4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ad Sallustiu◠Oration they could never more aptly and seasonably apply that Charitable Prayer of David Confounded be all they that serve Graven Images and that boast themselves of Idols worship him all ye Gods But that the Reader may perceive how apt our Author is to pick up and mis-apply all Passages in Good Historians to his own Design I beg leave that I may tell the Story after him which in short is this Julians Elder Brother Gallus Caesar while he was at Antioch being very much grieved to see the pleasant Place of Daphne so polluted with Idolatry and Gentile Superstition was resolved to Cleanse it and Hallow it in this manner Sozom. l. 6. c. 19. He thought if he built an Oratory over-against Apollos Temple and placed the Body of Babylas the Martyr in it it would bring the Christians from the Town to Worship there and so the Temple of Apollo would soon grow unfrequented Accordingly it hapned for from the time the Martyrs Bones were put there the Daemon grew Dumb and so continued till Julian came to Antioch where he found the Temple of his God neglected and desolate and when they told him that the God had not spoke of a long time he pretended it was because he had been so neglected and therefore to make him ample Amends he offered him Sacrifices in such excessive Numbers that the Heathens called him Bull-burner as well as the Christians and (†) Superstitiosus magis quà m Sacrorum legitimus observator innumeras sine parsimoniâ pecudes mactans ut aestimaretur si revertisset de parthis boves jam defuturos Marcell l. 25. censured him for his Extravagance and Superstition in that point Yet for all this Apollo stood mute till Julian again and again begging him to tell him how he should succeed in his Persian Expedition he at length answered that he was hindered from delivering Oracles by the dead Bodies which were buried so near unto him Julian by this perceived that he meant especially the Body of Babylas though some other Martyrs were buried there about him and therefore he forthwith made the Christians remove them all as (‖) L. 3. c. 10. Theodoret saith But (1) L. 3. c. 18. Socrates (2) L. 6. c. 19. Sozom. and (3) Homilia de Hiero martyre Babylâ Chrysost say that they only removed the Coffin of Babylas and as they carried it in solemn Procession into the City the Praecentors sang Psalms and the Chorus made up of Men Women and Children at every Pause sang the 7th Verse of the 79th Psalm Confounded or ashamed be all they that serve Graven Images and boast themselves of Idols Julian not bearing this Disgrace commanded the Leaders of the Procession to be apprehended But Sallustius his Praefectus Praetorio who was then an Heathen endeavoured to perswade him not to gratifie the Christians so far as to meddle with them who were desirous of the Glory of Martydom But when he saw he could not perswade him he apprehended many Christians and put them in Prison and tortured Theodorus a young Man whom he first seized in in the presence of all the People and when he was upon the Rack he sung over the same Psalm which they had sung the day before in the Procession and his wonderful Constancy in his Torments made Julian cease from punishing the rest And now let any impartial Man judge whether this was to call for Vengeance from Heaven upon the Pagan Emperor to sing Psalms upon such a triumphant Occasion certainly if these had held their peace the Stones would have immediately cryed out could they do less at the removal of a Body by which God was pleased to work such a Miracle the Body of an Eminent Martyr who had been their own Bishop And could they say any thing that could likely make deeper Impression upon Julian and bring him to a sense of the Vanity of his Idols than to pray to God that he might be put to Shame and Confusion by the Miracle and especially to do it in those pungent words of the Psalmist which he had read a Thousand times in the Church of Nicomedia Let them be confounded that serve Graven Images The Apostle saith that the Word of God is quick and powerful and sharper than any two-edged Sword piercing even to the dividing asunder of Soul and Spirit and in this Sense indeed I believe they hoped that their Psalms and the Burden of them might by Gods Blessing have proved Darts and Swords and Arrows to cut the Apostate to the Heart Otherwise they knew the worst of it would be to suffer for the Testimony they gave of their Religion but this they were so far from fearing that as (†) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sallustius told Julian They were desirous and ambitious of it But this Passage our Author very prudently opmitted in his (‖) P. 47. Translation of the Story out of Theodoret because he was not willing to let Readers understand that the Christians had a mind to suffer under an Apostate who according to his new Hypothesis persecuted contrary to Law And to this great zeal and desire of Suffering for Christ which I shall hereafter insist more upon is to be ascribed that heroical Attempt of Publia the Diaconess his second Example of singing of Psalms This Woman resolving to shew how much the Rage and Threatnings of Julian were to be despised by all Christians was resolved to be at least a Confessor and therefore with a Company of Professed Virgins (†) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Theod l. 3. c. 18. Fortified with Divine Zeal she was wont to sing Praises to God the Creator and Redemer and when the Emperor passed by they would be sure to sing their Psalms the louder accounting such a (†) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 furious and destructive Enemy of the Christian Religion to be despised and derided Now at such times they used to sing those Psalms especially which Sarcastically set forth the weakness of Idols saying after David The Idols of the Heathen are Silver and Gold the Work of Mens Hands And after thus shewing the Senselesness of them they added Let them that make them be like unto them and all those that put their Trust in them He hearing them sing thus was very much grieved and commanded them to be silent at such times as he passed by but Publia not regarding his Command filled her Quire of Virgins with more Courage and when he passed by the next time commanded them to sing Let God arise and let his Enemies be scattered Julian taking this very ill commanded Publia to be brought before him and without any regard to her Age Sex or Virtue commanded one of the Souldiers to beat her on both sides of her Face till he had made it all Bloody with his Hands But she like a true Confessor receiving this contumelious Usage as the Highest Honour wentback to her House but
