 being now commenced Letters came from the Consull to the Senate wherein he gave notice not onely of the generall speech and stirrings but of the certain resolution put on in the Divano to assault Cyprus though the Bashaws constanly affirming the contrary sought to conceal it Mehemet that he might not oblige Selino to do it by divulging it and so deprive himselfe of any occasion which time might produce Mustapha and Piali that to their better advantage they might assault Cyprus at unawares But the Consull cunningly seeming not to believe that which he knew to be very true discoursing with the Turks and chiefly with Ibrahim their interpreter a domestick servant of the first Bashaw and therefore of good esteem he drew him at unawares into severall communications whereby he learnt much of the Bashaw's intentions of their preparations and particularly of a great number of flat bottom'd boats which were making in the Gulph of Aiazzo and in the Mare Majore and of Orders given out by the Captain-Generall of Asia by them called the Belgierbie della Natolia to all the Souldiers of that Province that they might provide to ride into Caramania and of other things of like nature by which he might clearly learn that the next summers action was to be against the Kingdom of Cyprus After which advertisements they all began to be very diligent in providing for so great a need sought by their present diligence to repair the time they had lost and gave themselves with all diligence to provide for all such things as were thought fit to withstand the fury of so certain a war They resolved to send forthwith great Garrisons into Cyprus and wisht all the Governours of the Island to be very vigilant in preparing all such things to sustain the War which was chiefly intended against that Kingdom to exhort the common people to Loyalty and the Gentlemen that were Feudatories to provide Arms and Horses according as they were bound to do and Commanders in chiefe were provided for their Sea-forts Luca Michiele was made Commissary of â—ania Lorenzo da Mula being sent a little before into Candia with title of Commissary Generall of that Island with particular charge to inform himselfe of such as were fit for the Oare wherewith to furnish twenty Gallies which were to that purpose sent into that Kingdom Sebastianâ— Veniero went to Corfu who had the supream Authority of the Militia of that Kingdom given him and Giovanni da Lege a Cavalier and Procurator of St. Mark was sent to Zara and made Generall of all Dalmatia All the Ships which lay in the Havens of the City were forbidden to depart without licence though they were so few at this time as thereby the difficulty of sending such Foot as was requisite into Cyprus was made the greater Souldiers were raised in many parts of Italy divers Commanders were brought thither and with much union and diligence they were continually careful in ordering all their Forces both for their own defence and to offend the Enemy insomuch that there was never any provision for War proposed in the Senate which was not approved of by almost all the Votes But chiefly they gave themselves with all diligence to have work done in the Arsenall and to prepare great
sometimes urged the examples of other Popes who had at other times readily assisted the Venetians against these enemies to the faith of Christ sometimes he remembered the services done by the Common-wealth to that See for which she had alwaies so readily exposed her forces against powerful Princes But he oftest mentioned the great eminent danger of the other Christian Kingdoms and chiefly of the Church-Dominions if the Common-wealth of Venice should be weakened which was held by all men to be the surest Bulwork of Christendom The Pope being by these perswasions wrought upon very much to defend the Venetians shewed a very great zeal to the common good and an ardent desire to provide for what was needfull for this War and to assist and sustain the Common-wealth that her dignity might not be supprest by so potent an enemy nor her dominions and forces weakened Yet calling to minde what had been done formerly upon like occasions by other Popes and lately by Paul the third in the League made against Soliman he desired to be pardoned if he did not all he desired to do deploring the condition of his times wherein the monies of that See were much exhausted and also by reason of the commotions in France wherein the City of Avignon was much indangered being put to great expence and trouble Therefore though he often moved in the Consistory that the defence of the Venetians might be embraced that they might be assisted in this their necessity and though their cause was approv'd of in the Colledge of Cardinalls and generally favoured yet they came to no particular declaring what they would do onely it was granted at the first that they might raise 100000 Duckets for the maintenance of that war by a generall tax upon the Venetian Clergy from which no Prelate of what condition soever should be exempted The Pope propounded afterwards that the King of Spain's Gallies might speedily joyn with those of the Venetians whereby to make a powerfull Fleet to oppose the Turks and to disturb these their first designes And that in the mean time a League might be treated of with the said King and the other Princes of Christendom whereby their forces might for a long while be established to oppose the Turks And having made this be signified to the Senate by the Embassadour Suriano exhorting them to assent to this proposition and to put this businesse into his hands who as the common Father would be very zealous of the good of Christendom and would have a particular care of the good of the Common-wealth He found them all very well inclined to follow his authority and advice He resolved at the same time likewise to send Ludovico de Torres Clark of the Apostolick Chamber into Spain to Philip of Austria the Catholick King to exhort him to assist Christendom readily against Selino Ottaman enemy to himself and to the Catholick Faith which he did particularly professe to protect as by the glorious name acquired by the pious and generous actions of his Ancestors he was bound to do He therefore laid before him the great danger wherewith divers States of Christian Princes were threatned by the Turkish Fleets which though it was given out they were intended against Cyprus yet was it not certain but that they might easily and speedily fall upon his Dominions which though they were not for the present molested with war yet were they in the future the more exposed to the incursions and assaults of the Turkish Fleets when the Venetians should be weakened in their Maritime forces and the Turks Empire encreased So as he was to esteem the interests of that Common-wealth inseparably joyned with his own That the Ottaman Empire was a common enemy to all the Potentates of Christendom and more strong and powerfull then any one of them apart But that if all or most of the Christian Princes would joyne together they would exceed the Turks in power and might hope not onely to resist them but perhaps to beat and conquer them That the King was to consider that if he should not aid the Venetians at this their so great need he would lose much honour amongst the Turks making either his weaknesse clearly appear as if the Moors insurrections were sufficient to keep him so employed as that he could not make use of his forces elsewhere or else that he held but bad intelligence with the Common-wealth or with other Christian Princes by not moving against his enemy being invited by so fair an occasion but abandoning the common cause That he had used the same endeavours to the Venetians who had readily referred all things to him promising to stand to all that he should decree nor was their truth herein to be doubted since they knew by experience they could not ground any safety to themselves by peace with the Turks Moreover that great respect would be given to his authority since he had the spirituall arms in his hands and did declare himself to be the head and manager of all this businesse These things were prudently and effectually represented to the King of Spain in the Pope's name by Torres who presented him likewise with a Brief wherein the Pope did much deplore the miseries of the present times remembring therein particularly the many mischiefs which Christendom had suffered in severall parts through the wicked conspiracies of men branded with heresie and severall infamous vices who rebelling against God and against their Princes had with much audaciousnesse and fury shaken severall whole Provinces of Christendom and sought to corrupt the into grâ—ty of the Catholick Faith To which inward grievances other mischiefs and greater dangers were added by forrain enemies Soliman having attempted by great forces to bereave Maximilian Cesar of the remainders of the Kingdom of Hungary which fire of war was likely to have burnâ— forth throughout all Germany had it not been extinguished by Soliman 's death But that now new combustions and calamities did seem to threaten Christendom that therefore he knew it became him to have an eye to these commotions and to denounce so great dangers to Princes wherein he was to addresse himselfe chiefly to the Catholick King and to excite him to be the first that should embrace the defence of Christendome since God had endowed him to that purpose with greatest power and command That for what concerned himself he would not be failing in any thing that lay in him nor in pouring forth prayers continually to God that he would look with the eyes of mercy upon our actions These were the endeavours used by the Pope to the Catholick King who listning thereunto with much benignity and attention seemed to be very much rejoyced thereat shewing a very good inclination to the common welfare and to put an high esteem upon the Pope's authority and advice But because the King was then in Cordua and was to expedite the affairs in the Courts of Castile he excused himself that he could not give a positive
commended desired for the better successe that the whole Fleet should be employed onely therein And the latter who had the supream authority over the Fleet endeavoured that the Fleet might go somewhither else whereby he might have occasion of doing some gallant action which might redound to his particular praise The Consul got notice of all these preparations and counsells who being very desirous that they might be known at Venice to which purpose as he was very diligent in writing to the Senate so feared he that all his Letters might be intercepted as he knew some of them had been Wherefore knowing that Mehemet was against this enterprise he sought how to work this his intent by him He cunningly invited him to propound somewhat to him which if he should have moved to Mehemet he knew would not be granted to wit that some of his servants might be sent to Venice which was the onely means whereby he might fully and safely acquaint the Senate with all that past at Constantinople He therefore first by Ibraim's means and then himself by word of mouth did let the Bashaw know how ill it became the power and generosity of so mighty a Prince to assault those at unawares who thought themselves safe under his plighted faith and oath as if he were not able when time occasion should require to use his forces against them to get what he thought he had just pretence unto that first he was to use the way of justice then of violence and to try what might be done by Treaty before he laid his hand upon his sword Which Mehemet thinking to be reasonable he perswaded Selino to demand the Kingdom of Cyprus from the Venetians by a man of his who should be sent to Venice of purpose before he should forceably assault it Cubat Chiaus was chosen to do this who had been at Venice some two years before about other businesse Whereupon the Consul took occasion under pretence of securing the Chiaus in the Venetian Dominions and of putting a greater reputation upon the businesse to send his Secretary Luigi Buonrizzo who being very well informed of all things was very fit to be employed herein And he got leave by the Bashaw's means to send his young son Luigi to Venice who he feared might run some danger by being at this time amongst the Barbarians Another no small advantage was also hereby got for the Turks suspended their Arms till the Chiaus should return and our men had more conveniency given them to garrison their Forts and to provide for their subjects safety who were every where already sorely infested by the Turks for the St. Iacks of Clissa and Bossina being up in Arms upon occasion of this war and every one striving who should first prey upon the neighbouring places they ran every day through the Territories and came even to the gates of the Venetian Cities carrying away corn cattle and all things else from the Country people and taking many of them prisoners insomuch as Bernardo Mallepiero Commissary of Horse in Dalmatia going one day out of Zara with 80 Stradiotti to secure the men of the Country he met with a greater number of Turks and advancing too forwards transported by his courage and desire of praise he was so sorely wounded as he fell down dead off his horseback and Fabio de Canale was chosen in his place And not long after Iulio Savorguano was likewise sent to Zara to be Generall of the Militia of Dalmatia The comming of the Cubat Chiaus with the Secretary signified to Venice as soon as he was come to Ragugi made severall impressions in mens minds Some were solicitously desirous to know the reason of this unexpected Embassy others imagined it to be what they desired and were glad that a way was opened to a treaty of Peace others were sorry thinking that he was come to hinder their preparations for war and to interrupt the great hopes which they had already in vain fancyed unto themselves But understanding by the Letters which the Consul sent them from Ragugi the true occasion of his comming and the copy of the very Letters which the Chiaus brought them in the name of the grand Signior and of the Bashaw wherein the voluntary surrender of Cyprus was demanded which if they would not do he then denounced War against them The Senators began suddainly to think what answer they were to make thinking it a thing which much became the honour of the Common-wealth to give a speedy answer to this Embassie as also that it suited not with the condition of those times and to the putting a good end to the Treaties which they had already begun with other Princes wherein many considerations were to be had which tended notwithstanding all to the same end so as each strove to confirm other in the generally received opinion which was to dismiss the Chiaus suddainly without any other answer but that they would accept of the war which was intimated to them and prepare for their defence These considered That no good could be done by the way of Treaty to keep off the War which was already resolved on by Selino and that since they were howsoever to undergo the hasard it would become the Common-wealth better to be generous in taking up Arms speedily in their own defence not shewing any the least signe of fear which might seem to make them distrust the honesty of the cause which they were to defend They said they were deceived who thought that Selino 's vast desires which caused by a greedy desire of Government tended to infinities and was not to be appaid by the Empire of the whole world could be satisfied with beginning to grant something to his unjust demands So as it was not onely not to be hoped for that this his desire should terminate in some new Tribute imposed upon the Kingdom of Cyprus or in any thing else that should be voluntarily yielded unto him as some would seem to say but that esteeming the acquisition of that Kingdom but a small matter he would quickly begin to aspire after the rest of their Dominions even to their totall destruction Nor that they ought to be terrified by the example made use of by some of the great dangers which the Common-wealth underwent in the last wars by Terra Ferma since it was apparent that it was rather the rash resolutions of their Captains which had thrust them upon those difficulties then the Senate's mature advices and that these might now be in a great part avoided since that the war which was now to be made was by Sea and by their own Citizens who for their own honour and for their great concernment therein would handle it with no lesse fortitude but with more wisdom and fidelity then peradventure their land Armies â—ad been managed by forrainers That likewise such was the condition of times the nature and intentions of the present Princes such as they might more safely rely upon
hopes from them then they had reason to do formerly That now all men knew the common cause was in question and were all therefore bound to joyne in the maintaining thereof That in the mean time they should not by setting new businesse on foot make them grow cool and jealous so as they might with reason refuse to affye in them whom they should see so afraid at the very fame of danger and who after such preparations for war should so easily give way to thoughts of peace They added moreover that the condition of the common-wealth was to be considered the state of affairs being reduced to that passe as she was continually in many grievious dangers which were not lessened by time but made greater daily That therefore they ought not to give those that should succeed them occasion to complain as much of them as they did now of their predecessors for having suffered the Ottaman family to grow so powerfull And that such a fault would be now more heinous as that they knowing the danger better then peradventure their â—â—â—â—fathers did and being more necessitated to provide for their own safety would not do it preferring the conveniencies of a short and uncertain peace before the honourable troubles of War whereby the Forces of Christendom joyning together they might hope to procure greater safety to themselves and posterity The hearts of all men not being onely confirm'd by these reasons but even inflamed on War it was by a generall consent of the whole Colledge propounded to the Senate and the advice of dispatching the Chiaus away quickly with few and resolute words accepting the War which he was to denounce against them was approved of But that which was wont to be said is true the too great desire of things doth often make the obtaining thereof more difficult and the truth not being suffered to be seen things are brought to an end differing from what too ardent a desire had framed unto it selfe Surely the doubt propounded that the Princes might grow suspitious that they would treat of some Agreement with the Turks if they should return a slower and lesse positive answer to this Embassy was more prevalent than any other Reasons which made it be apprehended that the treaty of League which the Venetians did so much desire and which was hopefully begun might be interrupted and it is most certain that when news of the Chiaus comming was brought to Rome those who treated of the League for the Catholick King began to be more jealous in the businesse and it was afterwards more clearly known that these jealousies and these suspitions did more then any other reason remove many difficulties which arose in this Agreement But the answer being resolved upon and Cubat being already come to the City shore where he was made to tarry in the same Gally which had brought him from Ragugi and all commerce was forbidden him order was given that he unaccompanied by any save Secretary Buonrizzo and two Dragomani should be privately brought into the Colledge without any such honours as are wont to be given to such as come from that Court upon any publick businesse yet he had the usuall place allotted him which is the right side of the Princes Chair being thus brought to audience he kiss'd the Princes Garment and sitting down after he had made many reverences he drew forth a Purse embroydered with Gold wherein accordding to the custome of that Nation Selino's Letter was and said This most Illustrious Prince is a Letter from my Lord and Master when his demands therein shall be known I will expect an answer Which the Prince saying he should have he was somewhat troubled that no more was said unto him and added Gentlemen Mehemet the first Bashaw hath willed me to tel you that he is very sorry that occasion is hapned of breaking that peace which he hath alwaies indeavoured to preserve But the so many complaints made at Court from so many places of the unfriendly behaviour of the Officers of this State and chiefly of the harbour and favour given in Cyprus to the western Pirats by whom the Musselmans have been much indammaged this very year have made such impression in the grand Signor and so incensed him against this State finding that his indeavours often used with the Consulls hath done no good as he can no longer forbear intimating of War unto you and knowing that you will not be able long to resist the power of so puissant a Prince be as a friend adviseth you rather to chuse any other means to free your selves from so many and so great dangers And to this end he hath procured me to be sent to this City and offers to interpose himselfe in all he can to keep you from falling into this great misfortune and to preserve you in the ancient friendship of the Grand Signeur This being said he gave them a Letter from the same Bashaw which contained all that he had said To all which the Prince answered That the Senate had resolved upon an answer the which that he might be the better able to understand and to relate again the very words should be read unto him which was done by Antonio Milledonne one of the Secretaries of the Councill of Ten the answer was this That the Senate did very much wonder why his Master being unprovoked by any injury should violate the Oath wherewith he had but a little before confirm'd the peace and that he might pick a quarrel to make war with them should demand the surrender of a Kingdom which had been for so many years lawfully and peacefully possest by the Common-wealth which he might be sure they would by no means part with But that since he was pleased to proceed in this manner the Venetian Senate would never be wanting in defending what was theirs hoping to be the better able to do it for that the goodnesse of their cause would procure them the assistance both of God and Man He was afterwards told that when his Masters Letters were translated they should be read and an answer should be sent him And thus without any further discourse the Chiaus was dismist The Letter began with many complaints against the Venetians for their having disturbed the ancient confines of Dalmatia which were prescribed to each of their Dominions in the Agreement made by their Predecessors that contrary to the ancient and new Articles they had tane away the life from many Musselman Pirats after they had been taken alive in fight But particularly that refuge was continually given in the Island of Cyprus to the western Pirats who infested his adjoyning parts and hindred the Navigation of his subjects upon those Seas wherefore he demanded in the latter part That if the Venetians would continue their ancient friendship they should yield up the Kingdom of Cyprus so to take away the chiefe occasion which nourisht these discords and that otherwise they were to prepare to sustain a sore War
