a metaphore saying he would build vpon him § 18. The like ad Marcellam Epist 54. vpon whome our Lord built his Church namely Peter But can we answer S. Hierome better then by S. Hierome The fortitude of the Church or the puissance of the Church was equally built or grounded vpon them all Super omnes ex aequo You heard it before out of his 1. lib. against Iouinian How does this then prooue Peters priuiledge in the matter of authoritie though building were graunted to found that way as it doth not And when S. Paul sundrie times as Coloss 1. 23. and Eph. 2. 20. speakes of grounding and building the Church either vpon faith as in the first place or vpon the Prophets and Apostles as in the second shall we thinke he was enuious that said nothing of Peter and that extraordinarie manner of the Churches building vpon him that you dreame of § 19. Here you tell vs of three waies by which the Apostles might be saide to be foundations of the Church in hope that Peter may be so in singular And quoting Bellarmine for it not your owne inuention you counsell the Bishop to learne it of him Shall wee first see how good it is One way for that they first conuerted nations perswaded people and founded Churches not Peter alone but ioyntly all of them In this sense belike they are all foundations But what is this to beeing the foundation of the Catholicke Church and to lie like a rocke vnder that great building because they were planters of particular Churches Also you argue fallaciously from the diligence of preaching to the power of supporting and that by authoritie as now the question is Besides a founder and a foundation is not all one And did none plant Churches good Sir but the Apostles Shall your Iesuites in Iaponia be foundations too And shall we say of them super quos aedificaeta est Ecclesia dei You see the absurditie Yet you quote proofes Rom. 15. I haue preached the Gospell where Christ was not named least I should build vpon another mans foundation Does this prooue that men are foundations of the Church or rather that the man and the foundation are two Againe 1. Cor. 3. I haue laid the foundation like a wise architect so speakes your Vitruvius-ship but would you call him a wise Logician that should argue from hence that S. Paul meant himselfe to be the foundation Yea though he said not in the same place Iesus Christ and no other foundation § 20. Secondly you say the Apostles were all foundations because the Christian doctrine was first imparted to them and the present faith is groūded vpon that which was deliuered at the first And new articles of faith you say are not alway reuealed Is not this accurate trow you as well for order as for substance For had this been a reason ought it not to haue been set in all reason before the other Can a thing bee preached afore it be vnderstood or made knowne to others afore it selfe be knowne Your argument therefore from preaching should by all meanes I say haue followed this from reuealing and this from reuealing haue gone before the other But pardon your order looke into your substance Were not some things reuealed to others afore the Apostles Did not our Lord first manifest his resurrection to women Did not the Angel say to them Goe and tell Peter Will you haue women and all to be the foundations of the Church But we are much beholden to you that you coyne not newe articles of faith euerie day Articles therefore and new articles you graunt and of frequent reuelation but not euery day We long for your last kinde of foundation wherein Peter is so entire § 21. Thirdly then you say in respect of gouernement and authoritie For Peters was ordinarie their 's Legatine his originall theirs depending from him You should shewe what Father sayes so besides your selues for of Scripture you despaire And yet you agree so ill emong your owne selues of this point that you iumpe not about the very termes For Baronius cals Peters power extraordinarie the other Apostles ordinarie you make his ordinary and theirs extraordinary Is it possible that kingdome should long hold out which is so at ods Yet behold another leake in this obseruation For though the Apostles had deriued their authoritie from Peter yet they might all haue beene foundations of the Church as well as he euen in regard of gouernment no lesse then some receiuing the doctrine immediatly from Christ as Peter Iames and Iohn witnes Clemens in Eusebius before quoted the others from them yet you make them all in regard of doctrine to be foundations alike num 25. § 22. Another authoritie of S. Hieromes is out of his Epist ad Damas 57. I following no first or chiefe but Christ doe communicate with thy blessednes or am linked in fellowship with it that is to say with the chayre of Peter vpon that rocke I know the Church is built You see Hierome followes no first but Christ Nullum primum Where is then the primacie that you challenge to Peter if none of the Apostles be afore another but Christ Indeede Bellarmine saies he meanes he preferres none but Christ before Damasus which is an vtter peruerting of S. Hieromes words who as he saies he followes no chiefe but Christ or none prime but Christ so he shewes after what sort he is affected to Damasus communione not subiectione by communion not by subiection communico tibi as to Theophilus to Cyrill to Athanasius to who not the auncient orthodoxe professe of themselues in diuers places But the edge of the place as it serues your turne lies in those words I know the Church is built vpon that rocke Which rocke is Christ not so long before mentioned but this may referre to it and to build vpon a chayre is no such cleane pickt metaphore that we should be forced to take it so though vpon a rocke be Besides the scio that he giues it a word of certentie makes vs thinke he would neuer be so peremptorie for Peter sith diuers haue construed the rocke another way whome S. Hierome would not crosse ouer hastily with his Solo and lastly his owne modestie declared a little before professing to follow none but Christ Therefore he tooke Peter for no such foundation § 23. The last and the least is out of his first against Iovinian O vox digna petrâ Christi â speech worthie the rocke of Christ But you may as well build Christ himselfe by this deuise vpon Peter as the Church of Christ For as Saunders writes of the rock of the Church so Hierome calls Peter here the rocke of Christ That is the fortresse and champion of the Christian faith as S. Ambrose was called columna Ecclesiae S. Iames 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the title of the Church of Ephesus wherein Timothie was to conuerse rather then of Rome as the
hath done nothing in his Apologie in doing no more then so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he had as good made no Apologie at all By the way it is pretty and worth the noting how you report the Bishops words Rex expectat in quadringentis annis c. though de quadringentis would haue fitted you better which you quote in the margent as the Bishops owne words and like enough to be so not in quadringentis But this is your Latine when you list to speake like your selfe and reforme Bishops for theirs If it be true as you say that the Fathers of the three first hundred yeares after Christ are so few and so scantie remaining to our daies you reckon but 7. or 8. though I suppose there are diuers more yet what ill luck haue you with them that can finde no footing of all your new-fangled superstition in any of their workes Not in Tertullian not in Origen not in Irena Ignace Lactance Melito Cyprian Iustine Clemens Arnobius Methodius Minutius the Cyrills Dionysius Athenagoras Theophilus c. not in Eusebius himselfe who liued there anewst and enclined to the Platonicks as did some others of the forenamed ranke Which Platonicks are thought to be somewhat fauourable to your fancie of worshipping Saints aboue the rest of the Philosophers And if the Fathers as you say write so few in an age does not this shew that the square of our faith is the Scripture not the Fathers for how if the Fathers had wrote nothing at all As of diuerse points you confesse your selfe they did not Num. 63. and Num. 66. And in the beginning of this Chapter you would make vs beleeue that the Apostles themselues had no commaundement for writing Might not the Fathers pennes much more haue stood still Yet you adde that the after-ages abounded with writers when persecution ceased and many worthy Volumes were spread abroad into the world It may well bee but as