three Years above Two Hundred Thousand Livres for unjust and oppressive Impositions To which Monsieur de la Haye farther added That if these Grievances might be taken into Consideration so that the Emperor his Master might be assur'd of Redress he did not question but that his Majesty would rest satisfi'd and not recal him Upon this the Caimacan made answer That he would write to the Caimacan of the Port who is also another of the Vizier's Lieutenants and one who never stirs from the Person of the Grand Signior and also that his Excellency would do well to write himself which would add the greater weight and give the quicker dispatch to the Affair Nevertheless all the Answer which the Caimacan of the Port sent to Monsieur de la Haye was only this That he would give an Accompt to the Grand Vizier of what he had writ and that he should know his Answer with the first Opportunity While the Ambassador tarry'd for this Answer Four of the Kings Men of War arriv'd in the Haven of Constantinople being sent to bring back the Ambassador And this Squadron struck no small fear into the Turks at first but finding that Monsieur d'Almeras who was the Commander had sent to the City so soon as he came to an Anchor for Fifteen Hundred Weight of Bisket and that with no small Importunity too they began to slight him under the want of Provision and reduc'd to such a Condition that he could not subsist if they should refuse to supply him In March 1669. Monsieur de la Haye receiv'd the Vizier's Answer containing a Permission to come to the Court where he arriv'd in the Month of April And here I shall pass over the Motives and Design of this Journey not but that I sufficiently know what was discours'd at Constantinople but because those Discourses were different from what Monsieur de la Haye sets down in the Relation which he gave the King at his Return to Paris from whence I took the chiefest part of this Recital and where he declares that he had no other end but to take his leave Nor shall I say any thing for the same Reason of what he did at the Ottoman Court from whence he wrote to Admiral d'Almeras who then lay at Constantinople with his Four Men of War to come and take aboard him at Vola in the Golph of Salonica a Turkish Ambassador which the Grand Signior was sending into France This Turk was nam'd Soliman being then Muttifar Aga or the Signior's Porter And when he was sent to the French King he was a Fellow that serv'd for Fifteen Aspers or about Six-pence a day He arriv'd in France toward the end of the Year 1669. and departed thence the next Year in the Month of August All Paris had a sight of him and they that were acquainted with him knew him to be as haughty as brutish and as crafty a Turk as ever was in the World The Provençalls that were in the Levant call'd him Haye's Ambassador and took the Liberty to affirm that Monsieur de la Haye furnish'd him with Money for his Equipage And they grounded their Assertion upon this That Soliman's Equipage was far short of the Magnificence of the Turkish Ambassadors And Monsieur de la Haye when he was jeer'd for Soliman's Rigging had no other way to justifie himself but by saying That Soliman had not time to make better Provision for himself Others would put it closer upon him That the Title of AMBASSADOR was not to be found in Soliman's Credentials But for that he had another shift That while Soliman lay at Cale Saint Nicolas near Cerigo expecting the Admiral 's arrival to take him aboard the Grand Vizier secure of taking Candy and finding no farther necessity to keep fair with France or dread their Assistance alter'd all Soliman's Titles Instructions and Dispatches recalling the first and sending him others But that it was most certain that the Name and Title of Soliman Aga were bestow'd upon him in the Quality of an Ambassador of which there needed no farther proof then this That the Great Turk gave him the Scimitar and Vestment which he gives to his Ambassadors and that the Fortress of Napoli in Romania saluted him with several Guns at his entrance into the Haven However it were Monsieur de la Haye return'd to Constantinople in July and three Months after he receiv'd Order to embark if he could aboard the Fleet under the Command of Monsieur d'Almeras but if the Caimacan prevented him that at the same Instant he should lay down the Title of Ambassador to the end the Turks might not have the Opportunity to Glory that they had in their Power an Ambassador of France to abuse at their pleasure But as I said before the Men of War were gone before this Order arriv'd so that Monsieur de la Haye could not obey the first part of the Order and as to the second he excus'd himself by writing into France That the Turks had a great Veneration and Respect for him But this excuse not being so throughly acceptable at Court was the Occasion that Monsieur de la Haye was peremptorily recall'd Besides the Provençals were so incens'd against him that they sent continually into France clamouring that so long as he should be continu'd Ambassador at the Port the League would never be renew'd neither would the Passage to the Indies through the Red-Sea be obtain'd in regard the Vizier had an old Grudge against his Person Which Complaints being believ'd it was resolv'd that Monsieur de la Haye should be recall'd and that M. de Nointel should be sent in his stead Who was a Counsellor of the Parliament of Paris a Person of great Integrity and so curious that his Curiosity had carry'd him to Constantinople before that Time but he was of too mild a Disposition to negociate in Turkie Neither were they resolv'd at first to have giv'n him any higher Title then that of Resident till the Importunity of his Friends and of the Levant Company procur'd him that of Ambassador For the Company judging of what begat Esteem and Reverence among the Turks by the Humours of the Europeans represented to the Chief Ministers of State that in the transacting matters of such High-Importance as the renewing of an Advantageous Peace and the obtaining a Free Trade to the Indies through the Red-Sea the Grand Signior would sooner condescend to the Dignity of an Ambassador then the more obscure Quality of a Resident Monsieur Nointel therefore departed out of France in the Month of August 1670. together with the Turkish Ambassador Soliman Aga and arriv'd at Constantinople in October following the King allowing him four Men of War for the security of his Passage under the Conduct of M. D'Aplemont By the way I have heard several Persons of great Sagacity and Judgment affirm that M. de la Haye had wrong done him and that they were deceiv'd who vainly imagin'd that
