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A02329 The historie of Guicciardin conteining the vvarres of Italie and other partes, continued for many yeares vnder sundry kings and princes, together with the variations and accidents of the same, deuided into twenty bookes: and also the argumentes, vvith a table at large expressing the principall matters through the vvhole historie. Reduced into English by Geffray Fenton.; Historia d'Italia. English Guicciardini, Francesco, 1483-1540.; Fenton, Geoffrey, Sir, 1539?-1608. 1579 (1579) STC 12458A; ESTC S120755 1,623,689 1,210

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their daunger the difficultie of the wayes encreased continually both for the multitude of their cariages and the great quantitie of their pray and also for that they were driuen to passe thorowe wayes straite and full of ditches which they had had no oportunitie to enlarge or make plaine with mattockes and spades And yet notwithstanding by howe much their aduersities were great and apparant by so much greater was their necessitie of speede and hast their extremities coulde not make them forget to march in order the same proceding as wel of the vertue of the souldiours as the care and good office of the Capteines Neuerthelesse after they had marched two miles with so many perplexities of wayes and trauell they iudged it would be harde to holde out long in that sort their greefe beeing greater by the wearinsse of their bodies then by any feare of the perills they saw at hande But the enemies by their rashnes had not patience to expect till so fayre an occasion mighte be rypened which already was come to his perfection for Aluiano according to his custome being not hable to conteine himselfe charged vpon the rearegard of thennemies guyded by Prospero Colonno he went to the charge not in disorder but with th armie araunged in battell and his artilleries planted ready for th execution and it was sayde for certayne that beeing long in preparing to the charge Loredano a ruler amongest the Venetians rebuked him with very sharpe wordes that he went not to the charge whose slownesse sayd he gaue oportunitie to thenemies being already broken to saue themselues By these prouocations so valiaunt a Capteine was compelled to runne headlong to the feight and in great furie gaue the signe of the battell Some other affirme that Prospero Colonno was the cause of all the actions of armes that day by whose counsell the Viceroy had rather proue the vncertayne chaunce and fortune of the feight then otherwise to followe so small a hope of safetie And it is sayde that hauing made a showe that he would returne towards Vincensa Aluiano had caused to be bestowed in the suburbes of Vincensa Iohn P. Baillon with those bandes that were come from Treuisa and him selfe with the residue of th armie was incamped at Creatia within two miles of Vincensa In this place is a litle hill that gaue a conuenient commoditie for the vse and seruice of thartillerie against thenemies and at the foote of it is a valley capable of a mayne armie raunged in battell but it hath no way of accesse but onely by one straite way that runneth vp along the hilles and is almoste encompased with marishes It is sayde that Prospero knowing what incommodities this place gaue to thenemies perswaded to set vppon them in that quarter hauing there thoportunitie and seate of the place to set foorth their vallour But what so euer it was Prospero began to go to the charge with a resolution worthy of the reputation he bare and hauing sent to call the Viceroy which brought on the battell and on the one side and at one tyme the Spanishe footemen aduauncing by the direction of the Marquis of Pisquairo and on the other hande the squadrons of the launceknightes they brought vpon the Venetians so hotte and furious a charge that their feares beeing redoubled by the terror and vallour of their enemies the first assault almost suffised to put them all to flight The footmen threw downe their pikes and fledde with more shame then hope of safetie their ignorance or want of courage making them vnhable to susteine the furie of the charge The footemen of Romagnia whose Coronell was Ra. de Naldo Brisiquello were the first that serued to the others as an example of cowardise and infamie the residue of tharmy tooke the same course no man almost being seene to fight or once looke his enemy in the face yea the vertue of Aluiano was so abated and confused by this sodayne fleeing away that without stroke striking he left the victorie to thenemies to whom thartilleries with all the baggage remayned a pray The footemen were skattered into diuerse places and for the men at armes some fledde to hyde their shame in the mountaynes and some sought their safetie in Padoa and in Treuisa whither fled in like sorte Aluiano and Gritti In this encounter were slaine Antho. Pio an auncient capteine with Constance his sonne Meleager Furly and Lodo. Parma and the fortune of P. S. Ange was litle better who though his lyfe was reserued yet he escaped not without many miserable and mortall wounds The prisoners were Iohn P. Baillon Iulio the sonne of Iohn P. Manfron Malatesto Soligiano with many other Capteines and persons of name and marke Loredano the Venetian ruler fell into this calamitie but with a worse fortune for that two souldiours striuing whose prisoner he should be the one of them killed him against all humanitie Touching the generall slaughter of this conflict both of dead bodies and prisoners there remeyned about foure hundred men at armes and foure thowsand footemen the slaughter being so much the greater by howe much there could be no expedicion of fleing by reason of the marrais This also brought great domage to such as trusted in the chasse that Theo. Tryuulco shut the gates of Vincensa and would receiue in no kind of person for feare least the Victor and the vanquished should enter pellmell together By which impediment many striuing to passe further drowned them selues in the next riuer amongest whom were Hermio Bentyuiolo and Sacramoro Visconte This was the ouerthrow that fell vpon the Venetians the seuenth day of October neare to Vincensa worthy to be remēbred both for the example it gaue to capteines not to haue confidence touching matters of armes in thItalian footemen not experienced in battells pitched and raunged and also that almost in the turning of a hand the victorie was transferred to those in whom was least hope of sauetie This ouerthrow had put in daunger eyther Treuisa or Padoa notwithstanding with the residue of th armie Aluiano was retyred to the one and Gritty to the other if both the season of the yeare when raynes began to fall had not bene contrary and the townes bearing good fortificacions and the Capteines much troubled to dispose to new enterprises the souldiours that were not yet payd Neuertheles albeit the Venetians stood afflicted with so many aduersities no lesse confused with an accident so farre contrary to their hopes yet they forbare not according to the time and their abilitie to refurnish those cities to the which besides other prouisions they sent many younge gentlemen of the nobilitie as they had wont to doe in times of greatest perill After this battell things began to draw from armes to cogitacions and deuises of peace which was negociated with the Pope towards whom was gon the Bishop of Gurcy principally to protest obedience to him in the name of Caesar and tharch Duke In which action he was
Venetian companies and the bandes of Rassotte which lay vppon the hill aboue S. Luke hauing but very late knowledge of the fleeing of the Duke of Vrbyn sought their saueties by the wayes of the mounteines by the which notwithstanding they receiued great harmes they got at last into Romagnia In this victorie wonne without fighting were taken fiueteene peeces of great artillerie and many of lesser sort belonging both to the Pope and to the Venetians certeine men at armes of the Church spoyled and stripped together with an hundred and fifty of the Venetians and almost all the footemen of both the one and the other armie dispersed There remeyned prisoners Vrsin de Mugnano Iulia Manfron with many other Capteines of meane condicion within Bolognia there was not a man slaine nor any violence done eyther to the Nobles or to the Commons only there were made prisoners the Bishop of Cluso together with many other Prelats Secretories and officers which were about the Cardinall and remeyned still in his pallaice for that he had kept from them his departing The same night the day following the people fell vpon an image of brasse being the Popes picture which they trayled along the market place in great skorne and mockerie vsing no more reuerence to the Image then they bare affection to the person that it represented the cause of this insolencie was referred either to the souldiours of Bentyuoley who could not be gouerned or else to the humor of the people who bearing a nature vnthankefull and desirous of new things and no lesse weary with the trauells and harmes of the warre bare hatred to the name and memorie of him that had bene the cause of the libertie and felicitie of their contrey The day after which was the xxij of Maye Triuulce stayed in his lodging and the day following leauing Bolognia behind him he drew to the riuer of Adice and afterward stayed at the borow of S. Peter which is a frontyer vpon the territories of Bolognia exspecting before he marched further what would be thintencion of the french king whether he would execute any further action vpon the state of the Pope or else contenting him selfe to haue reassured Ferrara and taken from the Church the citie of Bolognia which he had gotten by his meanes he would establish there the course of his victorie By reason of this temporising although Sassatella the Popes Capteine and who hauing chassed oute of Ymola the faction Gibeline commaunded that citie as chiefe of the Guelffes made him secret offers to put into his handes the citie of Ymola yet he refused to accept it till he had the kings aunswer There rested onely the Citadell of Bolognia wherein was the Bishop of Vitelli A Citadell large and stronge but manned and furnished according to the custom of the fortresses of the church conteining but a very slender strength of footemen very small prouision of vittells and almost no municions at all Whilest it was holden