both by Sea and Land for he would send his Fleet with powerfull Forces to take that Kingdom and would assault their Dominions in all other places and he did trust in God the Patron of all Victories and in his blessed Prophet Mahomet who had blessed the Ottaman Family with so large an Empire to prove victorious in this enterprise as his Predecessors had alwaies done in all their attempts To these Letters the Senate returned this answer That the Venetians had alwayes observed peace with the Ottaman Emperours inviolably despising all other respects and refusing all occasions which they might have made use of to their advantage For they thought it became Princes above all things else diligently to keep their word and their plighted faith that being desirous to avoid any suspition in this point they had past by some injuries that they might not be the first disturbers of the Peace but that since they perceived that War was pronounced against them now when they did least suspect it they would not refuse it to defend themselves and to preserve the Kingdom of Cyprus which as their Fathers had possest for the space of severall ages under a just title so they did trust in divine justice to be able to defend it against whosoever should go about to rob them of it unjustly War being thus intimated to the Venetians and by them accepted drew all mens eyes upon it every one expecting how the Potentates of Christendom would resent this great commotion and believing that strange revolutions would be seen in the greatest Empires of the world according as the fortune of War should favour or frown upon the severall designs of Princes And as men do alwaies differ in opinion this resolution was diversly understood and interpreted Some thought that it might have better become the wisdome of the Senate and the manner wherewith the Common-wealth had wont to proceed to have given honourable reception to Cubat Chiaus and by endeavouring to sift out whether he had any secret Commission or no from the Grand Signeur or from Mehemet to use their skill and cunning to bring the businesse to a Treaty which when it should be begun time would be got which would make much for the advantage of the offended These recalled to memory the passages of the former Age and how late our Fathers did repent their not having taken this course when War was denounced against the Commonwealth by almost all the Princes of Christendom in the League at Cambrai from which and from the so many miseries thereby occasioned they might perchance have freed themselves if they had betane themselves betimes rather to Treaty than to Arms. That the present businesse was no lesse perillous than that which had preceded but the greater for that then the first brunts being sustain'd they might expect much benefit by the protraction of time since these Forces were likely soon to sunder and grow weak by reason of the differing designs of the associate Princes but that now having to doe but with one onely Prince who was very powerfull they underwent the same dangers and difficulties whether they should hazard themselves upon the fortunate of Battel or spin out the War in length nor was all waies to Treaties hard up since Selino was not provoked by an injury to assault the Common-wealth nor by any jealousie of State whereby he might plead necessity of selfe-safety for what he did but by a certain slight appetite of his own or desire of Glory which he having but small reason to do it might in time cool of it selfe and by the chief Bashaws mediation Nor would this be any basenesse but true morall wisdome by which a wise man aiming at the common good and setting aside all other vain respects knows how to suit his actions to time and occasion Nay the Common-wealth might gain more honour if treating of peace with their sword in hand they might come to Agreement with so proud and haughty an enemy by the bare fame of their Forces and if these Negotiations should not be able to reconcile the Enemy it might advantage the League which was in treaty with their friends But others on the contrary whose number was much the greater exalting the constant generosity of the Senate even to the skies fancied extravagant things unto themselves and what they might more truly have excused by necessity or have praised for wisdome in having without loss of courage accommodated their resolves unto the time they did celebrate it as sprung out of meere election and out of a magnanimous and noble purpose to abate the power of the common Enemy inciting other Princes to do the like by their leading the way and making war upon the Turks in their own confines both by sea and land That the power and greatnesse of that Nation was not peradventure so much dreaded before because it was far off and unknown that now it was grown so near and so well known and esteemed by all Princes as there would not be any one of them who would not for their own safety favour the enterprise that so much the rather for that nothing was more manifest then that if the Venetians should be worsted the Turkish Fleets might much the more easily run victoriously over all the Seas The zeal and charity towards their Country encreasing the more in some out of these respects in others the obsequie towards their Prince and in some the desire of military honour many of the Venetian Nobility especially those who held any Ecclesiasticall dignities and many Gentry of the Terra ferma nay many of the Commonalty and also many chief personages not onely of other parts of Italy but forrainers came in apace and offered the Common-wealth in so just and pious a war either mony or souldiers or their own persons or other things fitting for the Fleet and all this with strange and miraculous alacrity So as vying in a noble emulation it is not easie to determine who did exceed in their offers liberality piety and fidelity This did very much comfort the Senators it being a manifest testimony of the pleasing and moderate government of that Common-wealth and of the esteem she was in with forrainers So as their Citizens and Subjects uncommanded and moved onely out of a singular affection towards the State did of their own free-will employ their persons and faculties for the preservation thereof And other Nations esteeming its defence as the common cause sought to maintain its greatnesse and encrease its glory Therefore proceeding with all respect as far as the present necessity would permit in taxing the City of Venice and the other Cities belonging to the State they resolved to alienate divers publick goods to make use of much monies deposited in the Exchequer to the great advantage of such as brought gold or silver thither To this purpose the number of the Procurators of St. Mark was encreased this honour which is next that of the Doge being conferred
much incouraged to hold out by the love which those Inhabitants bore to the Common-wealth and by the scituation of the place which is naturally very strong For the Fort had but one front to defend which lay towards the south East which by reason of its hight was safe enough and was surrounded every where else by an unaccessible Rock â—â—ali being gone from Castel Rosso which is seated upon the head of Nigraponte after Sun-set came early the next morning before the Island of Tine where landing about 8000 foot he made them presently march towards the Town which was five miles from the shore hoping to take it by assault But the Governour who was alwaies vigilant discrying the Fleet before it came to the Island and indeavouring at one and the same time the safety of the Islanders and of the Fort gave the Islanders timely notice of the Enemies approach by shooting off of Guns so as they might get time enow to get within the Town and by them he might the better resist the assault which was made that very day and wherein the Enemy were repuls'd and much galled by the Artillery as they retreated in so much as they were forced to keep aloof off and quarter that night in the plain called St. Nicholas The next day landing some great Guns they intended to batter the Fort but finding by the scituation of the Place that that design would prove vain they incampt about it hoping that many men being gotten into the Town they might take it by siege Wherein having spent 12 days and solicited the Governour in vain by Letters containing both threats and great-rewards to surrender the Town and finding him still more resolute to defend himselfe they resolved to be gone having first ransackt the whole Country fired the farm Houses ruin'd the Churches and kild all the cattle This action purchas'd great praise to the Governour who was not at all daunted at the sight of such forces had valiantly sustain'd the assault and in so great commotions of War preserved that Island which lay in the very jaws of the Enemy and rendred this their first design vain The Turks leaving the Island of Tine went to Rhodes where having staid a while and designed what they would do they came to Fenica Hither were all the Souldiers brought which were to come aboord the Fleet which being altogether made above 200 Sayl whereof there was 150 Gallies and of the bigger sort some vessels for burthen one Gallyoune six Ships and a great number of lesser Vessels for carriage called by the Turks Caramusolini and about fifty Palandarie which are made like small Gallies but somewhat larger in the Poope and higher on the sides and much covered containing about a hundred Horse a peece The Turks parted with these forces from Fenica and steered their course towards Cyprus but because the actions of greatest importance in this War hapned in this Island the possession whereof was the cause of the War it will be worth the while to acquaint you with the State and most remarkable proprieties of this Country before we proceed to the Narration of what was there done The Island of Cyprus lies towards the Levant in the furthermost part of the Mediterranean which according to the severall Provinces which lye upon it hath severall names given it The Island looks on the East towards Soria with which if we will credit the testimony of the Ancients she did at first joyn in a Terra Ferma On the West lies Panfilia which is now called Sarmania On the South Aegypt and Caramania on the North which is the ancient Cilicia on which side this Island lies nearest the continent It is seven hundred miles in compasse extending it selfe about 200 miles in length East North-East towards the Levant but in the largest part it is not above seventy miles over It is of a very good Air being placed in the beginning of the fourth Climate under the ninth Parallel so as it produceth almost all things belonging to humane life in great abundance and perfection And though hardly the fifth part thereof he cultivated the half thereof lies every other year follow yet is it so fruitfull as it hath not onely wherewithall to supply the necessity of the Inhabitants but to serve Forrainers Besides Corn it yields much Sugar Cotton Saffron and many other things which are transported into forrain parts It abounds in Salt-pits which though they be now reduced to the third part of their former number yet as much pure white salt may be taken from thence every year as will load one hundred great ships It abounds also in severall sorts of Creatures excellently good nor doth it want Mines of the most pretious Mettalls By reason of this great plenty of all things it was anciently called Macaria as if Blessed which made the Poets fain that the goddesse Venus was born here and did delight to live here as in her proper 〈◊〉 Wherefore the Cyprians erected a famous Temple to her in the City of Paphos It was celebrated by antiquity as the seat of nine Kings having within it thirty Cities which though according to the custom of modern daies they be greater in number then reality yet there remains many worthy memorialls of their pristine grandeâ—sa and prosperity And there are yet seen the ruines of severall Cities as well Maritime as Inland which are wholly destroyed But at this time her chiefest Towns are Nicossia Famagosta Baffo Cerines and Limiso which latter two were onely reduced into any strength there not being any other place in the whole Island able to resist the Turks power though Cerines hath held out long formerly against lesser forces The Inhabitants of this country were so highly esteâ—â—ed for worth in war and for experience at sea as Alexander the great forbore to molest them with his Arms. And we read in modern Histories that they did many memorable acts in the businesse of the Holy Land and in Soria against the Infidells This Island was Tributary to the greatest Empires of the world for following the fortune of other Eastern people it became obedient to the Kings of Aegypt and to those of Persia and lastly to the Romans When the Roman Empire began to decline it was possest by the Sarasins which the Turks make use of at this time to shew they have some just pretence to this Island affirming that they found in their Hâ—stories that their fifth Captain of the Mahometan Religion after Mahomet had acquired and possest it and that there were the Sepulchers of many Musselmans which they could not suffer to remain in the power of those of another Religion But it was recovered from the Sarasins by the Christians in the year 1122. and joyned to the Kingdom of Jerusalem when they went to the taking of the Holy Land And after severall accidents being separated from thence it was governed for many years by Lords of its own under the protection of the Emperours of
City had sent some of their men to perswade other Citizens who had retired themselves to certain narrow passages amidst the mountains and were free from being injur'd by the Turks that following their example they should discend into the plains and submit willingly unto the Turks it was resolved one night to send out 100 Horse and 400 Foot to fire that Hamlet whereof almost all the inhabitants to the number of above 400 were put to the sword Thus their treachery was severely punisht and by the terror thereof the desire of Novelty was curb'd in many of the Inhabitants by reason of the slavery wherein they were for the aforesaid causes so as it was clearly seen that hoping by change of Government to change their fortune they were not onely not likely to oppose the Enemy but rather to afford them all conveniency which inclination of theirs Mustafa sought by all possible means to nourish making many presents and greater promises to such as should come in unto him But the Turks pursuing their way without any obstacle drew near the walls of Nicessia and as soon as the Army was discovered by those that were within the Town they were all possest with infinite fear Nicolo Dandalo was then Governour of that City being made Lieutenant thereof by the Common-wealth a man of weak judgement to manage so weighty a businesse but who had that preferment put upon him out of an opinion conceived that though he was not very quick witted yet he was good at action by reason of the experience which he was believed to have gotten in severall imployments at Sea He having either lost his understanding through the extraordinary apprehension of danger or not knowing through his want of reason and understanding how to provide against so great an exigency increased the difficulties and danger for when the Enemies Fleet was arrived he had not got the Ditches to be fully emptied nor ordered the Militia nor those of the Country nor provided for sufficient victualls for the City To amend which disorders he was forced to commit greater a publick Edict was made that it should be lawfull for every one to take Corn wheresoever they could finde it which being brought into the City should be understood to be their own which being too late a remedy could not work the effect which was expected a good part thereof being left abroad in the Country houses with a double inconvenience to the Country-men by reason of the advantage the Enemy made thereof Moreover having with very little regard to the eminency of the danger dismist the meaner sort he in great haste and confusion sent for them back before they were got to their own homes and did at the same time list new Souldiers in the Country as the occasion and necessity did best dictate whilst our men opprest thus by many mischiefs spent their time in ordering their affairs and in advising how they might hinder or disturb the Enemies proceedings all resolutions being the longer in taking for want of any Chief-taine who might decide the diversity of opinions the Turks had leasure and opportunity given them to set up their Pavillions plant their Artillery and fortifie their Quarters not meeting with any disturbance save by shot from the Town For though the Stradiotti did often sally out wiâ—h some companies of Harchebugiers to skirmish yet not daring by reason of their small numbers to go further from the walls then they were sheltred by shot from the Town nor the enemy approaching so near as that they might be thereby prejudiced nothing of moment insued And Andrea Cortese Captain of the Stradiotti a bold and adventurous man being one day advanc'd a good way before his own men he was inviron'd by a great many of the Enemy and after having valiantly defended himselfe for a long while was slain The Turkish Army incampt themselves from Santa Marina to Aglangia possessing the whole space of ground which was opposite to four Bulworks and on the other side of the Fort whither the Campe reached not each Bashaw sent out 100 Horse and as many Foot so as the City being inviron'd on all sides could neither receive in nor send out any men Nicossia stands in the midst of the Island almost equally distant from the Northern and Southern shore and from the two utmost parts of the Island Baffo and Carpasso It abounds in fresh water is of an indifferent wholsome air being breath'd on by the pleasant South-west wind which inliven â—nd refresheth the Inhabitants when they are wearied and swâ—â—er'd with the immoderate heat of that Climate wherefore it was more inhabited then any other City of the Kingdom and this was the cause why the Island being to be secured by a Fort the Cyprians not valuing any other scituation concur'd all of them readily and liberally in contributing towards this so as this City was reduced into a Fort-Royall by the means of Francesco Barbaro Commissary of the Island and of Iulio Sâ—vorgnano the Governour to whom the Senate had committed the particular care thereof The Fort was of a circular form with eleven Bulworks whose Front was 75 paces and their shoulders thirty so as each of them was capable of 2000 foot and of four pieces of Cannon and they were so built as there being out-lets on every side the Souldiers might go shelter'd on all sides to the Counterscarpe but they were chiefly secured to the Plat-forms which were above 30 paces broad so as it was held by such as were professors of military discipline one of the fairest and best Fortifications that was in the world for as much as could be contributed by Art But as there was plenty of these things so was there scarcity of defendants for when Astore Baglione went from thence Colonell Roncone remained there with charge of the Communalty of the Island and of all the Italian Militia and some other Captains who though they had some experience in War and were ambitious of honour yet having but small Authority their advice profited but a little for they were either not listned to through the indiscretion of such as stood at the helm of Government or else accepted of with much dispute and difficulty and therefore but slowly and badly executed It was therefore resolved to send to Famagosta to desire Baglione that he himselfe would come to Nicossia and bring some Souldiers along with him but the Magistrates of that City thinking that they had not men enough to defend it and not being certain but that the Enemy might alter their minds so as they might have occasion to use them themselves they positively refused to part either with their men or with their Captain and Baglione making use of their Authority desired to be excused for that time adding that Martiningo's Souldiers having lost their Commander said absolutely that they would render obedience to none but to him so as his comming away might cause some great disorder in that City There were then in
