plantations of the Churches still increasing and his comforting confirming and setling the Churches was another Through all quarters This referreth to those places mentioned in the verse preceding Iudea Galilee and Samaria onely whereas that verse speaketh of the places themselves this Verse in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a word of the masculine gender referreth to the people of the places and this is all the difference And therefore Baronius is besides the Cushion who upon this very place and out of this very word would conclude that Peter in this his peregrination did found the Episcopacy at Antioch His words are these Luke saith hee being intent as it appeareth to commend to memory the more remarkable miracles wrought by Peter hath omitted in silence the rest of his actions performed in this visitation of the province and among other things the institution of the Church of Antioch which that it was erected by him in this very yeer wee shall easily shew by the testimony of the ancients Eusebius may bee alledged as one of these ancients and one for all who speaketh much to the same purpose and somewhat further but onely with this difference that hee hath set downe this matter a little before the death of Tiberius Peter the Apostle saith hee founded the Church of Antioch and having there gotten his chaire bee sate five and twenty yeers Thus Eusebius ad annum Christ. 38. Parisiis 1511. Now to take up this position and story in its severall particulars almost every parcell will prove a stumbling block and before beleefe can bee given to it it must passe thorow and overcome these difficulties 1. Whereas his journey to Antioch is laid in this visitation it is strained beyond the letter and beyond the Spirit and meaning of the Text. For that speaketh onely of the Churches of Iudea Galilee and Samaria and then how came in Antioch in another country And those words through all quarters run at a very uncertaine randome if they bee uncircumscribed by the Verse before 2. It is past all peradventure that as yet there was no Church at Antioch at all much more that there was no Episcopall Chaire and See there For it is a yeer yet to come before there be any mention of a Church there Act. 11. and that that story of the first beginning of that Church lieth in its proper place and time without any transposition or Hysteron-proteron is so plaine to him that will but view it that it needeth no proof 3. How is it consistent with Peters imprisonment at Ierusalem Chap. 12. to sit Bishop in another country Much more is it inconsistent or rather to speak plainly impossible that he should fit five and twenty yeers at Antioch and as many at Rome and yet goe thither in the second of Claudius as hee is held to have done Now Baronius hath espied these two stumbling blocks and laboreth to remove them but in his striving about the one hee throweth dirt into Eusebius his best Authors face for hee saith hee is corrupted and indeed hee doth little lesse about the other For whereas Eusebius saith in plaine termes ibi sedit Peter there sate this his Paraphrast glosseth that it sufficed though hee never came there For with him Peter was as a Creator of Churches and Bishopricks for if dixit factum est if hee but spake the word bee hee where hee would there was a Metropolis or an Episcopacy created in any place whatsoever But not to spend much labour where wee are sure but of little profit let it suffice the reader to have but a Catalogue and particular of his arguments let him censure them according to his own judgment Argum. 1. It was Peters office to oversee and take care of the whole stock and for this hee visited all the Churches that lay round about Ierusalem pag. 306. But that draweth on another question which will bee harder to prove then this and it maketh Paul but an intruder thâ—t took upon him such a care Arg. 2. Peter taking opportunitie of the Churches tranquillity pag. 306. visited all the Christians which were in Syria pag. 309. But here hee is besides his warrant of the Text and maketh a History of his owne head Arg. 3. Peter wheresoever hee was might raise an Episcopall or metropoliticall See at any place distant where hee pleased by the Authoritie wherewith hee was indewed pag. 309. When this is proved wee may beleeve the other that hee would prove Arg. 4. The number of Eusebius of his sitting 25. yeers at Antioch is an error crept into the Text but the number of his 25. yeers at Rome in him is right pag. 306. but if hee bee at liberty to suspect the one sure wee may have the like liberty to suspect the other Arg. 5. The Hierarchicall order seemeth not to indure that the prime Church that had been as yet instituted should bee governed by any but the prime Apostle pag. 309.330 It will bee some worke to prove any Hierarchicall order at all or Peter Prime Apostle or Antioch a chiefe Church above others more then by humane preferring or Antioch yet a Church and were all these proved which never will bee yet is the inference or argumentation thereupon but of small value and validity 6. His last Argument is from Authorities which at last hee gathereth into the Center of a Councell at Rome pag. 332. But Amicus Plato amicus Aristoteles magis amica veritas As for his answers to Eusebius that calleth Evodius the first Bishop of Antioch his answer to Ignatius that saith hee was placed there by the Apostles more then one and to Onuphrius that maketh Peter Bishop of Rome before hee was Bishop of Antioch bee they referred to the perusall in his owne Text for the matter is not worth the labour of examining them Vers. 32. Lydda This seemeth to bee the same with Lod 1 Chron. 8.12 A Citie in the Tribe of Benjamin mentioned Ezra 2.33 Vers. 35. Saron Heb. Sharon A fertile valley famous in Scripture as 1 Chron. 27.29 Esa. 33.9 Cant. 2.1 c. where the Targum renders it the garden of Eden and the Seventie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a field or pâ—aine the masculine Article sheweth it is not the name of a Citie And so do the Seventie article it Esa. 33.9 There is menâ—ion of a Sharon beyond Iordan 1 Chron. 5.16 inhabited about by Gileadites by which it seemeth that it was a common name for plaine champion grounds wheresoever Vers. 36. Tabitha which by interpretation is called Dorcas Tabitha the Syriack and Dorcas the Greek do both signifie a Hind or Doe Capream as Beza renders it Now the reason why Luke doth thus render the one into the other seemeth to be because Tabitha was a Grecizing Jewesse and so was commonly called by these two names by the Syrian among the Hebrews and by the Greeke among the Greeks Vers. 37. Whom when they had washed Whether it were a common custom among the Jews
Tarsus ch 9.30 And Barnabas his going thither to him and divers other things of smal import in comparison should omit the greatest most matteriall of the infinitest import that ever mortall mans journey was for to that height is the journey of Peter to Rome now come if there had ever been such a thing at all Thirdly it is as incredible that Paul sending salutationâ— to so many in Rome and againe from so many there should omit to have named Peter at one time or other if hee had been there What was become of Peter in these reciprocall kindnesses and salutations of the Saints one to another was hee a sleep or was hee sullen or what shall we make of him or was hee not indeed at Rome at all But not to insist upon this question whether Peter were at Rome at all which hath been proved negatively by many Authors and by many undeniable Arguments let us looke a little upon this foundation of his being there which hath been laid namely his comming thither this year which is the second thing to be taken into consideration And about this point there have been divers simple Ignoramusses in former time who so they held this first Article of the Roman Creed That Peter was Bishop of Rome five and twenty years and dyed in the last year of Nero and so beleeved as the Church beleeved they never cared to bring the head and heels together or to observe how the times agreed but have easily swallowed this camell of senselesse computation that Peter went from the Councell of Ierusalem Acts 15. to Rome and there sate Bishop five and twenty yeares which expired in the last of Nero whereas betwixt the Councell at Ierusalem and the last of Nero there were but twenty yeares in all if there were so many But