1 Tim. 3.3 Tit. 1.7 Striker but on the contrary that (z) 2 Tim. 2.24 the Servant of the Lord must not strive but be Gentle unto all men apt to teach and Patient This special Rule about the Patient and Meek Behaviour of Clergy-men we find enlarged in the 9th of the Apostolical Canons in these words If any Bishop or Presbyter or Deacon beat any Believer or Unbeliever that doth him wrong we command that he be deposed because our Lord hath in no wise taught us so to do but on the contrary when he was stricken he did not strike again when he was reviled he reviled not again when he suffered he threatned not And Balsamon and Zonar on this Canon both say That a Clergy-man rather than strike another ought to him that smiteth him on the one Cheek to turn the other also And as the Church does straitly forbid Clergy-men to strike so did she also severely forbid both Clergy men and Lay-men to affront an Emperor or Ruler the former under the penalty of being deposed and the latter of being excluded from the Holy Communion as may be seen in the 84th Apostolical Canon which makes it still more Incredible that such an Holy Bishop as young Gregory describes his Father to be should suffer his Zeal so outragiously to transport him beyond all the Rules of common Decency and Duty to resolve upon kicking the Emperor against the Example of Christ the reiterated Precepts of the Apostle and the Canons and Censures of the Church Among other Examples which I have brought towards the latter end of the 5th Chapter to shew that there was nothing Singular or Extraordinary in the Behaviour of Valentinian Publia c. towards Julian as our Author would make his Reader believe I beg leave to add one more of a (a) Johannes dictus in martyrologio Usuardi Adonis Notkeri et in vetere Romano die 7 Setp. Valenius in Annotat ad cap. 5. lib. 8. Hist Eccl. Eusebii Christian of great Rank and Quality in Nicomedia who as Eusebius the Relater of the Story saith being acted by a Divine Zeal and a flaming Faith pulled down the Imperial Edict for destroying the Churches in Nicomedia from the Pillar upon which it was fixed in the most resorted place of all the City and tore it in pieces as a most Wicked and Vngodly Order although two of the Emperors Dioclesian and Galerius were then in the Town For this Contempts not of the Authority but of the Tyranny of the Emperors he was seized and tortured to death had the Honour to be the Proto-martyr of the Dioclesian Persecution Now according to Mr. J. had any of the christian Subjects of Julian like stout Champions of Christ served him in this manner it must not have been put upon the score of their Zeal to suffer for Christ but have been represented as an Effect of their special Hatred and Contempt of him as an Apostate and a Persecutor against Law But much more if any Christian City had forcibly opposed any of his Officers or Captains as the (b) Socrat. Hist Eccles l. 2. c. 13. People of Constantinople in a Violent Insurrection opposed Hermogenes one of the Captains of Constantius whose House they set on Fire and dragged him about the Streets till be was dead or if any Discontented Ambitious Man had by chance Rebelled against Julian under the Masque of Religion as (c) Baron An. 350. n. 1. Am. 353. n. 5. Magnentius did against Constants and Constantius Mr. J. according to his way of arguing would have turned the matter into a general Conclusion That the same Men who would quietly have submitted under a Nero and Dioclesian do nevertheless resist an Apostate and a Persecutor against Law and pursue him like a Midnight Robber But God be praised the Banner of the Cross was never display'd agianst the Apostate by any of his Christian Subjects nor did they raise any Seditions against him having recovered much of the Primitive and Genuine Temper of Christianity from which many of them by reason of the great heats between the Arrians and Orthodox had a little degenerated in his Predecessors Reign But in his time they behaved themselves with Exemplary Patience under the highest Provocations for laying aside their Mutual Animosities they prayed together as our (d) Preface p. 28. Author observes and like true Champions of Christ despised the Power and Threatnings of the Tyrant being ready in the Apostles passive Sense of the words to resist him unto Blood But what if any of them had risen up in Rebellion against him or Stirs and Seditions had hapned in some of the great Cities upon the Account of Religion Would the Exorbitant Practises of some according to our Authors way of arguing have been a sufficient ground for a General Imputation upon all the Christian of the Empire Would the Behaviour of some particular Persons or Companies have justified such general Phrases as are wont to be expressed with they and their If this be good Logique then the Stirs and Tumults at Paul's Cross in Queen Mary's days may be yet authorized by Mr. J. upon all the Protestants of London and the Rebellion of Wyat and his Adherents upon all the Protestants of the Nation as their General Act. He may make another Book and tell the People in his deceitful way of writing that they threw Stones and Daggers at (e) Mr. Bourn Speed in Q. Mary Fox Acts in Q. M. Dr. Burnets Hist Reform Par. 2. p. 245. some and discharged Pistols at (f) Dr. Pendleton Speed Ib. other Priests who were sent by the Qu. and Counsel to preach unto them that they taught a (g) Id. ib. Maid to speak Seditious Speeches against the Queen in a Wall so that the People believed it was the Voice of an Angel that they put a Cope upon a Cat shaved her Crown and tied something like a Waser between her Forelegs and then in derision of Popery hanged her upon a Gallows at Cheap-Cross In a word that they rose up agianst her in Defence of their (h) The Rebellion of Sir Turmas Wyat was upon the Account of Religion as is plain our of Fox who faith That the Queens Marriage was very ill taken of the People and of many of the Nobility who for this and for Religion made a Rebellion and that Sir Thomas Wyat the Chief said That the Queen by her Marriage would bring Servitude upon the Realm and establish the Popish Religion So faith Mr. Bradford of them in his Exhortation to the Professors of the Gospel in England Now for the Victory given to the Queen if men had any Godly Wit they might see many things in it First God hath done it to win her heart to the Gospel Again he hath done it because they that went against her put their Trust in Horses and Power of Men and because in their doing they fought not the Propagation of Gods Gospel which thing is