heresie is confounded many times by writing so some errours will creepe in withall and hardly can it be eschewed Abundabit scientia but abundabit iniquitas too Daniel the one our Sauiour Christ the other each of the same times of the world of the Church The Elephant oppresseth Eleazar in the fall So falshood gets some ground of truth euen in seeming to be foyled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was our Sauiours depositum which he left to the Church witnesse he in the Nicene Councell Apud Socr. lib. 1. cap. 8. not ventilation not disputation Wherein I may boldly say that truth of relligion comes in as much hazard to bee lost as our Sauiour was in the crowde and concourse at Ierusalem As in the ouerflowes of Nilus the corne feilds are the better and the fatter for it but serpents and Crocodyles come in amaine so whiles many pennes walke the originall puritie is lesse preserued It will be alwayes true which Tully saith Quò propiùs aberant à diuina progenie c. so from the Primitiue times eò acutiùs cautiùsque vena videbant recta tenebant which posteritie fayled in § 45. When you aske if we would not receiue the signe of the Crosse as proceeding from antiquitie vnles all the Fathers had stood for it why should we hold you long in suspence It is the vniforme consent of the godly Fathers that endeares the vse of that memorial to vs and had onely certaine singulars like starres in a darke night deliuered their opinion of it it should neuer haue found such entertainment at our hands for the antiquities sake And therefore you must muster a squadron of Fathers though I see it be troublesome vnto you for prayer to Saints not come in with your snatches and your 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here and there if you will carrie it by the Fathers Where it may please you to remember that in the Conference at Hampton Court which you quoted so lately the Bishop that you now write against brought Tertullian for the Crosse and the vse therof in baptisme in immortali lauacro you haue neither author for Inuocation of Saints so auncient nor piece of an author Yet you compare this with the signe of the crosse How vnfitly § 46. The Bishops you say are giuen to teach the Church if they may erre therein the Church may be deceiued and so all is marred As if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Austen doth not tell you of erring Bishops of deceiuing Bishops which the people fondly relyed vpon he in vaine recalling them and denouncing that the Bishops authority is no sanctuary to the erroneous See lib. de pastor cap. 10. Saepe hoc dicunt heretici securi sequimur Episcopos The heretikes haue this often in their mouthes 〈◊〉 are safe so long as we follow our Bishops It is a signe of heresie with S. Austen to follow the Bishops and their iudgement securely viz. without looking any further And in the 7. Chapter of the said booke hee applyes that to the Bishops of his time out of Ezek. 34. Quod errabat non reuocastis the wandring sheepe ye haue not called backe What remedy are the Bishops now against error And Si Episcopus constitutus in ecclesia catholica non bonam rationem reddit de oue quam non quaesierit errantem de grege Dei qualem rationem redditurus est haereticus viz. Episcopus qui non solùm non reuocauit ab errore sed etiam impulit in errorem Doe you see that Bishops doe not onely not bring from errour but lead into error yea thrust impell cap. 10. of the aforesaid And yet you thinke the onely antidote of Church errors lyes in the Bishops How much better S. Peter Habemus firmiorem sermonem propheticum We haue a surer testimony namely the holy Scripture not onely then the authority of any Bishops can be to preserue from error but then a voyce from heauen for of that speaks S. Peter which Satan may counterfeit and so likewise fayne himselfe a Bishop as well as change himselfe into an Angel of light Therefore S. Hilary saies that Christ would not let his Disciples beare witnes of him and yet no meane persons because he was to be approoued by other manner of witnesses namely the Law and the Prophets that is the Scriptures And S. Chrysostome Hom. 9. in cap. 3. ad Coloss Exhorting the lay-men to prouide them bookes the medicines of their soules as he calls them bids them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not to tarrie for another Master not the Prelate himselfe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for he hides many things many times from them for enuie or for vain-glory Whereas the Scripture layes all open sincerely Is this a small prerogatiue of Scriptures aboue the Doctors S. Austen also cap. 11. of the booke aforequoted after he had lodg'd his sheepe like a good pastor in the mountaines of Israel that is as he interprets it in the authority of the diuine Scriptures he thus bespeakes them Ibi pascite vt securè
with names or glorious titles vnles it be nomen cum fide the holding of his name with the not denying of his faith ver 13. of the same Chapter Whereas the Papists leauing to be called by his name the name Christians which the Scripture onely recordeth may well be suspected to haue renounced his faith too giuen him ouer cleane For the holy Ghost wee see couples them both together § 41. Yet the Adioynder is peremptory num 32. that the name Catholique cānot be vsurped by heretikes but is a most true and proper note of the true Church and num 33. that the name and the thing expressed by the name doe alwaies so concurre that they are neuer separated And againe num 34. that heretikes or hereticall congregations neuer did or could vsurpe the name Catholique but the same hath alwayes beene and euer shall bee peculiar to the true Church and that the name and the thing signified by the name doe euer concurre Thus he But what such priuiledge I wonder hath the name Catholique supra omne nomen aboue all names els or why should that only cleaue to truth and the truth to it whereas all other names may be diuorced from it May the name Christian be rent from the Church by the furiousnes of Iulian labouring to extinguish the whole body of Christians and yet Christianity suffer no disparagement thereby as Theodoret witnessed in most plentifull manner a little before and cannot the name Catholique be borrowed of the Church by the hand of some crafty intruder or other but the Church shall no longer be her selfe Yet the name Christian implyes Christ in it which is the head that we hold by and the Prince of our Congregation Secondly Scripture recordeth it and thirdly it seemes giuen by diuine inspiration 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Neither of which agrees to the name Catholique No nor yet to the Gnostiques a high name too and from the abundance of knowledge which they attributed to themselues Whom S. Paul is thought to twit 1. Tim. 6. 12. giuing vs withall to vnderstand that there may be falshood in names 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the falsly called Gnostiques Of Apostolike Angelike and if there bee any other I might say the same Why should the name Catholique be more sacred then they why lesse exposed to hereticall vsurpation For Catholique and Apostolike either draw in an equalitie or at least Apostolike is not inferiour to Catholique Angelike one would thinke were aboue them both And if the name Catholique still goes where the true Church goes how are the Catholiques themselues not Catholiques or not knowne by that name as sometimes it fared witnesse S. Austen but transformed into the titles of certain newfangled sectaries the Traducians the Macarians the rest of that rabble before rehearsed Is it like that the heretikes wil not call thēselues Catholiques as the Adioynder pretends whē they take from Catholiques the very name Catholike and cloth them with other of their own deuising Though S. Austen most directly contra Epistol Fundamenti cap. 4. the booke that the Adioynder himselfe here quotes sayes that omnes haeretici se Catholicos dicivolunt all heretikes would be called Catholiques and Lactantius Institution lib. 4. cap. 30. that all heretikes suam esse potissimùm Catholicam putant Ecclesiam they thinke themselues Catholiques and the Catholique Church theirs in a prime degree How then shall we beleeue that of Cyrill of Hierusalem for wee will suppose it to be Cyrills for this once which Bellarmine first alleadged and the Adioynder here referres vs to that no heretake will presume to call his sect Catholique or to point to his own faction if the question