nimbler wits that cannot bee caught in so plaine and apparent a trap as this have found out a quainter and more curious date from which to begin the Chaire of Peter at Rome then this and that is from the Story in the twelfth of the Acts of the Apostles Where Peter being apprehended by Herod after his murder of Iames the great and being delivered by an Angel and having acquainted the Disciples with his delivery they being together in Iohn Markes house hee is said to depart to another place which they say and you must beleeve it or they will take it very ill was to Rome and this was say they the second year of Claudius A long journey beleeve it to run to Rome to avoid danger at Ierusalem and Rome but a mad place to set up an Episcopacy in at this time as hath been plaine in the preceding and will bee also in the subsequent story of it But that we may see if not the impossibility yet the utter improbability of that his journey in this second of Claudius if that were the journey in the twelfth of the Acts it will not bee impertinent to insert a story out of Iosephus concerning Agrippaes returne from Rome to Ierusalem where hee slew Iames and imprisoned Peter PART II. The Jewish Story Sect. Herod Agrippa his comming to Ierusalem CLaudius the Emperour having attained the Empire as wee have seene the more easily and readily by the mediation and agitating of Agrippa hee would requite him like an Emperour for that his service and therefore hee confirmed to him by Charter that Kingdome in which hee had been inthroned by Caius adding also Iudea and Samaria which had belonged to his Grandfather Herod from hence it may seeme that he tooke that name and Abilene and the region neare it and appertaining to it in Lebanon which had belonged to Lysanias He caused also the Articles of a League betwixt himselfe and the King to bee cut in brasse and to bee set up in the midst of the Forum There was now some sedition and civill hostility in Alexandria for the Jewes having beene supprest and opprest by the Greekes all the time of Caius began after his death to stand in their owne defence and to rise up against those that had opposed them Claudius by Letter commands the Governour of Egypt to quell the tumult and at the request of Agrippa and of Herod King of Chalcis hee sendeth forth an Edict into Syria and Alexandria in behalfe and favour of the Jewes And another Decree hee sent also through the rest of the Roman Empire to the same tenor and for the benefit of the same people beginning with these his Titles Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Pont. Maximus Trib. Pleb or Tribunitia Potestatis Consul designatus II. or second time Consul and so it goes on By these decrees saith Iosephus being thus sent to Alexandria and through the whole Empire Claudius declared what opinion hee had of the Jewes And presently hee sent away Agrippa to manage his Kingdome with inlarged Honours and wrote to the Governours of the Provinces and to the Magistrates to favour him And hee as it befitted a man that had had happy successe returned with speed And comming to Ierusalem hee performed or offered Thankes-Offerings omitting nothing that was injoyned by the Law Wherefore hee caused many Nazarites to bee shaven and the golden Chaine which was given him by Caius weighing equally with the iron chaine that had bound his royall hands hee hung up in the consecrate Court over the Treasury for a memoriall of his adversity and for a witnesse of his better fortune Thus Agrippa having performed rightly this his service to God hee removed Theophilus the son of Ananus from the High-priesthood and conferred the honour upon Simon the son of Boethus whose name was also Cantheras thus Iosephus Antiq. l. 19. c. 4. Sect. Peter not imprisoned in the second yeare of Claudius To which let us joyne some of St. Lukes text in the twelfth of the Acts and then let us make use of both together Now about that time saith hee Herod the King stretched forth his hands to vexe certaine of the Church and hee killed Iames the brother of Iohn with the sword And because he saw it pleased the Iews he proceeded further to take Peter then were the dayes of unleavened bread Now let the Reader observe in either story one speciall circumstance of time as in Iosephus That Claudius was now second time Consul and in St. Luke that Iames was slaine before Easter and then let him cast whether it were possible at the least probable that so many things should bee done and intercede betweene the beginning of January when Claudius entered his Consulship and Easter as in these Stories must intercede if Peter were imprisoned at the Easter of this yeare yea though it fell the latest or furthest in the yeare that ever Easter yet fell For for Claudius to make his decree and disperse it for Agrippa to provide for his journey and part from his friends in Rome for him to travaile from Rome to Ierusalem to performe his Sacrifices and Ceremonies there to
2. There was a chiefe Captaine that was Governour of the whole Garison at Hierusalem as Chap. 21.33 24.7 and his severall Companies lay placed in severall Courts of Guard about the City among the rest this was one within the virge of the Temple the greatest badge and signe of all other of the Jews present servitude and subjection when their very Temple and service had a heathen bridle put upon it And thus did the abomination of desolation begin to creepe in and to stand in the place where it ought not Vers. 2. Being grieved that they taught the people This grievance of the Priests Sadduces and Captaine of the Temple proceeded from severall principles and causes The Captaines distaste was for feare the businesse should tend to innovation or tumult the Sadduces because they preached the resurrection of the dead which they denyed Chap. 23.8 the Priests because they being private men went about to teach the people and chiefly because they preached the resurrection through Jesus Through Iesus the resurrection from the dead Though the whole Nation did so generally assert and hold the resurrection of the dead the Sadduces only excepted that they made the denyers of this point one of the three Parties that should never have part in the world to come as they speak in the Talmud in the Tractate of Sanhed Perâ—h Helek These are they that have no portion in the world to come hee that saith The resurrection of the dead is not taught from the Law and he that saith That the Law is not from heaven and Epicures Yet was this no lesse then heresie in their esteeme to teach that the resurrection of the dead was either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 proved and experienced in Iesus or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the power and efficacy of Iesus that either Iesus was risen or that hee should bee the Author of the resurrection Verse 4. And the number of the men was about five thousand The 5000 mentioned here were the number of Converts and not of Auditors and they were a single number by themselves and not an addition to the 3000 mentioned before to make them five thousand For first the holy Ghost intendeth in this booke to shew the power of the Gospel rather then the bare preaching of it and how many it converted rather then how many heard it Secondly the juncture of the verse is so close and facil that none can understand it any otherwise then of the number of beleevers unlesse it be for very captiousnesse for the Text saith that many of them that heard the word beleeved And how many was that many Namely 5000 men For thirdly how ridiculous were it to interpret that the holy Ghost should tell us that there was an audience in the Temple of 5000 men Why Iosephus saith that generally every course of the Priests contained so many And it would bee utterly strange if the holy Ghost which in all the Bible never numbred an audience at the Temple no not when he was intentionally writing of the service and assembly there should doe it now when hee is purposely upon a story of men converted to the Gospel Again that this is an intire summe different from the 3000 in the second Chapter is plaine by the very story in hand For first it is a discourse concerning a miracle done by Peter and Iohn and all the Chapter to the three and twentyeth verse keepes close to that relation and what reason possibly bly can be given that this clause onely should start from it Secondly it were an uncouth manner of