Godard from the Name of the Village where it was fought The Grand Vizier repair'd the loss of that Battel by a Treaty of Peace as Honourable and as Advantageous as if he had gain'd the Victory and perceiving the Signior's earnest desire to return to Constantinople carry'd him thither so well guarded that there was no Commotion to be fear'd where be stay'd till the beginning of the Year 1666. At what time he undertook the War of Candy in which he spent Three Years as has been already said Two Years after he began the War of Poland observing always his Fathers Great Maxim That it behov'd a Prime Vizier still to keep himself at the Head of an Army We departed from Andrianople the 9th of June and return'd to Constantinople the 15th The 17th by Break of Day M. de Nointel went incognito to visit the Caimacan and to demand a Passport for the Kings Ship The Caimacan return'd for answer that he had receiv'd no Orders from the Grand Vizier to give him one and therefore could not do it At which the Ambassador was very much surpriz'd and as highly concern'd and thereupon complain'd to the Caimacan of the Vizier's unkindness toward him Upon which the Caimacan made a shew of taking his Part and being concern'd for the Unjustice done the Ambassador and then concluded with his Excellency that they would send a particular Messenger and Letter 's to the Prime Vizier As for the Caimacan he fail'd not to send on his part to the Vizier an accompt of all that the Ambassador had told him and represented to him by way of Complaint On the other side M. de Nointel in his Letters tax'd the Vizier of Breach of his Word He conjur'd him not to injure his Patience which he had now contain'd as long as he could to let him know the Final Resolution of the Port and particularly to send him Order for a Pass for the Kings Ship The Expresses that carry'd these Letters set forth at several times The Caimacan's Messenger departed the 18th of June and the Nointel's the next Day The Caimacan's Messenger found the Court not far from Silistria from whence he return'd to Constantinople the Ninth of July So soon as he arriv'd his Master sent for the Ambassadors Chief Interpreter and told him that the Vizier had given no answer to his Express only had sent him word that he would let him understand the Signior's Pleasure by another way The Ambassadors Courrier was not return'd the 20th of July when I left the City and therefore I know not what answer he brought At the end of June the Ambassador sent for a Pass for the Director of the Levant Company and for my self a License to bring in a Parcel of Wine and another to be admitted into the Santa Sophia To which the Caimacan return'd for Answer That he could not grant any one of the Ambassador's Demands until he first knew the Vizier's Mind That it very much troubl'd him to refuse him such Trifles but considering how Things stood between the Grand Vizier and the Ambassador he should make himself a Publick Offender to grant Passes to his Excellency but that so soon as he had leave his Excellency should find the great Affection which he had for the French Nation This Refusal troubl'd me extreamly for that it seem'd to confirm the Report which ran about That the Grand Vizier intended to Arrest the Ambassador and all the French Nation I found I had a large Stock of Goods as much as two Horses could carry as I have said before My Comrades Baggage and my own was as much as would load four Horses more So that it was to no purpose to think of escaping by Flight much less of concealing our selves Besides this three other Considerations very much augmented my cares and my perplexity The first was That whatsoever way I took to get into Persia I could not get out of Turkey in three Months during which time the Port would have time enough to send their Orders to the utmost Limits of the Empire to stop the French if they design'd any such violent proceedings against ' em The second was That nothing of all that I carry'd of greatest Value had paid at the Custom-House so that if I happen'd to be search'd either at Constantinople or any other Cities of Turkey I could not expect any Assistance from the Ambassador The third was That because of the Heat of the Weather there was no Caravan that travell'd into Persia till October In the midst of this Intricate Perplexity GOD whose Infinite Favour I have always experienc'd in my most pressing Necessities shew'd me a ready way to make my escape from Constantinople The Grand Signior has a Fortress about Twenty Miles from the River Tanais over against that part where the great River discharges it self into the Lake Maeotis which Fort is call'd Azac The Port sends thither every Year a New Commander with Souldiers and Money and they send by Sea because it is not above 1300 Miles by Water and to avoid the Hazards by Land for fear of the Tartars Cossaques and Muscovites Moreover the Saique which is a sort of Turkish Vessel that takes the Commander aboard is not expos'd to the search of the Customers as are the rest of the Ships that Sail into the Black-Sea That which is aboard may be said to be free there being none but the Turkish Commander that has any Authority to take Cognizance of it This Saique touches at Caffa which is a City and famous Port in the Crimoean Tartary Whence all the Vessels that are bound for Mingrelia or Colchis put to Sea in the Months of September and October from whence it is not above seven or eight days Journey before ye enter into the Persian Dominions There is no shorter way from Constantinople to Persia nor less troublesom For the whole Voyage may be made in three Weeks all by Sea till within about Sixty Leagues yet is there no passage less us'd nor more unknown by reason of the Dangers of the Sea nor could I find any one Person at Constantinople that ever had undertaken it I met with a great many that confirm'd my Report and that had been at the Havens of Mingrelia where there are great Numbers of Armenians and Georgians the Subjects of the Persian King who told me that it was not above six or seven Days Journey from thence into their Territories The Dangers of this Passage which discourage People from attempting it are twofold First For that the Black Sea is very Tempestuous to the loss of the most part of the Vessels for want of skill and good Havens Besides that the People that inhabit between the Sea and the Persian Territories are naturally barbarous and wicked without any Religion and under no Government So that I should never have so much as dreamt of the Way of Colchis whatever might have been the Allurements of Curiosity or Easiness of Passage had not the Road
faigning a kind of surprise And what said he Are those Gentlemen still here Which was as much as to say They might go where they Pleas'd as it appear'd by the discharge of the Son which was order'd forthwith And so both the one and the other return'd to Constantinople without so much as seeing the Vizier's Face When it was known in France how unkindly the Grand Vizier has us'd Monsieur de la Haye the Cardinal dispatch'd a Gentleman to the Prime Minister to prevent the ill Consequences of such Proceedings Cuperly whose Malice augmented through desire of revenge as one that mortally hated the two Monsieurs de la Haye would fain have sent them back and oblig'd the Gentleman to have tak'n upon him the Title of Ambassador in their Room engaging to interpose so effectually that the Alteration should be approv'd in France But the Gentleman would not hear of that Proposition by any means excusing himself fairly and genteelly And it is moreover reported that he highly pleas'd the Vizier's Humor in all their Transacting together I am sorry I know not his Name which would have been an Honour to this Relation The Accompt which the Gentleman gave of his Negotiation caus'd Monsieur de la Haye to be recall'd However there was not any one sent to succeed him only he had orders to leave in his Place as Resident a French Merchant that had liv'd for several Years in Constantinople whose Name was Monsieur Rokely Nor had France any other Minister in those parts till the end of the Year 1665. The King who had then tak'n the Government into his own Hands and Rul'd with no less Renown then Success had already sufficiently reveng'd himself for the Affronts offer'd to the Family of his Ambassador and for the heavy Fines and Impositions laid upon his Subjects in Turkie by lending powerful Succours to the Enemies of the Ottoman Empire All which did but heighten the bad Understanding