be askt of the Catholique Church as if that word were such a scare to him Does not this shew that the Bishop most aduisedly answered to those authorities when hee answered in the words which the Adioynder carps here that De nomine lis nulla inter nos intercedit sed vtripotiùs è re nomen habeant We stand not vpon the name it hath beene shewed in the precedents that there is no cause to stand vpon names but which of vs hath the most right to inherite the name the glorious name as S. Iames sayes quod inuocatur super nos by which we are called As for S. Austen he might say that tenet me postremò ipsum nomen Catholicae reckoning the name Catholique among the last arguments which perswaded him to continue in the vnity of the Church and preferring like enough diuerse forcibler before it or els this would haue mooued him but little Nay when the Bishop tells you that in case it were graunted for he doth but graunt it wee beleeue it not that it is true as you say when search is made after the Catholique Church wee point to your Church yet you cannot deny on the other side but if the Catholique Reformed be asked after a man will point to ours and not thinke of yours for any such mention does not this abate your lofty swell as much as the other sond supposall serued to pricke you vp in pride For Catholique reformed is a more tollerable addition and more agreeable to all good rules of reason and of faith then Catholique Romane is at any hand which is your monstrous contradiction in adiecto as I may so call it euen within two words And as Catholique to Christian by the verdict of Pacian which you are wont so to stand vpon or Apostolike to Catholique in the most Orthodox style and some auncient Creeds Credo sanctam Catholicam Apostolicam So Catholique to be determined by Reformed Catholique after that such a sea of corruptions hath flowed in euen by your owne confessions I pray what repugnance hath it either to sound reason or to auncient custome or to any good ground and principle of the Church or how doth it not iustifie our Church aboue yours to be that Vbi cubas which wee so seeke for § 42. But Satyrus beeing cast a shore you say amongst a company of schismatikes askt if they agreed with the Catholique Bishops expounding himselfe to meane the Church of Rome Where first you see the prerogatiue is not the Bishops of Rome but the Churches of Rome if any be Else why doth he fall so suddenly from the mention of Bishops to the mention of a Church but that he meanes a Church containing in it many Bishops and therefore not the Sea of Rome precisely as now it is taken But as for the point in hand whether the Romane faith and the Catholique bee all one because Satyrus interpreted his meaning in that sort me thinks the Bishop most compleatly answereth him and so vntieth the knot that you would faine tie vs in as he yet tieth you fast enough in a farre tougher knot at the same instant Sciebat enim c. For hee knewe saies the Bishop that the Bishop of Rome was then a Catholique a
the bodie plainely so distinguished by S. Austen vt esset ille caput that Christ might be the head Peter shall I say the body nay not so much as the bodie but figuram corporis portaret saies S. Austen that hee might carry the figure or resemblance of the bodie And is gerere personam now and gestare figuram all one thinke you because of Tullies Offices Yet you cry out against the Bishop for fraudulent dealing and superscribe your boxe A Discouerie of his absurdities falsities lyes you blame him for lame quotation of places Indeed he is as compendious in quoting the Fathers as you are ambitious in citing your owne Supplement and as talkatiue and full of circumstance as any pies-nest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But for quoting of places against the light of conscience was there euer any wretch so taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so in the very manner as you are in the construction of gerere personam which S. Austen expounds by gestare figuram or portare figuram you would faine extend to boundlesse iurisdiction And if gerere and gestare were graunted you to be all one is there no difference betweene figure and persona as persona is put for maiestas reip will you put figura in that sense too You imagine the Church to carrie S. Peter no doubt as a beast carryeth the rider and some of you haue allegorized it so from Balaam and his asse to the Pope and your Church Here you see the Church doth not beare S. Peter but S. Peter beares the figure of the bodie that is of the Church And where you thinke the Supremacie that you attribute to your Pope was grounded vpon the infallibilitie of his iudgement in faith and from thence proceeded that same Pasce oues meas S. Austen tels you farther to correct that opinion that the ground of his commission was the strength of his loue in these words Proinde vt oues commendaret quid illi priùs dicit ne illi tanquam alteri commendaret Petre amas me Et respondet Amo c. Confirmat trinitatem vt consolidet vnitatem that is Therefore that hee might commend his sheepe vnto him what first does hee say vnto him that he might not commend them to him as to another man Peter louest thou me And he answereth I loue thee c. He confirmes trinitie to establish vnitie So as euery where vnitie and loue is aimed at which is the bond that couples Christ and his Church which Church as I tell you Peter representeth here no otherwise then a proxie doth him that he stands to be admitted for But you doating vpon the priuiledges of your earthly God blot out loue to bring in power and for that which S. Austen said a little before vt essent duo in carne vnâ your Canonists haue not shamed to turne it thus vt essent duo in sede vnâ as if Christ and the Pope had one Consistoire This is the agreement between you and S. Austen here § 7. You againe cite S. Austen in his commentarie vpon the 108. Psalme Were you disposed trow you to doe your selfe a shrewd turne For from whence could you receiue a greater blow Yet here againe I must tell you that your citation is wrong Cuius ecclesiae say you as quoting S. Austen ille agnoscitur gessisse personam meaning of Peter But S. Austen sayes not so First not gessisse but gestasse is S. Austens See you now that I distinguished these two not without cause before For neither did you I am sure without cause here change them You know that gerere is of farre more force then gestare in these matters so as gerere remp is as much as regere remp gestare not And if S. Austen had said gessisse personam yet see I pray you with what qualification Not simply gessisse but in figurâ gessisse personam ecclesiae which you cut out as if in figurâ were no words or words of no sense or sense but not to your tooth This is your honest dealing that cry out against falshood Call you this arguing in figurâ against your betters And would you read that to the Corinthians or suffer to bee read suppose in your Colledge hall at Rome where as we in our Colledges here read the Bible at our ordinary meales so Father Parsons made the schollers to reade the booke of Titles and of claimes to Kingdomes if your Seculars haue said true and men say that you boast of Father Parsons his spirit would you suffer I say to be read Omnia contingebant illis and no more for omnia in figurâ contingebant illis specially if the controuersie were how omnia contingebant illis as here the controuersie was about gerere personam and in what sense But let vs heare S. Austen Sicut quaedam dicuntur quae ad Apostolum Petrum propriè pertinere videantur nec tamen habent illustrem intellectum nisi cùm referuntur ad ecclesiam cuius ille agnoscitur in sigurâ gestâsse personam propter primatum quem in discipulis habuit sicut est Tibi dabo claues regni coelorum siqua huiusmodi ita Iudas personam quodam modo sustinet inimicorum Christi Iudaeorum qui tunc oderant Christum c. As some things are said which may seeme properly to belong to the Apostle Peter and yet make no cleare sense but when they are referred to the Church whereof he is knowne to haue represented the person figuratiuely for the cheifedome which he had among the disciples as that is for one To thee I will giue the keyes of the kingdome of heauen and if there bee any like so Iudas sustaines after a manner the person of the Iewes Christs enemies who both then hated Christ c. Here is somewhat that you catch at but more that we may retort vpon you You catch verie greedily at propter primatum quem in discipulis habuit which we neuer doubt but S. Peter had a place of some priority in the quire Apostolike And it may be for that our Sauiour the rather chose him to represent his Church More zealous then the rest more auncient then the rest whether to figure the faith or the eternity of the Church the one in this world the other in the next or for what endowment else of his you can deuise For some no doubt And if it be secret is it therefore none will you call Christ to account for euerie thing and vnlesse wee can answer for him will you condemne him Why not some other as well as Peter say you if it were onely a matter of representation As if I might not say the like Why not some other as well as Peter preferred to be the cheife magistrate It was free you will say to our Sauiours choice and but one could be to sway a monarchie he chose Peter And may not I say the same But one could be to figure