reckoning and such as the Scripture is utterly unacquainted with to number 5000 and to meane but 2000 and never to give any notice that it so meaneth Thirdly The number of the men were 5000. Of what men Of those which heard the word What word The word preached by Peter and Iohn vers 1. and not the word preached on Pentecost day by all the Apostles Thus is the Church become 8000 numerous by two Sermons besides the multitudes that were beleevers before and those whose conversion is not summed Ver. 5. Their Elders Rulers and Scribes c. In this Councell and Consistory that was now gathered the Evangelist exhibiteth variety of members First their Rulers or the chiefe Priests the heads of the twenty foure courses Secondly Scribes or other Doctors of the Tribe of Levi. Thirdly Elders or the Seniors and Senators of the other Tribes Fourthly Annas the Nasi or President of the Sanhedrin Fifthly Caiaphas the High Priest the Abbeth diu the father of the Court. Sixthly John as it seemeth the sonne of Annas the Governour of Gophins and Acrabatena in the time of Nero Ioseph de bello lib. 2. cap. 25. Seventhly Alexander called also Lysimachus and Alabarcha of whom wee shall have occasion to discourse afterward Eightly As many as were of the High Priests kindred brethren or Cosens of that family so that by this concourse of all these at this time divers of whose employment and residence was at distance it may bee the rather supposed that this was at some solemne Festivall that had brought them all to Ierusalem Vers. 7. And when they had set them in the midst The Sanhedrin sate in halfe the floure in a circle Rambam Sanhedrin Pere 1. Those who had any thing to doe in the Court stood or sate in the midst of them Luke 2.46 Sect. By what name have yee done this So did they very foolishly conceit that the very naming some names might do wonders as Acts 19.13 the Talmud in Shab forgeth that Ben Satds they have a blasphemous meaning in this expression wrought miracles by putting the unutterable name within the skin of his foot and there sewing it up Vers. 11. This is the stone which was set at nought In Psal. 118.22 which is the place from which this speech is taken is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the stone refused so is it Mat. 21.42 that according to the Hebrew Text but here the Apostle heightens the expression that hee may set home their abuse of Christ nearer to their hearts and may shew the humiliation of Christ the more The Syriack mindeth not this but translates this place and Matth. 21.42 by the same word refused The Chaldee interpretation of the Psalme from whence the phrase is taken is exceedingly conceited it runneth thus The youth which the builders refused among the sons of Jesse obtained to bee set for King and Governour This was from the Lord said the builders and it is wondrous before us said the sons of Jesse This is the day which the Lord hath made said the builders Let us bee glad and rejoyce in it said the sons of Jesse Save us now said the builders Prosper us now said Jesse and his wife Blessed is he that commeth in the name of the Lord said the builders Let them blesse you from the house of the Lord saith David The Lord give us light said â—he Tribes of the
manner of accounting or rather to speake properly indeed I have beene inforced to follow it there being not onely various and pregnant helpes both from Romans and Christians to forward us in that manner of reckoning but there being also an utter impossibilitie to reckon or compute from any other beginning or calculation now as for those stories that wee are to follow in the Acts of the Apostles the holy Ghost hath not beene so punctuall and exact to give us the times of the things as to give us things themselves The Chronicle chaine of the times indeed is drawne up by the Scripture from the Creation to the death of our Saviour which was the fulnesse of time with all care and accuratenesse but from thence forward not so strictly or observantly exhibited and held forth nor indeed was it requisite that it should so bee To annalize therefore the story of this booke of the Acts as it cannot but prove a matter of great difficulty so will it prove but a matter of conjecture when wee have done what wee can and both these proceed from this ground and reason because the holy Ghost hath beene very sparing if not utterly silent in giving account of the times in the new Testament from the death of Christ forward that great businesse in his death being accomplished and fulfilled for which alone the succession of times was reckoned and recorded wee shall therefore in the casting of passages and occurrences into severall yeares as wee goe along present them under their proper notion of conjecture yet shewing some groundwork and reason of what wee doe and though it may be we may not alwayes hit aright in fixing every thing to its proper yeare yet hope wee to finde here and there some such maine pins as whereon to hang a summe of divers yeares joyned together and to settle them fast although wee cannot so perfectly find a generall naile whereby to fasten the occurrences of every severall yeare by it selfe Wee may take an instance in the story at which wee now are the choosing of the seven Deacons It is not possible positively to determine at what time this was done it may bee it was before the three and thirtieth yeare of our Saviour was expired namely before September next after his Ascension it may be again it was not before September but betwixt it and Ianuary next following or it may be it was not before Ianuary but after it in this yeare that wee are entring upon there is a like uncertainty in all these things if wee should come to try the times of this particular thing by it selfe but when wee shall come to examine and take up the time of Pauls conversion then will some steadinesse of the time of this appeare and the naile that fastneth that will so clench up all the stories betwixt that and the descension of the holy Ghost or all the stories from the end of the second Chapter to the beginning of the ninth that they will not hang altogether loose but have some fixednesse to their proper time Act. VI. Vers. 1. There was a murmuring of the Grecians IN the Greeke it is Of the Hellenists which word is also used Chap. 9.29 and 11.20 and is of no small controversie for the sense whether it meane Greeks that lived among the Jewes or Jewes that lived among the Greekes Whether Greeks that were converted to the Jewish Religion or Jewes that used the Greeke tongue but the latter seemeth to bee the proper meaning of it upon these grounds 1. Because proselyted Greeks which some thinke Hellenistae meanes are expressely called Hellens Ioh. 12.20 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ioseph Ant. lib. 18. cap. 4. And not Hellenistae 2. Because the very forme of the word Hellenista doth more properly import a Jew ingraffed into the Greeks then a Greek ingraffed into the Jewes 3. Because whereas Iudeus and Hellen distinguish the two nations Iew and Greeke all along in the Scripture Hebraeus and Hellenista must needs signifie something else here 4. Because if by Hellenistae had beene meant the converted Greekes it had beene most proper in contradistinction to them to have said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 5. Because the story from the beginning of this booke hither maketh the Church to consist most especially of Jewes as Ch. 2.5.22 and 3.12 and though it mention proselytes among them yet seemeth it most improbable that their number should be so great as to have seven Deacons chosen for them 6. Because Nicolas one of the seven is expressely called a Proselyte of Antioch which had beene somewhat improper if all the businesse had onely concerned Proselytes By these and some other reasons â—hat might bee produced it is most proper to apprehend and conceive that these Hellenists were Jewes of the Grecian dispersion and plantations that lived among the Greeks and used their language and which may bee called the westerne dispersion not onely in regard of the situation of their dwellings but chiefely in difference from the Easterne captivities carried away by the Assyrians and Persians and also because they used Westerne tongues And to this sense it soundeth when it is said the Hellenists murmured against the Hebrews namely that both they that murmured and they that were murmured against