We thank them for it and to requite them we will Thunder no more with the musty Thebaean Legion but Juventinus and Maximus and the Souldiers of Julian shall be our Thundring Legion for the time to come CHAP. IV. Of the Behaviour of the Christians towards Julian in their Actions OUr Author having shewed us how the Christians behaved themselves towards Julian in Words proceeds in two Examples to give an Account of their Actions which as he saith make manifest their Hatred to him and how they held him in the very lowest degree of Contempt We may be sure these two Examples are the best he could pick out but as for the first he hath unluckily taken off from it the Efficacy he intended it should have by observing out of Theodoret and St. August that Valentinian did what he did to the Sacrist as a Confessor of the Christian Religion which implyes that he did it not out of hatred to Julian or with a Design to affront his Majesty but out of love to his Saviour and to own his Religion and to testifie his Fidelity to him For in those streights wherein he was surprized he was either to receive the Sprinklings of the Lustral Water quietly as the Heathens did and then he had polluted himself or else he was bound to shew by some Sign that he was no Heathen nor Apostate but a true Christian and having no time to deliberate which was the most decent and inoffensive way we need not wonder that he struck the Sacrist or as the (†) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Theodor. l. c. 16. Original may be rendered that he pushed him with his Fist If he had spit in his Face or in the Holy Water or shaked it off his Cloaths it had been all one something was to be done on so publick an Occasion to own his Religion and he could not do it more effectually than by disowning the Heathen Rites Theodoret saith that he was not able to (‖) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ib. dissemble the Zeal which he had for the Christian Religion and if his Master Julian were offended at him for it and looked upon himself as contemned by the Action it was an Accidental and not a Designed Offence His next Instance is in old Gregory Bishop of Nazianzum in which he hath discovered much Partiality and Dis-ingenuity in rendring that obscure Passage of his Son so as to make his Reader believe that the good old man intended to kick Julian For first it is plain that the Text is imperfect which made him confess that he had more trouble with that Passage than with all the rest in the Book (†) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Greg. Naz. Orat. 19. p. 308. the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which goes before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath nothing answering unto it the Particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems to imply that there is something wrong and who can tell what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is and therefore methinks though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should signifie Kicking and seem to refer unto the Emperor as the words stand in the printed Copy yet one would think that a Protestant Divine in Charity should have presumed that this seeming Sense of that Imperfect Passage could not be the Real because it is so absurd to imagine that so Pious a Bishop for whom his Son tells us God wrought as great a (‖) p. 304 305. Miracle as for Hezekiah should contrary to the practise of all Christianity before him design to stretch forth hand or foot against his Soveraign whose person according to our Authors own (†) P. 84. Confession was Sacred and Inviolable and ought by no means to have had any violence offered unto him It was methinks a greater Solecism in Mr. J. than any he could make in the Greek to think old Gregory had less Conscience than himself If ye will believe him he durst not offer Violence to the person of a Popish King and yet this old withered Lachrymist would have made no Bones of of Kicking Julian no not when he was scarce able to creep For in the next words to those which he cites out of Young Gregory about his Fathers Kicking he tells us of his (†) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 old Mortified Body and two or three pages after he saith he was so (‖) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 broken with Age and Sickness that upon an Occasion when he had all his Zeal about him he was scarce able to go and yet (*) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 311. this dody Body of an old Man scarce able to breath was resolved to kick Julian in the head of a Troop and what is yet stranger Julian who had fought so many Battles in the Head of his Legions having happily got Intelligence of his Design was so terrified at the danger that he ran away Besides it is not imaginable that a Roman Emperor should put himself in the Head of a Captain and his Company of Archers to lead them on to the storming of a Church it was very proper for him to command such a Captain and his Company upon the Service but to lead them on himself was not consistent with the Emperors Majesty who never marched any where but attended with the Praetorian Guards These Considerations methinks might have made Mr. J. consider the Greek better and if he had he would not have thought it any Solecism to understand the Place of the Captain of the Archers because he who led them on demanded the Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to or by vertue of his Orders which could not have been said of the Emperor if he had demanded it himself But to make the whole Passage more easie it is to be observed That young Gregory's Design in this place is to shew 1. First How much his Father despised and undervalued all the Mischief that Julian could design against him and 2dly What means he used for his Destruction and the Deliverance of the Church Of the First he saith That the Captain and his Archers whom he led up against their Church was an Example and of the Second that he not fearing the times prayed (†) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Publickly among the people for Julians Destruction and also in (‖) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Private Fasting and Praying and lying whole Nights upon the Ground Who saith he can be found who more contemned Julian or more endeavoured his Destruction that my Father Of his Contempt of him among many others those Archers and their Captain are a Proof whom he the Captain led on against our Church as one that would take it or demolish it For having assaulted many others he came hither also with the same Intention and demanded the Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to his Orders or as the special Sense of the Word requires according to the Emperors Orders This is the most natural sense of the place and I find it accordingly