fratres or bono vnitatis preferred for his maturitie to preuent schisme and disorder as hath beene told you Though the name Apostles is common to some without the companie of the twelue and the Scripture vseth it so Phil. 2. 25. whom Peter might be charged with and with the other Fathers of the Church as Leo here calls the Bishops of their making without derogating from the Colledge of them properly so called Therefore heare how S. Leo qualifies this saying in the same Sermon a little after Transiuit quidem etiam in alios Apostolos vis potestatis istius ad omnes Ecclesiae principes decreti huius institutio commeauit sed non frustrà vni commendatur quod omnibus intimatur It cannot be denyed but the force of this authoritie passed also vnto the other Apostles and the same ordinance comprehends all the peeres of the Church But not without cause is that deliuered to one which concernes all Why so Petro enim ideò hoc singulariter creditur quia cunctis Ecclesiae rectoribus Petri forma proponitur That is For therefore is this particularly recommended to Peter because Peter is made a patterne of all Church-gouernours And S. Austen de verbis Domini secundum Iohannem Serm. 49. Dominus in vno Petro format Ecclesiam Our Lord still fashions his Church in Peter Leo saies the gouernours Austen the whole Church is exemplified in Peter So that Peter you see still stood for a generall man and not for a particular and as S. Austen said afore to commend vnitie so Leo both takes in that vni commendatur and giues the reason withall because Peters example was most worthy the imitating Cunctis Petri forma proponitur and Ecclesiae rectoribus to all rulers of the Church to shewe that Peter was not ruler alone I might oppose you with other sentences in that Sermon which you could hardly salue that wrest all so violently to your turne as Vt cum Petrus multa solus acceperit nihil in quenquam sine illius participatione transierit yet the Scripture neuer sayes that of Peters fulnesse we haue all receiued And againe Leo Nunquum nisi per ipsum dedit quicquid alijs non negauit Yet S. Austen de verb. Dom. secundum Matth. Serm. 13. Quod nemo potest in Petro hoc potest in Domino But his MAIESTIE in his Apologie hauing preuented all that might be alleadged in this kind your silence shewes you haue not what to answer Neither will I therefore trouble my selfe with the rest of your citations till you haue qualified these Facile est Athenienses laudare Athenis so it was easie for Leo to rhetoricate at Rome in the praise of Peter Let vs passe say you to some other matter And let vs see say I if you bring any better § 54. AS for the law in the Code the next thing in your booke it is a signe you lacke proofes for Popedome else you would neuer bring so cast a law first controuert and then counterfeit besides importing so little for your side Yet you say this lawe is brought by you in your Supplement to prooue the dutifull respect and obedience of the auncient Emperours to the Romane Sea The respect we graunt you as long as it was Catholicke For what good man would not respect both Church and Bishop Christian I except not him that weares the diademe as S. Chrysost speakes in another case but as for dutie and obedience certes neither any that we find in this law greatly and the clearer monuments as Gregorie as Agatho as diuerse others often brought you and often told you will shew it rests on the Popes side And what if Iustinian writing to the Pope had followed the veine of an Epistle so far as to besmeare him with all the kind tearmes that might bee All that you bring is that the Romane Church is caput Ecelesiarum which no way derogates from the Emperours authority nor inioynes him no such durie or obedience as now is vrged and when all is done caput is nothing but ecclesia prima in ordine not tanquam habens authoritatem in cateras which is no more then was determined in the Councel of Chalcedon Can. 28. that the highest Church in Christendome after Rome should neuertheles be magnified in Ecclesiasticall menages no lesse themshee And this hath been told you and rung into you of the difference of order in the equalitie of power and yet you stand vrging a stale phrase out of a law of the Code no sounder then it should bee and adde no strength to your blunt yron So still might the Bishop say Poterat abstinere Cardinalis à criando the Cardinall might haue abstained from quoting this law and the law inter claras is scarce a cleare law Yet Baldus you say calls it Clarissimam legem And yet he vouchsafes not to glosse it scarce in three words you know His calling of it Clarissima with an allusion to Inter Claras is nothing but as euery pettie Master is wont to praise the author that he expounds to his schollers as Persius notes ab insano multùm laudanda magistro As for Accursius his glossing of it and some one or two more of how much lesse force is that to proue the soundnes of it then the silence of so many that thinke it not worthy a glosse to condemne it Of whom you may presently reckon these more afterward if they come to your mind Bartholomeus de Saliceto Cynus Iacobus de Arena Iason Antonius also de Rosellis if I mistake not Franciscus Aretinus Paulus Castrensis Butrigarius And this last saies It is neither ordinarily nor extraordinarily read when he wrote who wrote when the Pope was at the highest Adde to them Bartholus and Angelus Perusinus By which you see what is to be attributed to Alciates coniecture that some later heretikes and wishing ill to the Pope haue rased it out of the bookes Is the Pope such a Dionysius that he dares not trust the razors Yet consider how long those Lawyers flourished afore Luthers time which is the time no doubt that Alciat glances at Iacobus de Arena ann 1300. Butrigarius who was Bartholus his Master ann 1320. Cynus ann 1330. Salicet 1390. Aretine 1425. which beeing the last of all that I haue now named is iust a hundred yeares afore Luther Castrensis later and Iason later then he yet both short of the 500 yeere Sichardus whome before I named not ann 1540. yet he also passes it ouer without a Glosse Since Alciat it hath been censured by other Papists in like sort whose iudgement Alciat could not turne as Gregorie Haloander and Antonius Contius the setter out of the law in his Praetermissa I passe by Hotoman because he was ours otherwise no obscure Father of the law and hath written the largest of all in the cause Whome he that hath vndertaken of late to answer Andreas Fachineus Count of Lateran in his eight booke of