Nicossia 10000 foot for her defence whereof 1500 were Italians and all the rest Inhabitants of the Island to wit 3000 of the common sort 2500 of the City 2000 newly listed into the Militia taken out of the Country houses and paid partly out of the Exchequer partly out of private mens Purses and 1000 Nicossian Gentlemen These were almost all new men unexperienced and not over-well armed in so much as many wanting Pikes and Muskets were forced to use â—ills and Halberts But the City was very well provided of Artillery nor were there wanting such as knew how to manage them They had likewise great store of Pioners to make use of upon any occasion for to boot with 400 â—â—sted under Iovan Sossomeno they had taken in above 4000 more 〈◊〉 such imployments Yet amidst so many men and so much ground the Commanders not agreeing in the manner how to ordeâ— their in works this so necessary provision was left unperfect By these disorders these Forces were weakned which were certainly too few to resist so puissant an Army of the Enemies wherein on the contrary great observancy and reverence was giâ—â—h to the Commanders and all military actions being severely ordered were with strange readinesse observed Mustafa's authority who was a bold and warlike personage as also his reputation by the same which he had won by fighting in Selino's Army before he was Emperour against his brother Achomet the unhoped for victory which was then gotten being attributed to his forward valour The Souldiers who were accustomed to the duties of War to labour and hardships grew much more hardy by the opinion they had of their Captains worth and by the hopes of great reward which was promised them upon getting the victory There were as hath been said a great number of men in the Army the chiefe foundation whereof consisted in 6000 Iaâ—isarus and 4000 Spacchi these are Souldiers who are kept in continuall pay to serve on Horse-back and upon occasion do serve with others on foot valiant mentâ— and brought up in War Therefore the more humane foresight had been wanting to provide against such Forces the more did they apply themselves to beg assistance from God Solemn processions were daily made throughout the City which were done the more frequently and with the more devotion by the example and exhortation of Francisco Contarini Bishop of Baffo in whom Episcopall dignity became more honourable and reuerend by the ancient Nobility and by the riches of his family and by his own goodnesse and worth He being the prime ecclesiastick person for Philippo Mocenico Arch-Bishop of Nicossia was then at Venice was not wanting in performing such duties to those people which they could have expected from their own Pastour The chief of the City being one day assembled in the Church of Santa Sophia where were also many men of all conditions he spoke thus unto them If I shall look upon the greatnesse of the present dangers I cannot but much apprehend the common safety and as doubting the issue and with a submisse minde yield to adverse fortune And if on the other side I think upon your worth magnanimity fortitude and constancy I finde a certain warmth arise within me which encourageth me to hope for better things But if I raise my self from these more lowly cogitations to the consideration of divine providence and goodnesse my first fear is not onely allayed but is changed into an assured hope For when I observe the truth better I know that hard and difficult things become easye to such as are valiant and even impossibilities to faithfull Christians are made facile Therefore if you be not wanting in your antient and known worth and if you continue constant and stedfast in that faith which together with your own safeties you have undertaken to defend I am assured you wil find these troubles at the last not ordained for your ruine but for your praise and eternall glory We know by infinite examples of all ages how many sieges have been withstood and rendred vain by a few though the besiegers wâ—re very numerous Constant worth and a noble resolution of undaunted mind being sufficient to stave off greatest dangers But as for such whom God hath taken into his particular custody no powers of man hath been able to prejudice them nay Natures self the very Heavens and Elements have been subservient to them The waters stood still and made a safe passage to the Iewes through the midst of the sea the most scorched grounds afforded them fountains of clear water to refresh them withall and the Heavens gave them Manna a miraculous food to nourish them We are to hope for these or the like assistances from the hand of God for Selino Ottaman is a no lesse wicked and cruell persecutor of the faithfull then was that antient Pharaoh Nor are we Christians who are bought with the blood of his Son lesse dear to God or lesse beloved by him then any others have formerly been of which future miracle we have an evident late example which may perswade us to believe we shall share of Do you not know in what condition the Island of Malta was this time five year begirt by so long and so sore a siege oppugned by so many souldiers defended by so few void of all hopes of help and in all sorts of want and necessities Yet the defendants no whit lessening their valour nor loyalty for whatsoever adverse fortune the Barbarians power was rendred vain and uselesse and they were laught at for their over-daring attempt And that the power of divine providence might the more appear the Fort when reduced to the last extremity was freed from the siege by the enemy before it was relieved by friends You are to imitate these stout and valiant men by exposing your selves willingly to all the labours and dangers of war nay you must exceed them for those Knights being forrainers of severall Nations fought for religion and glory you do not onely defend these but also your wives children and estates so as all things both human and divine invite you to shew invincible valour and that the more readily and boldly as that you being free men and generous are to fight against slaves base and unarmed people wont to overcome more by their numbers then their valour Which advantage they at the present want this City being defended by strong walls and by so many great guns as this alone will be sufficient to repulse the enemy who if they shall dare to assault us you are sure of the victory if you can but withstand their first brunt For it cannot be long ere the succour come which you have heard our common-wealth is sending us with a powerfull Fleet which will never refuse to expose all her forces readily for the preservation of this Kingdom which she esteems as a noble member of her State and loves so well These humane provisions being of themselves sufficient to deliver us will through your
prayers faith and firm resolution to forego your sins make you invincible when your sins being punished more by fear then pain you shall have time and reason to honour and praise the All-glorious God who shewing you onely the face of his anger in the fury of this barbarous Ottaman will have provided for your souls health and for your atchieving of heavenly blessings together with the preservation of your lives country and estates to the end that you may use all these hereafter to his glory who is the true and liberall Lord and the free giver of all grace The whole Auditory seemed much affected with these words so as they cheerfully comforted one another and preparing couragiously to defend themselves they betook themselves solicitously to all military actions to secure their Parapets to bestow their Companies in places of greatest danger and to guard their Bulwarks carefully The danger encreased daily as the enemy drew nearer for the Turks wanting neither for diligence nor industry were come with their Trenches very near the Ditch and by frequent Musquet shot playing upon those that were upon the walls kept them from appearing upon the Parapets Moreover they planted divers great Pieces towards the City on St. Marina's side whereby they did much prejudice to the houses not without great fear unto the people But that which gave the Commanders justest cause of fear was their stupendious earth-works which being made with great art and expedition severall Forts were seen within a few daies to be raised to such a height as the enemies standing thereupon might fight securely and upon great advantage and make use not onely of their Artillery against our men but of their Arrows and artificiall fire-works which being thrown over the walls and fastning upon wool-sacks whereof the Traverses were made destroyed those works depriving those within of those defences The difficulty grew the greater to the defendants for that being but a few they could hardly supply the duties which the defence of so many places required so as they were forced to keep from sending people abroad to molest the enemy lest they might add to their own difficulties Their chief hope lay in their Artillery which being well managed did disturb the enemies works Antonio dal Berentino a witty man and a well experienced Canonier did much good thereby to those of the Town But the City soon lost him and many others who were well verst in that affair for being shot by the enemies whereunto they were continually exposed most of them were slain So as the Turks brought on their Trenches so far as they came to the Counter-scarfe wherein making some breaches they at last entred the Ditch and having thereby made rampiers of earth whereby to defend themselves from the enemies shot they began to undermine the Bulworks with their Mat-hooks so as they soon made stairs whereby they might the more easily mount the Bulworks and climbing up thereby they began to make some little assaults upon the Bulworks Costanzo and Padacataro which were so called from the families of such Gentlemen as had had a particular care in building the Fort to see how they that were within would behave themselves And it so fell out as those who were upon the defence of Costanzo being surprised at unawares suffered themselves to be so charged as many of the Turks advancing very boldly got beyond the Parapets but Paolo dal Guasto and Andrea da Spelle falling upon them with their Companies the enemies were repulst much to their prejudice but not without the losse of many of our men particularly of Andrea who fighting valiantly amongst the foremost was slain This unexpected assault did so terrifie the defendants as many thought that if the Turks had seconded the first assailants with greater forces the City would have been lost But the eschewing of this danger gave them no better hopes for they could find no way to disturb the Turks works who labouring continually in the making of as it were severall Cawseys of earth twenty five foot broad which reached from their Trenches to the Breaches which as hath been laid was made in the Counterscarf and sheltring those waies on the sides with faggots and baskets fill'd with earth they prepared for greater and more secure assaults which if they were not timely opposed there was no way of safety left So as though it was a hard and dubious thing to expose the best of their few good souldiers to so great danger yet no better exigency appearing they resolved upon that course at last which had been severall times before refused Cesare Piovine an Italian Count Rocas his Lievtenant sallied therefore out of the Town with part of the Italian Foot and with the Horse intending to fight the enemies Trenches and their Forts to clog their Artillery and to destroy or at least to do what mischief he could to their works which resolution was very welcome to the souldiers who were impatient to see themselves daily wasted and the utmost of dangers to draw nigh without making any triall of themselves or taking revenge upon the enemie But this generous action being perhaps too lately attempted and then too precipitously pursued wrought not the good effect which was hoped for nor which the happy beginning promised wherein Piovine boldly advancing took two of the enemies Forts and slew almost all that were within them who being sweltered with the extream heat for it was at full noon when our men assaulted them and being free from any apprehension had laid aside their Arms and were fallen asleep But Piovene's souldiers according to the abusive custom of our Militia gave over pursuing the victory and fell to pillage which disorder became afterwards the greater because the Grecians and Albaneses having too early advanced with their Horse to assault the enemies Trenches were it either for that vying with the Italians for valour they would be the first that should appear in that action or that they were not well pleased to be commanded by Piovinâ— they by this their unseasonable haste made those of the Camp too soon acquainted with their comming so as many Turks hasting thither they easily made our men run who were divided and busied about plunder But Piovine together with Count Alberto and Iovan Battista de Fano tarrying with some few of their men to defend the Fort which they had taken after a long and stout withstanding the enemies comming stil in in great numbers were cut in pieces These valiant men were encouraged to make this defence out of hopes of being soon assisted by those from within the usuall signe of succour being already given between them But because the Turks who upon the notice of our mens comming out were assembled together in great numbers and making use of this occasion prepared to assault the Bulwark Costanzo as they did afterwards Count Tripoli who had the keeping thereof was forc'd to stay Captain Gregorio Panteo who was appointed to go forth with the
relief that he might make use of him and of his men against the enemies unexpected assault who not being able after a long dispute to mount the Parapets were forced to retreat Thus the Turks continued many daies to annoy those within by severall waies and to attempt the taking of the City though but with triviall assaults Wherefore by reason of the paucity of the defendants our forces were much lessened which could not well discharge all the duties which were to be done both by day and night in severall parts of the City The Parapets of the Bulwarks were already very much weakened and in some places wholly cast down by the enemies continuall shot so as great diligence was used to fill up those Parapets with earth and to finish the in-works where they were imperfect and to erect some Cavalliers for more security upon the Bulwarks But these works proceeded on but slowly for the Ploners wearied with watching and other hardships grevv not able to perform their work and because the enemies Artillery vvhich were levelled by day shot also by night and did much harm Yet the souldiers especially the Italians and the Gentry of the City continued stedfast in their resolution to defend themselves to the very last being a little comforted vvith hopes that the Venetian Fleet would soon come and raise the Siege No ansvver was therefore given to divers Letters vvhich were conveyed by the Turks into the City by Arrowes wherein the Bashaw Mustafa writing sometimes to the Governours sometimes to certain of the chief Nobility of the City and sometimes to the people in generall exhorted them to yield promising in case they would do so to use great liberality and humanity towards them and denouncing severe punishment if they should doe otherwise But finding that they could not learn any thing of the people's nor of the Governour 's intention by this means they made signs of parley to those of the Bulwork of Costanzo and having free liberty given them to do so they in the name of the Bashaw Mustafa said That he wondered very much that he had received no answer to any of his Letters as if his Forces were despised which were notwithstanding such as he might have ended the War much sooner by them had he not had regard to their safeties which they themselves seemed to slight so much That therefore he had thought good to admonish them that duly weighing the state of their affairs which was now reduced to the utmost of danger by the death of so many defendants and for that there was no hope of relief left them for he had had certain intelligence that the Venetian Fleet being opprest with much sicknesse and other difficulties could not stir out of their Havens it might suddenly so fall out that they might in vain intreat those fair conditions which they now refused for he could no longer moderate the Souldiers rage who had made frequent demands that they might be permitted to plunder the City in reward of the labours and dangers which they had undergone So as if they should delay surrendring the Town the ruine thereof would be attributed rather to their foolish obstinacy than to the cruelty of the Enemy Having quickly resolved to give an answer to these words for the Truce was to last but for two hours they put an end to the parley telling them onely That the Souldiers and Citizens were firmly resolved to defend the City with all their might to the very last minute and to keep loyall to their Prince so that whatsoever the event should be nothing could be more desired of them but better fortune which they hoped they should not fail of since they would not be failing to themselves to their honour nor to their religion which together with their safety they had undertaken to defend Thus having placed all their hopes in their Arms the Governours thought good to feed the Souldiers and people with hopes of Succour which did chiefly increase in them their resolution and courage to defend themselves Wherefore they made it be divulged by a Renegado who was fled from the Enemies Camp to the City that he had brought Letters from Famagosta which brought certain news of the arrivall of the Christian Fleet which that it might be the more credibly believed the Captains which were upon the Mountains with the Islanders were ordered to give the sign of ten fires which every one knew was to give notice to the City that the Christian Navy was arrived This wrought such impression in some as imagining that to be true which they did so much desire they affirmed they saw the Turks begin to remove their Artillery and their Pavillions But the Enemy who feared nothing lesse continued their batteries whereof nothing of remarkable insued for some days save onely that Iacobo di Nores Count of Trepoli one of the chief Barons of the Kingdom who had won the name of being vigilant and valiant was slain in an assault which was given to the Bulwork Costanzo and his Brother Francisco Maria was in his place made Governour of that Bulwork Thus did the Turks waste those within by little and little with frequent skirmishes but they durst not enter upon the Bulworks for fear of Mines whereof they were the more cautious by reason of the loss which they received at the expugning of Zighet Moreover Mustafa thought he had too few men to make a great Efforte for the Ianisaries were not very forward to be the first that should fall on wherefore he spun out the time till such time as having more certain news of the Enemies Fleet he might as he did afterwards safely increase his Army by those that remained in the Gallies Who as soon as they were come to the Camp all fear of the Fleet being over and the Cawseys being now perfected and rendred secure which led from the Trenches to the four Bulworks of Podacataro Costanzo Davila and Tripoli he began to place all the Commanders and Souldiers in their proper imployments and gave an orderly assault at one and the same time with his whole Forces to all the four Bulworks which the besieged interpreted to be done by the Enemy as their last essay with intention of departing suddenly if they should not succeed therein So great an impression had the news of the arrivall of the Venetian Fleet made in them which being held by all to be true they incouraged one another affirming confidently that the Victory the end of their labours and their safety from all danger lay in withstanding the fury of that assault Wherefore worthily out-doing themselves and the opinion which was held of their Forces they repuls'd the Turks that day every where and slew very many of them Whereat Mustafa being much incens'd and beginning almost to dispair of getting the City as he thought he might easily have done he ceased not continually to solicite the Souldiers that they would once more be brought to give another assault