Gospel is a prescription as necessary for a Christian Subject that would save his Life in time of Persecution as a Ship to a Man that would cross the Seas Afterwards he saith p. 89. That he is afraid that the Doctor calculated and fitted the Doctrine of Passive Obedience for the use of a Popish Successor and to make us an easier Prey to the Bloody Papists This is a very Uncharitable Censure from a Brother and I am verily perswaded that if Mr. J. would speak the Truth betwixt God and his own Conscience he doth not believe that the Doctor fitted that Doctrine on the 30th of Jan. for the use of a Popish Successor but for the proper Design of the Day To shew as he speaks in his Sermon the great Difference betwixt the Principles and Practises of Christ and the Primitive Christians and the Principles and Practises of our New Reformers Had it been some New Notion never started before had it not been taught by all the Episcopal Divines of the English Reformation nay had it not been a plain Gospel-Notion taught and practised by Christ and his Apostles who to use our Authors Irreverent words in a Reverent manner turned the Church into a Shambles then he might have said that it was Calculated and Fitted by the Doctor but now I have made it appear how it was calculated and fitted to his Hands It was calculated and fitted by Bishop Latimer in the time of King Edw. 6. against the time of his Popish Successor Queen Mary and he suffered at a Stake to Exemplifie his Doctrine in the following Popish Persecution and so I am confident would the Doctor and the rest of his Thebaean Brethren however My. J. may please to slander them by the help of Gods Assistance do so too But let us see his pretented Reasons for this Uncharitable Censure Why else saith he is there all that Wrath against every little Pamphlet which opposes that Interest The Pamphlets cited by the Doctor in p. 29. of his Sermon are The Appeal from the City to the Country Plate Redivivus A Brief History of the Succession A Letter of a Gentleman to his Friend shewing that the Bishops are not to be Judges c. Dialogue between Tutor and Pupil And these Pamphlets which the Dr. hath there shew'd to be Calculated and fitted against the True English Government and to be Impious and Treasonable Pieces he represents as written only in Opposition to the Popish Interest How saith he comes the History of the Succession to be an Impious and Treasonable Book Why I 'le tell him in the words of Dr. (‖) True and Exact History of the Succession p. 2. Br. It is an Impious Book for falsifying such Ancient Historians as William of Malmsbury Henry of Huntington Simeon Dunelm Ailredus Abbas Rivallensis and others whose Words if he had faithfully cited them would have been of no use to him for often in the Middle of the Sentences and of the Records which he hath cited he hath left out such Words and Matters as would have ruined the Design of his History He may see many Instances of this Charge in the Parallel at the End of the Doctors Book who concludes thus These are some of his many wilfull mistakes and indeed there is scarce one Instance in the Pamphlet that is ‑ not either fasly cited or falsly applyed I think it is plain Knavery and Impiety thus to falsifie and wrest good Authors and that it is proper English to call all those Impious Books which so pervert the Truth This Dr. Br. hath been a very Troublesom Man to Impious Falsifiers of Ancient Historians and Records and as one upon reading the Title Page of his Book against Mr. Petit said If this Charge be made good Mr. Petit may be ashamed to walk the Streets So say I if the words I have ciged out of his Answer to the Brief History of the Succession be true the Book is Impious and the Author a Knave But it is Mr. J's Interest that the Perverters and Wresters of Good Authors may not incur such severe Censures for however he hath (‖) Preface p. 29. declared that he hath been as Careful in his Citations as ever he was in telling Money and that he is ready to make them Good Yet I have made it appear That tho his Money is right as to the Tale yet it is deficient in the Intrinsick often wanting Purity and Weight But secondly It is a Treasonable Book because it asserts That the Descent of the Crown doth not purge all Defects whatsoever p. 17. And because p. 6 7. he manifestly Favours Popular Elections of Princes and the Deposition of them for the Breach of their Coronation Oaths although he could not but know That a King hath all the Rights of Soveraignty without Coronation (†) Calvins Case Cokes Reports part 7. and that it is not necessary though it be expedient for his own Honour and the Peoples Satisfaction that he should be Crown'd The Kings of England are Compleatly and Absolutely Kings before Coronation and many of them as Henry the 6th have lived many years uncrowned and others of them as Henry the 3d. and Richard the 1st were twice Crowned as we read of David that he was twice anointed by the People But there are Hereticks among Lawyers as well as Divines and they will wrest the Laws as the other do the Scriptures to their own Damnation And truly this Doctrine of Deposing Kings makes the King of England a Subject and the Three Estates his Soveraign And it is a Treasonable Doctrine in the same sense that the Act of Uniformity declares the Position of taking up Arms by the Kings Authority against his Person a Traiterous Position because it tends to Treason And if a man should write a Book to prove it it would be a Treasonable or Traiterous Book For the same Reason the Book of which he saith my Lord Hollis is the Author is an Impious and Treasonable Book Impious because it abounds with Falsifications of Records as the Authors of the Rights of the Bishops and the Grand Question have proved and Treasonable because it asserts this Traiterous Position that the King is one of the three Estates The belief of this very Position made Mr. Baxter as he himself declares a Rebel and I question not but it made thousands more besides him and never did man disgrace the Memory of a Peer more than Julian hath done that of my Lord in reporting him to be the Author of the Book For he being a man Learned in the Laws could not assert this Position but against his Conscience and with an Ill Intent which makes Mr. J. answerable to the Heir for the Scandal he hath fixed upon his dead Father who is not able to Justifie himself The Dialogue between the Tutor and Pupil is also a Wicked and Treasonable Piece because it misrepresents the English Government as if there were a Reciprocal Contract betwixt the