which was between the Two Empires and Things were arriv'd to that Point that there must either be an absolute Breach or a New Alliance The Importance of the Levant Trade advis'd the latter so that the King resolv'd to send an Ambassador to Constantinople to renew the Articles of Peace Monsieur de la Haye was then at Paris solliciting for Imployment and several Arrears due to him as Heir to his Father who had been dead in that City some years before Now in regard he understood better then any other Person the Gains and Advantages of a Constantinopolitan Embassie together with the Splendor and Authority that belongs to it he made great Friends for the Place and to remove all Opposition and Obstructions in his way he offer'd to quit all his Arrears to the Chief Minister Thereupon his Friends at Court alledg'd His great Experience in the Affairs of Turkie and that his Courage and Resolution was such as was requisite for an Embassie to the Ottoman Port. On the other side that it was for the King's Honour to send him thither were it only to humble the Grand Vizier who must now be constrain'd to honour that very Person whom his Father had abus'd and hated Meaning Cuperly Mahamed Pacha who dy'd in the Year 1662. after he had setl'd his Son in his Room Nor can I tell how this Counsel as bad as it was came to be embrac'd unless it were in prosecution of that Design which the Court always had to bring the Turks to a Compliance by force The Event of Affairs will shew that there was something of that Nature in the Management of this Business Monsieur de la Haye arriv'd at Constantinople in the Month of November 1665. He also made a Magnificent Entry and behav'd himself for five Years together that he continu'd Ambassador with as much State as could be expected from a Resolute Minister and one that bore the Character of an Ambassador from a Potent and Formidable Prince He discours'd of nothing in the Visits that he made to the Ministers of the Divan but of the Grandeur of the King his Master and the Invincible Strength of his Armies This offended the Vizier extreamly who lookt upon it as an Affront done to him and the Grand Signior even in his own Court and this Forestallment of his Honour caus'd him to treat the Ambassador with disdain and contempt So that when he gave him Audience he receiv'd him with that pride and scorn which was unsufferable not vouchsafing so much as to look upon him or to rise from his Seat according to the ancient Custom and the usual practice at the Reception of Ambassadors either from the Emperor or any other Crowned Heads And not content with that he upbraided him in bitter Language with the Succours which France had sent into Hungary and Candy and the Enterprise of Gigery Monsieur de la Haye dissembl'd his Resentment believing that when he took his leave the Vizier would shew him more Civility but he was deceiv'd for the Vizier dismiss'd him with the same Indifferency wherewith he had receiv'd him The Ambassador reflecting upon the Affront which the Vizier had done him at that Audience sent to him to demand another upon Condition that he should receive him standing and forbear any farther Reproaches The Raisquitab who is the High-Chancellor of the Empire and the Vizier's Kiaia or Chief Controller of his Houshold answer'd the Interpreter That he might assure his Master the Vizier would receive him as became him Thereupon the Ambassador relying upon a promise that indeed carry'd with it a manifest Equivocation went to his Audience but his Reception was nothing different from what it was before Which disgusted Monsieur de la Haye to that degree that he told the Vizier That the Emperor of France having sent him to the Port to Confirm the League of Amity between the two Princes he would not take the Audience which he had giv'n him for an Audience because he had not paid him those Honours which were due to the Ambassador of the Greatest and most Potent Monarch in Christendom Moreover he declar'd That he had Order to give him up the Articles of Peace and return into France in the same Vessel that had brought him if he did not treat him answerably to the Grandeur of his Master Which so incens'd the Vizier that he fell into a passion and vented his Choler in reviling and reproachful terms On the other side the Ambassador was so highly provok'd that snatching the Articles of Peace out of the Interpreters Hands he threw 'em at the Knees of the Haughty Minister and rising from his Seat flung out of the Room without speaking a word or vouchsafing to tarry for an Answer But he was stopp'd at the Door of the Anti-Chamber at what time the Vizier sent for the Mufti Vani Effendi the Signior's Tutor and the Captain Basha to deliberate what was to be done in an Accident of such Importance as this The Result was That they should inform the
and Ministers of the Port. But their Money was Dross the Divan not being to be brib'd in that case By the way I shall say this farther in reference to those Religious Fathers that their making such large Offers was not a thing to be wonder'd at For they have assur'd me that the Devotion which Spaniards have toward those Sanctifi'd Places is so great that they themselves would expend whole Treasures for Liberty to enjoy 'em again They affirm'd to me moreover That the Money expended in the Holy Land amounts to Eight Thousand Pounds Sterling a Year of which a third part goes in Presents to the Turks and that the Guardian who is Triennial expends in Presents at his Arrival no less then Two Thousand Five Hunderd Pounds The Third of June which was the Day appointed for the Signior's departure for Poland the Ambassador went betimes in the Morning to the Camp to the Quarters of the Grand Vizier with a design to oblige the Haughty Minister to grant him that Audience which he had refus'd him ever since his Arrival and to receive the Letter from Monsieur de Lyonne He carry'd with him also M. d'Hervieu to the end that as he was the Person that brought it he should deliver it into his Hands But the Vizier was not then in the Camp being gone to Convoy the Sultaness Mother to the Grand Signior to her first Lodging Which constrain'd the Ambassador to go to the Chancellor's Quarters where he waited seven compleat Hours sometimes in one Tent sometimes in another because the Camp was then just upon Dislodging At length a little after High Noon the News came that the Grand Vizier was come to the City Whither the Chancellor went to him and told him That the Ambassador of France staid in the Camp to Kiss his Hands and to know his last Commands The Vizier order'd him to tell his Excellency That he needed not to give himself the trouble of waiting for that he was then taking leave of his Wife his Mother and his Family and should not return to the Camp till Night and therefore that it would be sufficient for him to leave only one of his Interpreters to whom he would give his Answer Which was That he would impart the Ambassador's Demands to the Grand Signior and the Divan but that he could not do it so soon as he might expect by reason that the Army was upon its March That in the mean time his Excellency might return to Constantinople and there await the Grand Signior 's Resolution That he would in the mean time write to the Caimacan to grant a Pass for the King's Ship in the Harbour and for what remain'd had it not been but that he confided in the Faith and Honour of the Ambassador he would have stopp'd him at Adrianople to have prevented his departure without leave At the same time the Interpreter had also Orders to know the Vizier's Commands touching