were Jewes but the one party called Hebrewes and the other Hellenists in reference to their language and residence The Hebrewes in Iudea or in the countries of the Easterne dispersion and the other in the countries and Colonies of the Westerne And in this sense is that easily understood which is spoken of Paul Chap. 9.29 that he spake and questioned with the Hellenists namely because hee spake their language the Greeke tongue hee being borne in Tarsus where they had Greeke Schooles And that in Chap. 11.19.20 They that were scattered spake the word to none but to the Iewes onely and yet some spake to the Hellenists at Antioch they that spake being themselves Hellenists by birth or Jewes borne in Cyprus and Cyrene in Greeke colonies and so dealt with them of Antioch that were of the same native reference that they were Sect. Were neglected in the daily ministration That is in the daily distribution of almes or the stock of the Church as the Text and reason iâ— selfe maketh it plaine enough though some have conceived that it is to bee taken passively as if these widowes had been hindred from ministring to the Apostles as women had ministred to our Saviour Vers. 2. Then the twelve called the multitude of the Disciples unto them Not the whole multitude of beleevers which at this time were growne to very many thousands but the whole number of the Presbytery or the 108. of whom mention hath beene made before For 1. how needlesse was it that eight or ten thousand people should meet together about this businesse to choose six or seven men And 2. how impossible was it there should bee a joynt choice where the distance and
here related as appeares by Pauls owne relation of it Act. 26.16 17 18. but the holy Ghost frequently useth to speake out stories to the full some parts in one place some in another challenging the readers paines and study to pick them up 2. That whereas in Chap. 9.7 it is said that those that travailed with Paul heard the voyce but in Chap. 22 9. that thâ—y heard not the voyce it is to bee understood that they heard the voyce of Paul speaking to Christ but not Christs voyce to him or if they heard the voyce from heaven yet they understood not what it said 3. Whereas in Chap. 9.7 it is said these men stood speechlesse but in Chap. 26.14 that they fell all to the ground the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Chap. 9.7 standeth in opposition to their going forward and not to their falling to the earth and meaneth that their amazednesse fixed them that they could not flee nor stirre Sect. II. The yeare of his conversion Some have conceived that hee was rapt into the third heaven and learned the Gospel by revelation as 2 Cor. 12. in those three dayes that hee was blind after the sight of this glorious light and whilst hee fasted and prayed Act. 9.9 And from this conceit hath another growne as a supporter of that that bred it namely that hee was not converted till seven yeers after our Saviours Ascension This latter opinion was first invented that his writing of the second Epistle to the Corinthians might bee brought within the compasse of about foureteene yeeres after his conversion for so long a time and no more hee setteth betwixt his rapture and that Epistle 2 Cor. 12.2 and it was also originally grounded upon this supposition that his rapture was in the time of that his blindnesse Two surmises probable and plausible enough to behold at distance but approaching nearer to them they will lose of their beautie and upon serious weighing they will prove but a shadow The question how hee came to the knowledge of the Gospel so soone in so much that hee so soone preached it very likely gave the first occasion of the first opinion namely of his rapture in his three dayes blindnesse A question to which an answer may bee easily given and yet no such consequence concluded upon it 1. It is true indeed that hee received not the knowledge of the Gospel of man nor was hee taught it but by the revelation of Iesus Christ as himselfe saith Gal. 1.12 yet might he have such a revelation without any such rapture For there were three other speciall wayes whereby God used to reveale himselfe and his will to his Prophets and servants and those were by dreames by visions and by a suddaine and immediate suggestion or revelation which is called telling in the eare as 1 Sam. 9.15.17 2 King 20.4 And as for raptures they were the most extraordinary and the least familiar of all other And how easily might Paul bee taught the mystery of the Gospel by some of the other meanes especially since the Text hath expressely told that he had his visions Act. 9.12 2 Paul himself telleth of an ecstasie or rapture that hee was in as hee was praying in the Temple at Ierusalem Act. 22.17 Now that that was in the second yeare of Claudius as shall bee shewed by and by when hee went to carry the almes of the Disciples to Ierusalem Act. 11.30 it may bee confidently concluded upon because that God in that his rapture telleth him that hee must thence forward goe farre away to preach unto the Gentiles Act. 22.21 and when he returneth from Ierusalem to Antioch he is sent by the Church upon that imployment by a speciall charge of the holy Ghost Act. 13.2 And that from that time to the time of his writing the second Epistle to the Corinthians were about foureteene yeares as himselfe summeth it wee shall evidence by some particulars before wee part from this subject Thus then in the first place wee see that neither his rapture was at the time of his conversion nor that his conversion is to bee cast six or seven yeares forward that it may bee within foureteene of that Epistle in regard of his rapture But not to intricate our selves any more in the varietie of opinions that have fixed some one time some another to the conversion of this Apostle the next readiest and surest way that I have found to resolve upon this doubtfull question and to determine this scruple is to goe by these collections and degrees I. That the famine prophecied of by Agabus and which is said to have fallen out in the time of Claudius the Emperour Act. 11.28 fell out and came to passe in his second yeare And for this wee have the testimony of a Roman Historian even Dion Cassius who under the Consulship of Claudius II. and Cajus Largus which was in the second yeare of Claudius his reigne speaketh of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which his translater hath rendred fames ingeâ—s Dion lib. 60. Now although it might seeme that that famine only referred to the Citie of Rome and was caused there through the unnavigablenesse of the River Tiber which should have brought in Provisions because he saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â— that Claudius provided not onely for the present famine but also for future times by mending the Haven and clearing the River yet Suetonius writing the very same story ascribeth the cause of the famine not to the fault of the River or Haven but to a constant sterilitie or barrennesse and so inlargeth the extent of it further then Rome Arctiore autem annona ob assiduas sterilitates c. In Claud cap. 18. Iosephus Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 2. speaketh of this great famine in Iudea and relateth how Helena the Queene dowager of the Adiabeni and Izates her sonne then reigning shee being at Ierusalem in her owne person and hee in his owne kingdome did bring in provisions in an exceeding plenty to the Jewes at Ierusalem for their sustenance in the famine for they were both converted to the Jewes religion and Izates circumcised Eusebius hereupon hath set this famine in Claudius his fourth yeare and after the death of Herod Agrippa because that he found that Iosephus had placed it after Agrippaes death which was in Claudius his third But wee find not in Iosephus any thing that may fix it to that yeare more then the subsâ—quence of one story to another which is an argument of no validitie onely this hee relateth as concerning the time of Izates that when hee first came to the Crowne and found his elder brethren imprisoned that he might come to the Throne the more quietly hee was griâ—ved at the matter and on the one hand accounting it impietie to kill them or to keepe them prisoners and on the other hand knowing it unsafe to keepe them with him and not imprisoned hee chose a meane betweene both and sent them for hostages to Rome to