same page and within halfe a score lines one of the other but howsoeuer it be the authoritie is not worth a rush For first what is this to the temporall primacie which we descry here to be the Emperours and not the Popes by Iustinians driuing him into banishment they call it I know Bellisarius his act but in the power of Iustinian no doubt and for a secular matter viz. for treason So as the Pope is subiect to the Emperours censure for ciuill faults Secondly let him bee Pope ouer the Church of the whole world that is in order of preheminence not in right of gouernment or confirmed iurisdiction as the cheife Patriarch which is euident by the comparison or disparison rather of earthly Kings there vsed whereof one hath no such reference of order to an other but the Patriarchall Seas are fixed saith S. Leo by inviolable Canon legibus ad finem mundi mansuris and admit no confusion Thirdly there is this difference betweene Kings and Priests that Kings are confined to their owne dominions and if they be taken without them they loose their priuiledge and stand but for little better then subiects in those parts whereas the Priest may exercise his acts of office in euery part of the Christian world as bind or loose or preach or administer or ordaine also if he be therevnto called And if he be restrained from any of these it is Ecclesiâligante as your Tapper telleth vs and Viguerius and diuerse more quae ligat ligare which euen binds out binding and for orders sake confines that but to certaine places which is indifferent to all by primitiue ordination See your selfe of this point cap. 2. numb 50. 52. Whosoeuer is Pastor in any one part of the Church is capable of Pastorall iurisdiction in any other though he be restrained to auoid confusion And Basil saies of Athanasius pag. 304. of the Greeke by Frobenius for the Epistles are not numbred That hee takes no lesse care for the whole Church or rather all the Churches then that which was specially committed to him by our Lord. So Chrysostome sayes of the Priest that he is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the father of the whole world Where by the way also you may see the vanitie of your reason which you magnifie so much when the Councell of Chalcedon calls the Pope their father Which is no more then Chrysostome giues to euery Minister to be father of the whole Church though not in authoritie yet in louing care 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is all that the Councell sayes there of Leo and explaines it selfe by beneuolentiam praeferens of which happily hereafter The same Chrysostome againe Epist 176. ad Paeanium twice attributes as much to him to be rector or rectifyer as he there speakes of the whole world And doth not S. Hierome beginne his Epistle ad Salvinianam so that the care of euery Christian belongs vnto him as he is a minister of Gods Church pro officio Sacerdotij that their good proceeding is his glory S. Salvian also ad Salon l. 1. adv Avar. Ad fidei meae curā pertinet as if not his Charities onely nequid ecclesiastici operis vacillare permittā When S. Chrysost went into banishmēt you may please to remēber how the Monks saluted him that the sun might sooner loose his light thē his vertue be eclipsed yet I hope his iurisdiction did not stretch in your opiniō as farre as the sunne which if Patareus Apollo had but said of Sylverius you would presently haue concluded in fauour of him I omit many things to come to an ende Of Iustinians Constitutions about matter of faith directed to the Bishops sometime of Rome sometime of Constantinople which you so often tell vs of Doe you see therefore what power the Emperour had in spirituall causes to giue forth Constitutions That Agapetus deposed Anthimus and set vp Menas but causa perorata apud Iustinianum Iustinian hauing first the hearing of the cause by his authoritie no doubt though a Bishop was vsed to sentence a Bishop as was most meete far forme Like as Menas was preferred to Anthimus his place but how as a speciall fauorite of Iustinian saith the storie and so you may be sure by his direction That Agapetus his iudgement of Anthimus was faine to be scanned in a Councell of Constantinople gathered for that purpose by the Emperor before the proceedings of a Pope could giue satisfaction to the Church That Patarensis doth not excuse Bishops in generall from the Emperours censure as you would haue it but onely mooues him to shew respect to Sylverius for the amplitude of his place And lastly the Emperour as he binds him ouer to triall to see whether he were guiltie of treason or no so if he were found guiltie he forbids him Rome which shewes that the Pope and Rome may be two and bodes but ill as if some Emperour one day or Imperiall man should make the diuorce On the other fide it sets out Iustinians praise that was content to punish treason so moderately as not vtterly to take his Bishopricke from him but onely to send him packing to Palmaria or Fonicusa as now they call it Lastly whereas he reuerenced you say the Sea Apostolick let them perish hardly that reuerence not the very place where the doue hath troad fleeing to the windowes but with meete proportion because corrupted since To the second Chapter about sundrie passages in the Councell of Chalcedon IN the Romane discipline when of fendours were many they vsed a course call'd Decimation to chastise euery tenth person onely for the misdemeanour of a multitude So must I herafter but point as it were at euery tenth soloecisme which occurres in the perusing of the Adioynder it beeing hard I graunt for any to auoid faults in multiloquio as the wise man tells vs but specially for him as I should thinke who so purposely studieth it as if he meant to oppresse vs with a flood of tearmes and wearie the Reader whome he cannot perswade Wherein he could not shew himselfe more aduerse to his aduersarie whose praise is compendiousnes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 like the gold coynes that include great worth in small compasse and Timantus pictures presenting more to the minde then to the eye § 2. And for so much as I haue professed as the truth is that my taske now was to iustifie the allegations onely of the Bishops booke against such idle scruples as this man casts in euery where hauing shewed as I may say by the blow in the forehead so by this first encounter that if neede were I could take more aduantage and rippe vp this Golias this bulke of paper as the other was of flesh to his greater shame I will now proceede with all possible breuitie § 3. About the Bishops allegation of the Councell of Chalcedon the 28. Canon partly he struggles to shift it off
cannot bee present at Rome whom either age or sexe or diuerse other infirmities and casualties hinder and yet so necessarie many times as that the causes cannot bee tryed without them doe they not rather shew what is meet in reason and iust in conscience then leaue it wholly in the Popes hands to graunt or no Lastly what opinion had they of the Popes agents in forraine countries that sticke not to auouch this to his head That any from his Holinesse should be sent as Legates we finde decreed by no Synode of the Fathers Where because you dare talke of the Nicene copies as allowing appeales which were pretended then with shame enough but none such found vpon most diligēt enquiry take you in that also which followeth in Gods name That which you sent vs hither by Faustinus as a part of the Nicene Councell in the truer copies which wee haue receiued from holy Cyrill Bishop of Alexandria and reuerend Atticus Bishop of Constantinople taken out of the originals themselues which also we sent to Bonifacius your predecessor in them we say wee could finde no such thing Let Baronius or Bellarmine salue this now as well as they can Finally thus And as for your agents or messengers send them not graunt them not at euerie mans request doe you see how faintly these men speake as remembring they sued onely to the Pope for that which was in his power to graunt or no and which if he did grant he did but depart with his owne right To which this that followes may be a notable confirmation Least wee seeme to bring the smokie pride of the world into the Church of Christ which proposeth the light of simplicitie and humilitie to those that desire to see God c. This of the Epistle of the African Fathers to Pope Caelestine § 13. But now what saies he to the Mileuitan Canon Sith that was it which the Bishop aymed at as at last he awakes and acknowledges himselfe It excludes not all from appealing quoth he but Priests and Deacons onely and such inferiour Clergie men So as still the Bishops might appeale to Rome And transmarinus nemo is of the Bishops forging too too generall Is it euen so Whose forging then is that Ad transmarina autem qui putauer it appellandum whosoeuer shall thinke good to appeale beyond the sea let him be renounced from the communion of all in Africa the very words of the Canon Is not nemo transmarinus appellet all one with quicunque transmarinus appellandum putauerit or quicunque appellauerit ad transmarina puniatur c What difference is here but that the one is comminatory the other prohibitiue both vniuersall and peremptory Yea but Bishops are excepted because not named How if Bishops most of all included As not onely reason leads vs to thinke because Bishops might not so well be spared out of the prouince as Priests might they few to these many see Euseb l. 6. hist and therefore no such detriment in the Priests absence as in the Bishops but the Fathers of the aforesaid African councell in their epistle