any order or discipline all over the City plundering the Houses destroying the Churches dishonouring Matrons violating Virgins and putting all to the Sword without any distinction either of sex age or condition So as the Turks slew that day above 20000 persons and those whose lives were spared by the cruell Enemy rather for their greater punishment then out of any charity were tyed in chains drag'd over the dead carkasses of their parents and friends and carried away Prisoners Thus that City which for many years had lived in great pomp and splendour and in great abundance of all things did in one day undergo all the extreams of calamity affording by this so horrible spectacle a new example of variety of humane affairs This sacking hapned on the ninth of September the fourth day after the Turkish Army was incamp'd before the City The booty which was exported by the Enemy and sent to Constantinople to be presented to the grand Signor and to the Bashaws was very great and rich yet did they not go away wholly triumphant for a ship which was loaded with many of the most precious things and with the better sort of Prisoners was not got far from the Island when the Ammunition falling on fire it utterly perished with all that was within it Nicossia being taken and sack'd Mustaâ—a leaving 4000 Foot to guard it march'd with his Army towards Famagosta for after the taking of Nicossia the Turks found no obstacle but easily made themselves Masters of all the rest of the Island All the other Towns being neither strong nor having people to defend them yielded suddenly to the enemy as did also Cirenes though Iovan Maria Mudazzo who had the custody of the Castle and Captain Alfonzo Palazzo in order to the advice and exhortations of those of Famagosta had some few daies before signified that they would defend themselves as long as they could Those of the Mountains did the like Scipio Garaffa Paolo Singlitico and others of the Nobility accompanied with many Grecian Priests and by a great croud of country people comming in suddainly to Mustafa and swearing fealty unto him so as now nothing in the whole Island but Famagosta held for the Venetians Mustafa therefore led his Army thitherward and pitcht his Camp at the Pomadamo three miles distant from the City making many Turks ride daily to fro within sight of those of the Town with the heads of divers chief persons who were slain at Nicossia upon their Launces to terrifie the souldiers and to make them desist from their resolution of standing out the siege He afterwards drew a little neerer the City making his Trenches with baskets full of sand for that that soyl was not proper for such works But those of the Town sallying out to skirmish with the enemy drove them twice from their Trenches and by their Artillery from the Fort destroyed three Forts which the Turks had with much expedition raised at St. Georgio at Priepole and at la Torre del Ocha whereby the besieged got no great good as it fell out afterwards for in a few daies they had consumed in this businesse onely more then 50000 weight of powder But because the winter came already on which was not seasonable for the siege which was likely to prove a long and hard businesse and because some of the men were to be employed in re-inforcing the Gallies by reason of the advertisment that the Christian Fleets were joyned Mustafa being desirous not to try his fortune again whereby he might lessen the glory which he had gotten in taking Nicossia had severall treaties with the besieged to come to an agreement Wherefore suffering Iovanni Sosomano whom he had taken prisoner to go into the Town under pretence of getting monies for his ransom he made many motions tending to surrendring the Town that he should tell the Governours and Commanders That if they would not of themselves resolve to surrender the City they might whilst they had time to do so write to their Masters at Venice to acquaint them with the condition they were in with how hard it was to hold out against so great an Army and to exhort them to make use of this occasion of accommodating their affairs with the grand Signior and consequently of securing their Dominions by yielding up that which they could by no means keep Mustafa made severall Letters of the same tenure be written and ordered it so as they might seem to be written by the Governours of Famagosta and come to the hands of the Consul at Constantinople But the Governours and people of Famagosta were resolved to hold it out to the last therefore they did not onely not listen to any such discourse but in stead of writing to the Senate for leave to surrender they resolved to write very effectually for reliefe And to the end that the condition of affairs and their own particular needs might be the better understood they sent Nicolo Donato to Venice who was then with two Gallies in the Haven at Famagosta with whom came also Ierolimo Rogozzoni Bishop of that City very well instructed with all things and â—it for such an employment But it is now time that we return to acquaint you with the proceedings of the Christian Fleet which parting as hath been said all joyntly together from the Haven at Suda came to Scythia where the Commanders began to give their severall opinions how those forces were to be made use of to the best advantage Some were for assaulting some of the Ottaman Towns and for the endammaging them as much as possibly they could upon their own confines whereby they might make them forego Cyprus and come with their Fleet and the greatest part of their forces to relieve themselves where their affairs should be endangered most Which if it should not so succeed yet it would stand with their first purpose to counterpoise the losse which they might suffer in losing any of the Towns of Cyprus which peradventure might be more easily recovered by that means then by defending it now Wherefore they affirmed this to be the safer and more advantagious course to be taken than to go for Cyprus whereby in many cases they might rather reap losse then profit for it would not be in their power to force the Turkish Fleet to fight which riding in good order being flanckt on both sides by great Vessells full of Artillery might keep upon those shores as in a safe haven and either not be brought to fight or if they should it would be a sure token that they knew they might do it upon great advantage Nor could they hope for more safety when they should be arrived at Cyprus for the good they could expect by landing their men to assist Nicossia could not be answerable to the danger they might incur the enemy being so strong and Masters of the field and to besiege the besiegers would be almost impossible since there was such store of victualls in the Island And
those others who were not for advancing any further taking occasion from Doria's words and proceedings were for returning back Thus Doria's assured resolution appearing and the others dubiousnesse Generall Zane was forced to think of returning though much against his will seeing that he could not obey the Senate's orders and must leave the enemy free and at liberty to return home in triumph after having done such injuries and made such prey But assuredly if we shall reflect upon what ensued this advice did not deserve blame being accommodated to the time and an occasion of avoiding greater dangers For in returning the Fleet met with great storms which suffered it not to get wholly safe into the Havens for some of the Pope's and of Venetians Gallies being driven on land by boisterous winds split in sunder And the Turks as was understood afterwards being informed by Caiaceleby who had been sent towards Candia to discover the proceedings of the Christian Fleets that they were joyned and ready to set forwards to fight them laying aside whatsoever might be a hinderance to them all unuseful people had man'd all their Gallies with choise and fresh souldiers stood expecting our men who were wearied with so long a voyage so many sufferings The Christian Fleet being thus parted from Castel Rozzo came joyntly together to Scarpanto and entred into Tristano Haven where Doria taking his leave went presently with his Gallies towards Puglia and from thence to Sicily seeming to mind nothing save how to get quickly home So as Colonna and Zanne's indeavours proved all vain who were desirous to keep those Forces united and to fall upon some other enterprise For Doria refused to fall upon any petty businesse as not worthy for his Kings Fleet to run any hazard in and as for any long or difficult affair he said the season was not fitting Thus the Popes and the Venetian Fleet being weakned by Doria's going away and hearing that Piali was parted from Cyprus with a great number of Gallies in pursuit of them they steered their course towards Candia not without danger of being set upon by the Turkish Fleet which being advertis'd of our departure made such speed as it arrived at the Island of Stampalia Piali thinking as it was believed to find some assured prey of some scatter'd Gallies which might be sayling upon the shore of Candia void of any such feare which he could not do by reason of the great winds which blew from the North to which the best Havens of Candia which look towards the Archipelagus are directly exposed And this was so credibly believed as Quirini who was in the City of Candia with certain Gallies came suddenly to joyn with the rest of the Fleet at Suda which not long after went for the same reason all away together in a body to Candia to get into a place of more safety But Piali who peradventure intended no such thing or were it that by reason of the times he altered his design turning backward penetrated further into the Archipelagus intending as he seemed to winter in the Haven Calegiero which to that purpose he made be cleared of some shelves though changing his mind again he left some guards abroad and went with the Fleet to Constantinople The Venetian Generall indeavouring to dive into these designs of the Enemy had sent two Gallies towards the Archipelagus which lighting unawares upon five of the Turkish Galliouns upon the Island of Parâ—â— either of choice or out of necessity took severall wayes and ranne severall fortunes For the one of them which was commanded by Vicenzo Maria de' Priuli came to a fight and after a long and valiant contest had her Masters Mate and all that were in her cut in pieces and fell into the hands of the Enemy the other commanded by Angelo Suriano taking advantage of the time and giving way apace escaped the danger and got safe away At the same time five Gallies of St. Iohn of Ierusalem which were sayling towards Candia and commanded by Pietro Iustiniano Prior of Messina a noble Venetian who had given sufficient testimony of his valour some years before in the siege of Malta and was therefore made Generall of that religious order at Sea being assaulted by a great squadron of Turkish Gallies were all of them but hardly dealt with two of them being taken by the Enemy the other three whereof the Admirall Iustiniano was one got with much ado into the Haven at Suda Thus so great Venetian Forces put to Sea at so vast expence and with such incredible speed all humane accidents those of War especially being subject to various chance produced not the least good to their affairs nay it may be said they were rather cause of prejudice to them for they hoped so much in the good which they expected by their Fleet against the enemy and they were wholly so busied in the businesse of the Levant as they did not much mind lesser affairs which might have brought them certain and no small advantage The Turkish subjects in Albania had made an insurrection in severall parts and being desirous to shake off the yoke of slavery which they lived in under the Ottaman Empire they desired assistance of men and arms from the Magistrates of the Venetian Towns which lay upon those confines saying that assoon as they should see a Venetian Standard they would readily give obedience to the Common-wealth and would give up their Sons as hostages of their Loyalty in which their requests although they could not receive satisfaction according to their necessities and desires yet great store of the inhabitants of Monte Negro came in unto them and from about Boiano which is now called the Country of Drino and from other parts of the Marcovicchi to put themselves under the Venetians Government so as above a hundred Towns were received into the obedience of the Common-wealth by the Governours of Antiviri Dolcingo and Budua by which risings and by reason of the small Garrisons which were then in the neighbouring Turkish Towns it was thought they might make good this their action though sufficient forces had been ready to assault them The Venetian Magistrates of that Province ceased not notwithstanding to do all that they were able to nourish and increase the good affection of those people towards the Common-wealth and to make way for better successes Amongst these Magistrates Alessandro Dorato chief Magistrate of Antiviri the Arch-bishop of the City interposing himselfe therein by the means of some of his friends held secret intelligence with Mustafa who was Governour of Scutari to deliver up that Town into our mens hands upon promise of very great rewards for which enterprise whilst foot were assembling out of the neighbouring Garrisons and whilst Ferrara's Horse were expected together with two Briganâ—ines which were to come for that purpose from Zara the opportunity was lost for were it either that many Souldiers were come into the Fort of Scutari from Vallona
your Princes desires but labour by all possible means to confirm them in this their good intention nay solicite and provoke them indeavouring that as their interests cannot be separated in respect of Religion nor State so neither may their Forces nor minds be divided but united together by the firm bonds of charity and common safety so as they may become a terrour to those enemies whom rather our own discords than any worth in them hath made to undervalue us But let us overcome our selves and our affections and we shall easily overcome others The Forces of these three Potentates being firmly united will be such and so many as we may promise thereby unto our selves noble and assured victories Besides we do not doubt but that our example will invite the Emperour and all other Christian Princes to partake with us not onely in our labours and expence but also in glory We will use our authority with them will pray admonish and solicite them to enter into this holy League and not to be wanting to their common safety honour and duty to the end that howsoever our conscience may tell us we have not failed in any thing in the discharge of that place whereunto God hath called us And if it shall be thought that our presence may further the businesse and that our authority and example may move others the imperfections of old age shall not detain us from willingly exposing our life to all danger and labour to whom nothing can be more welcome then to die for the glory of Christ and for the good of Christendome The Embassadours and the two Cardinalls seeming to be much affected with these words humbly thanked his Holinesse and promised to lend all their assistance with sincerity and diligence in so important and pious a businesse and which was so much desired by their Princes as well for their own particular interests as for the common good of Christendom But all these vvords though much magnified by all parties produced not answerable effects for every one minding their own ends as those differ'd so differ'd they in their opinions and the conclusion of the businesse was spun out to an unseasonable length wherein many months were spent in vain The Pope deputed five of the chiefest Cardinalls of the Court to intervene in the Treaty in the name of the Apostolick See Alexander the Popes nephew Morone Cesis Grassi and Aldobrandino with whom when the two Spanish Cardinalls and the Spanish and Venetian Embassadours begun to treat they presently met with many difficulties The Signory of Venice because all her Territories by Sea are first exposed to the violence of the Turks and because the League lessened not the expence of so many Garrisons in their so many Cities and Maritime places and did not secure their affairs but that they were to be at greater expence and danger being desirous to reap some advantage which might be ansvverable to so many inconveniences propounded things which tended to the abating of the Turkish power and to the destroying of their Fleet and to the bereaving them of some of their Dominions that for the future they might not fear their forces Which things though they might also bring advantage to the King of Spain yet was not the event so certain nor the profit so apparent and at hand Therefore the King's Commissioners thinking that if their King's Dominions were not more safe were yet further from danger proposed temporising and rather to wait for the advantage of time then to expose any thing to fortune They therefore endeavoured the making of a perpetuall League and upon such tearms as tended more to defend themselves then to offend the enemy by which League the Catholick King would have reaped much good for by being as he alwaies was at open wars with the Turks he made use of the credit and forces of his friends without drawing a new enemy upon himself and by encreasing his power much at sea and carrying the war far off he freed his Dominions from the expence of Garrisons and from being molested by the Turkish Fleets which things did not onely not put him to greater expence but which is but seldom seen war brought safety and advantage to him For to boot with the lessening of his ordinary expence in maintaining souldiers in so many maritime parts he reaped so much profit by the immunities granted him by the Pope which were now the greater by the new concession of the Croysado in the Indies as did largely supply the charge he was at in his Fleet for during the League the revenues of the Crown of Spain were encreased to about two thousand millions of gold These were the Kings thoughts which were nourished and fomented by divers of his State-Ministers chiefly by some of those with whom the Treaty of the League at Rome was entrusted for it was generally thought that their opinions corrupted the Kings good intentions and was the occasion of depriving Christendom of the good which men thought might have been expected upon this occasion had it not been for them And yet they themselves that were the raisers of so many difficulties propounded contrarieties And as if they had thought it nothing to abase the Turks power and to save themselves from the present danger began to propound other things whereby utterly to destroy the whole Mahometan Sect and all their Empires constantly affirming that this League was to be declared to be not onely against the Turks but generally against all Infidells intending thereby also to extirpate the Moors and the Ottaman Empire being overcome to proceed on to the King of Persia to the end that Christendom might be for ever secured from these barbarous Infidells The vanity of which proposition appearing too plainly they bounded that Article afterwards within narrower precincts and would have ill Siriffo or King of Barbary and the Moors and others depending upon the Turks to be named as enemies to the League But notwithstanding when any thing of action was propounded they appeared to be very backward they would not consent to what the Venetians desired to wit That the forces of the League should be intended to continue for at least two or three years and that they should be such as might be employed in the greatest enterprises of the Levant for the common advantage of the Colleagues Against which it was objected That Princes could make no certain resolution in things which depended upon the variety of severall accidents that therefore they were to inform themselves of the Turks preparations and designes and resolve accordingly upon the Leagues forces and what they should do every year in Rome Which being but a semblance of satisfaction was thought would really hinder or retard all good successe the chiefest time for action being thereby to be spent in disputes This intention of the King's Agents aiming too much at their own accommodation and at the prejudice of the common cause appeared yet more plainly in other things more