beseeged Vitfruch being certefied of the successe of Bolognia was come from Modona by night to perswade the Bishop with great promisses and offers to deliuer it to Caesar But the Bishop hauing the fift day compownded with them of Bolognia that the liues and goods of such as were within should be saued and receiued obligacion that within a time certeine they should pay him three thowsand duckats deliuered it vp into their handes And they were no sooner possessed of it then they ronne by heapes to dismantle and reuerse it the Bentyuoleis stirring them to thaction not so much to winne fauor with the citizens as for feare lest the french king would with hold it some of his Capteines being already of a councell to demaunde it But Tryuulce would neuer giue his consent for that he thought it would be a thing contrary to the kinges profit to giue occasion to thinke that he had desire to make him selfe Lord of Bolognia By the occasion of this victorie the Duke of Ferrara recouered besides Cento and Pieua Cotignuola Lugo and the other townes of Romagnia expulsing at the same time Albert Pie who possessed them in common with him It was reasonable that the Pope shoulde receiue greate discontentments for the losse of Bolognia not onely for that the citie of most importance through the whole state Ecclesiastike next to Rome was taken from him wherein he suffered priuacion of that glory which he had gottē in conquering it which was no lesse great towards men then most principall and great in his owne conceite but also for feare lest the same fortune and felicitie which in that action had made his enemie happy would not eftsoones allure him to pursue his victorie further such be the variacions of mindes possessed with dowtes and feare and such the mocions and suggestions of a conscience troubled and infected he knew if the armie should prosecute the course of their victorie there was in him no abilitie of resistance And seeking to remoue all occasions that might prouoke them to passe further he solicited that the remeinders of the Venetian souldiours already reuoked by the Senat should embarke at the port of Cesena and for the same cause he sent to haue restored to him the xx thowsand duckats which remeyned yet in Venice being sent thether affore to stirre vp the Svvyzzers Moreouer he gaue order that the Cardinall of Nantes A Britton by nation should as it were of him self solicit Tryuulce to peace perswading that the time was then conuenient to worke it But the Cardinall made aunswere that it was not conuenient to proceede in that generalitie but rather to come expressely to perticularities he told him that when the king desired peace he did offer the condicions and that it was now no lesse necessary for the Pope to doe the like the estate of the affayres so requiring and his present fortune nothing impugning The Pope vsed this maner of proceeding more to auoid the present daunger then for any desire he had to haue peace striuing in him at one time feare obstinacie hatred and disdaine And with these passions was concurrant at the same tyme an other accident that hapned redoubling in him his sorowes and making him suspect and feare further There were brought to him many accusacions against the Cardinall of Pauia some charged him with infidelitie some imposed vpon him cowardise and some blamed him of negligence euery one thinking to make his fault the greater by the varietie of their imputacions he came to Rauenna to make his owne iustificacion and sent to the Pope to signifie his comming and to haue assignacion for audience to whom the Pope whose gladnes for his comming was nothing inferior to the affection he bare him made aunswer that he should come to dine with him But as he was going to the Popes pallaice being accompanied with Guido Vaine the gard of his horsemen The Duke of Vrbyn both for an auncient hatred he bare him and also for a suspicion that the reuolt of
of his three sonnes who as well for his age being yet younge as also for his other qualities was not fitte for the gouernment of so heauie a charge and lesse capable to manage the affayres with that moderacion which his father was wont to vse in busines both forreyn and domesticall and knowing discreetely how to temporise betwene Princes confederate he had whilest he liued augmented greatly the condicions and facultyes both publike and priuate and at his death left vnto euery one a firme opinion that the peace of Italy was principally preserued by his meanes Peter was no sooner succeeded to thadministracion of the common weale then with a course directly contrary to the councells of his father not communicating with those auncient citisens which were wont to be called to the deliberacion of busines of importance he ioyned him selfe so straitly with Ferdinand and Alphonso perhaps by the perswacion of Virginio Vrsin his parent depending wholy vppon them that Lodovvyk Sforce had iust occasion to feare that as often as the Aragons would annoy him they should be ayded by thauthoritie of Peter de medicis with the forces of the common weale of Florence This intelligence seminary and originall of all the troubles albeit at the beginning was debated with no lesse iudgement and wisedome then the resolucion secrete and priuate yet by certeine obscure coniectures it beganne euen in the beginning to be suspected by Lodovvyk a Prince very watchfull and of right suttle vnderstanding for as it hath bene an auncient custome in Christendome to sende Embassadors to congratulate with the newe Pope as Christes vicar on earth and to offer him obedience So Lodovvyk Sforce who appropriated to him self this peculiar custome to study to shew him selfe more wise then the rest and of inuentions straunge and vnaduised to others had giuen counsell that thembassadors of the confederats should all enter Rome in one day and presenting them selues altogither in the publike consistorie afore the Pope the oration should be expressed by one of them onely in the name of them all for that by that forme and order of doing besides thencrease of their common reputation it should appeare to all Italy that there was amongest them not onely a good will and confederation but rather so great a coniunction that they seemed as one body one Prince and one inuested corporation To this he adioyned that as touching the vtilitie of this councell it was not onely expressed with the discourse of reason but iustified with a late and familiar example for that as was beleued the last Pope taking argument of the disunion of the confederates in that at seuerall seasons and with councells separate they had done him obedience he was the more ready to inuade the kingdom of Naples Ferdinand approued easily the aduise of Lodovvyk the Florentines allowed it for thauthoritie of the one and other and Peter de medicis was not against it in open councell albeit in particular the deuise was nothing agreeable to him for that being one of the elect Embassadors for that common weale hauing an intention to make his legacion glorious with proud and gorgeous demonstrations he feared that if he should make his entry into the citie and the Popes presence amongest the other Embassadors of the confederats the magnificencie of his trayne would not be seene no more then a litle candle amidd a choyse sort of greater lights This vanitie of the yong man was confirmed by the ambicious councell of Gentyll Byshop of Arze the other coembassador for Florence to him belonged the authoritie of the oration in the name of the Florentines by reason of his dignitie and profession in the studies of humanitie And seeing by this maner no lesse vnlooked for then alwayes vnaccustomed he saw him selfe depriued of thoccasion to publish his eloquence in an assemblie so honorable and solemne he complayned as if he had suffered wrong in his perpetuall reputation For this reason Peter de medicis pushed on partly by his proper vanitie and lightnes and partely by the pompe and ambicion of the other required the king of Naples albeit with this caution to keepe from Lodovvyk that he did impugne his councell to consider that that forme of legacion could not be executed in common without great confusion and therefore that he would take vpon him to perswade that thexpedicion might be separat and passe according to the examples passed The king of Naples desiring to gratifie him in his demaund but yet not without the displeasure of Lodovvyk satisfied him in theffect but not in the maner plainly declaring to Lodovvyk that he did not discondescend from the first plott and resolucion for thembassadors for other occasion then at the instance and solicitation of Peter de medicis Lodovvyk for this suddein mutacion declared more perplexitie and trouble of mind then the nature and importance of the thing could deserue and amydd his complaintes he impropriated to him selfe this degree of iniurie that to diminish his reputation they reuoked the first deuise wherof he was author and already had communicated it with the Pope and the whole court of Rome But the point wherein he felt his most trouble and trauell of mind was for that in this litle vayne accident he saw tokens argument and coniectures that Peter de medicis had secret intelligence with Ferdinand which by the euentes that followed he discouered dayly more apparantly Languilare Ceruetre and other small castells neare to Rome were in the possession of Francisquin Cibo a Genoway bastard sonne to Pope Innocent and he after the death of his father being gone to dwell at Florence perhaps vnder the fauour and societie of Peter de medicis brother to M. his wife solde immediatly after his comming thether to Virginio Vrsin by the negociation of Peter those castells for the price of forty thousand duckats A thing debated chiefly with Ferdinand who lent him most part of the money perswading him selfe that it could not but turne to his profite if the greatnes of Virginio who was his parent and in his pay should enlarge and stretch farre about the confins of Rome The king considered that the power of the Popes was an apt instrument to trouble the realme of Naples an auncient freeholder and chiefe of the church of Rome both for that it had large borders vpon thecclesiasticall territories and he had not yet forgotten what differences he and his father had with them and also he wisely foresaw that there is alwayes some occasion of newe contencions about the iurisdiction of Confins both for tributes and collacion of benefices and for regard of entercourse of barons with many other quarrels hapning many tymes amongest estates borderers and no lesse often betwene the vassall and the Lord Peramount for which reasons he held alwayes for one of the firme foundacions of his securitie that all or the greater part of the mightiest barons of the territory of Rome should depend vpon him A thing which