Pagan Atheist (†) De Mort. Peregr L. 2. p. 763. Lucian had learnt of them as appears from these words The Miserable Wretches saith he perswade those of their own Party that they shall surely be Immortal and live for ever upon which account they despise Death and offer themselves voluntarily to it And in Minutius Felix Cecilianus objects it against the Christians as a piece of Arrogance Quod Coelo Stellis interitum denunciant sibi tamen ipsis aeternitatem repromittunt That they denounced Destruction to Heaven and the Stars but assured themselves of Eternal Life And again They despise Torments that are present and yet fear those that are Future and Vncertain and while they fear to dye after death in the mean time they are not afraid to dye It was a great Truth which the Ignorant Pagan objected For in this Assurance of Faith they let themselves be led like Sheep to the Slaughter quietly suffering all the Extremities of Death and Torments which Men or Devils could bring upon them without desiring to hurt or seeking to revenge themselves upon those that Injured them as Justin Mart. often observes in in his (‖) P. 236 323 363. Dialogue with Trypho the Jew The Foresight and Joy of their Heavenly Reward made them endure the Cross and despise the Shame of it because they knew that if they Suffered with him they should also Reign with him The (†) Dr. Caves Prim. Christ p. 2. ch 7. 40 Christian Souldiers in the time of Licinius which were starved to death in a Pond of Water in Cold Frosty Weather comforted one another as they stood together by Ballancing their Present Sufferings with their Future Hopes Is the Weather Sharp said they Paradise is Comfortable and Delightful Is the Frost Cold and Bitter they rest that remains is Sweet and Pleasant Let us but hold out a Little and Abrahams Bosom will Refresh us We shall change this One Night for an Eternal Age of Happiness And Blessed be God saith Bishop Ridley in his Letter to Master Bradford with all our evil Reports Grudgings and Restraints we are Merry in God of whom we look and hope after these Temporal and Momentary Miseries to have Eternal Joy and Perpetual Felicity through Jesus Christ our Lord The Third Principle into which the Meek and Passive Behaviour of former Christians is to be resolved is the Love of God by which Faith (†) Gal. 5 6. 1 Thes 5 3. worketh or is actuated to do or suffer any thing for the Sake of Christ So saith the Apostle Rom. 8. 35. Who shall separate us from the Love of Christ shall Tribulation or Distress or Persecution or Famine or Nakedness or Peril or Sword as it is written for thy sake are we killed all the day long we are counted as Sheep for the Slaughter nay in all these things we are more than Conquerors through him that loved us for I am perswaded that neither Fear of Death nor Hope of Life nor Angels of Satan nor Princes nor Potentates nor Sufferings Present nor Sufferings to come nor Heights of Preferment nor Depth of Disgrace shall be able to separate us from the Love of God which is in Jesus Christ our Lord. So saith St. John most excelcently to the same purpose 1 Ep. 4. We have known and believed the Love that God hath unto us for God is Love and he that dwelleth in the Love of God dwelleth in God and God in him Herein consists the Consumation or Perfection of our Love that the we have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Boldness or Courage to Confess Christ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the day of Tryal for there is no Fear in Love but perfect Love casteth out Fear because Fear is attended with Torment and Anxiety so that he that feareth Dangers or Death is not arrived to the Perfection of Love This great Love of Christ which enables us to suffer for him is founded as the fame Apostle teacheth upon the consideration of his Love in dying for us We love him saith he i. e. we ought to love him because he first loved us And God commendeth his Love towards us saith St. Paul in that while we were yet Sinners Christ died for us After the Apostles themselves there never was a greater Example of this flagrant Love of Christ than the Holy Martyr Ignatius Sâ— Johns Disciple and Bishop of â—â—â—och who though he rejoyced heartily in the little Respit the Christians enjoyed from Persecution in the time of Nerva upon the Churches account yet he (†) Dubitavit enim apud seipsum c. Martyr S. Ignat. p. 2. doubted with himself Whether he had arrived to the perfect Love of God and was a compleat Disciple of Christ because as yet he had not called him to Martyrdom And therefore shortly after when Trajan the Emperor commanded the Souldiers to bind him in Chains and carry him bound to Rome to be devoured in the Amphitheater he (‖) Ib. p. 4. received the Sentence with Joy and said O Lord I thank thee that thou hast made me perfect in thy Love and made me worthy with thy Apostle St. Paul to be bound in Iron-Chains Accordingly in his (†) Euseb I. 3. c. 36. Journey to Rome and in his (‖) Ex ed. Usser vel Vossian Epistle which he sent thither before his Arrival he breathed nothing but the Perfection of Divine Love O saith he that I might come to those Wild Beasts which are prepared for me I will encourage them to devour me if they are afraid to touch me as they have been to touch others nay I will provoke them if they will not set upon me You must pardon me I know what is for my Advantage I am now indeed Christs Disciple I am afraid of your Love lest it be a Hindrance to me but let me be devoured by the Beasts It is better for me to dye for Jesus Christ than to be Emperor of all the World Let Fire and the Cross and the Wild Beasts let Dissections of my Flesh pulling in Pieces and breaking of Bones let Distortion of Members and Bruising the whole Body and all the Torments which the Devil can invent come upon me so that I Enjoy Jesus Christ The Fourth Reason into which the Meek and Passive Temper of the Former Christians is to be resolved is Inspired Patience and Courage whereby God enabled them to bear their Torments in such a Generous and Gallant Manner as without such Assistance they could not have done You saith Octavius in Minutius Felix extol men of Passive Courage unto the Skies as Mutius Scaevola who had died obscurely among his Enemies but for the Gallantry of his Right Hand but how many of ours have suffered not only the burning of their Hands but of their whole Bodies without a Shreek when they might have been set free But I need not compare our men with Mutius Aquilius and Regulus our very Women and Children by (†)