when hee had now sitten Emperour about two years for that the Scripture sometime reckoneth from such unnamed dates might bee shewed from Ezek. 1.1 2 Sam. 15.7 2 Chron. 22.2 And that it is so to be understood may be confirmed out of Iosephus Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 7. c. So that this time being fixed of Pauls apprehension at Ierusalem to bee in Neroes second as Eusebius and others have well held and his writing the second Epistle to Corinth proving to bee about the beginning of that yeare and so the fourteen yeares mentioned 2 Cor. 12.2 measured out VI. Wee must now count backward from this time to the Councell at Ierusalem and as neare as wee can cast up what time might bee taken up betwixt those two periods in the motions and stations of the Apostle that the Text hath expressed betwixt the 15 Chapter of the Acts and the twentyeth Or rather let us count forward for the more facil and methodicall proceeding and take up what may bee guessed to bee every yeares worke and passage as it commeth to hand Paul commeth from Ierusalem to Antioch with Iudas Silas and Barnabas Acts 15.20 Iudas and Silas stay there a space verse 33. Paul stayeth after they be gone away verse 35. Some dayes after he departeth verse 36 40. Hee goeth through Syria Cilicia confirming the Churches verse 41. To Derbe and Lystâ—a chap. 16.1 Through the Cities delivereth the Apostles decrees ver 4. Throughout Phrygia ver 6. Throughout the region of Galatia vers 16. To all these journeys we may allow one year and certainly if the movings and stayings of the Apostle and the distance of the places and the work hee did be considered there can no lesse then a whole yeare be allowed for all this progresse After his passage through Galatia Paul goeth to Mysia Acts 16.7 To Troas verse 6. To Samothrace Neapolis and Philippi ver 11 12. At Philippi hee continueth many dayes ver 13 16 18. Thence hee passeth through Amphipolis and Apollonia chap. 17.1 Commeth to Thessalonia and is there three Sabbath dayes in quiet ver 2. Afterward is persecuted ver 5. Goeth to Berea and converteth very many vers 10 12. Goeth from thence to Athens ver 15. There waiteth for Silas and Timothy ver 16. From thence goeth to Corinth Acts 18.1 For all these journeys and actions wee will allow him half a yeare and I cannot see how they could take so little At Corinth hee continueth a yeare and an halfe Acts 18. verse 11. And this makes up 3 years since the Councell at Ierusalem After this long stay at Corinth he is persecuted yet tarryeth a good while after Acts 18.18 From thence hee saileth to Ephesus but stayeth little ver 19. Goeth thence to Cesarea To Ierusalem To Antioch and spendeth some time there Acts 18.22 23. Goeth over all the Country of Galatia And Phrygia in order Acts 18.23 To these passages I suppose there is hardly any that can allow him lesse then a whole yeare that shall but seriously consider of the things that are mentioned and the length of the journeys After his passing through Phrygia hee commeth to Ephesus Acts 19.1 And there continueth three yeares Acts 19.8 10 21 22. 20.31 After this he goeth into Macedonia Acts 20.1 from whence he writeth that second Epistle to Corinth in the beginning of the 2 year of Nero. So that yeelding these seven years for the travails of this Apostle betwixt that time and the Councel of Ierusalem Acts 15. and lesse then seven it is not possible to allow seeing that foure yeares and an halfe of that space was taken up in the two Cities of Corinth and Ephesus and it will result that the Councell at Ierusalem was in the ninth yeare of Claudius Now Paul himself reckoneth seventeen yeares from his conversion to this Councell Gal. 1.18 2.1 which seventeen counted backward from the ninth of Claudius it falleth out almost past all controversie that Pauls conversion was in the next year after our Saviours ascension as may bee seen by this ensuing table Christ. Tiberius 33 18 Christ ascendeth 34 19 Paul converted 35 20 Goeth into Arabia 36 21 Commeth up to Jerusalem 37 22 38 1 Caius 39 2 40 3 41 4 42 1 Claudius 43 2 The famine Act. 11.28 Paul rapt into the third Heaven 44 3 45 4 46 5 47 6 48 7 49 8 50 9 The Councell at Ierusalem Paul goeth to Antioch Syria Cilicia c. 51 10 Paul the latter half this yeare at Corinth the former half in Athens Beraea Thessalonia c. 52 11 Paul all this yeare at Corinth 53 12 Paul in Phrygia Galatia Antioch Ierus Caesarea Ephesus Corinth 54 13 Paul at Ephesus 55 14 Paul at Ephesus 56 1 Nero. Paul at Ephesus 57 2 Paul writeth the second Epistle to Corinth And now may wee in some scantling fix those Stories to their times which hung loosely before namely the choosing of the Deacons the death of Stephen conversion of Samaria and the Eunuch and conclude that they were about the beginning of the next yeare after Christs ascension Part II. The Roman Story Sect. I. Velleius Paterculus TIBERIVS keepeth himselfe still in the Countrey but not still at Capreae for this yeare hee draweth neare unto Rome and haunteth in some places about foure miles off but commeth not at all unto the City This seemeth to bee his first journey towards it that Suetonius speaketh of when hee came by water to the Gardens beside the Naumachy or the Poole in Tiber where they used their sporting sea-fights and returned againe but the cause not knowne The first thing mentioned of him under these Consulls both by Tacitus and Dion is his marrying forth the daughter of Drusus which they name not and Iulia and Drusilla the daughters of Germanicus Drusilla to L. Cassius Iulia to M. Vinicius This was a sonne of that M. Vinicius to whom Paterculus dedicateth his short and sweet Roman History And the nearenesse of the time would very nearely perswade that this was that very Vinicius himself but that Paterculus sheweth that his Vinicius was Consull when hee wrote his Booke to him and that as himselfe and Dion agreeing with him sheweth An. V. C. 783 or the next yeare after our Saviours Baptismâ— but this Vinicius Tiberius his son in law as Tacitus intimateth was onely a Knight but a Consuls son Howsoever in these times shone forth and flourished the excellent wit and matchlesse pen of that Historian an Author known to all Learned men and admired by all that know him His Originall was from the Campanians as himself witnesseth not very farre from the beginning of his second booke when hee commeth to speake of the Italian warre in the time of Sylla and Marius No pen is so fit to draw his pedegree and Character as his owne and therefore take onely his owne words Neque ego verecundiâ domestici sanguinis gloriae dum verum refero subâ—raham c. Nor will I for
some Hee was now about fiftie yeers of age when he began to reigne at the very ripenesse of all the discretion he had but that it was often blasted with fearefulnes drunkennes wicked counsell When he was set quietly in the Throne the first thing hee did was to get the two dayes in which the agitation was about the change of the government quite out of memory and for that end hee made an act of oblivion of all things that had passed either in words or actions of all that time yet had hee not wrought his owne securitie so farre but that hee caused all that came neere him to bee searched for weapons and while hee sate at any meale hee had a strong guard about him For the motion that had beene so lately and so strongly carried for the abolition of monarchy and the other which proposed others thereto when Monarchy was agreed upon and would have excluded him had taken such an impression upon him that hee reputed no safety in his holding of the royaltie but by that strong hand and power by which hee had gotten it Yet tryed hee faire and gentle dealing though hee durst not trust it Those from whom hee had received any affront in the dayes of Tiberius and Caligula for sometimes in those dayes to abuse Claudius was to curry favour hee freely pardoned if hee found them guilty of no other crime but if hee did he paid them then for all together The unjust fines of Caius hee remitted his illegall decrees hee revoked his innocents imprisoned hee released and his causelesse banished hee called home The poisons which he had prepared for the Nobles and a list of their names for whom they were prepared being found in the Palace though Caius had pretended to have burnt them hee shewed publikely to the Senate and then burnt them indeed Hee forbad any one to adore him or to sacrifice