certain particular Affairs relating to Trade in several places of the Levant Which he order'd to be dispatch'd the next Morning in manner and form as the Interpreter desir'd And this was the Success of Nointel's second Journey to the Port upon which both Parties made different Reflections For the Turks with great assurance lay the blame of this Rupture upon the French Affirming that the Abatement of the Customs was not a thing to which the French could justly pretend For that if other Nations paid not so much as the English Hollanders and Genoeses yet there were some Nations that paid more as the Germans and Venetians Or if the first who paid but Three per Cent. had formerly paid Five then the French had had some reason to have demanded an Abatement Nevertheless that the Port who is Free to bestow his Favours where he pleas'd having Treated upon their Arrival with the last Comers upon Terms more advantageous then those which he granted to his first Allies he was not oblig'd to alter the Conditions of Commerce that had been for so long time concluded Then for the rest of the Kings Demands they said That they were Favours which could not be in Conscience demanded as being such which the French were so far from having deserv'd from the Port that they had always oppos'd him in all his Enterprises To which they added That the French had made their Demands as if they had had the Market in their own Hands threatning and acting like Lords and Masters while the French that were in the Levant did nothing but talk of Burning Constantinople making War upon the Grand Signior and Sacking his Islands and his Sea-Ports That the Men of War that brought M. de Nointel to Constantinople openly protected the escape of a great number of Slaves of several sorts of Nations that put themselves aboard And that the French Ambassadors in all the Visits which they made to the Great Personages discours'd of nothing but his Majesties Conquests and the Puissance of his Arms. This Defence the Turks made for themselves With whom other Nations also sided alledging That the Turks were not too blame as having shew'd themselves upon this Occasion less Barbarous then they were said to be not having manifested any thing of violent Resentment either against the French in the Levant or his Majesties Ambassador of the numerous and powerful Succours which they had many times giv'n their Enemies of the War which they carry'd on even in Countries under the Turks Protection or of their Affronts and Menaces not forborn ev'n in the Court it self Nor could these things be otherwise spok'n then out of an Ardent Desire to see some Unlucky Accident happ'n which might engage France to imploy against the Turks those mighty Preparations of War which the greatest part of her Neighbors dreaded And now having thus giv'n an Accompt of the whole Progress of Nointel's Negotiation at the Port I shall add something in short in reference to the Negotiations of M. Witzosky the Polish Agent and Signor Quirini Procurator of Venice of which two the one happen'd to depart as soon as I arriv'd there but the other remain'd at the Court all the while I staid The Grand Vizier order'd 1700 Crowns to be giv'n to the Polish Agent at his departure for the discharge of his Debts and his Expences upon the Way allowing him besides seven Wagons and a Chiaus The Basha of Silistria also had Orders to cause him to be Conducted through the Frontiers of Tartary and to Command the Tartars to detain him till they understood that the Turkish Envoy who was in Poland had pass'd the Frontiers and was enter'd into Turkey The Divan did all they could to compose all Differences with this Agent and to prevent a War with his Master For the Port had some Designs upon Persia and the Red-Sea so that it was only by constraint if they turn'd their Arms against Poland On the other side the Polander could not brook the Protection which the Grand Signior had given to the
like Cages which they take off and hang on as they please themselves The Saics have no more then one Deck Nor but two Masts with a Boltsprit that is a Main Mast and Mizen These Masts carry but two Sails and for the most part but one They have no Shrouds but one that is very small which is fix'd to the Main Mast and hangs down upon the Deck They have no Skuttles at the top of their Masts So that the Turkish Seamen never run up to the Yards Arms to furl or loosen their Sails which is needless because the Yards Arm is always below upon the Deck so that when they would take the Wind they only draw up the Yards Arm to which the Sail is fix'd The Top-Sail is ty'd to the Yards Arm and when they would make use of it they pull up the Yards Arm with a Pully fasten'd to the Top-Mast-Head Thus it may be easily seen that they neither understand the Use of the Yard-Arms nor Masts of a Ship Neither have they in these Vessels either Pumps to pump out the Water nor Capstalls to weigh their Anchors but they empty out their Water with Pales and then when they weigh Anchor there are Twenty or Thirty Men that take hold of the Anchor-Cables that run through two small Pulleys fasten'd to the Prow of the Ship and draw up the Anchor with all their Might till it be high enough When a Vessel enters laden into any Port they fix four Anchors two to her Poop and two to her Prow and so let her lie And this is all I have observ'd in reference to the Building and Rigging of these sort of Vessels among the Turks As for their Navigation there is nothing of Art nor Security in it The best of the Turkish or Greek Pilots depend only upon a bare Experience without any Foundation of Rules They never make any use of Sea-Carts nor ever make those exact Observations like our Seamen of the Ships way every day set down in Journals by which Observations they know how far they are from the place whither they intend They understand very little of the Compass only they know that the Flowre de Luce always tends toward the North. When they are to make any Voyage they stay for a good Wind and fair Weather Nor do they when that is come presently put to Sea till they have staid eight or ten Hours to see whether the Weather will hold or no and generally they Sail along by the Shore having the Land always in sight But when they are forc'd to take the Main Sea then they make use of the Compass To which purpose they know either by report or experience upon which hand they ought to have the North that they may gain such a Harbour which is all they have to guide 'em for more then this they know not Were they to make long Voyages in the open Sea hardly one Ship would escape a Tempest which they happily avoid keeping as much as they can within sight of Land or near some Harbour When the Wind is very high they furl their Sails and let the Vessel drive with the VVaves If the VVind be contrary they never strive against it but vere about and rather return from whence they came then endure the Violence of a contrary Sea That which ruines 'em is when the VVind blows 'em upon the Shore for then they are so out of heart that they split immediately not knowing what it is to lie by I have heard several old Turkish Captains affirm That there are Fifteen Hunder'd Vessels upon the Black-Sea of which they lose a Hunderd every Year The most dangerous place where Shipwracks are most to be fear'd being at the Entrance of Bosphorus The Entrance into it is very Narrow where generally the VVinds encounter one another of which there is one that still keeps back the Vessels which if it be violent dings 'em upon the Coast which is full of sharp Rocks to the loss of so many