goods friendes and kinred then to returne eftsoones vnder so vniust so tyrannous and so vile a gouernment beseching lastly the king with teares which he besought him to imagine to be the plentifull teares of the whole people of Pysa miserably prostrate at his feete to remember that with the same pietie with the same iustice and with the same religion and conscience he had restored them to that libertie of the which they had bene so vniustly despoyled he would eftsoones as a Prince resolut and constant defend and keepe them in the same benefit seeing the election was more honorable more godly more worthie his name greatnes to beare the name of the father and deliuerer of this citie so auncient and innocent then in redeliuering it vp into a seruitude so wretched to become the infamous minister of the robberies oppressions and tyrannies of the prowd Florentyns To these accusements aunswered with no lesse vehemencie Frauncis Soderyn Bishop of Volterre afterwards made Cardinall and at that time one of the Embassadors for Florence He showed that the title of his common weale was iuste for that they had bought Pysa in the yeare 1404. of Gabriel Maria Viscounte the lawfull Lord by whom they were no sooner put in possession of their purchasse then the Pysans redeliuered them selues by force By which occasion they were driuen to seeke to reconquer it by a long warre whose ende was no lesse prosperous then the occasion was iust and no lesse praise worthy the humanitie of the Florentyns then the victorie glorious for that hauing in their discressions to perish all the people of Pysa languishing already with hunger when they entred with their armie into the citie they brought with them a greater quantitie of vittells then of weapons And so in place to take away their liues by iust law of conquest and victorie they breathed new liues with their refreshing and vittells into bodies miserable and not worthy of life That the citie of Pysa at no time had obteyned any greatnes in the firme lande and much lesse had bene able in power to winne forreine and straunge peeces seeing they could neuer make them selues Lordes ouer Lucques A citie communicating with them in neare neighbourhed and borders but they stoode alwayes restrayned and inclosed in a strait territorie not seeking to make their fortune greater then was their vertue And for their power at sea neither hath it bene so mighty as there is left any monument of it nor of such continuance as it hath any prescription of time for that by the iust iudgement of God whom they had prouoked by many actes of prophane impietie and for a skourge of the longe ciuill discordes amongest them selues it was long time before the purchasse of the Florentyns falne from all estate and greatnes drayned of all wealth and habitants and at last reduced to such a naked weakenes that one Iacques d'Appian a simple notarie of the contrey was of power to make him selfe Lord ouer them leauing the citie and territorie as a succession to his children That the land and contrey of Pysa was of litle importance to the Florentyns except for thopportunitie of the scituacion and conueniencie of the sea seeing the reuenues that were drawne from thence were of litle consideracion the exactions being so easie and light that they exceeded very litle the necessary expenses yet the most parte were leuyed vpon marchant straungers and by the meane of the port of Lyuorne That touching trade of marchandise artes and offices the Pysans were not bownde with other lawes then did regulat all other cities subiect to the Florentyns who acknowledging to liue vnder a moderate and easie pollicie had no desire to chaunge Lordes not hauing in deede that obstinacie and pride of minde which is naturall in the Pysans nor yet infected with a disloyaltie so notorius as it is made generall and famous by the auncient prouerbe of all Tuskane And albeit since the Florentyns had gouernment in Pysa sundry of the Citisens tooke a willing banishment yet it cōcludes nothing against the Florentyns but detectes iustly their owne prowde stomackes and impacience bearing no mindes to accommodat them selues to their owne forces nor fortune And much lesse that vnder the gouernment of the Florentyns Pysa is diminished either in treasor or inhabitants seeing of the contrary they haue at a great charge recouered the hauen of Lyuorne without the which their citie would be no lesse vnprofitable then inconuenient They haue also introduced the publike studie of all sciences together with many other benefits lastly diligently continued the reparacions of the bankes the better to replenishe them with inhabitants The truth of which thinges did shine with too cleare a light then that the clowdes of false complaintes were able to ouershadow and darken it he sayd it was suffered to euery one to desire to aspire to a better fortune but withall it was an office iust in all inferior degrees to beare without grudging the ordenance sentence of their lott otherwise there woulde be confusion of all empires and gouernments if it were suffered to euery one that is subiect to aspire to libertie Lastly he told the king that to the Florentyns it was neither necessary nor any way apperteyning to their office to perswade Charles a Christian king of Fraunce what he had to doe for that being a Prince wise and iuste they dowted not that he would suffer him selfe to be caried by so vaine complaintes and slaunders that of him selfe he would remember him selfe of his promise made afore his armie was receiued into Pysa togither with his word and oth of a king published solemnly at Florence for that by how much a king is mighty and great by so much is it more meritorious glorious to him to vse his power greatnes for the preseruacion of his faith iustice The king hearing the differences thus disclosed by both thembassadors bare an inclinacion partiall to the Pysans and wished that during the warre of Naples there might be a surceassing of armes betwene the two parties or at least that the Florentyns would consent that he might hold the whole contrey assuring them that assone as the conquest of Naples were accomplished he would make perfect all his promises giuen at Florence This the Florentyns refused holding euen now for suspected all the kinges wordes and yet they forbare not with great constancie to presse him to keepe his promise wherein to make showe that he would satisfie them his intencion in deede being to haue of them before the time the lxx thowsande duckatts which they had promised him he dispatched at the same instant he departed from Rome the Cardinall of S. Mallo as Embassador to Florence making as though he sent him thether to satisfie their demaundes But in secret he charged him that nourishing them with hopes till they had made payment of the money he should leaue thinges in the same estate of which
and therefore sent officers to keepe Courtes of iustice at Tripaldo within two myles of Auelino where were resident the frenche maiestrates These beginninges of open dissention being troublesome to the principall Barons of the realme they interposed betweene Consaluo and Levvys D'arminack Duke of Nemours Viceroy for the french king and by their intercession Levvys being come to Melfe and Consaluo to Atele a towne of the Prince of Melfe after the trauel of certein moneths in which time the two Capteynes spake together findyng in them no conformitie to any forme of accorde they brought them to agree to exspect suche resolucion as theyr kinges shoulde sette downe of the controuersie and that in the meane tyme they shoulde forbeare to innouate any thing But the Viceroy for the frenche presuming much that hee was the mightier in power and force within fewe dayes after published an other declaration protesting to make warre vppon Consaluo if hee woulde not vppon the sight leaue Capitinato And with a speede as swift as his councell was rashe hee made his souldiours runne vp euen to Tripaldo of which inuasion the warre tooke his beginning wherein the Frenche perseuering with actions of hostilitie they followed theyr purpose without regarde to occupie by force in Capitinato and other quarters the townes which the Spanishe helde Which outrages were not only not redressed by the frenche king but being aduertised that the Spanishe ment not to yelde him Capitinato he conuerted him selfe wholly to the warre and sending by sea for the strength of his people two thousande Svvyzzers hee kepte still enterteyned in his paye the Princes of Salerno and Bisignian and other of the principall Barons Besides the kinges person came to Lyon to th ende in his owne presence to furnishe more conueniently the prouisions necessarie for the conquest of the whole kingdome whereunto the places in question were lesse then to satisfie his ambicion he aspired manifestly with intencion to passe into Italy if neede required A voyage which he was constrained to performe with a speede aboue his exspectation to suppresse the new tumultes hapned in Tuskane to the which Vitellozzo gaue beginning with the priuitie and consent of I. P. Baillon and the Vrsins but specially by the councell and authoritie of Pandolfe Petrucci who all ioyned in one desire that Peter de Medicis might be reestablished in thestate of Florence Of this begunne the mutinie VVilliam Pazzi Agent for the Florentyns in Aretze being aduertised that certeine of the Citizens had conspired with Vitellozze to stirre the Citie to rebellion against the Florentyns beleeued that in suche a communaltie of wise Citizens the minde of euery one was not corrupted nor remembring that to fauour the suspicion makes the treason more daungerous And occupying with him self this persuasion that the authoritie of the name publike would supplie the want of forces he omitted to areare a sufficient strength to oppresse the conspirators and such as had power to resist him and only apprehended for prisoners two of the accessories or competitors to the treason