to him hee restrained the great and loud acclamations that were used to bee made to the Emperour and carried himselfe with such sweetnesse and moderation that happy had the Republique beene in the continuance of the Monarchy had hee been so happy as to have continued in this his fiâ—st demeanure But his wicked Empresse Messallina and her wicked consorts first provoked him to mischief and his too much delight in the bloody sports did by degrees habituate him unto cruelty Hee had recalled Iulia and Agrippina the two sisters of Caius out of banishment whither they had been sent by their owne brother after hee had defloured them and hee restored them to their estates and revenues againe But Messallina stomacking that Iulia did her not honour and homage enough and envying her beauty and being jealous of her privacy with Claudius shee caused her to bee banished againe and in a short time she compassed her death These were but ominous beginnings when Caesars love to his owne neece was cause enough to worke her ruine but was not strong enough to stand betweene her and the fury of his owne wife And it did but fatally presage what mischiefe her wretched counsells would worke the cowardize and indiscretion of her husband to when their first effect was upon one so neere allied Nor did crueltie and bloodinesse enter thus onely in at his eares by the suggestion of his cursed wife but the like it did also at his eyes by his frequent and delightsome beholding of the bloody sports that growing by degrees to bee his delight to act which had grown by degrees also to bee his delight to see Sometimes beasts with beasts as twelve Camels and Horses at one time and 300. Beares and 300. African wild beasts at the same sometimes beasts with men and sometimes men with men and at all times hideous bloodshed that hee that can looke upon such barbarousnesse and slaughter with content it may bee suspected that hee in time will grow to act the like with the same delight PART II. ACTS XI Vers. 26. And the Disciples were called Christians first in Antioch Sect. I. The name of Christian. THe Jewes and Gentiles being now since the calling of Cornelius knit up together into one Church they are this yeere tyed up into the rofie and glorious knot of the same name and Epithet the name of Christian A new name which the Lord himselfe did give them as wee may well understand that prophesie Esa. 65.15 that the two distinguishing names of Jewes and Heathen might no more continue the ancient distance that was betwixt them but that that and all differences arising there from might bee buried under this sweet and lovely denomination given equally to them both The current of the story hitherto hath fairely and plainely led this occurrence to this yeare as the reader himselfe will confesse upon the trace of the history and hee will bee confirmed in it when hee seeth the next yeer following to bee the yeer of the famine which next followeth in relation in St. Luke to this that wee have in hand Act. 11.26 27 28. By what names the Professors of the Gospel were called before this time it is plaine in Scripture Among themselves they were called Disciples Beleevers The Church Devout men Brethren But among the unbeleeving Jewes by this sole common and scornefull title of The sect of the Nazarites Epiphanius hath found out a strange name for them not to be found elsewhere nor to be warranted any where and that is the name of Iessaeans Before they were called Christians saith hee they were called Iessaei either from Iesse the father of David from whom the Virgin Mary and Christ by her descended or from Iesu the proper name of our Saviour Which thou shalt find in the books of Philo namely in that which hee wrote 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In which treating of their Policy Praises and monasteries which are about the Marish Marian commonly called Mareotis hee speaketh of none others then of Christians Of the same opinion in regard of the men themselves are divers others both the Fathers and later writers though they differ in regard of the name No Romanist but hee takes it for granted that Philo in that book that is meant by Epiphanius though hee either title it not right or else couch two bookes under one title speaketh of Christian Monkes and from thence who of them doth not plead the antiquitie of a Monastick life so confidently that hee shall bee but laughed to scorne among them that shall deny it They build indeed upon the Ipse Dixit of some of the Fathers to the same purpose besides the likenesse of those men in Philo to the Romish Monkes that such a thing as this is not altogether to bee passed over but something to bee examined since it seemeth to carry in it selfe so great antiquitie and weightinesse Eusebius therefore in his Ecclesiasticall History delivereth such a matter as tradition They say saith hee that Marke being first sent into Egypt preached the
certaine of the Iews and hee killed Iames the brother of Iohn with the sword The first words About that time relate to what went before in the preceding Chapter vers 28. and meaneth in the dayes of Claudius Caesar. Now what should bee the incentive of the spleene of Agrippa against the Church it is not specified it may well bee supposed it proceeded from that his Ceremoniousnesse and strict observance of Mosaick Rites which is mentioned by Iosephus Concerning the Martyrdome of Iames under this his spleene wee will content our selves with the words of the Text He killed Iames the brother of Iohn with the sword accounting all other additionall circumstances which may bee found in officious Authors to bee nothing else but gilded legends and fond inventions As that mentioned by Eusebius out of Clemens his Hypotyposeâ—n concerning his accuser that seeing his constancy to the death confessed the faith and was martyred with him That by Epiphanius that hee lived and dyed a virgin and that by Surius who is the bell-weather for old winter tales that telleth That his body after his martyrdome was shipped by Ctesiphon and his fellow-Bishops for Spaine that the Ship in six dayes was directed thither without Pilot or Compasse but onely by the influence of the Corpse that it carryed That at the landing the body was taken up into the aire and carryed neare the place of its buriall twelve miles off That Ctesiphon and his fellows were led to it by an Angel And more such trash that it is but labour lost either to read or mention Sect. II. The Apostles Creed The Creed was made upon this occasion saith Rabanus Maurus as our Ancestors have delivered unto Vs. The Disciples after the Ascension of our Saviour being inflamed with the holy Ghost c. And being chaâ—ged by the Lord to goe to all Nations for the preaching of the Gospel when they are to part one from another they fiâ—st make a common platforme among themselves for their future preaching Lest being severed in place divers and different things should bee preached to those that were invited to the faith of Christ. Being therefore together in one place and filled with the holy Ghost they compose a short platforme for their preaching conferring together what they thought And this they appoint to bee given to them that beleeve and to bee called Symbolum Thus hee and very many others with him conceiving that the Apostles supplyed not onely the matter of the Doctrine contained in the Creed but the very forme and words also For Peter said say they I beleeve in God the Father Almighty John The maker of Heaven and Earth James And I beleeve in Iesus Christ his onely Son our Lord. Andrew Which was conceived by the holy Ghost borne of the Virgin Mary Philip Suffered under Pontius-Pilate was crucified dead and buryed Thomas Hee descended into hell the third day hee rose againe from the dead Bartholomew Hee ascended into heaven sitteth at the right hand of God the father Almighty Matthew From thence shall he come to judge both the quicke and the dead James the sonne of Alpheus I beleeve in the holy Ghost the holy Catholick Church Simon Zelotes The communion of Saints the forgivenesse of sinnes Judas the brother of James The resurrection of the flesh Matthias The life everlâ—sting Amen Thus the hundred and fifteenth Sermon de Tempore that goeth under the name of Austen but apparent that it is noâ— his by this that here is â—eckoned the descent into hell which in his book de Fâ—de Symbolo is quite omitted Now were this