Galleys and Ships that their Number is hardly to be numberd 'T is but a little while since that no less then seventeen Galleys were cast away in one day And there is no question but that the frequent Storms that arise at all seasons in the Black-Sea the Surges short and cutting one upon another its streight and narrow Channel and the dangerous Coasts that in part surround it are the chief cause of the several Shipwracks that happ'n there On the other side there is no doubt also but that skilful Pilots and good Seamen would save above half the Vessels which are there lost The Third of August in the Morning we arriv'd at Caffa after a Voyage of eight days all which time we had very fair Weather and little Wind. Upon the Fifth we spy'd the Point of the Tauric Chersonnese For the Greeks call that a Chersonnese which the Latins call a Peninsula and they gave that Name to this almost Tauric Island because it was first inhabited by the Scythians of Mount Taurus It lies toward the East and West being about 250 Leagues in Circuit that is 35 Leagues in length which I take from the North to the South and 55 Leagues in the broadest part But the Isthmus that joyns it to the Continent is not above a League in breadth The Modern Geographers call it Crim Tartary and Precopensian Tartary As much as to say Tartary full of Towns to distinguish the Tartars of this Peninsula that live for the most part in Cities especially all the Winter long from those other European Tartars which inhabit without the Peninsula call'd Nogays as also Hordes or Hordou a word which signifies an Assembly and of which the Turks and Persians generally make use to signifie the Camp of an Army or the Numerous Train of a Court The Country belonging to these two sorts of Tartars Precops and Nogays is that which we call the Lesser Tartary to distinguish it from the Asiatick Tartars that inhabit beyond the Lake Maeotis to the East of the Caspian Sea and thence as far as China The Sea-Coast of this Precopens Peninsula to speak of that part which shoots farthest into the Sea as far as Caffa consists of very high Shoars and Mountains cover'd with Woods and Villages And by the Accompt of the Seamen it is from Constantinople to Caffa through the Black-Sea 750 Miles Tho I know not how they reck'n nor how it can agree with what frequently happens for the Saics to make the Voyage in two Days and two Nights just And therefore by my Accompt it is no more then Two Hunderd Leagues Upon our coming to an Anchor our Vessel fir'd two Guns and the Commander design'd for Azac made all his Musketeers give the Castle a Volley Which done he went ashoar with the Officers that were come to receive him in the Basha's Name Both the City and Port are very free for you have Liberty to go in and out never asking any leave Nor do they come
sensible of the approach of the Persian Army would have prepar'd for his defence But he discover'd that a part of the Grandees of his Kingdom were inclin'd to Surrender Thereupon he sent his Mother to Abas She was a Princess that had betak'n her self to a Religious Life so soon as her Misfortune had made her a Widow Not that they make any Vows or quit their usual Habitations but only put on the Religious Habit who in those Countries make profession of a Religious Life as I have already observ'd in my Relation of the Mingrelian Religion which is the same with that of the Georgians Mariana or Ketavana therefore for she was call'd by both these Names wore the Habit of a Religious Person to the end she might have an excuse to Live more retir'd and uninterrupted in her Devotions She set forward with a Numerous Train and Magnificent Presents and made so much hast that she found Abas still at Ispahan VVhere being arriv'd she threw her self at the Kings Feet and besought Pardon for her Son which she did with all the Submission that she thought might avail to appease the Kings wrath This Princess was at that time well advanc'd in Years yet was she still a Lovely Lady so that Abas became enamour'd of her or at least feign'd to be so the first day he saw her thereupon he courted her to turn Mahumetan that he might be in a Condition to Marry her But the Princess more Wedded to her Chastity and Religion and perhaps not enduring the strict Confinement of the Persian Queens refus'd the Kings Offers with a Vertue and Constancy unmoveable which was to be admir'd in a Georgian Abas incens'd at her Denial or at least laying hold of it for a pretence for it was thought he never intended to Marry Ketavana but out of design to revenge himself upon Taimuras sent the Princess Pris'ner to a certain House at a remote distance and caus'd her two Childern which Taimuras sent in Hostage to be made Eunuchs and to turn Mahumetans and then set forward for Georgia Ketavana remain'd in Prison several Years and was afterwards remanded to Shiras where she suffer'd a most cruel Martyrdom in the Year 1624. a good while after Abas had Conquer'd Georgia For then it was that he wrote to Iman-Kooli-Kan Governour of that City to force Ketavana to turn Mahumetan whatever it cost him and to make use of Torments if Promises Threats and Blows would not prevail Iman-Kooli-Kan shew'd his Orders to the Princess in hopes that that would take effect but it signifi'd nothing Nor were all their Torments more prevalent upon a Soul so truly Heroick and Devour She underwent the Pain of Drubbing suffer'd the Torments of Shackles and Fire and dy'd at length upon the Burning Coals after she had endur'd for the sake of JESUS CHRIST a Martyrdom of Eight Years so much the more cruel because it was chang'd and renew'd every day Her Body was thrown upon the Common Lay-Stall of the City From whence the Austin Fryers took it away by Night embalm'd it put it in a Coffin and sent it privately to Taimuras by one of their own Society But to return to the Georgian War Abas being enter'd into the Country of Georgia with his Army guided by Mehrou and reinforc'd with a great Number of Georgians every day Hopes and Promises inveagling some and fear or desire of Revenge attracting others Luarzab resolv'd however to fight it out hoping so to shut up the Persians in the Woods that he might easily there defeat ' em And indeed Abas at one time gave himself over for lost and thought he had been betray'd For being advanc'd with his Army Five and Twenty Leagues into the Country Luarzab divided his Forces into two parts and shut up the Passages by felling an infinite Number of Wood so that the Persian Army could neither advance nor retreat Abas was in a strange Consternation so that Mehrou fearing the loss of his Head as a Traytor Vpon my Life Sir said he I will bring ye out of these Streights in three Days And he was as good as his word For he open'd a Cross-way through the Wood by means of his Infantry and leaving the Camp which was block'd up by the Georgians took only the Cavalry along with him Nevertheless Abas would lead 'em himself and having pass'd the Wood fell into the Kingdom of Kaket committing great Cruelty and Spoil insomuch that he commanded all the Trees that breed the Silkworms to be destroy'd on purpose to ruine past recovery a Country that chiefly subsists by making of Silk When these Mournful Tidings were brought to Luarzab he gave himself over for lost and fled into Mingrelia On the other side Abas who knew his Conquests were not secure so long as the Georgian Kings were at Liberty wrote to Luarzab in these Terms What Reason urges you to flie T is Taimuras that I seek that Ingrateful and Perfidious Rebel Come and surrender your self to me and I will confirm