A dealing too milde in so great peril for that he gaue oportunitie to the residue of the cōspirators to raise the people by whom according to the ill affection they bare to the Florentyns the prisoners were easely reskued and the Agent apprehended together with the residue of the officers suffring this daunger more by theyr owne credulitie and negligence then any prowes or vertue of theyr aduersaries The whole Citie forthwith published the name of libertie and made manifest declaration of rebellion the Citadell only remeyning in the deuotion of the Florentyns to the which in the beginning of the tumult was retyred Cosma Bishop of the same place and sonne to the Agent seeking his safetie where either his feare or fortune wold lead him After this beginning the men of Aretze sent speedely to Vitellozze who was not well content that the matter was burst out affore the tyme he had agreed with the conspirators for that it was to intercept him in his pollicie as hauing not yet set downe sufficient direction for the prouisions he ment to make to resist the bandes of the Florentyns if as was verie likely they made any attempt to enter Aretze by the Cytadell For feare whereof and to satisfie with his presence the myndes of the Citizens hee went from Citta de Castello to Aretze accompanied with his men at armes and a choice strength of footemen and leauing order that they should looke diligently to holde those in the Citadell straitly inclosed to th ende that through it there might bee no action against the Citie he returned e●tsoones to Citta de Castello promising to come againe with the same speede but with a greater strength In all humaine actions there is nothing which with lesse perill may not temporise and exspect then rebellion in the oppression whereof there is no greater vertue then expedicion of action For that by howe much it is suffred by so much it riseth into degrees of worse nature euen as a soare that is lingred breedeth a cure doubtfull They of Florence to whom apperteined to prouyde for this mischiefe considered not well in the beginning of what importance it was For the principall Citizens by whose councell the waightie affaires of the Citie had wont to passe giuing this direction that the regimentes which were incamped before Vicopisan a number so sufficient that marching with diligence they might haue vanquished all resistance shoulde be conuerted to Aretze Many others which occupied the greatest romthes and offices their knowledge being lesse then their authoritie and their ignorance slaunderous to the places they occupied meinteyned that it was a matter but of small moment and that they might redresse it with the forces of their other subiectes neighbours to the same Citie Their ignorance made them suspect the soundnes of the other councell and according to their wilful credulitie they beleeued that those good Citizens bearing mindes estraunged from the present gouernment made the daunger farre greater then it was for a desyre they had to hinder the action of Vicopisan and by that meane to take away the oportunitie to recouer Pisa By which variacion and wandryng in councell they deferred so long to sende strength thether that Vitellozze takyng courage of theyr delayes returned to Aretze with an increase of forces drawyng thether after him with other bandes I. P. Baillon and Fabio the sonne of P. Vrsin Peter de Medicis and the Cardinall Who hauing receyued municions from Sienna they beganne to batter the Citadell wherein accordyng to the custome of many which are more carefull to erect newe fortifications then diligent to preserue the fortes alreadie builded was no lesse want of vittelles then of all other prouisions necessarie to defence And to adde the laste discomforte to men in extremitie they inuironned it so straitly with trenches and mountes on the out syde to giue impediment to the succours that might enter that they made them
trayne of nobilitie all their bands and followers beeing sumptuously apparelled The Embassador of Venice resident with the Pope came to meete him at the gate of the towne making signes of very great submission But he with a wonderfull pride and arrogancie both in his gestures and wordes shewed him selfe not a little discontented that he that represented the ennemies of Caesar coulde not so muche brydle his impudencie and boldnesse as to forbeare to come in his presence With this pompe he went vp to the publike Consistorie where the person of the Pope attended hym with all the Cardinalls There he expressed in short speeche but with very hawty and proude wordes that as Caesar had sent him into Italie in a desire to obteyne that that apperteined to him more by the waye of peace then by the rigour of warre so neuerthelesse there was no place or possibilitie for peace if the Venetians made not franke restitution of those things that belonged to him in any sort soeuer After he had declared thus much in publike audience he deliuered no lesse in priuat to the Pope nothing abating his hawtines and the day following he accompanied these seuere beginnings with actions no lesse proude arrogant for the Pope hauing by his consent appointed three Cardinals to negociat with him the cardinall S. George Cardinall Regina and Cardinall de Medicis who attended him at the houre assigned to meete together he sent three of his gentlemen to negociat with them excusing him selfe to haue other busines holding it in deede a matter of great indignitie to debate with any other then the Pope This indignitie with many others the Pope swallowed sweetely thincredible hatred which he bare to the French surmounting the disposition of his nature But in the accorde betwene Caesar and the Venetians which began first to be drawne into disputation there were many difficulties for albeit the Cardinall of Gurce who in the beginning had demaunded all the townes consented in the ende that Padoa and Treuisa should remayne to them with all their partes and appurtenances yet he stucke to haue them giue to Caesar in recompence a very great quantitie of money and that they should holde them of him in chiefe and resigne to him the rightes of the other townes Matters which coulde neuer be agreed vnto by the Senate of Venice wherein it was vniuersally concluded that it was better for their common weale hauing already so fortified Padoa and Treuisa that they feared not to loose them to preserue and keepe their money for that yf euer that tempest passed ouer there might fall out some occasion to recouer easily all the residue of their dominion On the other side the Pope nourished an importunate desire to haue them agreed with Caesar hoping to make that an occasion to estraunge him from the Frenche king in which regarde he pressed them partly by requestes and partly by threates to accept the conditions that were offred them But his authoritie was no more so great with them not so much for that they were not ignoraunt from whence proceeded so great a desire as for that they knewe that their association and companie was so necessarie to him if he were not reconciled with the French king that they made assured reckonings that he would neuer abandon them Neuerthelesse after the trauell of many dayes and muche disputation made the Bishop of Gurce abating somewhat of the harde conditions which he offred and the Venetians yeelding more to the vehement instance of the Pope then they had determined and withal thembassadors of the king of Aragon interposing in the action it seemed they came at laste to accorde the Venetians the better to retayne Padoa and Treuisa by the consent of Caesar paying huge summes of money but referred to long tearmes There rested onely a meane to reconcile the Pope and the Frenche king betweene whome appeared no other difference then for the quarrells of the Duke of Ferrara and to resolue them with the residue of the controuersies for without that Caesar was determined to establishe nothing the Bishop of Gurce went to speake with the Pope to whome he went but seldome beeing perswaded by the hopes whiche the Cardinall of Pauia and the Catholike kinges Embassadors had put him in that it woulde be a matter of very easie action And on the other side he knewe that the Frenche king hauing lesse regarde to dignitie then to tranquillitie was disposed to consent to many thinges which bare but little preiudice to the Duke of Ferrara But the Pope on the contrarie cutting him off at the first began to exhort him that agreeing with the Venetians he shoulde leaue at libertie the matters of Ferrara seeming to be sorie that Caesar knewe not thoccasion that offred to be reuenged with the forces and money of an other of so many great iniuries done agaynst him by the French and withall that he carried to be required in a matter wherein reasonably he should beseech others with great instance To whiche things when the Bishop of Gurce had replyed with many reasons seeing he was not hable to turne him from his opinion he tolde him he would depart without giuing other perfection to the peace with the Venetians And at the instant hauing according to the custome kissed his feete he departed the same day beeing the xv after his arriuall at Bolognia to Modona the Pope sending after him in vayne to call him agayne assoone as he was departed the Citie from Modena he tooke his way towards Millan complayning of the Pope for many things but specially for that whilest by his comming into Italie there was almost a general surceassing frō armes the Pope had sent secretly the Bishop of Vintemille sonne to the late Cardinall Fregosa to trouble the state of Genes neuerthelesse the Frenche men sette such good espiall of his iorney that they tooke him in the contrey of Mountferat all disguised and vnknowen as he was and from thence carried him to Millan where he made manifest detection of the cause of his going and the whole enterprise his present perill driuing him to seeke his safetie more by disclosing then by excusing When the Bishop of Gurce departed from Bolognia he required the Embassadors of Aragon seeming not a little discontented with the Popes obstinacie to see returned to the realme of Naples the three hundred Spanish launces whervnto they condiscended readily A matter which made men to maruell the more for that at the same time that the generall councell was in negociation with exspectation that the armies of Fraunce Germanie accompanied with the presence of their Princes should be most mightie in Italie the Pope besides the yllwill of the French king seperated Caesar frō him stoode depriued of the succors of the king Catholike Some doubted that in this action as almost in al others the counsels of the king of Aragon were different from his demonstrations and that his Embassadors had practised one thing in publike and an