according to the Principles which I have here laid down and the Godly Admonition of that Famous Martyr Mr. John Bradford which he wrote in the New Testament of one of his Friends This Book is called Sermo Crucis the Word of the Cross because the Cross doth always accompany it So that if you will be a Student hereof you must needs prepare your self for the Cross which you began to learn before you learned your Alphabet And Christ requireth it of every one that will be his Disciple therein not swerving from the common Trade of Callings and Vocations for no Profession or kind of Life wanteth his Cross So that they are far overseen which think that the Profession of the Gospel which the Devil most Envieth the World most Hateth and the Flesh most Repineth at can be without a Cross Let us therefore pray That God â—â—â—ld enable us to take up our Cross by denying our selves Amen E Carcere 18 Februarii 1555. JOHN BRADFORD THE END Books Printed for Walter Kettilby at the Bishop's Head in St. Paul's Church-yard H. Mori Opera Theologica Rhilosophica Fol. Three Vol. Dr. More 's Reply to the Answer to his Antidote against Idolatry With his Appendix Octavo Remarques on Judge Hales of Fluid Bodies c. Octavo Exposition on the Apocalyps Quarto Exposition on Daniel Quarto Confutation of Astrology against Butler Quarto Dr. Sherlock's Discourse of the Knowledge of Jesus Christ With his Defence Octavo Answer to Danson Quarto Account of Ferguson's Common-place-Book Quarto Dr. Falkener's Libertas Ecclesiastica Octavo Christian Loyalty Octavo Vindication of Liturgies Octavo Dr. Fowler 's Libertas Evangelica Octavo Mr. Scot's Christian Life Octavo Dr. Worthington's great Duty of Self-Resignation Octavo Dr. Smith's Pourtraict of Old Age. Octavo Mr. Kidder's Discourse of Christian Fortitude Oct. Mr. Allen's Discourse of Divine Assistance Oct. Christian Justification stated Oct. 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Lent Sermon Quarto Dr. Thorp's Sermon before the Lord Mayor Quarto Dr. Woodrof's Sermon before the Lord Mayor Quarto Mr. Williams's Sermon before the Lord Mayor Quarto Christianity abused by the Church of Rome and Popery shewed to be a Corruption of it Being an Answer to a late Printed Paper given about by Papists In a Letter to a Gentleman Quarto Remarks on the Growth and Progress of Nonconformity In Quarto Baxters Vindication of the Church of England in her Rites and Ceremonies Discipline and Church Orders Mr. Lynford's Sermon Quarto Mr. Bryan Turner's Sermon Testimonium Jesu Quarto Mr. John Turner's Sermon of Transubstantiation Quarto Dr. Butler's Sermon before the King at Windsor Mr. Lamb's Sermon before the King at Windsor Mr. Browns Visitation Sermon Quarto Dr. Fowler 's Sermon at the Assizes at Gloucester Quarto Mr. Cutlove's two Assize Sermons at St. Edmunds-Bury Quarto Mr. Inet's Sermon at the Assizes at Warwick Quarto Mr. Edward Sermon 's Sermon before the L. Mayor Mr. Resbury's Sermon before the Charter-House Scholars In Quarto Sermon at the Funeral of Sir Allen Broderick Mr. Needham's six Sermons at Cambridge Octavo Dr. Eachard's Dialogue against Hobbs 2d Part. Mr. Hallywel's Discourse of the Excellency of Christianity Octavo True and Lively Representation of Popery Shewing that Popery is only new-modelled Paganism Quarto Account of Familism against the Quakers Sacred Method of saving Humane Souls by Jesus Christ Discourse of the Polity and Kingdom of Darkness Octavo Dr. Goodall's Vindication of the Colledge of Physicians Octavo Mr. L'Emery's Course of Chymistry With the Appendix Dr. Grew's Anatomy of Trunks With nineteen Copper Plates Octavo D. Sydenhami Observationes de Morbis Acutis Octavo Epistolae duae de Morbis Epidemicis de Lue Venerea Octavo Dissertatio Epistolaris de Variolis neâ—non de Affectione Hysterica et de Hypochondriaca Octavo Lossii Observationes Medicae Octavo Mayow Tractatus 5 E. Med. de Sal. nitro c. 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And an Impartial Account of the late Addresses c. Quarto Mr. Tho. Smith's Sermon concerning the Doctrine Unity and Profession of the Christian Faith Preached before the University of Oxford With an Appendix concerning the Apostles Creed Quarto 1682. Mr. Lamb's Sermon before the Lord Mayor Feb. 5. 1682. Dr. Calamy's Sermon preached before the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Citizens of London at bow-Bow-Church on the 29. of May. 1682. Prosecution no Persecution Or the Difference between Suffering for Disobedience and Faction In a Sermon upon Phil. 1.29 Preached at Bury St. Edmunds in Susfolk on the 22 of March 1681 By Nath. Bisbie D. D The Modern Pharise By Nath. Bisby D. D. Moderation stated In a Sermon preached before the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the City of London at Guild-Hall Chappel October 22. 1682. By John Evans M. A. Rector of of St. Ethelborough London A Discourse to Prove that the Strongest Temptations are Conquerable by Christians In a Sermon preached before the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen Jan. 14. 1676 1677. By George Hicks D. D. Constantius the Apostate Being a Short Account of his Life and the Sense of the Primitive Christians about his Succession Being a Full Answer to a late Pamphlet Intituled Julian the Apostate Octavo Also several other Books on various Subjects