you in the Possession of the Georgian Kingdom but if you fail to yield your self I will entirely ruine it and lay it desert Thereupon Luarzab in tender pity of his People surrender'd himself to Abas The King receiv'd him in most friendly manner and with a Thousand Caresses replac'd him upon the Throne with all the Pomp and Solemnity imaginable which was done the better to deceive the Georgians and to make himself Master of the Country without striking a Stroak He also made him several costly Presents and among the rest he gave him a Heron-Tuft of Precious Stones which he commanded him always to wear especially when he came into his Presence This is an Ensign of Royalty said he and it is my pleasure you should always wear it upon your Head that People may know yee to be King Now the same Day that Abas was to set forward for Tefflis said he to Luarzab I shall make a halt six Leagues from this place and send away the rest of the Army will not you bear me Company thither This was a Snare with fair words to draw the poor Georgian King from his Capital City and he was as easily deluded to go along with him in regard he mistrusted not the least fowl play In the mean while Abas commanded one of his Guards a noted Pick-Pocket and one of the most dextrous i' the World at his Profession to steal Luarzab's Heron-Tuft from him Which was done and then Luarzab coming into the King's Presence Luarzab said the King what 's become of your Heron-Tuft Did not I recommend it to yee to wear always as an Ensign of Royalty Sir said Luarzab I am robb'd of it which has almost put me besides my Wits I have caus'd it to be hunted for every where that I could imagine but can hear no Tidings of it How said the King in a great Fury the King of Georgia robb'd in my Camp Bid 'em bid the Provost-Marshal the Captain of the Watch and
Foundation of Tauris the City was almost ruin'd by an Earth-quake But Montevekel Califf of Bagdad of the Race of the Abas's who then Reigned not only repair'd but enlarg'd it A hundred fourscore and ten years after that the 14 of the Month Sefer another Earthquake more violent than the former utterly ruin'd it in one night The Persian Geography relates how that at the same time there resided in the City a Learned Astrologer of Shiras call'd Aboutaher or Just Father who foretold that the said Earth-quake should happen upon the Sun's entrance into Scorpio in the year 235. of the Hegyra which answers to the year 849. of the Christian Epoche and should overthrow the whole City To which when he found the People would give no Credit he went and was importunat with the Governor to force the People out of the City The Governor who was also the Califfs Lieutenant over all the Province being always a great Admirer of judicial Astrology gave way to his Importunity and did all the could to send away the People into the Country But finding that they still lookt upon the Prediction of the Earth-quake to be a meer Chimera and suspected some mischievous Design in the Governor he could not perswade above one half of the People to stir which fell out to their Destruction For the Earth-quake happ'ned exactly at the Hour mention'd in the Prediction to the overwhelming of forty thousand Persons The next year Emir Diueveron the Son of Mahamed-Rondain-Aredi Vice-Roy of Persia receiv'd Orders from the Calif to rebuild it larger and fairer than it was before and to know of that famous Astrologer Aboutaker under what Ascendant he should begin to work Who bid 'em begin when the Sun was in Scorpio and assur'd 'em the new City should never be troubled more with any Earth-quakes but that it was threatned with great Inundations of Water To which the History adds that the Event has in all respects verifi'd the Truth of the Prediction After this new Restoration Tauris came to be wonderfully enlarg'd famous and flourishing They assure us that in the Reign of Sultan Cazan which is about 400 years ago it extended in breadth North and South from the little Mountain of Ain Ali to the opposite Mountain call'd Tchurandog and in length from the River Agi to the Village Baninge which is two Leagues beyond the City The same History also observes for a Proof of the multitude of the Inhabitants where-with that City was peopl'd that the Pestilence happening among 'em there dy'd 40 thousand in one quarter before they were miss'd In the year 896. of the Hegira and 1490. of Christ the Princes of the Race of Sheith-Sephi having invaded Persia remov'd the Seat of the Empire from Ardevil which was their own Country to this City In the year 1514. Selim took it upon Composition two years after the King of Persia who thought himself not safe there retir'd from thence and seated himself at Casbin Selim stay'd not long at Tauris but he carry'd away with him a wealthy Booty and three thousand Families of Artificers the most part Armenians whom he settled in Constantinople Soon after his Departure the Inhabitants of Tauris rebell'd and falling unexpectedly upon the Turks made a most famous havock of the Enemy and became Masters of the City But Ibraim Basha General to Soliman the Magnificent severely reveng'd this Rebellion in the Year 955. of the Hegyra and Year of our Lord 1548. For he took the City by Assault and gave the Plunder of it to his Army who committed therein all manner of Inhumanity even to an Excess unheard of before In a word all that could be call'd Cruelty Fire and Sword was there put in Execution The Palace of King Tahmas and all the most considerable Structures were destroy'd and levell'd with the Earth Yet notwithstanding all these Calamities the City lifted up her head again at the beginning of Amuraths Reign and with the Assistance of some few Persian Troops put to the Sword all the Turkish Garrison consisting of Ten thousand men Amurath dismay'd at the Courage of the Taurisians sent a powerful Army under the leading of Osman his Grand Visir utterly to destroy and wholly to subdue the Inhabitants This Army enter'd the City and pillag'd it in the Year 994. by the Mahometan Accompt and the Year of our Lord 1585. at what time the Visir caus'd all the Fortifications which the Turks had raised before to be repair'd But eighteen years after this Expedition in the Year 1603. Abas the Great retook Tauris from the Turks with a small Force but with that Policy Diligence and Bravery which is hardly to be credited He divided the stoutest of his Soldiers into several small Bodies who surpriz'd the Corps du Guard and cut their Throats in such a moment of time that they had no notice of it in the Town These Troops were follow'd by a Body of five hundred Men disguiz'd like Merchants who enter'd the City with a plausible Story that they had left the Caravan a days journey behind Which the Turks readily believ'd because it is the Custom of the Caravans that upon their Approach near to Great Cities the Merchants go before besides that the Turks never dreamt but that they had been examin'd by the Corps du Guard Abas follow'd close and seeing his men were enter'd flew into the City at the head of six thousand Men while two of his Generals did the same on two other sides of the Town So that the Turks finding themselves surpris'd surrender'd only upon condition of sparing their Lives And the History farther observes that in this Expedition it was that that same Potent Prince first order'd one Brigade of his Army to carry Musquets and finding the good Effect of 'em order'd a mixture of fire-Arms among all his Forces Whereas before the Persians never made use of Guns in any of their Wars Now that we may not omit any thing in the History of Tauris that is worthy Observation it behoves us also to let ye know what the Armenian Authors have wrote concerning it They report that this City is one of the most Ancient in all Asia and that it was formerly call'd Sha-Hasten or the Royal Place for that the Persian Monarchs there kept their Court and that afterwards a King of Armenia who was call'd Cosroes chang'd the Name of it from Sha-Hasten into Tauris which in the Armenian Language signifies a Place of Revenge for that he there defeated the King of Persia who had murder'd his Brother The Government of the Province of Tauris is the Chiefest in all the Empire and annext to the Dignity of the Captain General-ship It brings him in thirty thousand Tomans Yearly which amount to much above a Million sterling besides Casualties which are very considerable in the Asiatic Governments The Governor bears the Title of Beclerbec He maintains three thousand Horse and has under him the Governors or Kan's of Cars Oroumi Maraga Ardevil and