to Coelestine intimate as much not onely that Bishops are comprehended as well as Priests but euen much more For if say they there appeare a prouiso for inferiour Clerks and laymen how much more would the Synode haue the same to be obserued in Bishops that beeing excommunicated in their owne prouince they should not be suddenly hastily or vnduly restored to the Communion no not by your holines And as the Councell of Nice meaning to forbid both Clerks and Lay to forsake the iudgement of their owne prouince and betake themselues to another named not the Bishops and yet in the generall comprehended them too quoting an auncienter Canon for their purpose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that whome one casts out whosoeuer he be another should not receiue so here the Fathers for whome it was enough to instance in certaine inferiour degrees of Clergie though their intent was doubtlesse to comprehend all either as ayming at the Nicene Canon it selfe and so labouring to come as neere it as possibly they could or because Canons are applied to the present vse as the saying is and the rashnes of a Priest one Apiarius by name gaue occasion to Africk thus to decree I might further aske whether lay-men might appeale notwithstanding this Canon yea or no Sith onely Clerks are mentioned in it and F. T. will haue none but those to be prohibited who are directly named If he say they might what a wide gate is left open to tumult and disorder notwithstanding the Canon for lay-men to doe that which Clerks might not Nay how does the Clerke auoid committing himselfe to forreine tribunals sith a lay-man in case of controuersie with a Clerke complaining to a forreiner drawes the Clerke happily after him to his no small molestation If he say he might not but that he is forbidden though he be not specified so might the Bishops likewise which is our question Lastly if those Fathers might forbid Clergi-men to appeale to Rome though Clergi-men onely of the inferiour sort it shewes that the Popes iurisdiction is not vniuersall and in the ende Bishops might be forbid and all § 14. As for your fustïe Epistle to Antonie of Fussula it is out of the number of S. Austens Epistles which Possidius recounts a faithfull witnesse of S. Austens desks and papers One Grauius a Dutchman brought it first from Rome and set it out as a neweltie which your selues durst not auow from whome it sprang And though nothing is in the Epistle preiudiciall to our cause which may not easily be answered yet this shall suffice in this place § 15. Innocentius you say allowed the Canon of the Milevitan Councell Therefore it makes not against the Pope Nay therefore Innocentius was content with that proportion which the later Popes are not satisfied with As Boniface himselfe in his Epistle to Eulalius Bishop of Carthage is so impatient of this restraint that he makes the deuill to be the author of that which S. Austen and the rest deuised for the barring of Appeales to Rome Behold what kin the deuill is to S. Austen as Boniface would perswade And yet others succeeding lesse moderate then he You tell vs that the Sardican Councell allowed these appeales What then Therefore this in all likelihoode contradicts them not As if that which was lawfully ordained at first might not afterward be changed vpon apparant inconuenience as your selfe here insinuate of the Popes Legates and their outrages of whome you know what one said that they were as Satanas emissus à facie Domini ad vexandum orbem terrarum like the deuill let loose to scourge the world Yet you like a good fellow would prooue the lawfulnesse of appeales by their pranks and practises though neuer so irregular as he that would iustifie false titles by possession Albeit neither was the Sardican Councell
Church is the better for beeing without them without sicke dogges healed and lame cattes cured by your minikin-miracles done at Minich and Sichem Sir Make your peace with Chrysostome first and then come and wrangle with vs hardly The same Father remembring that S. Paul had said that Anti-christ should come in lying wonders and miracles not yours I warrant you he notes vpon the place before quoted that the Apostle speaking of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the power of miracles sets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before it that is the spirit to distinguish the miracles of sorcerers and witches 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who can cure cattes and dogges I warrant you with a wet finger from such as proceed from the operation of the holy Ghost But what can be more powerfull then the obseruation of the same Chrysostome vpon Tit. 1. that if wee marke well the storie of the Acts of the Apostles we shall see most men were conuerted by their doctrine and preaching before euer they came to the working of miracles So Iohn did no miracle as they confesse in the Gospel and yet drew the multitudes forcibly after him Neuerthelesse Iohn came with a newe doctrine In his last Homely vpon the Acts the same Chrysostome thus that ye may see what a friend he was to miracles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. This is a great miracle saies he to bring an argument from the writings of the Prophets and Apostles By which reason I beleeue wee shall haue more miracles in our Church then are stirring in the Popish whatsoeuer store of lame dogges are healed there or sicke cats as this wretch scoffeth from his chaire of scorners S. Gregorie the great as he is quoted by Immanuel Sa. in 4. Matth. notes most excellently that our Sauiour when he fasted forty dayes together not without a great miracle yet beeing oppugned by the deuill repelled him by Scripture and not by miracle Yet then if euer were miracles to be brought for the auouching of the truth Specially since the deuill went to tempt him with hunger our Sauiour was to foile him with his miracle of fasting Neuerthelesse Scriptum est there carried it though the deuill craftily had begunne with it to diuert our Sauiour from the vse of that which he had profaned And the same S. Gregorie againe Hom. 29. in Euang. makes it a signe of the Churches infancie to be tittled with miracles as S. Chrysostome had also said in another place that the Apostles were not alwaies to be conuersant with Christ like the nurse-child with his nurse nor fed with pappe but to trie their fortunes and to goe abroad into the world and to shift for themselues S. Gregories words are Nunquidnā fratres mei quòd ista signa non facitis minime creditis Sed haec necessaria in exordio Ecclesiae fuerunt Vt enim fides cresceret miraculis fuerat nutrienda Quià nos cum arbusta plantamus tamdiu eis aquam fundimus quousque ea in terrâ iam convaluisse videamus At si semel radicem fixerint irrigatio cessabit Hinc est enim quòd Paulus dicit 1. Cor. 14. Linguae in signum sunt non fidelibus sed infidelibus That is Shall I say you beleeue not now my deare brethren because you do none of these miracles But miracles were needefull in the beginnings of the Church To the ende that faith might growe vp it was to be fed with miracles For euen we when we set trees we water them no longer then till they haue taken roote And when once they are rooted our watring of them is at an end Hence saith S. Paul Tongues are for a token or for a signe or monument not to the beleeuers but to the vnbeleeuers Thus Gregorie And hee might haue added that out of 1. Cor. 13. 8. Whether they be tongues they shall cease c. meaning miracles and cease not in heauen onely but in the state of the new Testamēt for I willingly ioyne with them that construe it so that by tongues we may vnderstād omne prodigiosum euen all miracles the genus by the species no vnusuall schematisme And whereas I quoted Sa the Iesuite so lately a man of your function and no lesse of your faction I think it not amisse to bring to your remembrance another saying of his Among his Aphorismes V. Revelatio thus he hath that Revelations which you abound with witnesse Bridget and Catharine and diuers more are not rashly to be credited or entertained but submitted to iudgement and tried by their conformitie with the Catholike doctrine Shall not miracles then abide the touch stone much more Which if they doe then is not the doctrine to be grounded vpon miracles but miracles to preuaile as farre as the doctrine shall giue leaue For who knowes but God does many things to trie vs Deuter. 