event of the treaty of peace uncertain And it may well happen that the prolonging of our determination may cause the League prove doubtfull and our peace be never the surer by which in my opinion we shall get but little advantage since it bears with it onely the bare name not the quiet nor security of true peace nor do I think that any reall peace is at this time to be had but rather that these things are proposed to us by Mehemet to cheat us not out of any favour to us to the end that we being lull'd asleep by the pleasing name of peace as by the Syrens singing may be lesse carefull in providing for war and that through these our vain hopes the confederacy of Christian Princes be dissolved which the Turks do not a little apprehend and without which confederacy they promise unto themselves for certain the possession of our Dominions The Turks are by nature haughty and now grown more insolent by their prosperous successe in Cyprus they are alwaies perfidious alwaies our enemies What reason have we to believe that they desire peace now and are reall in the propounding thereof And grant that the first Bashaw may perchance desire peace to lessen Mustafa 's greatnesse it is most assured he dares not mention it to the grand Signior but upon severe and unjust tearms for us left he thereby ruine himself But say that these things which reason not fear dictates unto me prove false ought this Senate to part from its antient and laudable custom of valuing their word of proceeding still with all sincerity of not doing any thing which in the sight of the world may appear to be not altogether so honest just or reasonable Is it not known to all men and say it were not are not we conscious to our selves how far this treaty of confederacy is proceeded in Now that all our desires are yielded unto is not our word engaged The state of affairs is still the same we ought not to be changed What more of ambiguity remains What excuse can we make for this delay what reason for abandoning what hath already been agreed on Really that which troubles me most is to think that as the repute of constancy and sincerity in this Senate hath prevailed much with these Princes to make them the more readily confederate with us so in the future this inconstancy and double dealing of ours may so alienate us from the friendship of all men as either out of anger or mistrust they will suffer us to run upon our ruine If peace be treacherous the League is sincere the successe of the latter most assured the event of the former most uncertain the one may bring us long and true security the other frees us from danger onely in appearance and but for a while Let this Senate then now resolve not to busie it self any longer in such doubts and not to listen to any thing which shall be proposed unlesse to what may terminate conclude and put a finall happy end to this business Tiepolo was attentively listned unto and many signes were seen of adhereing to his opinion But Andrea Baâ—â—ero a man who bore great sway in the Senate and who was one of the Savii Majiori which party did wholly promote delay spoke thus to the contrary The repute of wisdom said he which this Senate hath purchased throughout the world is now so looked upon by all men as though so many and so important respects did not concur a just desire of preserving this honourable reputation were able to make the result of this businesse now in hand weighty difficult and dubious A League and a Peace with powerfull Princes are both in hand at the same time and to the same end but by very differing nay by full contrary means The one and the other of them may make us hope for a speedy conclusion but neither of them with such honour and security as may freely invite us to accept thereof and may ease us of all trouble So as if onely one of these were to be discust it would not be easie what to resolve but both of them joyned together affords almost inexplicable difficulties Therefore you ought not to wonder Gentlemen if in a businesse of such importance and dubiousnesse men be not so clear nor resolute in their proposalls and if they seek to be more enlightned by time and by proceedings so as thâ—y may be safely led out of so many difficulties and the rather for that we need not fear that the Spaniards will slacken their provisions for any such delay of ours but will be the more diligent in hastening them to encourage us to repose the more confidence in the forces of the League and for that though they did verily believe we would lay down Arms they were to keep in Arms since the Turkish forces prepared against us were likely to fall upon them And truly I see not why having begun a treaty of Agreement we should without expecting the first answer so oblige our selves with others as it may not be lawfull for us to do what may be thereby offered towards the securing of our affairs since we may be loose by their means not by any fault of ours and peradventure upon better tearms What certainty have we of the event of this war what hopes what likelyhoods that we should so suddenly not to say so precipitously determine to continue it long as if we were sure of glory and triumph Past experience may teach us what good we may expect from war against the Turks this Common-wealth hath alwaies been unfortunate in taking up Arms against them and hath been forced not without losse of some Territories to yield unto their greater forces and to a certain Genius of their Empire But if we have forgot things done long ago how can we forget the passages of the last year which are yet fresh in our memorie And if we shall consider in how short a time we lost so many men and so much mony not onely getting not any thing thereby but losing a noble City nay we may say a flourishing Kingdom how can it be thought a wise advice which puts us upon the necessity of continuing that war The mischiefs we may receive thereby are great and certain our hopes of repairing our selves small and uncertain For happen what will war is alwaies accompanied by many miseries but is more grievious to this our City then to any other since it does in a manner block up the sea by which it receives its wealth and abundance of all things and doth deprive her of commerce whereby Arts do therein flourish which are one of her chiefest ornaments For my part I cannot fancy unto my self those high conceits as some do who know not how to measure the present condition of affairs the fortune which attends the enemy and our weaknesse and misfortune who do not consider the strength of those forces which do depend onely upon one and
should remain in him who should be declared Captain-Generall of the League which should be Don John of Austria and in his absence Mark Antonio Colonna with the like Authority though he should at the same time retain the name and quality of Generall of the Church That it might be lawfull for Maximilian of Austria the Emperour Elect for the King of France and for the King of Portugall to joyn in this Confederacy and that all the Colleagues should use their uttermost endeavours to perswade them and the other Christian Princes to do so And in case of addition of any other Confedederates it was to be understood that what proportion of expence they should be at should go to the augmenting of the Forces of the League No particular mention was made of dividing such places as should be gotten but it was refer'd to what was exprest and declared in the Articles of the League in the year 37 if any difference should fall out between the Confederates the Pope should be the Arbitrator and Iudge so as that should be no breach of the Confederacy nor any impediment in the execution of what was established therein These Articles being sworn unto as hath been said and afterwards signed and sealed by the Embassadours were ratified by the same Princes within the appointed four moneths But because the Confederates were not bound to the observancy of these things till the next year there was another writing stipulated apart wherein these things were particularly contained which were to be done this year to wit That 80 Gallies and 20 Ships ought to be at Ottranto by the moneth of May to joyn with the Venetian Fleet Those of the Pope Savoy nor Malta not being therein comprehended And because a difficulty arose touching the satisfaction to be given to the Venetians towards the expences pretended unto for having more Gallies than by the covenant they were bound unto It was declared in the same writing that the Pope was to be judge thereof who was notwithstanding to determine particularly that their debt being known it should be made good out of what they ought or should owe to the King of Spain for Corn either formerly had or to be had hereafter the price whereof should be rated by the Pope who took upon him likewise though it was not expresly mentioned in the Writing to determine what satisfaction should be given to the Venetians for their pretences of charge for great numbers of Foot which they maintained in his Sea-Forts more then the Garrisons of those places to make use of them either in the Fleet or otherwise against the enemie as occasion shall serve At the same time that these Treaties of League and Peace were discussing in Venice wherein there was some difference in opinions they all agreed and were very diligent in providing for war It was resolved that 25 Gallies should be set out which should have for their Governours Venetian Gentlemen not onely of the Venetian Nobles but many of those of the Cities of Terra Ferma to the end that in the common cause all might be partakers as well of honours as of dangers and troubles and because their greatest want was of men by reason of the great mortality and the apprehension which was had thereof safe conduct was granted to the Banditi of the Common-wealth to come and serve in the Gallies either as Mariners or Souldiers and all Gentlemen of the Country who would come willingly to that service were exempted from any personall penalties for four years 2000 to serve in Gallies were likewise ordered from the Cities of the Terra Ferma though this tax was formerly wont to be laid onely upon the Country Souldiers were also brought from forrain parts to recruit the Sea Garrisons and for the service of the Fleet. And that nothing might be wanting to try the fortune of war again a new Generall being already chosen as hath been said they would also change the two Commissaries Quirini Captain of the Gulph was chosen in the place of Celsi and Trono Captain of the Ships in Canale's place But he dying at the same time Canale continued in his place Quirini was succeeded in his place of Captain of the Gulph by Trono who was then in the Fleet. Iovanni Venâ—ramini Iov Contarini were afterwards made purveyors who were to have particular care of the publick Monies and of all that was to be delivered out in the Fleet. This mean while Commissary Barbarigo having made haste from Venice was come to Corfu where the Fleet then was as hath been said to whom according to the order of the Senate the Government was assigned over by Generall Zanne But he held it but for a few dayes for Veniero hearing whilst he was in Candia of his election left such orders as he thought convenient for the arming of the Gallies of that Island and suddenly began his journey and comming to Corfu in the beginning of April took solemnly the place and dignity of Generall upon him When Generall Zanne returned to Venice there were many faults laid to his charge and as it often falls out upon such occasions the cause of the bad successes occasioned for the most part from bad seasons and for many almost inseparable accidents were attributed to his negligence and want of experience and whereas a kind of happy Genius had formerly made all his actions be commended and admired whereby it was thought that the publick affairs recommended to his charge should have good successe as he was thought to have been very fortunate in his private condition by reason of his Honour wealth and Children and for that he had twice before been Generall and so succesfull therein as all troubles and dangers ceased as it were with his election so now these so many adversities were taken from off the publick score and laid to his private misfortune Being thus accused of these faults he dyed two years after before he could justifie himself proving the saying true that No man can be said to be happy before his end The affairs of Cyprus and preservation of Famagosta whereupon the hopes of other events did depend were not at this time forgotten but as soon as the season would permit Antonio Quirini who being taken from the Government of Candia had this charge committed to him after Trono's decease departed with four Ships to carry the succour formerly ordered for Famagosta Which that it might the more safely arrive 12 Gallies were given for a convoy to the ships for it was heard that the Turks lay with some Gallies about the Island to hinder the supply Marco Quirini went with his Admirall along with this Convoy who to boot with guarding the succour had the opportunity of doing an honourable action for as he came to Famagosta he made the Ships advance within sight of the Enemy who were in Costanza and lay with his Gallies concealed near Land and seeing seven of the Enemies Gallies come forth to assault our
Ships he suddenly came behinde them to keep them from returning back unto the shore But the Turks when they saw our Gallies instead of indangering us sought to save themselves and to get to the shore whence they were come so as the men to whose assistance many were come from the Camp got safe to Land and abandoned their Gallies three whereof having but few men left in them were sunk by our shot the rest which were gotten a little further off escaped For some signs of foul weather appearing Quirini betook himselfe to get his ships to be towde into the Haven whereinto when they were gotten they might easily Land the supply which consisted of 1600 Foot and much Ammunition and Victualls The addition of these Forces and the rest of the recruit did much comfort the defendants and incourage them and Marco Quirini his gallantry was mightily cryed up by all the Famagostans and he purchas'd much more praise and reputation by other prosperous successes for whilst he kept in that Haven he took a Ship and other lesser Vessels of the Enemies loaded with Ammunition and Victualls which were going to the Army wich were very seasonably turned to the service of the besieged And going with his Gallies not long after to shelves of Gamâ—ella where he heard the Turks had made some Forts he at unawares fell upon them and destroyed them which things being done he thought he could doe no more good by his tarrying any longer there and therefore returned with his Gallies to Candia The Senators were not lesse solicitous this mean while in providing new supply for Famagosta whither they had sent two Ships with 800 Foot and severall Ammunitions which by relation of the Bishop of Ragozzoni the besieged wanted Honorio Scoto was made Commander of the Souldiers and Nicolo Donato had charge of the Ships who being come a little before from Cyprus upon the occasion that hath been mentioned offered to return himselfe with that succour for which he was much commended and to comfort those that were to undergo so sore a siege the Senate thought fit to wite Letters of praise and much affection to the communalty of Famagosta telling them That they were very well pleased with their constancy and fidelity which they would never forget but reward them for it when the times should prove better and that largely for their labours losse and dangers wishing them therefore to discharge their duties in the defence of themselves and families reposing their hopes of safety in themselves and in the assistance of their Prince and not in the words of barbarous Infidels for the Senate would minde nothing more than to provide for all things which should be necessary for that their dear and faithfull City And that the so many Fleets so many Souldiers such expence and such warlike preparations aimed chiefly at the freeing of them from that siedge Letters of almost the same contents were likewise written to Baglione exalting his valour as worthy of those he was descended from and of the affection which he and others of his Progenitors had alwayes born to the Common-wealth promising him rewards answerable to his merit and assistance proportionable to the Forces of the Enemy The Albaneses continued at this time in insurrection many of Dugagini Pedana Ematia and Sadrinia came in dayly to make several offers to the Representatives of the Common-wealth Wherefore Commissary Celsi was ordered to go to Cataro whither Zaâ—cheria Salamone was gone before with the Title of Commissary-Generall to defend the City and to advise of what was to be done in those parts but Celsi falling sick by the way Nicola Suriano who was left Vice-Captain in the Gulph whilst Trono exercised the same office further off at Sea received orders to enter the River of â—oiana with four Galies to foment the Insurrection of those people and to inform himselfe more particularly upon the place whether there was any hopes of good to be done in the enterprises of Burazzo Beutari or Alessio as was propounded and desired by the heads of the Albanesi But Suriano having tarried awhile in those parts found that effects were not answerable to words and that no design could be had by such commotions upon the Tovvns of the Enemy but with great uncertainty of successe Yet that they might not be wanting upon any occasion that should be offered the Senate had made Iacopo Malatesta Governour-Generall in Albania who going to Cataro began forthwith to make several proposals and it was at last resolved to fall upon Alessio which was thought to be more feasable then the rest by reason of scituation there being many strong passes there which might hinder the Enemy from being succord But whilst things necessary for this purpose were a preparing Malatesta being impatient of lying long idle went one day out of Cataro to pillage some Towns of Risano which were not far off and having overcome the difficulties of the scituation burnt the Villages and gotten much booty as he was returning safe with all his men through a valley the Enemy fell upon him and not being able to defend himself by reason of the disadvantagiousnesse of the place he was much endammaged not onely by musquet shot but by stones so as almost all his souldiers ran away and whilst he with some few of his men withstood the fury of the enemy who came down from the mountains his leg was broken with a stone and he was carried away prisoner into Risano by the enemy But Almoro Tiepolo Captain of the Pinnaces and Astore Viseconte Governour of Sebenico had better successe in Dalmatia for having assaulted the Town of Scardona they made the enemy seek their safety by flight so as our men had leasure not onely to take the Town but also to get great booty in the neighbouring Country The Turks ceased not this mean while to plot all the mischief they could against the Common-wealth those of Castelnuovo had held secret intelligence with Trojano Ciciliano a Foot-Captain in Cataro that upon their comming at unawares to the City by his means they might get in by the Porta della Fiumara where the walls were weakest But Ciciliano not being able to procure that that Guard might be committed to him out of another respect for that treachery was not as yet discovered the Turks sailed in that their designe and when the intelligence was known the traitor was put to death The enemy afterwards had other attempts upon that City making some Forts in the mouth of the Gulph whereby being able to keep out any vessells from entring thereinto Cataro was in a manner besieged and was in great danger of being taken Wherefore it behoved to send some Gallies to disturb those works and to keep navigation open These things made the Venetians be very vigilant in keeping Commanders of authority and strong Garrisons in their sea-Forts Thus Savorgnano not being able to serve any longer at Zara the Marquis Baltasar Rangone was put in his