tradition as true as it is punctuall it would readily plead for its owne place in Chronologie namely about this time at which wee now are before Iames his death for hee gave in his symbolum according to this tradition among the rest But that this opinion of the Apostles casting in every one his parcell is of no validity but a presumptuous and false surmise may bee evinced by these Arguments First Because the titlâ— of The Catholick Church is neither used in any of the Apostles writings nor is it likely that it came into use till after the Apostles dayes when the Church was dispersed into all parts of the earth Secondly because the Article Hee descended into hell is not owned or acknowledged at all by the Nicene Creed nor by any of the ancientest Fathers next the Apostles times in their reckoning up of the Articles of the Creed as see instances in abundance in Polanus his Syntagma lib. 6. cap. 21. Thirdly if the matter and words of the Creed had beene from the Apostles themselves why is it not then Canonicall Scripture as well as any of the sacred Writ Fourthly in the giving in of their severall symbols or parcellâ— after the manner opinionated before there is so great disproportion and inequality some giving so much and some so little that it maketh the contribution it selfe to bee very suspitious Fifthly the Summary Collection of the points of Christian religion taught by the Apostles and delivered by them to others to teach by consisteth of two heads faith and love 2 Tim. 1.13 But the Creed consisted of faith onely I rather thinke therefore saith Mr. Perkins that it is called the Apostles Creed because it doth summarily containe the chiefe and principall points of Religion handled and propounded in the doctrine of the Apostles and because the points of the Creed are conformable and agreeable to their Doctrine and writings Sect. III. Traditions With their framing of the Creed before their parting hath Baronius joyned alâ—o their delivery of Traditions Sicut symbolo saith hee ita etiam aliis absque Scripturâ traditionibus Ecclesiae impertitis diviserunt sibi ad quas singuli proficiscerentur orbis terrae provincias Having thus imparted the Creed and also traditions without Scripture to the Church they parted among themselves what Countrey every one of them should goe unto These Traditions the Councell of Trent divideth into those which were received by the Apostles from the mouth of Christ or delivered from hand to hand from the Apostles to our times the holy Ghost dictating them unto them And these those Fathers hold of equall authority with the Scriptures and the Councell curseth them that shall willingly and knowingly contemn them And well doe they deserve it if they did but certainly and assuredly knâ—w that they came from such hands Bellarmine hath stretched the name and peece oâ— traditions to one tainterhook higher For Traditions saith he are Divine Apostolicall and Ecclesiasticall Divine are those which were received from Christ himselfe teaching his Apostles and yet are not to bee found in the Scriptures such are those which concerne the matter and forme of the Sacraments Apostolicall are those which were instituted by the Apostles not without the assistance of the holy Ghost and yet are not to bee found in their Epistles Ecclesiasticall traditions are properly called
certaine old customes began either by Prelates or by people which by little and little by the tacit consent of the people obtained the power of a Law Under these heads especially under the two first hath he placed these particulars The perpetuall Virginity of Mary the number of the Canonicall bookes Baptizing of Infants blessing the water before bidding them renounce Satan and his workes signing them with the signe of the crosse anointing them with oyle not re-baptizing after Heretiques Lent Ember weeke inferiour Orders in the Church worshipping of Images c. To which others adde The oblation of the Sacrament of the Altar Invocation of Saints Prayer for the dead the Primacy Confirmation Orders Matrimony Penance extreme Vnction Merits necessity of satisfaction auricular confession c. Into which controversie not to enter concerning the thing it selfe which so many grave and learned pens have handled sufficiently reckoned by Bellarmine though with small good will in his entry upon this question let but reason and indifferency censure concerning that which is more proper to this discourse namely the time of delivering these Traditions whether this or any other And here in the first place let the Reader but consider that at this time there was no more of the New Testament written then the Gospels of Matthew and Marke if so bee that those also were written at this time And then let him judge how senselesse a thing it is to speake of delivering unwritten Traditions to the Church when almost all the New Testament was yet to bee written Or take it at the Councell at Ierusalem which was divers yeares hence when all the Apostles were all together and giving rules to the Church or take it at Pauls apprehension at Ierusalem when imagine all the Apostles to bee together againe and even even at either of those times will the same absurdity follow still for no more of the New Testament was written or very little more then now And then how ridiculous doth it appeare That the Apostles should offer to give rules to the Church by unwritten tradition when they had all their Epistles for rules of the Church yet to write If they would leave the Church to bee regulated by unwritten traditions why should they write after And if they would have her regulated by their writings why should they give her unwritten traditions before A quick wit will nimbly answer that they left her such traditions as were not to bee expressed in their writings but let an honest conscience and an unprejudicate judgement censure whether this will abide the test yea or no. For is it within any compasse of likelihood that these Apostles did know what things Paul would not write of in his Epistles that they should deliver such things before-hand for tradition when as yet they hardly knew whether hee was to be an Apostle of the Gentiles or no when they did not know whether he would write any Epistles or no much lesse did they know what Epistles he would write Appello conscientiam and so much for traditions Vers. 3. Hee proceeded to take Peter also c. Sect. Peters imprisonment and delivery Iames his death was seconded by Peters imprisonment but his time for martyrdome was not yet come as was the others Agrippa having laid hold upon him deferred his execution till after the Passeover either because hee would not defile that holy feast with effusion of humane blood or because hee would afflict Peter the more and give the Jewes the greater content by his long restraint and strait imprisonment or rather because hee feared a tumult if hee should have slaine him in that concourse of people as was there at Passeover time Thus lay hee guarded with foure quaternions or as the Syriack hath it with sixteene Souldiers which as it seemeth watched him by course for the foure watches of the night two close by him and two at the gate Besides these two and two successive jaylors hee was bound with two chaines and if some say true his two keepers were tied for the more surenesse in the same chaines with him Happy men were they sure that had so great interest in these happy chaines which if you dare beleeve Surius had the virtue to work miracles to diffuse grace to procure holinesse to heale diseases to affright the Devill and to defend Christians They were preserved saith hee by some of Herods servants that beleeved and in processe of time laid up for a sacred relique at Constantinople and there either hee or they lie That very night that preceded Peters intended execution hee being fast asleepe between his keepers is waked loosed and delivered by an Angel Baronius maketh a great matter of it that the whole Church prayed for Peter whilest hee was in prison and since the like is not related to have been done by them for any other hee will needs from hence inferre his primacy the whole flock praying for her universall Pastor whereas the reasons of this expression are apparent to bee onely these two First to shew that the Church was praying for him whilst hee was sleeping for alter hee had taken a part of his first sleepe this night hee commeth to the house of Iohn