13. and such assaults are giuen oft-times to the Church out of Gods deepe prouidence vt cognoscantur probati that the approoued may be knowne 1. Cor. 11. 19. as it indangers the very faith of the elect By all which and much more that here I omit you may see what reason the worthy Bishop had not to stand vpon those words which you quarrell him for not setting downe of the Cardinals text as if they were ought to the question or as if hee were to busie himselfe with impertinent matters for lacke of employment For my part I am content to insert those words here as much as they are extant in your booke Respondes Miracula diuina c. In English thus that all may take knowledge of them I answer saith the Cardinall that diuine miracles are seen onely among the Catholiques And because the Bishop would not rush into this new branglement therefore you thinke he left out those words fraudulently And yet Simon Magus made a dead man to wagge his head when he stroue with S. Peter as we read in Eusebius which is more then to cure a lame dogge Another heretique remooued an oliue tree by vertue of his praiers tainted with the damnable heresie of Macedonius God forbid that any such should cleaue to vs though malice her selfe were to censure Eutychianus the Novatiā did a famous miracle vnder Constantine whome he drew to fauour him and to owne his acquaintance by healing certaine sicknesses and by other rare acts they call them miracles which he performed Namely that beeing to sue to the aforesaid Constantine for the release of a prisoner who was in daunger to die by reason of the many irons that he was laden with euen before he could make suit for him to the Emperour he procured his chaines to fall off from him of their owne accord not without miracle and afterward obtained his pardon of Constantine Witnesse here of Sozom. lib. 1. cap. 14. And Paulus another Bishop of the Novatian sect did another miracle no lesse strange witnesse Socrat. lib. 7. cap. 17. conuincing a certaine Iew who
Catholique protunc and at that time punctually but neither afore nor after very immediately Will you heare what our Adioynders reply is to this Hauing repeated the Bishops words to the effect aforesaid he thus commenteth Num. 29. So hee Wherein he graunteth consequently that the Pope is supreame and vniuersall Pastor of the whole Church for that must needes follow of his graunt seeing it is euident that he who then was Bishop of Rome and whom he alloweth for Catholique had and exercised a supreame and vniuersall authoritie To which purpose it is to be considered who was Bishop of Rome at that time Whereto the Bishop himselfe giueth vs no small light signifying presently after that Liberius was Bishop a little before him and sure it is that Damasus succeeded Liberius and raigned many years who therefore must needs be the Catholique Bishop that the Bishop meaneth Perge porrò Num. 30. Now then what authority Damasus had and exercised during his raigne I pray you let it be obserued here the raigne of King Damasus For all Iesuites thinke so in their hearts but some onely speake it with their mouthes as the Adioynder here twice in his inconsiderate zeale And yet by this they exalt the King aboue the Pope though it be against their wils because purposely amplifying the Papall style they call it Kingdom as ashamed of Popedome and Priesthood the inferiours to it So as Baronius in his Annales reckons the years of the world by the Annus of such a Pope as Pius or Clemens or Anacletus or the like Which in other Chronicles were wont to be reckoned by the Emperours onely by the Popes either not at all or but accidentally Insomuch as the Holy Ghost himselfe Act. 11. 28. describing the famine that was ouer all the world calculated the time by the Emperour thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vnder Claudius Caesar But perhaps Peter was not then come to Rome I goe forward with the Adioynder Now then what authoritie Damasus had c. it appeareth saith he sufficiently by that which I signified before concerning him his supremacie in the fourth Chapter where I shewed that the same was acknowledged not onely in Affricke by the Bishops of three Affrican Synods who in a common Epistle to him gaue cleare and euident testimonie thereof but also in the East Church euen by the chiefe Patriarches thereof to wit by Peter the holy Bishop of Alexandria who immediately succeeded Athanasius and beeing expelled from his Church by the Arrians fled to Pope Damasus and by the vertue and authority of his letters was restored to his seat as the Magdeburgians themselues doe relate out of the Ecclesiasticall histories And in the Church of Antioch his authoritie was acknowledged by Paulinus the Bishop thereof receiuing instructions and orders from him for the absolution of Vitalis the Heretike Also afterwards Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria and S. Chrysostome Bishop of Constantinople were suiers to him to obtaine pardon for Flauianus Bishop of Antioch as may be seene more particularly in the fourth Chapter of this Adioynder where I haue also set downe the cleare testimonies of some Fathers who liued at the same time and euidently acknowledged his supremacie § 43. Numb 31. So that the Bishop graunting that Pope Damasus was a Catholique Bishop and that the Church of Rome was in such integritie vnder him that S. Ambrose had reason to hold none for Catholiques but such as held vnion therewith it must needs followe that the supreame and vniuersall authoritie which Pope Damasus had and vsed was not vsurped but due to him and his Sea and consequently to his successours And whereas the Bishop signifieth that the Romane Church and Bishops were not alwaies in the like integritie that they were at that time to wit neither a little before in the time of Liberius nor shortly after in the time of Honorius because both of them subscribed to Heresie as hee saith I will not now stand to debate c. § 44. This is the Laconicall breuity of this Thom To whome wee answer in a word as for the repeating of his braue feates exployted in the fourth Chapter we remit him to our answer thereunto in the precedents touching euery particular That if Damasus had exercised such an exoticall iurisdiction as he fondly dreameth and the allegations doe nothing prooue yet this could not preiudice his beeing Catholique or he might be an vsurper notwithstanding Satyrus his iudgement of him First because Satyrus meant onely in opposition to the Luciferian schismatikes whose cause was not the cause of Ecclesiasticall Supremacy Secondly Satyrus perhaps might not discerne the error though the Pope had laboured of it as diuerse other good men also gaue way to it vnwittingly Thirdly a Pope may be right in his beleefe though he be erroneous in his practise and so may any body els For the theife himselfe doth not thinke it lawfull to steale nor the man-queller to murther and yet they both commit the wickednes Euen so the Pope may be Catholique though he should turne cut-throate I meane Catholique for his faith as the Papists take it and speculations only Else we know that S. Austen requires more then faith to make one Catholique giues bad liuers but a censerivolunt they would be accounted Catholique but are not By which also wee may collect the Apostacie of the Church of Rome her falling away from the faith Catholique by the contagion of euill manners that swarme in her non secundum Euangelium 1. Tim. 1. 11. As Nilus his argument is out of the same chapter ver 19. that they that put away good conscience from them quickely also make shipwracke of their faith Though the Adioynder holds that the Church and her title cannot be seuered but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which the Fathers so couple the Papists thinke it no disparagement to their Church to haue them parted Fourthly and lastly I say Damasus exercised no vniuersall iurisdiction nor coueted after it for ought the Adioynder hath demonstrated The lesse Catholique therefore the more Catholique Pope Damasus whatsoeuer become of Liberius and Honorius the one afore him the other after him not so currant both § 45. There followeth presently after saith the Adioynder Num. 32. a large and liberall grant of the Bishop right worth the noting In fine what trow you That the Bishop saying Fatemur omnia nec de nomine lis sed utri è re nomen habcant he by that confesseth that they haue the true signe and note of the Church and we not hauing it are heretikes or schismatikes As if we forsooth refused the name Catholike or the Bishop implyed any such thing in all his speech which not the desperatest wretches but censeri volunt witnes S. Aust et si sanari nolunt they would be called Catholiques As Dioscorus said in the Councell of Chalcedon Eijcior cum Patribus Catholicis no doubt I