earth they digg'd out very forwards there remained sufficient space between the ditch and the bank for the Souldiers to keep in making use of the earth that was thrown out as of a Parapet behind which they might with aim shoot at the walles These Ditches and these Rampiers were so many and so disposed of as the whole Army was safely lodged therein though very near the city being as it were buried between those Mountains of earth so as from the walls of the city nothing of the Enemies Camp could be seen but the tops of their Pavillions In the same plain the Turks made ten Forts standing at severall distances 50 foot broad in the front which were secured with rafters of Oak woven together so artificially and so strong as the middle being fill'd with earth with bundles cinders sacks of wool and such like things those Forts were made defensible against any thing that could prejudice them and if any of these works were at any time thrown downe by shot from the city the number of pioners was so great as they were speedily restored to their former condition so as for above halfe a miles space from the Arsenall to the Limison Gate the walls were plai'd upon by continuall shot These were the forces provisions and designs of the Enemy by which the defendants being made more industrious and vigilant prompted thereunto by their own gallantry and by the danger they were in the souldiers and citisens were not wanting in any thing that might make for the defence of the city Thus at first though they were not so many as might counterpoise the Assalliants forces they sallyed often out to skirmish with the Enemy and to disturb their works thereby to shew their generosity and to lessen the Enemies confidence They were very diligent in securing the Parapets in making in-works in making new Cavalliers and in mending the old ones and sparing neither for labour nor ingenuity there was not any hour wherein they were idle nor any day wherein they had not new inventions All the Artillery whereof some new ones were cast and so their number still increased were brought to that part of the wall where the battery was expected Luigi Martiningo as Captain-Generall of the Artillery had the particular care thereof who had six underneath him who commanded all the Cannonieres so as all things were very well ordered They prepared likewise many artificiall fires to be used in severall manners which being made by excellent Masters did very good service and that they might not fight at once against the Enemy and against their own inconveniencies they put all uselesse people out of the city to the number of above 8000 which not being any ways injured by the Turks went to their country houses and mustering the rest there were found to be 7000 men fit for action in the city 3500 Italian foot and the rest Grecians who behaved themselves with much valour and fidelity in these actions These were still incouraged to defend the city out of hopes of glory and ample rewards wherein as in all things else Marc Antonio Bragadino who was then Captain of Famagosta and chief Magistrate of the city was very diligent and won much praise and the danger increasing by the Enemies nearer approaches Bragadino sought to incourage the Souldiers Telling them the time was now come wherein they were to shew their true valour which he saw them for these many last months nobly prepared to do That no greater glory had hapned to any in this our age then what was novv prepared for them by preserving a Fort so far from all other parts of Christendom against the power of the Ottaman Empire nay by thereby keeping a flourishing Kingdom from being inslaved by Barbarians Wherefore said he are you most valiant Souldiers directing his speech to the Italians com from parts so far off exposing your selves to the certain inconveniencies and great dangers of long Navigation if not to give good proof of your worth and by your merits to purchase the prime honours of the Militia You have now met with that you so much desired you have a large field wherein to exercise your patience your industry and all military virtues This City being assaulted by powerfull enemies and the eyes of all the world being set upon the event of this siege Nor is my confidence lesse in you Citisens and in all the rest who have entred into this Militia who have given so good testimony not onely of fidelity and constancy but of true valour Having performed all military actions as well and readily now as ever did any ancient Souldiers Your generosity is such as will not suffer you to let any other advance you in the defence of your selves country wives children and estates every one of you will with a noble emulation seek to exceed other in pains-taking and in exposing your selves to danger Let not the number of the Enemy any whit affright you for certainly it is lesse then it is noysed to be or then their empty Pavillions cunningly make shew of the most and valliantest of them being wasted partly by sufferings and part of them being gone to their own homes to enjoy the wealth they got at the sacking of Nicossia the example whereof ought to make you more vigilant but not more fearfull For we are certain it was not the valour nor industry of the enemy which gave them the victory but the defendants negligence who thought as I believe that it was bare walls not bodies of men that went to the defence of a City The hopes we have of speedy relief may make even cowards valiant which notwithstanding none of you ought to consider that you may not thereby lessen your courage but rather place your hopes in your selves and believe that you carry your fortune in your right hands Thus ought all valiant men do whereunto you are perswaded by infinite examples where worth and fortitude of minde have overcome invincible difficulties But we have an other greater hope of safety and victory since we defend so just a cause against so wicked and perfidious enemies whom peradventure divine providence hath permitted to be prosperous hitherto that the fortune of war altering their fall may be the greater All humane and divine reason doth therefore perswade us to drive away all fear and to hope for good and happy successe from our own daring These words were accompanied with great acclamations and expressions of joy every one striving to shew confidence and encouraging others readily to undergo labour and danger and the commanders to encourage their souldiers not onely by words but by example having already excellently well ordered all the guards went themselves to lodge upon the walls at the foot of the rampier that they might be present at all actions and partake in labour and danger By this time half May was over and all things were ready prepared on all sides chiefly the souldiers mindes which were miraculously disposed as
them if not the reward which they had desired at least what fortune had permitted them to do He said that if there were any hope of doing good the same readiness and courage should be found in them as had been seen hitherto that if they could preserve their country from the sore cruel slavery of those barbarous infidels by the expence of their blood so to maintain it under the just and moderate Venetian Government there was not any one that would be sparing thereof for that which had now moved them to make this request was no fear of death which they valued not since that being bereft of so many kindred friends and of whatsoever else was held dear by them they could not delight in life but rather a doubt of living to suffer more heavy calamities and of seeing their Country laid waste themselves and their children made prisoners and the eternal welfare of their soules indangered That therefore he did in all humility desire in name of the most Loyall City that they would give way to a parley which was dayly desired by the Enemy and by some fair conditions of agreement indeavour to preserve those few remainders which were yet left of so great and of so noble a Kingdom This the peoples request being heard the Magistrates and chiefe commanders consulted what was to be none there was severall opinions therein some were stiffe for dying with sword in hand and that by sallying all of them out by night they might assault the Enemy at unawares and dying vindicate that death by their blood which howsoever was to be esteemed equally certain but not equally glorious by reason of the no trust that was to be given to the Enemies word that there was no reason to believe the Turks would keep that agreement which they saw necessity not choice had brought them to which though they should doe it might contaminate or at least somewhat lessen the renown and honour which through so much labour they had gotten Others pleaded on the contrary that it became not them who were deputed to the Government of that city to shew themselves more cruel thereunto and to the people thereof than did the enemy For it was clear enough that nothing had moved the Commanders in the Camp to motion and Agreement save onely to preserve the city from sacking and the citisens from being slain fearing that they should not be able to refrain the Souldiers insolence if it should be taken by storm Moreover as it became men of courage not to do any base thing or to be failing in their duty for fear of death so to lose their lives without any advantage would be rather a sign of foolish ostentatiousnesse than of true worth that the things which they had done for the defence of that Fort were such and so many as none unlesse moved by envy would dare to detract from their merit but that how much greater glory is so much more doâ—h Envy sharpen her goads yet virtue had that of priviledge that she could be satisfied and appaid in her self that they had sufficiently discharged their duties in all respects by preserving that city to the Masters thereof to the last that now they were able to do them no other service then by preserving those Souldiers for other occasions who by so many sufferings and by such experience were all become fit to be made Commanders Neither ought they so much to distrust the observance of Articles in this case having had many examples as in the taking of Rhodes and upon many other occasions in the actions of Hungary that though the Turks were Barbarians yet they love and honour war like worth even in their enemies These reasons at last prevailing it was after a long dispute resolved to surrender the city upon fair conditions Thus on the first of August it was concluded by means of an Italian Ensign who was prisoner in the camp that Hostages being first given to our men two of the chief of the Camp should enter the city to treat of the particular Articles of surrender and that in the interim there should be a cessation of Arms on all sides and severall white flags being hung out both within the city and without in sign of Truce the next day two Cechaia who are amongst the Turks as Masters of the Houshold the one of them belonging to Mustafa the other to the Aga of the Janisaries entred the city and with them only 6 Janisaries on foot the Cechaia being on Horseback richly adorn'd On our side Hercole Martiningo and Matteo Colti a citisen of Famagosta went out attended onely by four Souldiers who as soon as they were out of the city were met by a Son of Mustafa's and by a great number of foot and horse and were by him brought to his Father who having very civily received them and presented them with two vestments imbroidered with gold sent them to lodge in the Aga of the Janisaries Pavillion Those who were come to treat of the Agreement easily granted all that was proposed which in fine was That the Souldiers should be safely carried in Turkish Vessels to Candia carrying with them all their Arms and goods and particularly five pieces of Artillery and three of the three chief Commanders Horses That the same liberty should be given to such of the Inhabitants as would depart to go with their families and their goods whither they pleased and that those who would tarry should be preserved in their lives goods and honours from the insolency of the Souldier Thus in one and the same day the Articles were negotiated agreed on and concluded And seeming as if they would speedily and inviolably observe them some 40 Vessels were forthwith sent into the Haven in which those that were infirm began to be imbarked whilst those that were well guarded the inworks not suffering the Turks to make any invasion But as soon as our men came out of the Trenches and that they saw the Enemies and were seen by them it cannot be said what wonder arose in both the Armies but out of severall reasons Our men marvelled at the vast number of the Enemy who for three miles space from about the city stood so thick as their white Turbants like flakes of snow seemed to cover the superficies of the earth And the Turks on the other side seeing how few those that defended the city were how lean and pale hardly able to stand upon their legs they admired their valour who had been so long able to make so valiant resistance not without some obloquie to themselves so as being wrought upon by meer naturall charity they gave them severall refreshments and praysing their constancy incouraged them to hope well The Grecians and Albanians were this mean while imbarking themselves and their families and some souldiers were already got into other Vessels so as on the 4 th of August the whole city was left in free possession to the Turks But as soon
as the Enemy were got within the walls they began to use much violence against the citisens wherewith Bragadino acquainted Mustafa complaining thereof and intreating him that in observance of the Articles and of his plighted faith he would curb the souldiers insolencie and send other ships to carry away the rest of his men saying that he would come himselfe and bring him the keys of the City This imployment was given to Nestore Martiningo a spright youth who being come to Famagosta at the very beginning of the War under the colours of his uncle Girolimo Martiningo had carried himselfe gallantly in severall offices and with much praise shewing great ingenuity and valour He comming to the Bashaw got speedy orders sent to the Souldiers who were entred the City to keep from doing any injurie and that two Vessels more should be sent to the Haven to imbarke the Souldiers and by commission from Mustafa brought Bragadino word back that he should be very glad to see him for that he desired much to know his face as he had already known his valour which he would alwaies witnesse to the world So as without any longer stay leaving Tiepoli in the city all the chief Commanders marcht out Bragadino Baglione Martiningo and Antonio Quirino a noble Venetian accompanied by other Captains and some Grecian Gentlemen all on Horseback with forty Musquetiers on foot Bragadino went before the rest under a red umbrella clad in purple and in his ordinary habit of Magistrate being followed by all the rest who when they were come to the Bashaws Pavillion were received with much civility made to lay down their Arms and then brought before Mustafa who entertaining himselfe a while with them in severall discourses concealing his inward thoughts at last seeking some occasion to shew his cruelty demanded security for the return of his ships which he lent them to the which Bragadino answering that he was not tyed thereto by Articles nor had he any with him which were sufficient security Mustafa pointing to Quirino said he should stay behind with him This Youth's gallantry might be seen in the noblenesse of his aspect But Bragadino said he would never willingly give way unto it wherefore the Bashaw being no longer able to conceal his anger fell to injurious words accusing our men for that contrary to the custome of War and to all humane Lawes they had put his Musselmans to death who were their prisoners and his anger increasing by multiplying of words he commanded that they should all be bound and making them be led out of his Pavilion dismissing the hostages who were yet with him â—e made Baglione Martiningo Quirino and all the rest a sad spectacle to be cut in pieces by his Souldiers a death certainly mis-becomming so gallant valiant men who should have received rewards from men truly military though enemies not punishment for their warlike worth But Bragadino who was reserved for greater torments must be a spectator of this cruelty being to feel the torments of death severall times before he lost his life for making him reach out his neck they would not as then kill him but onely cut off his Ears and those that were formerly imbarked fared no better then the rest for they were put in chains and condemned to miserable slavery being to undergo long and heavy calamity Fortune was more favourable to some few who tarrying last in the City were made Prisoners by some particular Souldiers paying speedily some ransome were for fear of losing it set at liberty by those that took them for all men were strictly forbidden to keep any particular Prisoners the Bashaw being desirous to make his Triumph the more glorious by the number of slaves which he should lead into Constantinople Amongst these onely Tiepoli found no favour whose dignity made him the more regardable He by order from the Bashaw underwent the infamous death of being hang'd upon the Mast of a Gally But it is a sad thing to tell what and how many cruell Martyrdoms these barbarous men made Bragadino suffer After many revilings and scorns he was brought to the Piazza of Famagosta and being tied to the Plllory he was flead alive Mustafa standing upon a little â—ill in the Palace to feed his eyes with this strange and most cruel spectacle but the courage of this gallant man shew'd amidst so many torments and for which his memory ought never to be forgotten is not to be imagined Mustafa not having yet satisfied his anger gave order that Bragadino 's skin should be stuft with straw and putting it upon a Cow with the red umbrella for his greater scorn with which he went into the Camp made it to be led all about the City and at last made it be hung up upon the main Mast of a Gally to the end that this infamous Trophy might be seen by all the people on the shore as he past by It was not well known what made Mustafa thus crvel some said that having kept the Souldiers from the reward he had promised them in sacking the City he sought to give some satisfaction to his Army by the death of a few for the death of so many as he had lost in that great siege Others that being incenst at their so long and obstinate standing out and at the losse of some that he had extraordinarily loved he had formerly tane some oath to take some severe revenge And others thought that Mustafa who was so subject to choller as when he was moved he was wont to grow furious and to be born-mad being proud of Victory was mightily scandalized when he saw Bragadino and the rest come to his Pavillion with so many armed men and so richly apparel'd as if they had rather been conquerors then conquered which being of it selfe a slight occasion for such cruelty was the lesse likely in respect of the time which past between these severe punishments and the giving sentence For moved onely out of his Barbarism he was cruell even against the dead and entring into the Cathedrall Church of St. Nicolas made all the Tombs be thrown open and the bones that were within them be scattered abroad he destroy'd the Altars and Images of Saints and committed many other cruell and bestiall actions for which he was much blamed even by his own men The city being thus won they betook themselves with diligence to clense the ditches to levell all the Forts and Trenches that were without and to repair what was ruinated within in so much as in a short time the Fort was restored to its former condition nay made more defensible then it was before the Bashaw left il Bei de Rodi Governour of the City and went himselfe from Cyprus the 24th of September returning victorious and triumphant towards Constantinople where he was received with much honour and joy by all though this victory was dearly bought the Turks having therein lost as it was said above 50000 men among which many Commanders and
been therein injured by whom alone as some of his followers sought to perswade him such justice should have been done But Colonna and others who were lovers of justice and who were much troubled that the most important businesse should be disturbed by so small occasions did labour to pacifiâ— Don Iohn shewing that there was no cause of offence given him that the place wherein the fault was committed was sufficient reason for him to punish it who commanded there That the Venetian Generall might use his authority in such particular affairs wherein the common interest was not concerned and that that time and that occasion did particularly require it to the end that Commanders might not be bereft of that obedience which was alwaies so usefull in War but most necessary there where there were souldiers of severall Nations and under Commanders of severall Dominions Wherewith though Iohn's anger was in a good part satisfied yet was he not altogether appeased insomuch as absolutely denying to treat of any thing with the Venetian Generall the most important businesses were negotiated by Commissary Baâ—berigo who with singular dexterity and wisdom sought to keep upon good tearms with the Spaniards which was then more necessary then ever the enemies Fleet was very strong and very near the businesse which they had in hand with all the League 's forces was of greatest importance So as continuing without more dispute in their first resolution of going to Cefaloma as soon as the winde should serve they pursued their voyage and passing on the 4th of October by the Channell of Viscardo on the 5th the Fleet went to the vale of Alessandria where many ruines of the antient city of Samos are yet to be seen Here by the relation of Gita ' Andrea of Iovan Battista Contarini and by Letters from Paolo Contarini Commissary of Zante the same things were confirmed which they had formerly heard of the Turkish Fleet and chiefly of Uluzzali's being gone though his voyage was diversly spoken of some saying that he was gone with fifty Gallies to Modene and others that he was gone with somewhat a lesser number to Barbary Wherefore all of them being of opinion that they were fully informed of the enemies forces and of their condition and that they might hope to finde them in the Gulph of Lepanto and fight them upon advantagious terms the Venetians met together to consult what was to be done On the one side they were very desirous to fight and had great hopes of victory on the other side they were very doubtfull what to do and feared much any good successe by reason of the Spaniards various and uncertain proceedings so as they knew not well what resolution to take By saying nothing they did not onely give over their hopes of good successe but suffered their Fleet to be exposed to great danger by reason of the enemies being so near and they were debar'd advising thereupon according as the importancy of the newes and the businesse required by reason of the Commander's simulation In this ambiguity they resolved to send Colonna and Commissary Barbarigo upon the occasion of the newes which they had received to Don Iohn and that without mentioning any fighting they should endeavour to perswade him to continue his first resolution of advancing and to think onely of doing what was already resolved on without any further consultation Yet some proposed the enterprise of S ta Maura and other things but much difficulty was found in them all Wherefore the next night the Fleet went from the Haven of Alessandria and steering towards the Gulph of Lepanto came to the Cutzolary Rocks the next morning by Sun-rising which was on the seventh of October At the same time the enemy hearing by Caracoza that the Christians Fleet came forward and was badly provided of men Alâ— were it either that he had received such expresse orders from Selino or that aspiring after glory being thereunto egg'd on by the Trophies which the other Bashaw had wone by land-enterprises which made him desirous to do some notable action by sea prepared to go out of the Gulph of Lepanto and to meet the Colleagues Fleet with intention to fight them promising unto himself a glorious victory And yet being desirous to have the opinions of the chief Commanders therein he found some doubtfull and others of a clean contrary sense Pertau as being of chief authority and knowing himself out of emulation of glory to be more subject to suspicion did neither give his free consent nor openly contradict it But Siloco Sangiacco of Alessandria an aged man and of great experience at Sea disswading from the proposall laboured to prove that this advice was full of danger and that the advisers thereunto might be the more subject to blame for that such a resolution would not onely be taken without necessity but unseasonably and without reason Our arms said he have hitherto been victorious we have ruined many of the Enemies Islands taken so much booty brought away so many 〈◊〉 and taken two Towns in Albania opportuvely seated whereby we have much increased the Ottaman Empire nor was it to be esteemed lesse boldly done to have advanc'd so far and approached with their Gallies so near the lery city of Venice and scorning the so great preparations of the Enemies Fleet to have withdrawn their forces to the defence of their own shores and made the memory of that expedition perpetually glorious What greater prosperity what greater renown could be now expected That some bounds were to be put to the desire of glory and Empire and that they ought not so often and at th time tempt nay tire fortune which never smiles long upon any body especially in affairs of War that they had made war with the Venetians for the getting of Cyprus which was succesfully by force of Arms now reduced under the Ottaman Empire so as the cause of that war was now decided VVhat should now make them hazard the dubious event of battelâ— and not onely afford those Enemies a means but even force them to fight whom if they the Turks knew how to make use of the present occasions they might without unsheathing a sword force to return with shame home to their own Havens for want of bread leaving them the effect of victory gotten without any hazard so as being confounded and amazed by so many bad successes they would not hereafter dare to agree in joyning so many forces together as now they had done wherein that they had done their utmost might be witnessed by their so long delay of putting out together to Sea and by their unwanted boldnesse of advancing so far knowing that they had so great a Fleet as might counterpoise their Enemies therefore it would be much more wisely done to keep within that Haven where they were defended by two Forts and had good store of Victualls and all other conveniencies and where the enemy durst not approach them that those things were truly advantagious