Bolognia hapned through his fault by which occasion followed the fleeing of the armie followed him with a small traine And thrusting in amongest his gard of horsemen who for reuerence sake made him place he slew the Cardinall with his owne handes he might happly seeme worthy for the degree he held vpon whom violent handes should not be layed but touching his infinit vices he deserued most cruell punishment his faultes being farre greater then the opinion that went on them his vertues farre lesse then were conuenient for such a prosession Assoone as the report of his death was brought to the Pope he began to lamēt with miserable cryes and complaynings being not a litle moued for the losse of a Cardinall so deare to him but much more touched that such a holy dignitie fell into violacion almost euen affore his eyes by the handes of his owne Nephew with an example not vsed A matter so much the more greeuous to him by how much he made profession to preserue exalt the authoritie Ecclesiastike These sorowes he was not able to beare and much lesse to temper his furie in which respect as also with the presence of the place to pretermit the memorie of the fact he departed the same day from Rauenna to returne to Rome And to th ende that at one time he were enuyroned on all partes with infinit calamities he was no sooner arriued at Rymyny then he had aduertisement that within Modena within Bolognia and in many other cities there were fixed and set vp many placards in publike places by the which was denownced to him the conuocacion of the councell with citacion to go thether in person For as the Bishop of Gurcy after he was gon from Modena had trauelled certeine dayes by easie iorneies exspecting the aūswer of the Skottish Embassador who went from him to Bolognia for affayres which the Pope him selfe had propownded so he being eftsoones returned with aunswers very vncerteine the Bishop of Gurcy dispatched immediatly to Myllan in the name of Caesar three Proctors who ioyning with the Cardinalls and with the Proctors of the french king published the councell to be celebrated the first daye of September next in the citie of Pysa The Cardinalls made choyse of Pysa as a place no lesse conuenient for the oportunitie of the sea for those that were there to assemble then of speciall sewertie for the confidence the french king had in the Florentyns And withall for that many other places which though they might haue bene capable of such an assembly yet they were eyther inconuenient or suspected or atleast the Pope might refuse them with iust cooller There had bene no conueniencie to assemble it in Fraunce or in other place of the kinges obedience and Constance one of the free townes of Germany recommended by Caesar seemed for this action to beare no indifferencie notwithstanding it had bene made notable by that worthy councell wherein three Popes were deposed and the schisme confounded that had continued for fortye yeares in the Churche And in Thurin was more matter of suspicion to both partyes for the neighbourhood of the Svvyzzers and the estates of Fraunce Bolognia affore it was out of thobedience of the Churche was not sure for the Cardinalls and now it standes in the lyke case for the regarde of the Pope Moreouer in thelection of the towne of Pysa was partely respected the felicitie of an example paste touchinge the memorye of two councells which had beene there right happely celebrated the one when almost all the Cardinalls who abandoned Gregorye the twelue and Benet the xiij quarrelling together for the Popedom choase Pope Alexander the v. celebrating the councell in that citie And the other which was long tyme before celebrated in the same place about the yeare a thowsande one hundred and xxxvj by Innocent the second at such tyme as Peter Leon Antipape of Rome was condemned who making him selfe be called Anacletus the seconde with suche a schisme had not onely much troubled Innocent but also all the regions of Christendom The Florentyns had affore accorded Pysa to the french king who required it of them giuing them to vnderstand that Caesar no lesse then he was the Author of the conuocacion of the councell the king of Aragon also consenting and concurring in it In this action the Florentyns deserue to be praysed more perhaps for their silence then for their wisedome or constancie for eyther not hauing the courage to deny the king the thinge that was greeuous to them or not considering howe many difficulties and daungers might growe vppon them by a councell which was celebrated agaynst the Popes will they helde so secrete that deliberacion that was made in an assembly or councell of more then an hundred and fifty Citizens that the Cardinalls to whom the french king gaue hope of their conformetie were neuer assured that they had accorded neyther had the Pope any knowledge of it The Cardinalls pretended that the councell might be iudicially called by them without thauthoritie of the Pope for the present necessitie as they sayd that the Church had to be reformed not onely in her members but also in her heade meaning the personne of the Pope They published him to be so hardned in simonie and corrupted with maners infamous and damnable both vnfit to gouerne the Papacie and Author of so many vniust warres that he was incorrigible to the vniuersall slaunder of all Christendom for the sauetie and preseruacion of whome there was no other medicine sufficient then the conuocacion of a councell whereof seeing the Pope made no care they alleaged that the full and legittimat power of conuocacion was diuolued to them specially thauthoritie of the elect Emperour being adioyned and the consent of the right Christian king together with the Cleargie of Germany and Fraunce concurring They perswaded that to vse often this medicine was a meane not onely profitable but necessary for the diseased bodie of the Church both to roote out the olde errours and to resist such others as would of newe budde vp To explayne and interpret the dowtes which dayly hapned and to correct thinges which though in the beginning were sownd and well ordered yet in that tryall they appeared pernicious by experience That for these reasons the auncient fathers in the councell of Constance had wholesomely enacted and prouided that for alwayes afterwardes the councell should be celebrated from ten yeares to ten yeares The Popes had no other bridle then this to holde them from going out of the right way And without this weighing with the naturall frailtie of men the many inticements which nature breedes in vs to doe euill during our life what sewertie could remeyne to kingdoms and regions if he that tooke to him selfe all liberty and licence might stand exempted from all authoritie and were assured that he should neuer come to giue a reckoning of him selfe On the other side many occupied these reasons pertaking more with the doctrine of
confidence in the naturall inclination and clemencie of the Pope and the other reapposing muche in the auncient friendshippe and straite familiaritie had with him and with his brother There they obteined safeconduit of the capteine of Lyuorna whiche albeit stretched no further then the boundes of his iurisdiction yet without seeking other suretie they went vp in that confidence to Pisa In whiche Citie they were honorably receyued and afterwards in no lesse assurance conueied to Florence where they were kept with that easie and fauourable garde that they had no disposition to departe the same being the desire of the Pope who sent to them the Bishop of Oruietto to exhorte them with words gracious and full of affection that aswell for their proper surety as for the present tranquilitie of the Church they would abyde at Florence vntill the Court had determined in what manner they shoulde come to Rome He willed them also that whereas they had bene iudicially depriued and their depriuation confirmed in the Councell of Latran they shoulde forbeare to go in habites of Cardinalls to th ende that expressing signes of humiliation he might take the better occasion to reduce and readresse their affayres according to their desire and his determination The first act of this newe Pope was his Coronation which was represented according to the vsage of his predecessors in the Church of S. Iohn de Latran The pompe was so great both of his famulie his Court and also of the Prelates and multitudes that were there together with the popular and vniuersall assemblies of peoples that by the opinion and iudgement of men the pride and maiestie of that action did farre surpasse all the celebrations that had bene done in Rome since the tyrannies of the Goathes and sauage nations In this solemnitie the Gonfalone of the Churche was caryed by Alfonso Este who hauing obteined a suspencion of his Censures and paynes was come to Rome wyth great hope that by the clemencie and facilitie of the Pope he should be hable to compounde for his affayres The Gonfalone of the religion of Rhodes was borne by Iulio de Medicis mounted vpon a stately Courser armed at all poyntes by his nature he bare an inclination to the profession of armes but by destinie he was drawen to the life ecclesiastike in which estate he may serue as a wonderfull example of the variation of fortune One matter that made the memorie of that daye wonderfull was the consideration that the person that then in so high and rare pompe was honored with the moste supreme and soueraigne dignitie of the worlde was the yere before and on the very same day miserably made prisoner The great magnificence that appeared vpon his person and his expences confirmed in the generalitie and multitude of men thexpectation that was had of him euery one promising that Rome shoulde be happie vnder a Pope so plentifully indued with the vertue of liberalitie whereof that day he had giuen an honorable experience his expenses beeing aboue an hundred thousande ducketts But wyse men desired in him a greater grauitie and moderation they iudged that neither suche a maiestie of pompe was