after her usual manner she still pelted him with her Spiritual Songs Theodoret who tells this Story of Publia and her Quire of Virgins ascribes it to their Divine Zeal and afterwards tells us that she received her cruel and disgraceful Beating as the highest Honour which is as much as if he had said in St. Lukes phrase That she rejoyced like the Apostles that she was counted worthy to suffer shame for Christ This makes it plain that Suffering is the thing they would have been at and if our Author had not been wilfully blind he might in these Psalms have seen the flights of their self-denying and suffering Religion who made themselves Confessors in that Exigence and would fain have been martyrs for Jesus Christ For Julian out of Policy as I shall hereafter shew would not kill the Christians because their Martyrdom made them and their Religion more Illustrious and therefore many of them thought they should do God good Service to provoke him to break his Measures in putting them death endeavouring as Nazianzen said of his Souldiers above mentioned to make themselves Martyrs 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as much as lay in their own Power Hence as that (†) 1 Invect p. 72 73 74. Father tells us it was more delightful to the Christians to suffer for their Religion than to see it undermined by new Arts and therefore he complains of the Politic Gentleness of Julian as the greatest Cruelty that ever the Christians underwent (‖) Hom. in Juvent Max. St. Chrysost tells us That Julian used to say That the Christians flew to Martyrdom as Bees to their Hive And therefore the true Ground why the Christians so provoked him was not that he Persecuted them Illegally but that he did not take the old way of Persecution which was so honourable to the Christians and advantagious to the Church of putting them to death Or if here and there he put them to death that he put them not to death formally as Christians but accused and condemned them for some other Crimes This indeed raised their Animosity against him that he (‖) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Naz. 1. Inv. p. 72. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sallust ad Jul. Soz. l. 4. c. 20. envied them the Glory and the Church the mighty (†) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chryst Hom. in juvent Max. Vid. Sozom. l. 5. c. 4. Advantage of a downright Bloody Persecution and if their extraordinary Zeal in suffering Martyrdom and watering the Church with their Blood did transport any of them beyond the bounds of decency or strict Duty in their Behaviour to the Emperor or those who were put in Authority under him it transported former Christians as much In the Dioclesian Persecution (‖) Passio Sancti Felicis Edit Oxon. ad Calcem Lactant. de Mort. Persecuâ— Felix Bishop of Tubyza told the Governour of the City That their Gods were Stones the Works of Mens Hands which had Eyes but saw not Ears but heard not Mouths but spoke not c. and then added in the words of Publia They that make them are like unto them and so is every one that putteth his Trust in them And when he was brought before Anulinus the Pro-consul he asked him his Name to which he replyed I am a Christian The Pro-consul replyed I did not ask what Religion you were of but what was your Name To which he bluntly replyed As I said before so I say again I am a Christian and a Bishop which made the Pro-consul Angry Might not a man here ask in our Authors words Where is the Reverence due to Authority What dutifulness was there shewn by the Bishop in refusing to comply with so reasonable a Command as to tell his Name and had it been Julian to whom the Bishop had been so uncomplyant then he would have triumphantly said But it was Julian and he did not owe him so much Service In the Gallic Persecution in the time of the Antonines St. (†) Euâ—eb Hist Ecc. l. 5. c. 1. Attalus would neither tell his Name nor his Country nor the City where he was born nor whether he was bound or free but to all these Questions only answered in Latine I am a Christian And good old (‖) Ibid. Pothinus Bishop of Lyons who was prosecuted by the Magistrates and People of the City when the Pro-consul asked him who was the God of the Christians answered very uncomlaisantly If thou wert worthy thou shouldest know Had this been Maris or Old Gregory or any other Christian that had answered Julian so then it must have been brought for a Special Example of the Christians Hatred to Julian and how they had him in the lowest degree of Contempt I cannot would he have said find out any profound primitive Obedience in this Behaviour Where is the Reverence due to Majesty What Dutifulness did they shew in refusing to comply with so Reasonable a Command as to tell their Names or who was the God of the Christians But it was Julian and they did not owe him so much Service Methinks a Man that could find so many Arguments to Justifie his Fellow-Subjects for Petitioning their Soveraign against his express Command might have said something to Excuse Publia for her Non-compliance with Julian and not have charged her with Disobedience and breach of Duty for doing of that which Theodoret who hath so much Credit with him ascribed to the Primitive Principle of Divine Zeal He might have called to mind the Uncomplyable behaviour of Jesus before Pilate of which Divines give this Account That seing Pilate so willing to release him he would not answer him as being afraid by his Complyance to prevent his Sufferings at the appointed time In like manner many of the Primitive Christians having (†) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb de Vettio Epagatho martyre l. 5. c. 1. very much Zeal for Christ and fervency in Spirit to suffer for him as Proto-Martyrs of the several Persecutions did designedly behave themselves in that Stoical manner before the Tribunals as being unwilling to prevent their own sufferings or at least afraid to be thought Timerous or willing to escape More particularly in the Time of Julian many to whom God gave the Spirit of (‖) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. Proto-Martyrs did industriously provoke him to down right Bloodshed for the Reasons above mentioned and yet were never charged with want of Reverence or breach of their Duty to him in the Particulars by which they did it or with doing any thing more against him upon that Account than was done to other Emperors or their Ministers by Martyrs and Confessors of former times CHAP. VI. Of their Prayers and Tears WE come now to their Prayers and Tears which saith he (†) P. 46. were the Arms of the Church indeed for they were Darts and Arrows and Firebrands and Death Cruel Christians so to dart their Prayers against Julian and then to be so flippant as to