were of opinion that as soon as the season should permit the Christian Fleet should advance and entring the Dardanelli should with great and unexpected forces fâ—ll upon the city of Constantinople against which they might use their maritime forces the better for that it was said the Garrison there were but weak and the Inhabitants full of fear That such an Enterprise would be undertaken with greater preparations and more readinesse by all the Colleagues because all of them would share in the gain that this was to be esteemed the onely sufficient reward of the Victory that other lesser acquisitions would but increase expence and difficulties that nothing would be wanting to so glorious an action if mens forwardnesse would equall the importancy of the occasion which was now offer'd them of chasing these new insolent and â—â—venous Inhabitants out of the most noble Countries of Greece into the farthest confines of Asia and of regaining together with that Empire glory to Christendom But the wiser and more temperate men suffer'd not themselves to be born away by their desires to so immoderate thoughts nor nourishing vain hopes but measuring the event of things by reason not by affections knew that as long as the Turks Land-forces should remain inâ—ire which is the true foundation of their Empire no attempt which could be made against them would prove so easie neither did they think it a good â—oundation to ground their hopes upon the peoples rising which often producing other effects then what was at first conceived might prove the more uncertain and fallacious in the Ottaman Empire for that the Inhabitants who are thereunto subject being poor and base wanting Commanders and followers weapons and wealth cannot by their rising do anâ— great prejudice to the Turks nor be of much advantage to any others and the Grecians being long accustomed to slavery have much lost their ancient generosity But grant that such commotions were to be expected from the late Victory they had let slip the occasion and lost all such hopes by not pursuing the blow for the Enemies fears being by time lessened and their Forces increased they might either appease or hinder such Tumults and secure their own affairs So as that being every day confirmed by new advertisements which was at first thought almost impossible that the Turks would have a numerous Fleet out that Summer it was judged by such as did more seriously and more judiciously ballance the present condition of affairs that nothing could be more advantagious for the League then to bend all their indeavours and forces to destroy this new Fleet whereby they might so weaken the Enemy as they might either have more assured hopes of doing some good upon their Dominions by continuing the War or that if Peace should ensue they might secure their own Territories for some time from the Turkish Fleets and make use of the happy successe of this battel rather as of a certain foundation and commencement of overcoming the Enemy more easily hereafter then as a perfect and compleat Victory Out of these considerations the Veneâ—ians gave themselves with all their might to make new preparations for War They increased the number of their Gallies they recruited their Fleet with men and provided for all things necessary that as soon as the season would permit their Fleet might go into the Levant to incounter and fight the Enemy Thus did men think and thus they did discourse but the Christian Princes being blind-folded by their own affections knew not the opportunity which was offered them of abasing the power of a common Enemy who was become so formidable but envying so much good unto themselves and so much glory to this their age neglected the War as if they had not been therein concern'd though their common interests lay therein and refused the greater prosperity promised them by their first happy success For the Emperour being again earnestly solicited and many promises being made unto him by the Pope and the Venetians to come into the League since he was thereunto invited by prosperous and all desirable successe so as he might as he himselfe had said safely do so and being likewise exhorted thereunto by the King of Spain who had sent Don Pedro Faffardo to him to that purpose continued notwithanding in his delayes and irresolutions nay he propounded new and greater difficulties for being averse thereunto he strove to have place for excuse and protraction still left unto him He desired that the greatest part of contribution for the foot should be assigned to him in Monies and that it might be ascertained out of some of the Hauns-Towns in Germany He further desired to be secured that these assistances should continue for some time and that therefore some more stricter capitulations should be inserted into the League which desires were seen to be made out of perswasion that they would not be granted for it was known that the Tribute being already prepared he had made choice of one to carry it to Constantinople And the King of France whom the Pope did again solicite by his Nuntio not to be wanting upon so weighty an occasion to the good of Christendom said He must first know Cesar's resolution who if he should move therein he would readily afford his helping hand and would joyne his land-forces with those of Germany under the command of Monsieur his brother but that he neither could nor would permit that his sea-forces which would be much inferiour to those of the King of Spain should joyne with his Fleet. At the same time Cardinall Allessandrino having dispatch'd his Embassy in Spain was already gone by order from the Pope to Portugall who by Torres his information who was sent thither the year before to the same purpose was told that above 30 vessells might be man'd out of that Kingdom for the service of the Christian Fleet and that the King seemed very willing to employ al his forces in this common service wherefore his Holinesse hoped he might get good assistance there for the League But though the Cardinall was very honourably and lovingly received he could get nothing from the King but generall promises whereby it was discovered that that Prince being wholly intent upon the businesse of Barbary did not much minde things at a farther distance And not long after Antonio Tiepolo went thither likewise with an Embassie from Spain it being hoped that the newes he brought of the victory might perswade that pious Prince to enter into the League wherein an honourable place was preserved for him he being invited by the Colleagues so prosperous successe and by his own interests to quell the Turks insolent forces both in regard of his Dominions in the Indies to the which he might know the so great power of the Ottamans must needs be prejudiciall by what Soliman had attempted against the City del Dieu in the mouth of Indus and by the Fleets which were assembled together in the Arabick Creek Yet was not
took Valentiennes with forrain foot the most vvhereof vvere French And a little before the Duke of Alva had chased and routed a great many both foot and horse of the same Nation which vvent to Garrisonize the Tovvn of Mons. These things as they did much increase the danger of losing those Countries so did they beget great jealousie in the Spaniards that so many French Souldiers were brought into Flanders not onely by permission but by order from the King of France which was the rather believed for that the Duke of Alva giving notice of these passages to the Spanish Court to Rome to Millan had much amplified the business and caused many fears of greater Commotions Wherupon the Governour of Millan the Spanish Embassador at Rome and Cardinall Granville exclaiming very much and appearing to be full of jealousies and fears were the first reason why Don Iohn staid at Messina openly discovering themselves to be so ill satisfied vvith the French and the French growing as jealous of the Spaniards by reason of their speeches and proceedings and fearing lest the Catholick Fleet might turn upon Provence to their prejudice they betook themselves to fortifie Marcelles and increased the Garrisons thereof It was also noysed abroad that the Duke of Alva should have said in publick that he held the War to be alredy begun between the Crovvns of France and Spain at vvhich speeches the King of France being very much troubled he mediated by his Embassadors not onely with the Pope and vvith the Venetians but even vvith the King of Spain himselfe complaining partly That a thing of such importancy should be affirmed by one of his majesties chiefe Ministers of State which as he was very far from thinking of he thought he should finde others to be so too and partly seeking to justifie some of his actions which might seem to have given occasion to these the Duke of Alva's speeches He therefore constantly affirmed that those French with whom the Count Nassaw had taken Valentiennes were all of the Hughenot faction his subjects but as it was well known coâ—â—umacions and rebels to the Crown of France that he had been alwaies much displeased at the commotions of Flanders as one who was sensible of the peoples rebellion in his own Kingdom and whom it became to obviate not to 〈◊〉 by such examples the darings of subjects against their Prince and as one also who did at much desire the exaltation of Christendom as did any one though his particular troubles would not permit him to act therein with others at so opportune a time But though he could not 〈◊〉 therein with his Forces he was far from hindring the good actions of others that he had armed some Vessels not with intention to prejudice any but for the safety of his Seas which were mightily infected by Pyrats neither were those hit armed Vessels so many as could make it be suspected that he either could or would fall upon any enterprises And that these his words might be the better believed he publish'd an Edict upon pain of punishment prohibiting all his subjects to go armed into Flanders and placed guards in all places to hinder them if any contumacious people as he termed them should be so bold as to countervene his orders Nor being herewithal content he began at the same time to do severall things whereby he seemed as if he himselfe would also enter into the League making the Cardinall of Louvain hold many discourses thereupon with the Embassador of the Common-wealth then resident in France wherein he strove to make it be believed that the King of France was well inclined to the Peace and to the good of Christendom and chiefly to the Crown of Spain So as laying at last all other respects aside he would side with the League and proceeding to particular Agreement he propounded severall conditions and chiefly to ratifie friendship and good intelligence between him and the Catholick King by Mariages Though these things came to the Spaniards knowledge yet were they not satisfied therewith but gave out that the French did this to work their ends the more easily by assaulting the King of Spain's Territories in severall parts which were unprovided for them that for certain the Admirall and the King of Navarre did publickly perswade the Christian King to this Rupture whose he would be forced to please for some other particular interests of his own That it was said by all the chiefe of that Court that there could be no quiet in France till the King should resolve to fall upon some important forrain Enterprise wherin the Catholicks Hugenots were to be joyntly imploy'd and that it was clear enough that the French thought this the easiest of all other Enterprises by reason of their conveniency of assaulting Flanders and of straiâ—ning the Spanish Army in point of Victuals as also in respect of the difficulties the King of Spain should meet with in relieving his men That the King of France might make this War upon some appearing pretentions of right which the Crown of France hath to these Countries wherein doubtedly the Queen of England would joyn both with mind and might nor was the League treated of by Monsieur de Momâ—rancy nay concluded as some say with the English to any other end but that being free from all other jealousies they might the better minde the molesting of the Catholick King and therewith assault Flanders That the Queens minde was sufficiently known by her many no friendly actions and especially for that the English did at this time flock over in so great numbers into Holland and Zealand wherein they had already taken some Towns That the ill will of that Queen and of that Kingdom could be no longer concealed now by whom and from whence though with much secrecy and cunning the Kings Rebels had been many wayes assisted and those insurrections nourisht and fomented with several hopes and some sums of Money Moreover that the friendship which the French held with the Turks afforded more just reason for these suspitions it being very likely that the French might be now as much solicited to turn their Forces upon the Catholick King as they had often formerly obtain'd that the Turks Fleet should proceed to the prejudice of the said King nay that it was given out that the more to invite them thereunto the Turks had granted the City of Tunis to the Crown of France upon being preserved by their forces from the Armies of Spain The Pope was much troubled at these things as well for the great Concern of Christendom as in respect of his own credit which seemed not to suffer a little since the conventions of the League were violated by the Fleets suspension and therewith his authority who as Head thereof had a little before established and confirmed it and he was the more scandalized thereat for that many things were in hand which shew'd but little respect towards the Pontificiall Majesty whereof he
be able to hold the enemy play and to keep the war from the State of Lombardy but to make some advancement since the Imperialists wanted not many disaccommodations resolved to relieve those Towns sending them all sorts of munition and to recruit the Garrisons with six hundred Foot raised in Dalmatia which being conveyed thither in some Gallies in the depth of winter two of them ran on ground and split upon those shores But Commissary Mula who had kept till then upon those coasts for the safety of the Towns and to preserve those men upon all events and that the Galley-slaves might work upon the Fortifications leaving four Galleys to guard them retreated by publick order to Corfu which the Senate did out of the need the Fleet stood in of being refresh'd and that they might adde to the number of the Galleys that they might joyn with the Fleet which was prepared by the King of France in Marcelles and impose the Imperialists Maritime Forces who were said to prepare good store of Frigats in Barcellona to the end that joining with Doria's Galley's they might go out strong to Sea In this Interim the Pope ceased not his desires to have Cervia and Ravenna restored unto him to which purpose the King of France had sent the Vicount Turin to Venice desirous to give some satisfaction to the Pope in whom his former ill will to the King was encreased by the Marriage of Renea the Kings kinswoman to Hercoles the Duke of Ferrara's son knowing that by this alliance the king was obliged to defend the Duke from whom the Pope desired to repossess himself of the Cities of Modena and Regio as well as those in Romagna from the Venetians and he hoped to have been therein assisted by the King according to his promise But the Senate desirous to give the King satisfaction in all things acquainted him with their pretentions and interests that they had Ravenna from Obizo Polenta the Lord thereof 400 years since it was in the Churches possession and that Cervia was possess'd by the Commonwealth by the last Will and Testament of Dominico Malatesta charged with many pious uses wherein the will of the Testator was continually fulfilled that if they had desired to enjoy what belonged to others they would not have refused the offers made by those of Furli and of other Towns in Romagna to come under their command that they had been at no little charge in maintaining Bologna and other Cities under the Papal Dominion that they posses'd these Towns when the Pope had quitted the League and and therefore in that respect they had just reason to holde them since they had spent more Treasure in these wars by much then those Cities were worth that his Majesty would be pleased to consider whether it would make for his advantage that his freinds and his confederates should part with so convenient places to the Pope who was but ill affected to the Crown of France nay to the Imperialists upon whose authority it was apparent that the Pope did depend either out of will or fear That to boot with his own concernments he should weigh the injury which would be thereby done to the other Colleagues to the Florentines and to the Duke of Ferara who certainly would be very much troubled at such an action which might â—inder their forwardness in adhering to the League That he ought likewise to consider these Towns were as a curb to keep the Pope within his duty and that this respect ceasing he would the sooner discover himself to be a friend and confederate of Cesar ' s. Visconte being conjunct by these reasons went to Rome where he propounded divers expediences to the Pope for the accommodation of these Affairs as that these Towns might be given in fee to the Common-wealth upon some recognition to the Church as he had done by several other Towns Or else that they would be deposited into the King of France his hands to be disposed of as he should think fit Which proposals being put unto the Senate they were neither wholly accepted nor wholly refused but mentioning what the State had done and what they were ready to doe in order to the Pope's service they seemed to confide much upon Clement's wisdom that he might of himself find out some fair and rational accommodation of these difficulties Thus was this business suspended and the success of War uncertain and the time of laying down Arms most uncertain when the year 1528 ended The year 1529 began with various hopes of peace and with fear of new combustions of War for great weariness and weakness appeared plainly in the Princes Which as well as the bitterness of the winter was the reason why all Military actions were ceased nor did any such notable effects ensue either in Lumbardy or in the Kingdom of Naples as might have been expected the one party being quite dissipated and destroy'd the other remained totally victorious and arbitrator of all things which were so ballanced as each party might bear its own fortune and hope for better in the future Wherefore it was thought that the condition of affairs being thus an agreement would be the more easily made Cesar professed openly that he desired universal peace and above all things to accommodate his Affairs to the Princes of Italy to which purpose he had sent the General of Franciscans to Rome who having received the Cap took upon him the title of Cardinal of Sancta Cruce which Commission as it was given out to cause Hostia and Civita Vecchia to be restored to the Pope and to treat with the Popes self touching the reconcilment of all difficulties The King of England used all efficacious means with the King of France and to bring him to an agreement had sent express Embassadours to Rome to exhort the Pope to undertake such a treaty as a thing that did better belong to him more properly then to any other Nor did the King of France appear to be there unto averse he having sent Commission to his Embassadour at Rome for universal peace The Venetians did the like giving sufficient warrant to their Embassadour Gaspero Contarini to say that the Senate following the advice of the King of France and according to their own inclination towards the peace and common good of Christendom would make good whatsoever had been formerly agreed upon by particular conventions They moreover did of themselves desire the Pope that he would take upon him the weight of so important a business and bring it to a good end as might be hoped from his power and sincerity promising that upon the concluding of an universal peace they would witness their good will in any thing remained in dispute between them and the Apostolick See touching the Cities of Ravenna and Cervia But for all this many things gave reason to suspect that all this was but a Coppy of their countenances and that the Princes were inwardly otherwise inclined being more