conuenient for Popes neyther did the condition of the present time require that he should so vnprofitably disperse the treasors that had bene gathered by his predecessor to other vses But suche was the disposition of Princes to warre that neyther the chaunging of the Pope nor the presence nor feare of other accidentes were sufficient to establishe and assure the tranquillitie of Italie euery one discerned that things of their proper inclination tended more to warre then to peace for Caesar woulde heare no more speaking of the rendring of Verona fearing thereby to be depriued of all oportunitie and meane to haue any easie entry into Italie And albeit the truce was prolonged for the full moneth of Aprill yet he kept no rekoning of the condicions of accorde that had bene debated at Millan And in that minde beeing discontented with thinstance and importunities of the king Catholikes Embassadors he stucke not to tell the Count of Carriato that for the inclination he expressed to the Venetians he deserued better to beare the name of an Embassador of Venice then of Spayne But that whiche muche more augmented this disposition was the truce that was made for a whole yere betwene the French king and the king Catholike tending onely to th affayres on the other side the Mountes The oportunitie of which truce gaue to the French king being nowe deliuered of the suspicions of Spayne a great facilitie to renewe the warre in the duchie of Millan The king Catholike had neuer any disposition to haue warre with the Frenche men beyonde the Mountes for that beeing not mightie enough in money and treasor and therefore depending on the forces and aydes of the Barons and peoples of Spayne eyther he had no readynes of succours or else by his necessities in tymes of warre they would holde him with them as it were in subiection But then principally he stoode confirmed in his auncient counsell for that together with his owne tranquillitie and rest he was so muche the more assured of the Realme of Nauarre newly conquered by him and withall for that since the death of queene Isabell his absolute authoritie ouer Castillo beeing embased into a gouernment limited he had not in troubled seasons so great and firme authoritie Of this he had seene a late experience in the action of the kingdome of Nauarre wherein albeit he had an ende happie and honorable yet it happned not by other meane then by the negligence and slownesse of succours And hauing no more desire to returne to the daungers which he had suffred and not knowing yet of the Popes death he agreed to the truce which neuer helesse was not published before he had receyued newes of thelection of the new Pope The better to iustifie him selfe of this vnlooked for deliberation he alleaged that the Pope the Venetians had behaued them selues towards him cleane contrarie to the league for that since the battell of Rauenna they neuer offred to pay to him the fortie thousande duckets as they were bounde whilest the French king possessed any thing in Italie That onely he had had care of the common benefite of the confederates and yet had not attributed to himself the rewards of the common victorie That he did not possesse in Italie so much as a small tower more then that he had before the warre But the Pope had had regarde to his benefite particular and made proper to him selfe the things that were common That he occupied Parma Plaisanca and Reggia and nourished a continuall studie to possesse Ferrara which couetousnesse of his had bene the onely impediment of the recouering of the Castells in the Duchie of Millan and the Lanterne of Genes That touching his parte he had interposed all his diligence and authoritie to worke thaccorde betweene Caesar and the Venetians but the Pope
channell But beeing subiect there to the affliction of certayne double cannons that laye planted vpon the bastillion of the towne they passed the channell and lodged a little further from the towne from whence sending certayne bands of footmen to S. Anthonies Church within halfe a myle of Padoa they began to approch with lesse daunger and to cast trenches neare to S. Anthonies gate but for that the worke was great and the wante of pyoners no lesse and in a countrey abandoned of all inhabitantes the trenches aduaunced little and not without daunger for that the souldiors making many sodain sallies aswell by day as by night gaue great domage and impediment to those that trauelled They suffred besides great want of vittells both for that only a smal part of the towne was inuironed by thenemies also the estradiots that had libertie to issue out of the other quarters of the towne ouerronning freely the whole contrey gaue impedimēt to al that was brought to the camp The traffike of vittels was also hindred by certaine armed barkes which the Venetians had set for that purpose vpon the ryuer of Adice for that the men that they caryed ceassed not to make incursions into the vplande and playne countrey skouring all places and respected nothing in the furie of their spoyle In regard of these difficulties thestate of things beeing eftsones brought into the counsell by the Viceroy euery one gaue this free iudgement that it would be a lesse infamie to correct the deliberation vndiscretly made in leauying the campe then by iustifying the error to breede bring vpon them some greater domage that not without the societie of a farre greater shame This opinion beeing related to the Bishop of Gurce by the Viceroy in the presence of many capteines for that he had refused to be at that councell he made aunswere that for that the discipline and practise of warre was not his profession it was no shame to him to confesse his ignoraunce in the seruice guyding of warre only touching the coūsell he had giuen to pitch the camp afore Padoa it moued not by any singularitie of credit in his owne wisdom but in the action he was caryed by the opinion authoritie of the Viceroy who both by letters expresse messengers had counselled themperour and giuen him great hope to cary it At laste the difficulties not ceassing neither for their complaintes nor for their debating no rather the dispayre of thenterprise daily increasing the camp brake vp after it had lien xviij dayes afore the walles of Padoa And hauing both at their breaking vp and vpon the way the light horsemen at their backes they withdrew to Vincensa which then was voyde of inhabitantes and lay as a pray to who was master of the fielde In this meane while the souldiors of the duke of Millan to whose ayde the Viceroy had sent Antho. de Leue with a thousande footmen tooke Pantovviquo wherin were two hundred footemen in garrison for the Venetians who neither amased with the thunder of thartilleries nor discoraged with the mynes that were made were constrayned at the ende of a moneth to yelde for want of vittels after they had valiauntly susteined thassault About the same time Ranso de Cero issuing out of Cremo ouerthrewe Siluio Sauello marching with his bandes and foure hundred Spanishe footemen to Bergamo whither the Duke of Millan sent him And a little after a Spanishe officer being returned to Bergamo to gather money Ranso sent thither a strength of three hundred horsemen and fiue hundred footemen who tooke together with the officer the rocke wherevnto he was fledde for his safety with the money he had leauied In this rocke were very fewe men of warre for that lx men at armes three hundred light horsemen and seuen hundred footemen with two thousand paisants of the Mount of Brianso were gone from Millan vnder the leading of Siluio Sauello Caesar Fieromosquo to reconquer Bergamo and they encountring vpon the way fiue hundred light horsemen and three hundred footemen sent by Ranso to Bergamo were easily put to flight by whose example the residue that affore had occupied Bergamo abandoned it leauing onely a garrison in the Rocke which standeth out of the Citie vpon a mountayne called the Chappell The Viceroy and Bishop of Gurce remayned certayne dayes at Vincensa and sente one parte of the Spaniards vnder Prosper Colonno to sacke Basciano Marostiquo not that they had offended but that the substances of that wretched people should minister norriture to tharmy wherein the payes did fayle Caesar standing alwayes oppressed with his accustomed difficulties the king of Aragon not hable of himselfe to beare out so great a burden and the duchie of Millan being excessiuely taxed by the Svvizzers was no more hable to contribute to the releefe of the residue The army aboade at Vincensa not without great discommodities by the continuall vexations of the light horsemen who ouerrunning day and night the whole contrey stopped all traffike and passage of vittels vnlesse they were garded with a great strength and that of necessitie must be of men at armes for that they were very fewe light horsemen Therefore to be out of these torments the Bishop of Gurce went to Verona very muche discontented with the Viceroy who following him by small iourneys got into Albero vpon the ryuer of Adice where he remained certaine dayes to giue oportunitie to them of Verona to make their haruest thincursions of the light horsemen not ceassing for all that who tooke from the Almains euen neare the gates of Verona the oxen that drewe thartilleries The Viceroy had layde a former plot to bestow the armie in garrison in the countreys of Bressia and Bergamasqua and at the same time to molest Crema which was all that the Venetians helde on the other side the riuer of Mincia which deuise being published had so assured the countreys thereaboutes that the territories of Padoa were full of inhabitantes and goods the same beeing the cause that the Viceroy who had no other meane to feede his armie then by prayes and pillage altered his plot and calling backe the Almains went to Montagnana and to Este and from thence to the village of Bouolento where after he had driuen away great flockes of cattell the souldiours consumed with fyre many fayre houses that stoode thereabout Still the desyre of pillage caryed them on and being the rather encouraged that the bandes of the Venetian footemen were distributed to the garde of Padoa and Treuisa the Viceroy marching in pillage from Bouolento determined to approche Venice but agaynst thopinion of Prospero Colonno who tolde him that no lesse was the daunger of thenterprise then the councell rash So that after they had passed the riuer of Bacquillon and sacked Pieuo de sacco which is a borow both great in situacion populous and full of all thinges they went to Mestro and so to Marguera which standeth vpon the salt waters from that place to