131. The Authors Servant finds a great parcel of Jewels which he gave for lost 125 c. He demands Justice of the Prince 130. He is robb'd a second time by a Mingrelian 148. He resolves for Georgia 151 c. Tax'd 20 Crowns by Sabatar 152. His usage at Gony 158. His Goods arrive safe at Mingrelia 161 162 c. Advises with the Capuchins at Gory 170. His Journey from Gory to Cotalis 173 c. His dispute with one of his Servants there 178 He waits upon the King of Imiretta 180. He returns to Gori 183. His Reception by the Governor of Tifflis 224 c. By the Governor of Irivan 254 c. Azerbeyan 350. B. BAcrat Mirza King of Imiretta 136 Baptism of the Mingrelians p. 101 Basha of Akalzikè invades Imiretta dethrones one and set up another King 147 Bichni in Armenia and Monastery belonging to it 244 Black-Sea the Description of it 155 C. CAffa describ'd 68 The Kingdom of Kaket subject to the Persians 206 Carthuel a Province of Persia 188 Casbin the Description of it 378 Cashan the Description of it 411 Cassem-abad 411 Cherks a savage people 76 An Account of Christian Corsaires in the Archipelago 3. The grounds of the Candy War 53 c. The Caous a sort of Giants 371 Carashiman a fair Village in Persia 371 Casbin describ'd 378 c. Colchis the Description of it 77 c. Com the Description of it 390 Cotatis describ'd 177 Cotzia betrays Darejan 146. Slain himself by Treachery ibid Couh-Telisme a famous Mountain 389 Coolom-sha the King's Slave 257 Their Employment ibid. Cuperli Mahamet Basha made Grand Visir 15. He resents the French Embassadors slights 16. The most remarkable Passages of his Life 57 c. Cupri kent 239 D. DAdian the Title of the Prince of Mingrelia He is guilty of the Robbery committed upon the Author 131 Darejan Daughter to the last King of Georgia would have married her Son in Law 136. Her wicked Pranks to continue her self in the Dominion 137 c. She marries Vactangle one of her Lords 137 which causes a Revolt of the rest ibid. Bitray'd 138. her tragick End 145 Darejan Levans Aunt and Wife 134 She sets up her Son Vomeki 136 Deria-shirin or the Lake of Irivan describ'd 247 Dily-jan and the Country about it 240 E. EBber the Description of it 377 Echmiazin or the Monastery of the three Churches 249 Echmouil a place famous for the Pilgrimages of the Persians 387 F. FEast the order of a Nuptial Feast in Persia 226 Two Fryers Commissioners for the Holy Land their claim at the Port 39 c. Their large Offers to the Turk and the Reasons 45 G. GEnoeses maintain a Consul at Smyrna 11 George Prince of Libardian 134 his Wife is taken from him ibid. He dies for grief 135 Georgia the Description of it 186 c. the Religion of the Countrey 192 Conquer'd by Ishmael the the Great 193. The History of Georgia ibid c Revolts from the Persian and conquer'd by Rustan Kan 203 Gonie describ'd 185 Gori describ'd 188 Guriel the Description of it p 105 its tribute to the Turks 106 H. MOnsieur de la Haye French Embassador at the Port 15 16 16 19 recall'd 20 Monsieur de la Hay the Son Embassador 21 22 23 24 c recall'd 28 The best Horses in Persia where bred 370 Huns whence originally 106 I. I Miretta the Description of it 106 its Tribute to the Turks ibid The Title of the Prince 107 descended from David 108 Impositions upon the French at Constantinople 10 Ioseph the Prince of Mingrelia's Brother endeavours Levan's Assassination 135 his Eyes pull'd out 136 Irivan describ'd 245 Isgaour the Description of it 108 Julfa the Old otherwise Ariamene 347 K. KEsil-beusè a River 374 Koskeirou a famous Inn 385 Kotzia a Lord of Imiretta he procures the murder of Vomeki 140 L. A Copy of the Viceroy of Georgia's haughty Letter 230 A Letter of Recommendation from a Persian Grandee 222 another 367 Levan Dadian Prince of Imiretta the Story of him 132 c. M. MArant the Description of it 351. The place where the Ark rested not far from it 352 Marriages among the Mingrelians p 102 Matrimony in Persia 295 Media the Description of it 349 Miana a Persian Town 372 Mingrelians their opinion of Confession 102 of Ordination ibid. they understand not the Bible p. 103 Their Fasts ibid. their Opinion of the Sign of the Cross ibid. their Prayers ibid. their Sacrifices ibid they work on Sundays 104 their chief Festivals ibid their Mourning ibid their Tribute to the Turks 107 the Title of their Princes 107 descended from David 108 fearful of danger 152 Popish Missionaries slighted in Georgia 211 The Mountain where Noah's Ark rested 252 Moutshacour a large Village 416 Music not us'd in the Mahometan Religion 229 N. NAcchivan the Description of it 346 The Deputy Governor uncivil to the Author 349 Turkish Navigation 66 M. Noyntel French Embassador at the Port 28 c his Negotiation frustrated 44 O. OTta Chekaizè betrays Q. Darejan 138 Oyl Sacred call'd Myrone p. 101 P. PArthia the Air and Description of the Country 373 The Vice roy of Georgias Pass 236 The Governor of Irivan's Pass 342 Mirza-Thair's Pass 368 The King of Persia's Patent 236 The Patriarch of Armenia a Story of his Extravagance 333. ill us'd by the Governor of Irivan 365 Pervarè a Village of Persia 372 The River Phasis 156 Policy of the Turks surpasses the Europeans 51 The Plain suppos'd to be the place where Darius was murder'd 416 Pride of the Georgians and Eastern people 230 Q. SEnior Quirini Agent for the Venetians at the Port. 50 R. REy formerly a vast City in Persia 387 A great Robbery committed upon the Persian Caravan 363 Roman Catholicks in Persia 346. An Embassador from the Pope in their behalf ibid. how us'd in Georgia 350 Rustan-Can his vertues 366 S. SAbatar Owner of the Fortress where the Author secur'd himself 149 c. Sapias the Description of it 119 Sava a City of Persia describ'd 386 Scorpions where troublesome in Persia 413 Sephi-Kouli-Kan Governor of Irivan 256 Mahamed Sephi's Letter of Recommendation 343 Segs-abad 385 Mr. Sesè the French Embassador farms the Customs of Constantinople and Smyrna p. 10 Shaboni the fairest Grape in Persia 380 Shanavas Can Vice roy of Georgia 139. he is offer'd the Kingdom of Imiretta for his Son Archylus if he would expel the Mingrelians ib. He invades Imiretta 140 Shemashè 188. the place where Noah dwelt 189 Sirsham a Parthian Inn. 374 Slaves at what rate sold in Mingrelia 114 Several Persian Songs 402 Stones a wonderful Pile 371 Sophian thought the ancient Sophia of Media 352 King of Spain his health drank by the Governor of Tifflis 230 The Governor of Tifflis how akin to him ibid. Sultanie the Description of it 375 The Sun troublesome where the Snow lies all day 244 Suram in Georgia 188 T TAuris the Descriptivn of it 352 c.