intent upon their own advantage then agreed with the accommodation of so many great differences and to putting an end to Wars of so long duration It was known that the King of France was very jealous of the Pope so as he did neither believe much what he said nor did he much confide in him Holding all his proposals to be doubtful and uncertain Therefore he treated apart with the Venetians that they would reorder their Forces by Sea and by Land seeming not to be at all discouraged for what had hapned at Naples as a thing which had fallen out by misfortune and not through any cowardise of the Souldiery Wherefore he was more desirous then ever to renew the Wars in Italy As for the Emperour though he said he would come into Italy to take upon him the Crown of the Empire and to procure peace yet he made so great preparation for War as it appeared he intended not to do as he said especialy since his desire of making himself Master of the State of Milan was so very well known And as for the Pope who was to take upon him the chief care herein he still retained the desire of recovering not only the Towns in Romagna but also Modena and Regio and likwise he longed to revenge himself for the injuries done him by the Florentines and to replace his Nephews in their pristine greatness and dignity in Florence which were not things to be done without War And the Venetians though they had been so many years involved in Wars wherein they had already spent five Millions of Gold and that therefore they desired to give some ease and refreshment to themselves and to their Subjects yet they persevered resolutely not to abandon the Duke of Milan not to permit that that State should fall again into Cesar's power nor would they easily part with the Towns in Puglia and Romagna unless upon the establishing of universal peace upon fair and rational conditions Thus did the Princes at this time steer their thoughts and actions and this was mens opinion touching â—uture War and Peace This mean while the News increased of Cesar's coming into Italy for which great preparation of Shiping was made at Barcellona and the Arch-Duke Ferdinand came to Ispruch and raised much moneys in the Dyets taking foot Souldiers into pay to send them for Italy to serve his Brother giving out that he would assault the States of Venice Yet at the same time divers treaties of agreement were propounded to the Senate by Andrea Doria and by some other Imperialists shewing that the Emperour had very good thoughts towards the Common-wealth and offering to negotiate peace wherein the Venetians proceeded very cautiously fearing lest this might be a trick to seperate the French by these jealousies from the freindship of the Common-wealth so as they slackned not their preperation for War for the Senate would depend upon themselves and treat of Peace with Sword in hand and with honour The time of the Duke of Urbines command being at an end they continued his imployment for three years longer with the increase of ten thousand Crowns a year pay and with as many Curassiers as made up those that were before under his command two hundred Moreover a particular Troop of fifty Curassiers was given to his son Guido Ubaldo who was likewise taken into the Commonwealths service and had a stipend of a thousand crowns a year given him Gianus Maria Fregoso was made Governour General of the Venetian Militia in reward of his loyalty and worth And because the Duke of Urbine had many occasions to be absent from the camp as he was particularly at this time and that it was thought fit for the publick service that some person of great authority should always be in the Army Antonio Alberti was sent to him Savio degli Ordini with Orders that he should go speedily from Brescia where he then was and come to the Army in which journey for his greater honour he was accompanied by the said Alberti Other chief places of the Militia were disposed of to others Count Gaiazzo was made General of the Light Horse and Antonio da Castello Captain of the Artillery Hercoles Fregoso Farfarella da Ravenna and other Commanders were taken again into the Commonwealths service A good sum of money was sent to the camp to Commissary Navi with Orders to raise new Foot and to fill up the companies Nor were they less vigilant about Maritime Affairs Girolamo Pesaro was created Captain General at Sea and Andrea Pesaro being chosen a little before Commissary of the Fleet and Vicenso Iustiniano Captain of the Bastard Gallies they were both of them ordered to prepare for Sea there were other ten chosen for Governours to arm the ten Gallies which were disarm'd the preceding Winter so as the Common-wealth had above fifty Gallies at Sea and though by the Articles of confederacy they were not bound to furnish out above sixteen Gallies they promised notwithstanding to adde four more thereunto so as there should be twenty for the service of the League whereof Girolamo Contarini was made Captain And because the Duke of Milan and Monsieur di S. Paule who were desired to increase the number of their Foot according to their Articles excused themselves for want of monies the Senate resolved to lend the French twelve thousand Duckets and eight thousand to the Duke of Milan But the Venetians did chiefly desire and pray the King of France that he would not be wanting to the Colleagues upon so important an occasion since he had found them all so affectionate to him and so constant in prosecuting the War And truly these remembrances were no more then necessary for all the bad success of the French in the affairs of Italy arose from their slowness in making provisions and from too much confiding in themselves the French being naturally given to promise all good success to themselves at the first beginning which makes them easily undertake any business but they are not constant in the prosecution and but little careful in providing necessaries out of the hopes they have of bringing it soon to an end measuring it often more according to their own desires then according to the truth Monsieur de S. Paule was reduced to want of men monies and almost of all things requisite to maintain War in Italy Nor was there any preparations seen for doing any thing beyond the Mountains which the King had so often promised to do And yet it was now more necessary then ever to do both these and that with powerful forces to keep the Emperour from coming into Italy either by preparing strongly to resist him there or else by keeping him imploy'd in defending Spain and in muniting the heart of his Dominions They therefore told the King that it was a thing becoming him and the forces of that powerful Kingdom to interrupt Cesars designs and to bring him by force of Arms to an agreement and to the restoring
Ambassadour from Soliman at Venice how received and treated How the Venetians treated with other Princes A League propounded to them by Caesar but not accepted The Emperour passeth into Affrica hath bad successe The King of France goes against him His Ambassadour speaks in the Seâ—aâ—e to make them joyne with France to the prejudice of the Emperour He is answered He goes to Constantinople The King of France assaults divers of the Emperours Towns but does but little good He is angry with the Common-wealth for severall accidents by wrong information given him the truth being known he is appeased The taking of Marano troubles the Senate Provision made for the restitution thereof A Fort destroyed by the Rebells An accommodation treated thereupon proves very difficult Great rumours and preparations of War in the year 1543. The Venetians Neutrality They are troubled by reason of the Turkish Fleet which puts out sacks Reggio passeth to Marcelles besiegeth Neece which yields unto it and retires to Marcelles The Emperour in Italy As he goes for Germany he speakes with the Pope Receives the Duke of Cleves into favour Soliman in Hungary His proceedings Marano assigned over to the Venetians by Strozzitia Dyet in Spire The Emperour 's and the King of France's thoughts The Cardinall Ferrara's speech in the Senate wherein he pretends to draw the Venetians to confederate with the King of France The Senate's resolution and answer The reasons why they do not yield unto him Treaties of peace between Caesar and the King how made and why The conclusion and conditions thereof Severall discourses thereupon The successe of the Turks Fleet. The Turks not pleased with the newes of peace between the Christians Treaties of peace with Soliman and the accommodation between King Ferdinando and the Common-wealth Little good comes of either of them Differences between the Venetians and the Turks They are accommodated to the honour and advantage of the Common-wealth the peace of Italy much endangered and wherefore Parma and Piacenza given in Fee by the Pope to the dislike of Caesar who doth openly oppose it The King of France prospers not well with the English nor the Emperour with the Protestants He is solicited by the Pope to take up Arms against them and is assisted with Souldiers The Venetians consent not thereunto The Protestants move Endeavours used with the Senate and their answer The dissolution of their Army and Caesars victory Cardinal Allessandro Fernese comes to Venice A discourse of the Venetian Nobility The state of the affairs of Germany The Popes and the Emperours distates Caesar's victory against Frederick of Saxony His designes and what he does to get footing in the Dukedom of Millan The King of France and the King of England's death The succession of their children and Ambassadours sent from the Common-wealth to both the Crowns The occasion of breach of peace between the English and French The Pope joynes with the King of France against Caesar. The death of Pier Luigi and the taking of Piacenza The Venetians are solicited to joyne with the Pope and with the King of France but will not forego Caesar's friendship the reasons which induce them thereunto An answer given to the Pope and to the King of France Considerations touching the Pope The state of affairs in the year 1548. The King of France his intentions and the Popes His endeavours with divers How Philip the Emperour's son is received in Italy and how by the Common-wealth What Soliman's successe was against the Persians He makes truce with Ferdinand The conditions thereof Distastes between the Pope and Caesar and what succeeded thereupon The Pope's death Why the Venetians were never interressed in creating Popes Paul the third is chosen Pope THE Peace being in manner aforesaid established between Soliman and the Venetians all men hoped that Forces were to cease in all parts amongst Princes and that there should be a happy and peaceable time after so sore wars For Soliman seemed very well inclined to make a long and generall Truce with all Christian Princes wherein the French Ambassadour having laboured much he said it was now as good as concluded and these his speeches were the rather believed for that though the Fleet was ready to go forth yet Barbarossa's departure was delayed nor was there any preparation of an Army which might occasion jealousie of land-enterprises Truce was already confirmed in Paris between Caesar and the King of France upon the same terms as it had been by the Pope's means made formerly at Nece and all demonstrations of confidence and reconciliation past between them whilst Caesar taking France in his way to Flanders stayed some daies with the King which made men hope that these Princes laying aside their antient enmities were to joyne in a good and secure peace But new accidents hapned which as human affairs are subject to easie alterations did soon change the face of affairs and did totally confound these formerly conceived hopes of quiet For Iohn King of Hungary dying and leaving an infant-son of his newly born by his wife Issabella daughter to Sigismund King of Polonia Ferdinando King of the Romans pretended that according to the last agreement made with that King which was That the succession of that Kingdom should appertain to him and not to the son of King Iohn raised suddainly a great many Souldiers wherewith he quickly assailed the Kingdom took Alba Regale Visgrado Pesto and some other Towns of Hungary And at the same time sent Ierolimo Lasco to Constantinople to treat with Soliman that he might hold that Kingdom upon the same tearms as it was held by King Iohn The Queen Dowager widow to King Iohn had likewise recourse to Constantinople endeavouring by a solemn Embassy of the prime Barons of that Kingdome that the Turks would aid her in maintaining her son in the possession of that Kingdom which was by them preserved unto his father Soliman thought himselfe hereby doubly injured by Ferdinando First for having assaulted a Kingdome recommended to him and which he had taken into his protection And then that he should demand those things by his Ambassadour which he howsoever endeavoured to get by force Whereat being much incensed he did not onely lay aside his former thoughts and good inclination which he seemed to have to peace and quiet but prepared great forces both by Land and Sea to assault the Territories of the House of Austria that so he might revenge this injurie upon Ferdinando and keep Charles so busied as he might not assist his brother Wherefore retracting what had been negotiated with Antonio Rincone the French Ambassadour touching the Truce he resolved to send him back to his King that he might acquaint him how he had changed his minde and that his thoughts were now bent upon War The Tumults in Flanders were already appeased which was the sooner effected by the severe punishment of the rebellion of Guant to the terrour of other Cities which being insued sooner then peradventure suted
with the occasion of Times and hopes of greater good was the cause why Caesar the peace not being yet fully established between him and the King of France finding himselfe free of that disturbance began to fall off from the agreement and to resolve not to forgo the Dukedom of Millan upon any terms And on the other side Soliman's being incenst against the House of Austria made the King oâ— France the bolder hoping that by those prevalent means he might the better resent the injury which he thought Caesar did him in dispising to have peace and friendship with him Rincone therefore being returned to Venice gave a particular account of all these things to the Senate highly exaggerating the Turks preparation for War hoping thereby to draw them over to side with his King and affirming moreover that when these Forces should move they should be disposed of according to his Kings pleasure He then desired a Convoy of armed men that he might return the more safely to France and accordingly Mercurio Bua was ordered to wait upon him with his Troop of light Horse to the utmost confines of the Common-wealth and having onely three moneths allowed him for his return to Constantinople he suddenly dispatcht his business with the King who listned very diligently to the busines and took his journey again to return by Venice for Constantinople but being come to Pavia as he passed along the Poe he was slain by some Spanish foot by order as it was conceived from the Marquiss of Guasto as was also Caesare Fregoso who was sent by the King to accompany him The King of France was more scandalized hereat then can be imagined that whilst he was yet in Truce with the Emperour his servants should be treacherously slain and that Caesar not being contented to have deceived him in his speeches for he seemed to be well minded to peace and to restore the state of Millan which he flew daily further from when he had appeased the Tumults in Flanders should contrary to reason and the Law of Nations do him so great a scorn and shew such a desire to offend him He forbore not to mention this his resentment publickly but complained grievously thereof by his Embassadors at all Princes Courts and in particular sent Antonio Polino to Soliman with commission to go first to Venice to make known his intentions towards Caesar and the reasons he had to study a just revenge making offer of all his indeavours and authority in such things wherein he might be serviceable to the Common-wealth at Constantinople whither he was sent Embassador and demanding a safe Convoy for that Journey he had a Gallie allotted him to wait upon him to Ragugi But Caesar when the great preparations of the Turks was given out for certain nay when their men were already upon their March toward Hungary after he had long entertained himselfe in the Dyet at Ratisbone in treating of divers things about Religion wherein nothing was concluded prepared to go himselfe in person into Italy his end therein not being known and being much wondered at by all men It not being thought reasonable though it were so â—â—ven out that he was to fall upon Algiers in the waters of Africa that whilst his brothers danger the honour of his family and of the German Nation ought to have recalled him back unto Germany he should go to attempt an enterprise which though it might be of some conveniency to his Kingdom of Spain to bereave the Pyrats who invested those Seas of that receptacle was not notwithstanding to be compar'd to the purchasing of a noble Kingdom at home and to the safety which his other States and Empire might receive by keeping the Turkish Forces from off those confines yet he persisting in his intention sent a great number of Foot into Italy and made great preparation of shipping of all sorts in divers shores of his Dominions Thus stood the condition of affairs at this time these were the designs of Princes concerning Peace and War Wherefore in these great Commotions the Venetians thought it became them to proceed with great vigilancy and circumspection keeping the Common-wealth in her neutrality and free from all offence They knew that the hazards of Hungary was the more to be thought of by them for that by the eminent losse of that Kingdom the Forces of the Turks who were the common and perpetuall enemy would be much increased which were already so potent and so near to the Common-wealths Dominions And what hopes were there of any good success King Ferdinando was too weak of himself to oppose the Turkish Armies The Emperour was not over-ready to try his fortune against the Turks in the behalfe of his Brother Germany would be far from favouring any enterprise whereby the Authority and power of the House of Austria might be increased a thing which she did very much detest and apprehend And on the other side Queen Isabella was a woman a widow the King her Son an Infant ill provided to defend that Kingdom and in necessity not only to make use of the Turks ayd but of depending totally upon them and yet though the Venetians knew these things and thought seriously on them they were necessitated much to their griefe and sorrow by reason of their late triall of the Christian Princes weaknesse and discords not onely to stand idly looking upon all these mischiefs but to shun giving the Turks any occasion of taking up Arms against the Common-wealth or of thinking that they stood not well-affected towards them Wherefore being desired by the Pope that the Councel as was formerly agreed upon at the Convention at Luca between him and the Emperour and by the assent of the Venetians might be held in Vicenza the next ensuing year which was the year 1542. they thought that to give way thereunto at a time when Leagues and Agreements were in agitation would not sute well with their conveniency and quiet and therefore they excused themselves in that point since the face of affairs was altered by their new Agreement made with the Turks and their condition become different from what it was when they first promised it and were at open War with the Turks for it was clear that the meeting of the Councel not onely in their State but so near Venice would beget an assured and unexcusable jealousie in Soliman that they had indeavour'd to make the Chriâ—â—â—an Princes conspire against him which would be to draw great ruine upon themselves out of an uncertain hope of good and that many of the prime Prelates knew that it vvas a very unseasonable time to assemble the Councell novv vvhen they should first intend the reconciling of the Princes and of repairing Christendoms prejudice received by the Turkish Forces But these respects vvere added unto by other accidents for many things had been said at Constantinople to make it be believed that the Venetians vvould not keep peace longer then some opportunity of breaking it