THE ARGVMENT OF THE THIRTENTH BOOKE The Duke of Vrbin makes an enterprise to recouer his estate out of the hands of Pope Leo the french king makes a league with the Pope The conspiracie of Cardinall Petrucci against the Pope is discouered Charles king of Spaine is chosen Emperour Martine Luther wryteth against the Pope The Pope puts Iohn Pawle Baillon to death THE THIRTEENTH BOOKE OF THE historie and discourse of Guicciardin FOrasmuch as all armes and hostilities were now surceassed betwene Caesar and the Venetians and in the french king all occasiōs restrained to make warre against Caesar or the king Catholike it seemed that to the regions of Italie afflicted with so many calamities and trauells of warre was now appointed a time of rest and tranquillitie wherein these were the reasons that the Svvizzers a mighty instrument to any that sought to innouate and trouble things seemed now reclaimed to their auncient amity with the french king and yet bare no mindes estraunged from other Princes that in thaccord made at Noyon was declared such a hope that to establish a greater alliance betwene the two kings there was working to draw them to an enteruiew at Cambray whether were gone to that end Monsr de Cheures the great Maister of Fraunce and Robertet Lastly there was expressed no lesse readines on the parte of Caesar who besides the rendring of Verona sent two Embassadors to the frenche king to solemnise and confirme the peace so that it was a iudgement accompanied with his iust cause reasons that by the benefit of peace concord betwene so mightie Princes would be dissolued the seedes of all quarrels and disagreements in Italie But as there is no certainty in the councells of mortall men so is there lesse exspectacion of their worldly euentes for men and their doings standing subiect to the law of nature and destiny haue no other libertie then to deeme and debate and to God alone is referred all power of disposicion and execucion since he is able to gouerne and commaund all things by the same power wherewith he hath created them of nothing Insomuch as in this action of Italie either for thinfelicity or destinie of the countrey or for that the vniuersall iurisdiction was deuided into so many seueral principalities and states it was almost impossible that it should suffer any dispensacion of miseries by reason of the diuersity of wills and interests of such as had it in hand for searcely were layd aside armes and hostility betwene Caesar and the Venetians yea the Citie of Verona not yet resigned when were disclosed tokens and beginnings of new tumults And of these was the breeder and conspirator Franciscomaria who had practised and drawne to his faction such bands of Spanishe footemen as had serued both within Verona and affore Verona he perswaded them to follow him to the reconquering of his estates out of the which the Pope had expulsed him the same sommer A matter wherein he found small difficulties for that to souldiours forreiners and marcenary accustomed in the time of warres to sacke townes and to make pray and spoyle of contreys there was nothing more contrary then peace whereunto they saw all the affayres inclinacions of Italy disposed at that instant There drew to him about fiue thowsand spanish footemen whereof was chiefe one Maldonato A man of the same nation and of long experience in many warres And to this regiment was ioyned a strength of eight hundred light horsemen led by Federyk Bossolo Gaiozo a Spanyard Succhar a Burgonion Andrevv Bue Constantyn Boccalo Albanoesies al Capteines of name marke especially estemed for their knowledge in warres Amongest them he that bare the greatest reputacion whether it were for the noblenes of his house or for the honorable degrees in warre which he had borne from his youth was Federyk Gonsagno Lord of Bossolo who happly was one of the greatest parties to perswade this enterprise being no lesse moued by an ambicion to make greater his merits prayses by newe warres concurring also thamity which he had with Francisco Maria then through an auncient setled hatred which he bare to Lavvrence de Medicis chiefly for that at such time as was transferred to Lavvrence the charge of all the armies of the Church the Florentyns by reason of the sicknes of Iulian his Vncle he had denied to make him Capteine generall of the footemen an estate which Iulian had assigned to him affore This army standing only vpon bodies numbers was lame in all other proporcions prouisions for they had neither resort of money assistance of artilleries nor any strengh of municions except their horses and armor they wanted all furnitures accustomed to followe armies Onely they bare estimation more by their vertue then through any other abilitie or meanes to susteine the warre They departed to go to the state of Vrbyn the same day that the citie of Verona was giuen vppe to the Venetians A matter which troubled not a litle the Pope after he had receiued aduertisement for he considered the qualitie of tharmy which was to be feared both for the hatred of the Capteines vertue reputacion of the spanish footemen And he was not ignorant with what inclinacion the peoples of that Duchie fauored Francisco Maria hauing long liued vnder the easie gouernment of the house of Montfeltro the affection whereof they had transferred to him as to one that had bene trained nourished in that Duchie bred of a sister of the Duke Guido Besides it greeued him not a litle that he was to menteine warre against an armie which hauing nothing to lose could leaue no reward to his victory And marching onely vpon desire of pray and pillage drew with them a miserable exspectacion of profit bringing nothing to the warre but what they hoped to get by the chaunce and fortune of the warre he doubted also least the sweete desire of gayne which for the most parte carieth marcenory souldiours to the fight would draw such others to ioyne to their faction as by the meane of the peace were vtterly excluded from action But the matter that moste troubled his minde was a fearefull suspicion that the French king did communicat in this conspiracie for bothe he knewe that the king was displeased with the warre made against Francisco Maria and was no lesse touched in his conscience with the consideracion of causes that he had giuen him to be ill contented of him he knewe also he had not obserued the confederacion made after the conquest of Myllan at the tyme when Caesar discended into Lombardye he considered that after he was returned to Rome he sent him a bul touching the collacion of benefices in the Realme of Fraunce and Myllan muche different from the conuencion made at Bolognia which for the shortnesse of the time was not then subsigned This Bull the king would not accept both for that it bare contradiction agaynst the agreement and also
the footemen of the launceknightes making a resolute defence aboue all others But passing ouer the bridge of Grauatona which was of wood the plankes breaking with the waight of the horses all the french men and launceknightes that were not yet passed ouer were eyther slayne on the place or taken prisoners That laste calamitie being so much the more lamentable and greeuous by howe much they hoped by their diligence to make waye for their sauetie which they sawe their fortune persecuted to thuttermost The towne of Pauia bownd it selfe to pay a great quantitie of money by whose example also Myllan compownded but for a greater summe And all the other townes except Bressia and Crema fled from the aduersities of the french men ▪ All the contrey cryed now vpon the name of thEmpire the state was receiued and gouerned in the name of the holy league so was it called vniuersally and all affaires disposed by thauthoritie of the Cardinall of Syon assigned Legat for the Pope But the treasor and what soeuer was taxed vpon the townes was made a reward to the Svvyzzers to whom was transferred an interest in all things that concerned gaine or profit the same beeing the cause that many other bandes and trowpes of them discended into Lombardye to ioyne with the residue after the parliament of Zurich was ended which was assembled for that cause In this mutacion the cities o● Plaisance and Parma gaue them selues willingly to the Pope who pretended they apperteyned to him as members of Rauenna The Svvyzzers made them selues Lordes of Lucarno and the Grisons got Valuoltolino and Chiauenna places very commodious for them And in the heate of this fortune Ianus Fregosa Capteine of the Venetian armie beeing gonne to Genes with such bandes of horsemen and footemen as he had obteyned of th armie was the cause that that citie reuolted the french gouernor beeing fled whereof he was created Duke A dignitie affore tyme inuested in his father with the same violence of fortune all the townes and castells of Romagnia returned to the Popes obedience And lastly the Duke of Vrbyn approching neare to Bolognia with the bandes of souldiours of the Churche the famulie of the Bentyuoleis left it abandoned their fortune leauing them desperat hauing by these violent degrees depriued them of all hope The Pope pursued this famulie very sharpely excommunicating all the places that should receiue them hereafter he expressed no lesse hatred against the citie And beeing most kindled for their forgetfulnes of so many his benefits bestowed vpon them and in that ingratitude not only reuolting from his obedience but also in their spite had not forborne to spurne his picture and rayle out many villanous words against him he would consent no more that they should create new Magistrates nor communicat any way in the gouernment of the towne he exacted by the meane of seuere officers huge summes of money of sundry Citisens as partakers with the Bentyuoleis yea the opinion ronne that if his deuises had not bene broken by death he had a meaning to destroy that citie and translate thinhabitants to Centa The ende of the tenth Booke THE ARGVMENT OF THE ELEVENTH BOOKE THe Duke of Ferrara is in great trouble The Medicis returne to Florence The king of Romains makes alyance with the Pope Maxymylian Sforce is put in the possession of the Duchie of Myllan The French king makes his preparacions to