express it by a Word which might more properly be employed to describe the throwing of the Javelin which afterwards stuck in his Liver Oh but it was Julian and in that Age those were accounted the best Prayers and Tears which did best Execution upon an Apostate Emperor and contributed most to his Destruction This is a very pretty Declamation and would almost perswade a man to think that the Christians in Julians Time had Army-Chaplains among them and that they prayed to the Lord of Hosts for his Destruction in Field-Conventicles with Javelins in their Hands and Swords by their Sides The Nightly Squadrons and lying upon the Ground doth much countenance this Notion and if the unwary Readers of Julian be carried into such Mistakes by the Authors Artillery-Metaphors as some I know have been is he not to Answer to God for it Especially considering that after so many false and groundless Charges upon those Christians in general At length he (‖) P. 95. represents them as Rebels in their Hearts and saith That they made use of other Ingredients besides Prayers and Tears in their Composition against a Persecutor I shall hereafter shew the Falseness of that Charge and now proceed to examine the Justice of this How doth it appear that the Christians in Julians Time prayed for his Destruction The Charge is General like all other general Charges ought to be proved from a great Number of Particulars especially since the Society so charged is little less than the Catholik Church Doth any Author say in general That the Christians prayed for the death of Julian or can he furnish us with so many particular Instances in different places as may by the Laws of Induction serve to ground such a General Charge upon But instead of that he presents us but with two Instances which really are but one even the Example of Old Gregory and his Church at Nazianzum for the We in Young (†) Invect 1. p. 123. Gregory relates to the Christians of that City of whom he being one speaks in the Plural Number We called for the Sword and the Plagues of Egypt and We besought him to judge his own Cause c. And then speaking more particularly of himself These saith he were my mental and verbal Prayers unto God But what is the Practise of Old Gregory and his Church to all the Churches and Cities of the Empire Is this without more Examples sufficient to prove that the rest of the Churches in the Roman Empire did publickly strike the Villain for so he renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with their Joynt Prayers and Supplications or that other Bishops generally speaking privately Fasted and Watched and Prayed for his Destruction and taught their People so to do Would the singular Practise of one English Bishop and of his People following his Example be a sufficient Ground for a General Charge upon the whole Church of England If it would not how much less can the Example of one Bishop or Church in the Roman Empire signifie any thing to prove the General Practise of the rest But yet in our Authors Logick one Instance is ground enough for a Lawful Induction It must be their Prayers and their Tears and they followed Hezekiahs Example and they darted these Prayers But we need not wonder at his making an Induction from one Particular when he calls the few Months of Julians Reign an Age p. 55. In that Age saith he the best Prayers and Tears were those which did best Execution upon an Apostate Emperor I do not question but that the Christians generally prayed for the Deliverance of the Church but then it is reasonable to believe that they generally pray'd for Julians Conversion at the same time Of this we can produce one Example though our Author (‖) P. 96. saith That he could not find so much as one single Wish among the Ancients for Julians Conversion but all for his downright Destruction If he could not it was his own Fault I fear the fault of his own willful Blindness for in the very next Chapter to that (†) P. 59. Sozom. l. 6. c. 1. which he hath cited out of Sozom to prove that a Christian killed Julian he might have read of Didymus whom the Historian calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is an (‖) Vid. Suicceri Thesaur in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Orthodox Doctor of Alexandria (†) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sozom. l. 6. who being in great Sorrow for the Apostacy of Julian Fasted and Prayed for his Repentance and for the sad Estate of the Church Now from this Example in our Authors way of arguing I might prove that the Christians prayed for Julians return from his Error and for the Deliverance of the Church by that way I am sure it is very agreeable to their Charity to think That all would pray for his Repentance that believed him capable of Repentance and that none absolutely prayed for his Destruction but such as thought him utterly uncapable of Repentance and that he had sinned the Sin unto death for which it was in vain to pray And indeed there was very good Reasons to presume that he was Irrecoverable and had the Malice of a Devil against Christ and the Christian Religion and good grounds upon that presumption to pray for his Destruction and after his death in that unnatural Apostacy to lodge him as our Author observes in Hell Now to make out this Hypothesis let us consider the Nature of his Apostacy his Devotedness to the Devil and his Spite to Christ and the Christians As for his Apostacy it was first occasioned by his (‖) Theod. l. 3. c. 3. Ambitious Thirst after the Empire which made him go about Greece to find out Conjurers and Fortune-Tellers of whom he might enquire if he should obtain his Desire At length he met with a Magician who promised him to tell him his Fortune and to that end led him into an Idoll-Temple where in the Adytum or inner Recesses he conjured up the Devil and there initiated him in the Diabolical Mysteries made him eat of the Sacrifice which was an Abomination to Christ This was after his Brother Gallus was made Caesar when (‖) Invect 1. p. 61. being left alone he had greater opportunities to converse with Astrologers and Magicians whereof there was great plenty in Asia and before this as (†) Ibid. Gregory saith he was a concealed Pagan using to dispute with his Brother Gallus in Defence of Paganism which he would own in company where he was safe This is very agreeable to (‖) L. 22. Et quanquam à rudimentis pueritiae primis inclinatior erat erga numinum cultum Marcellinus who saith that he was addicted to Paganism from a Child and yet to cover the matter he professed himself (†) Sozom. l. 5. c. 2. Naz. 1 Invect p. 59. Theod. l. 3. c. 2. a Zealous Christian going often to Church and letting himself be ordained a