defence This was that which the Persians desir'd for as soon as they understood they were fortifi'd in that place the same year notwithstanding the Winter season they attack'd 'em and being stronger by Land than the Cosaques they beat 'em retook all their Prisoners and constrain'd the Enemy to betake themselves to their Vessels with which after they had roam'd about the whole Peninsula on every side they found at the farthest end a more advantageous Post as being defended by a Marsh where they stopp'd with their Booty and their little Barks at which time I came away for Europe FINIS THE TABLE A A Bouel-Kazi a Tartarian Prince taken by the Persians Pag. 115. their civil usage of him 116. makes his escape into his own Country 117. his gratitude 118. Aga-Mubarek Tutor to Hamzeh-Mirza second Son to Habas II. 8. but much against his advancement to the Throne 19. his Speech upon the debate 20 21. a great Favourite of Sefie II. 57. an animosity between him and the High Chamberlain 108. Ali see Hali. Ambassador see Envoy and Embassador Ardevil a Persian City of more than ordinary Sanctity 69. Armenians hated by the Persian Lord Chief Justice 87. suffer great injustice fron Hali-Kouli-Kaan 92 93 94. Astrologers of great esteem in Persia 13. 25. 43. 131 132. Athemad-doulet chief Minister of Persia 13. his Speech upon the choice of a new Emperor 14 15. Audience of the Dutch Envoy 65. of the English 66. of the French 72. Audit of Address the Author of it grosly mistaken 49. Aureng-Zebe King of India keeps Spies in the Persian Court 98. his Embassador affronted at the Court of Persia 102. upon what motives diverted from a War 110. B Balke a petty Principality of Tartary 115. Basra corruptly Balzura the policy of the Basha there to preserve himself 125. offers to become tributary to the Grand Seignior 126. which will not be accepted 145. Bastinadoes bestow'd upon a Persian Nobleman 140. what followed thereupon 141. Bisin-Allah a Persian Acclamation 15. Bokora a petty Principality of Tartary 115. Bolluki a people bordering on Persia 136. abused by the Governor of Kandaar 137. their King slain ibid. C Calates or Vests presented by the King to his Noblemen 70. Camp of the Persian King the manner of it 12. Capuchin Friers a Mission of them to Georgia 151. Carechme a petty Principality of Tartary 115. Character of Habas the Second 1. of Sefie Mirza 6 7. of Hamzeh Mirza 8. of Koelar Agasia 25 of Hali-Kouli-Kaan 121 122. Cheik-Sefie the first of the Royal bloud of Persia 69. Chemchir or a Persian Sword the description 41. Christians kindly used by Habas II. 1. 58. Cities of the Persians of a peculiar Sanctity 69. Pope Clement his Letter to the Emperour of Persia 15. Clichs-Kaan one of the Persian Generals against the Yusbecks 120. Coffins several made alike at the death of the Persian Emp. 68. Coin of the Persian Emperour its Inscription 52. Comet its appearance 134. the Astrologers opinion of it 135. Conspiracy of the two chief Physicians of Persia to prefer the younger Son of the Persian Emperour 9. in which the Prime Ministers joyn 10. Speeches thereupon 15. Coronation of the Persian Emperour the Ceremonies thereof 42 to 48. resolv'd to be perform'd again 132. Cosroes a Prince of Persia his fall 2. Cossaks invade Persia 141. the occasion 143. their Embassadours how receiv'd 144. plunder Ferhabaad 153. are defeated by the Persians 154. Council holden for election of a Successor to Habas II. 12 c. another of the Noblemen with the Emperour 71 another where the French Envoy has his Audience 72. Convoy of the Persians surpris'd by the Yusbecks 121. D Dearth in Persia and especially at Ispahan 88. Death of Habas II. related by the Eunuchs to the chief Ministers 4. Dervicks a sort of Mahometan Mendicant 99. concern'd with the Indian Spies 100. punish'd 101. Description of the Emperors Apartment for Audience 37. of the Imperial Throne 39. of his Crown 40. of his Sword 41. of his Dagger ibid. of his Personage 57. Dhulbandt erroniously Turbant a description of that of the Persian Emperor 40. Divaan Beki Lord of the Council of Justice 13. Dutch Envoy obtains audience at the Persian Court 65. E Earthquake in Georgia overturns great part of the City Tefflis 126. another destroys Shama-Ki 127. Election of Sephie-Mirza Emperor of Persia from 12 to 23. of a Messenger to carry him the tydings 23 24 25. Embassador from India affronted at the Persian Court 102. those from Muscovy their sneaking carriage 142. slighted thereupon ib. which gives occasion to an Invasion from the Cossaks 143. English Envoy his Audience at the Persian Court 66. Enouch-Kaan King of Orquenge wars upon Persia 119. submits ibid. invades the Persian borders 120. Envoy from the Hollanders hath Audience of the Emperour 64. the English hath the same 66. the French likewise 72. F Ferhabaad the Capital City of Mezenderaan plunder'd by the Cosaques 153. Sir Stephen Flower the English Envoy at the Persian Court 66. hath Audience ibid. and 67. French Envoy hath Audience at the Persian Court 72. G Gangher or a Persian Dagger its description 41. Gemshed-Kaan Koular a perfidious Nobleman 103. his Character 104. Instances of his roguery 106. he is made Governor of Candaar 109. his Insolences there 136. shamefully put to death 140. his Personage ibid. Georgia the last King thereof how made a Feudatary of Persia 101. the Eldest Son of the Prince of it always grand Provost of Ispahan 101. Giulfa the place of habitation for the Armenians in Persia 97. Guebres or Persian Fire Worshippers 98. H Habas II. his Virtues and Character 1. his death 3. his last words 4. his cruelty 11. kind to the Christians 58 59 60. Habit of the Persian Emperour when he first appear'd in publick 57. Hakiem Bachi the chief of the Physicians 13. Hali-Kouli-Kaan escapes out of custostody 77. his reception at Court 77. highly advanc'd 82. his method of easing the People in the time of dearth 89. his injustice to the Armenians 93 94 c. his ill usage of Mirza Ibrahim 112. his death 121. his Character and Personage 122. Hamzeh-Mirza Son to Habas II. 8. his Character ibid. proposed for Emperour upon his Fathers death 15. begs heartily that his eyes may not be put out 67. Hossein Basha petty Sovereign of Basra 126. offers to become tributary to the Grand Seignior ibid. which is not accepted 145. I Ichigakasia-Bachi chief of the Masters of the Footstool to the Throne 14. Imaan a Persian Priest 69. Imaan-Reza a Persian Saint 69. Inscription on the Coins of the new Emperour 52. Instructions of the Dutch Envoy for his Negotiation at the Persian Court 63. K. Kachan a City of reputation for Sanctity 69. Kalmachs a Tartarian people invade Persia 123. Kand-dar the Province subdu'd by Habas II. 1. Koelar-Agasia Lord of the Slaves 13. his Character 25. Kom the Burial-place of Habas II. 68. reputed among the holy Cities 69. Kotbé or