recouer Myllan Pope Iuho dyeth Leon the tenth is created Pope The French men are ouerthrowen neare to Nouaro and the Venetians neare to Vincensa THE ELEVENTH BOOKE OF THE historie and discourse of Guicciardin NOTwithstanding the Pope amyd his greatest aduersities daungers had not onely obteyned victorye of his ennemies contrary to all hope and coniecture but also with the same felicitie had amplified the iurisdiction of the Churche aboue exspectacion and contrary to common equitie yet his auncient couetousnes to the citie of Ferrara the first matter of all these broyles so helde him still ouerruled that he could not make his desires equal to his fortune nor conforme his wandring minde to rest and tranquilletie Such is the rage of couetousnes when it hath thassistance of authority which makes men hard to be contented with that which occasion doth offer for that those things that come first doe abhorre them so long as by the greatnes of their power and place they aspyre and thirst for better But albeit the Pope had violent desires to turne his forces against Ferrara yet the way of peace seeming more easie then the warre or rather hoping more in the benefitte of secret and artificiall practises then in actions apparant and discouered he gaue eare first of all to the Marquis of Mantua who besought him that Alfonso d'Este might come to him to Rome to demaunde pardon and that he woulde eftsoones reclayme him to grace vnder some indifferent condicions In this request was concurrant thEmbassador of the king of Aragon suing for him bothe for that he was the kinsman of his king for Alfonso came of a Daughter of tholde Ferdinand king of Naples and also for that he esteemed it more to the commoditie of the affayres of his kinge to binde him to him by this propertie of benefitte then to suffer so great an estate to bee adioyned to the greatnes of the Churche Moreouer the famulie of the Colonnois beeing become of greate amitie with Alfonso were earnest solycitors in this cause The reason of their compassion was for that after the battell of Rauenna Fabricio Colonno who was Alfonsoes prisoner beeing sent for and requyred of him he vsed so many delayes first in refusing and then in interposing many excuses that by the mutacion that hapned he brought it into his owne power to giue him his libertie without any charge or raunsom At last safe conduit was obteyned for him from the Pope by the sewertie whereof confirmed also with the faith of thEmbassador of Aragon in the name of his king which was protested to him by the consent and priuitie of the Pope he went to Rome his submission beeing greater then his hope to be forgiuen And being come to Rome the Pope admitted him into the Consistorie suspending in the meane while all censures and paynes There with great humilitie he demaunded pardon with the same submission besought him that he might bee receyued into his grace and restored to the fauour of the sea Apostolike offering to doe hereafter all those offices and duties which might apperteyne to a moste deuout and faythfull Vassall of the Church The Pope heard him with a countenance and asspect reasonably peasible and substituted six Cardinalls to debate with him touching condicions of agreement who after certeine dayes spent in disputacion and argument declared to him that the Pope neyther would nor ment to depriue the Church of the citie of Ferrara since it was lawefully reuerted to the imperie of the Churche But in recompense there should be giuen to him the citie of
Ast which beeing receyued in the name and authoritie of the league by the departure of the frenche men the Pope had vainely sent thether to take possession of it the Bishop of Agrigenta pretending that what soeuer was on this side Pavv apperteyned to the Churche This offer was constantly refused of Alfonso who for that it comprehended a demaunde contrary to all the hopes that had bene giuen him beganne to feare least the Pope sought but to interteyne him cunningly within Rome whilest he dressed some execucion agaynst Ferrara the late accident at Regge nothinge diminishing the reason of this feare The Pope had dealt with thinhabitants of Regge who in so great confusion of thinges feared much to giue them selues vppe to the Churche following the example of Parma and Plaisance wherein to giue greater force to his councells and perswasions he had giuen direction to the Duke of Vrbyn to march with his companies vppon the territories of Modona In like sorte Vitfruch was gonne to Regge to attempt the like action for the profitte of Caesar on whose behalfe did worke the Cardinall of Este who in the absence of his brother had charge ouer his estates he seeing that citie could not bee kept and iudging the daunger would bee lesse if it fell into the handes of Caesar who bothe pretended nothing against Ferrara and also in his affayres there was hope of a greater chaunge he aduised the people of Regge rather to acknowledge the Empire then the Church But they aunswered in matters of election the will of a popular multitude is stronger then their reason that they woulde followe thexample of the Duke who was gonne to the Pope and not to Caesar And so receyued into their towne the souldiours of the Church who immediatly founde meanes to bee Lordes of the Citadell notwithstanding Vitsruch had furnished it with a garrison of footemen Lastly Garfagnana was rendred to the Duke of Vrbyn who returning afterwards to Bolognia dismissed all his bandes of footemen for that the confederats somewhat angrie that the Pope occupied Parma and Plaisance the Cardinall of Syon signified to the Duke that it was not necessary he passed further since the victorie was already obteyned against the common enemies The Duke of Ferrara being entred into many suspicions both for the hard condicions that the Pope offered and for the taking of Regge made meane to the Pope by the spanish Embassador and Fabrice Colonno who neuer left to accompanie him to haue leaue to returne to Ferrara This request the Pope showed no disposicion to agree vnto but menteyned that the safeconduit which he had giuen him for the controuersie he had with the Church could not let him to doe iustice to his perticular Creditors of whom many demaunded instantly that he would administer iustice to them ThEmbassador and Fabricio aunswered him frankely that it was not to the Duke and to them that he ought to breake his faith And therefore to preuent the Pope to doe any further spite against him the next morning Fabricio being well mounted went towards the portall of S. Iohn de Latran the Duke and Mark. Anth. Colonno following him a good distance of And finding the portall garded with a greater strength then it was wont to bee and suche as was sette to stoppe his going he hauing a force aboue theirs brought the Duke thorowe the gate and conducted him in sewertie to the water side This friendshippe he did to the Duke in recompense of the benefit of his libertie which he had receyued of him for it is not to bee doubted that the Pope would not still haue reteyned him prisoner had it not beene for thimpediment of the Colonnois who finding that the way was daungerous for him to goe by lande were driuen to procure his passage by sea to Ferrara And whilest these thinges were in doing the Pope in whome was yet no diminucion of hatred agaynst the libertie of the Florentyns had so wrought with the Cardinall of Syon that the bandes of souldiours which they had sent to the king were strypped and put to spoyle of these bandes albeit suche as were vnder Luke Sauella being six skore men at armes and fifty light horsemen the residue were left for the garde of Bressia vnder Frauncis Torelle had affore the Frenche armye were passed the ryuer of Pavv obteyned safeconduit of the Cardinall of Syon confirmed by the othe and fayth of Io. Pavvle Baillon and almoste all the Venetian Capteynes that they myght returne to Tuskane yet as they laye lodged neare to Cremona according to the rule and direction they had receyued they were spoyled by the Venetian souldiours by the consent of the Cardinall of Syon Who to th ende the violence myght bee executed with more sewertie sent thether as some suppose two thowsande footemen the rather for that the companyes of Tryuulce and others were lodged with them and they for that they were almoste all Italian souldiours had lykewise obteyned saffeconduit to passe Immediatly vpon the robberye and spoyle of these souldiours the Bishoppe of Syon sent to Christopher More and Pavvle Capello agents for the Senat to demaunde the bootye that had bene made as apperteyning to the Svvyzzers But they refused it and therefore comming the next daye to the campe of the Svvyzzers to speake with the Cardinall of Syon they were almoste all ledde prisoners to Iacques Staffler their Capteyne and by him caryed to the Cardinall who constrayned them to paye six thowsande duckatts in recompense of the praye not holding it conuenient that his disloyaltye shoulde turne to the profitte of others he sent also to summon the Marquis of Montferrat to deliuer to him as prysoner Nicholas Capponi Embassador of the Florentyns to whome he had giuen saffeconduit beeing retyred to Casall Ceruas In this meane whyle the Senat desiring to recouer Bressia and Crema labored the Cardinall of Syon that their companies myght be returned whom the Cardinall enterteyned vnder cooler to marche together with the Svvyzzers into Pyemont agaynst the Duke of Sauoye and the Marquis of Salussa who had followed the faction of the Frenche King But that reason ceassing afterwardes bothe for the wonderfull augmentacion of the number of Svvyzzers and also for that it was well seene that the frenche souldiours returned ouer the Mountes he neither refused nor agreed that they should goe A matter supposed altogether to proceede of the instance of Caesar to th ende they should not recouer those townes At last the Svvyzzers beeing in Alexandria the Venetians departed from Bosco vppon the suddeine and passed the riuer of Pavv without any impediment at Caua vppon the territories of Cremona An expedicion which the Cardinall might haue let if he had not dissembled it as was beleeued at the Popes request But beeing once ouer the riuer some marched agaynst Bressia and some tooke the entreprise of Crema bothe which were kept yet for the frenche king The frenche men that were within Bressia seeing their present fortune