Marke and they are there still out of their beds and at prayer Secondly because the fruit of their prayers were shewed in his delivery There is no doubt but constant prayers were made for Iames by the whole Church whilst hee was in prison as well as for Peter but so much is not expressed because the story could not answer that relation with relation of his delivery And Atheisme and profanenesse would have been ready to have scoffed that the whole Church should have prayed in vaine The Angell and Peter thus loosed passe two watches and then come to the iron gate there are some that hold these watches to bee two prisons and the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to bee taken as it were passively for places where men are kept and that Peter was in a Gâ—ole within these two as in the worst basest and surest place and that all were closed with a gate of Iron But others hold these watches to bee guards of men and that the prison was without the Citie between or within the two outmost walls but in these things it is not materiall to insist for determination The latter is farre the more probable both in regard of the signification of the Greek word and that Iosephus mentioneth three walls about Ierusalem and divers towers in every wall as also in regard of the greater hightning of the miracle in that Peter escapeth not onely his owne sixteen mens watch at the prison doore but also two watches more at the two walls gates and the second which was the Iron gate gave them free passage of its owne râ—cord Peter being cleared of the danger and left of the Angel betaketh himselfe to the house of Mary the mother of Iohn Marke where when
Rhoda upon his knocking and speech averred constantly it was Peter the whole company there assembled conclude that it was his Angel Here is some ambiguitie about their thus concluding Some understand it of his tutelar Angel and from hence would strongly plead the opinion that every man hath his proper and allotted Angell to attend him But first wee sometimes read of one Angel attending many men Secondly sometimes of many Angels attending one man But thirdly if the matter may bee agitated by reason if a singular Angell bee destined to the attendance of every singular man what doth that Angell doe till his man bee borne especially what did all the Angels but Adams and Eves and a few more for many hundreds of yeers till the world was full Others therefore understand it of a messenger which the Disciples supposed Peter had sent to them upon some errand But this opinion is easily confuted by Rhoda's owning of Peters voyce There is yet a third opinion as much unwarrantable as either of these That the Disciples concluded that an Angell by this knocking and voyce came to give them notice of Peters death to bee neer at hand and that therefore they call him his Angell and that it was sometimes so used that one Saint should know of anothers death by such revelations The Jewes indeed in their writings make frequent mention of Samael the Angell of death but they call him so for inflicting it and not for foretelling it And wee have some examples indeed in the Ecclesiasticall history of one man knowing of anothers death by such revelations and apparitions as these but because those stories are very dubitable in themselves and that the Scripture is utterly without any such precedent this interpretation is but utterly groundlesse and unwarrantable The most proper and most easie meaning therefore of those words of the Disciples It is his Angel seemeth to bee that they tooke it for some Angell that had assumed Peters shape or stood at the gate in his resemblance Vers. 17. Hee departed and went to another place The place whither hee went is not to bee knowne because not revealed by Scripture As for his going to Rome which is the glosse that Papists see upon this place it is a thing senselesse and ridiculous as was touched before and might bee shewed at large were it worth the labour I should as soone nominate Antioch for the place whither hee went at this time as any other place at a far distance For I cannot imagine any time when hee and Paul should meet at Antioch and Paul reprove him Gal. 2.11 so likely as this time for it is most probable that Peter being put to flee for his life would get out of the territories of Herod for his safetie now there was no place more likely for his safetie then in Antioch where not onely the distance of place might preserve him but the new borne Church would seeke to secure him Vers. 21. And upon a day Herod arraied in royall apparell The acts of this Herod Agrippa after his comming from Rome to Ierusalem and the manner of his death are largely described by Iosephus and therefore wee will trace them in him in our Jewish Story PART II. The Roman Story Sect. I. Some Acts of Claudius this yeer THe Roman yeer was now taken almost wholly up with sacrifices and holy dayes even as it is at this day to the great hinderance of the people in their imployments and occasions therefore Claudius being now Consull abrogated abundance of these dayes and solemnities and contracted those that hee let remaine into as narrow compasse as was possible Many things that Caius had foolishly given away hee remanded and many againe that hee had wickedly wronged hee repaired Hee brought Lycia under servitude because in a tumult they had slaine some Romans and hee joyned it to Pamphylia and disfranchised a Lyciam Ambassadour that came to treat about the businesse because hee could not speake Latine saying that it was not fit that hee should bee a Roman that understood not the Roman tongue and many others hee disfranchased for other causes yet on the contrary was hee most lavish he Messallina and his and her favorites in conferring the Roman freedome and other offices for money insomuch that hee was glad to give an account of it in an oration in Campus Martius Hee exhibited some sword playes this yeer in the Campe. Sect. II. The abominable whoredomes and actions of Messallina the Empresse Shee lived in continuall lust and uncleannesse and was not content to doe so her selfe but shee forced divers other women to the same course Nay shee caused some women to commit adultery even in the very sight of their owne husbands And those that consented to her villany shee honored and rewarded and those that did not shee hated and sought to destroy These her detestable carriages shee kept long unknown from Claudius providing him lasses for his bed while shee tooke whom shee thought good to hers and killing and taking out of the way whomsoever she suspected likely to tell Claudius So slew shee Catonius Iustus to prevent his telling of tales and the two Iulia's upon other occasions A Roman Knight was also this yeere executed as for some conspiracy against the Emperour Sect. III. An expedition into England This yeer did Aulus Plautius with much adoe lead an Army into Britaine For one Bericus who had been expelled thence for sedition had perswaded Claudius to send an Army over But hardly would the Souldiers bee gotten out of Gaul over thither they being incensed and taking it ill that they should goe fight even out of the world Narcissus being sent by Claudius to the Army made a speech to them which exasperated them the more in so much that they made the outcry of Io Saturnalia or All masters and were ready to make head but at last they willingly followed Plautius Hee parted his army into three parts because that if they were repelled and opposed in one place they might land in another They had some trouble in their passage through crosse winds but they tooke heart and bare it out and the rather because a bright light or flame ran from the east toward the west even that way that they were to goe they entred the Iland without opposition for the Britains suspected not their comming but when they were now entred and they not ready to withstand them they ran into the woods and bogs hoping to weary out the Romans with following and seeking them and so to cause them to returne without doing any more It cost Plautius a great deale of toile accordingly to find them out which at last hee did and overcame first Cataratacus and then Togodumnus the two sons of Cynobellinus who himselfe was but lately dead These fleeing hee tooke into homage part of the Boduni who were subject to the Catuellani for the Britains were now subject to divers Kings Hee leaving a Garrison theâ—e