How is the Pope himselfe head of hereticall and Apostaticall Priests and yet not combined with them in their heresie or Apostasie How of the Iewes in his Dominions of whome he is Head at least as Temporall Prince as you conceiue Are there not diuers Superintendents of whole Vniuersities and Scholasticall congregations throughout the world which neuer were trained in the schollership or learning of those places And yet they may proceede against the Diuines that are therein in matters of Christianitie as for omitting of Sermons of Theologicall Disputations also false doctrine in them c. though they themselues be no Priests and the others are Yea why may not KINGS beare authoritie ouer Priests and Spirituall persons though themselues be none as well as there be diuers Rectors and Gouernours of particular Colledges throughout the Realme and that also perhaps according to the auncient Statutes who beeing no Priests nor Spirituall men themselues haue authoritie neuertheles ouer the whole companie and among the rest ouer the Priests too So as first the King by vertue of his place may exercise power ouer them that are Spirituall or Priestly persons though himselfe be none and yet the sounder Antiquitie hath seemed to descrie some such thing in Kings but then the law of God ordaining him moreouer a Nursing-father to his Church that is a defender and prouider in all points for the blessed and happie estate therof as the Reuerend Bishop here most godlily argueth and most stoutly auerreth though the Adioynder thinke him cold in the cause he is not onely a Head but a kind and louing Head one that knowes Ioseph And practising this Almightie God will reward him accordingly if otherwise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let him thank himselfe as the Canons speake For God will not hold him guiltlesse in iudgement though the impatience of men may not wreake their quarrell The Adioynder saies the Catholikes meaning the Papists will not deny this but that they affirme and teach that Kings are for the nourishment and defence of the Church as much as either the Prophet Esay or the Bishop of Ely himselfe c. Which if it be so I see not but the question euen by that which hath been said may be alreadie at an ende § 71. But so is not our labour thanke the Adioynder for it who mingling his Parlaments here together with his Paralogismes thus goes forward It is further yet enacted saies he by our Parlaments that King Henry the eight might not only visit all Ecclesiasticall persons and reforme all kind of errors heresies and abuses in the Church of England but also assigne 32. persons to examine all manner of Canons Constitutions and Ordinances Prouinciall and Synodicall And further to set in order and establish all such Laws Ecclesiasticall as should be thought by him and them conuenient to be vsed and set forth within his Realmes and Dominions in all spirituall Courts and Conuentions and that such Lawes and Ordinances Ecclesiasticall as should be deuised and made by the Kings Maiestie and these 32. persons and declared by his Maiesties Proclamation vnder his great Seale should be onely taken reputed and vsed as the Kings Laws Ecclesiasticall c. § 72. Then Numb 51. Furthermore King Henrie made the Lord Cromwell his Vicar generall for the exercise of his Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction by vertue whereof the said Lord Cromwell ordained Ecclesiasticall Lawes and Iniunctions and published them vnder the Seale of his Vicariate directing them to all Archbishops Abbots and the rest of the Clergie And albeit Queene Elizabeth did not vse in her style c. Thus he § 73. And what of this Or how does this shew that King Henry the eight assumed vnto himselfe any Ecclesiasticall authoritie or Iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall which is the summe of the Question betweene you and vs For as for the assigning of persons to examine Canons and Constitutions Prouinciall or Synodicall and to set in order and establesh all such Lawes Ecclesiasticall as should be thought meete c. I redemaund in one word What if those persons were Ecclesiasticall men What inconuenience was in that Sure nothing to the contrarie appeares by your writing and much lesse by the Act of Parlament here quoted Nam quibus non licet cognoscere per se licet tamen cognitores dare saith the Law It might be so here then Though suppose it were otherwise Did you neuer heare of Constantine threatning the Bishops in his own persō that about their courses in Eclesiasticall affaires What he did by himselfe why might not others from him by his appointing direct Iniunctions to the Archbishops Abbots the rest of the Clergie which you take in so ill part here at my Lord Cromwells hands that he should presume to doe though King Henrie deputed him and the Act of Parlament which you quote allowed him Did not Emperours ordinarily commaund Bishops Remember Mauritius to your great S. Gregorie remember Marcian and diuerse more You heard but euen now what Cyrill saies to Theodosius that he commanded the Priests and in an Ecclesiasticall matter to purge the Church from impieties and blasphemies and till that was done he would not enter And if they by themselues thus why not by others such as they please to appoint for them Neither was that the meaning of the Act of Parlament that no Canons should be Canons without the Kings authoritie as yo would faine wrest it to augment your cauills but that Canons should not bee forcible in the nature of Lawes without the Kings consent as reason is and practise hath euer beene and the words themselues import as they are quoted by you viz. that such Laws and Ordinances Ecclesiasticall should only be reputed as the KINGS LAVVS which himselfe or they for him had ratified and approoued c. What more equall § 74. And what maruell now if Queene Elizabeth claimed as much as her father King Henrie did before her and the Parlament was not nice to assent to her in that behalfe For of all the graunts that were made to that Queene there is nothing vnnaturall nothing vnciuill nothing that wee should blush for at this day Yes power say you to reform correct c. That is in foro externo or power coactiue vindicatiue power which is onely the Princes not the Spirituall mans For so it followes Any authoritie that hath heretofore been or may lawfully be exercised or vsed for the Visitation of the Ecclesiasticall state for ORDER reformation correction c. Here is nothing but the obiect Ecclesiasticall persons that you should bee so scandalized with in this period for that same any is any compulsiue Power which is propriagladij witnesse Bonauenture and not clauium in 4. Dist 18. qu. 3. Resp ad penult whom neuerthelesse we haue prooued and are readie to prooue that they are censurable by Princes and their subordinate officers though the beast gnaw her tongue
discouering them at least I am not he that can diue into their secrets the word Defender and Maintainer of the Church will stretch to as much Supremacie as either his Maiestie now assumeth or we avow more by much then the Papists will graunt him yea it is that which they oppose with might and maine that results from these very words of Defence and Maintenance For how can a King defend the Church maintaine the vnity preserue the beauty vnlesse he haue power to reforme both spirituall faults let me call them so for this once I meane heresies blasphemies schismes the like and that in spirituall persons too euen in the loftiest of the crew who sting their nurse as dāgerously as another nay farre more dangerously many times both by their scandalous liuing especially by their broaching of pernicious doctrins Quia omne malum ex Sanctuario and the thundrings and lightenings came out of the Temple Reu. 16. 18. to signifie that the Churchmen are the cause of all plagues as Ribera notes well vpon that place In scelere Israel omne hoc But the Papists think that Kings are blocks and stocks like the Heathens images that Baruch speakes of not to stirre but as they are lifted Ducitur vt neruis alienis mobile lignum Nay not able so much as to wipe off the dung from their faces that the little birds let fal vpon them they allow them no actiuitie no pricking censure which is the very nerve of Defence Church-maintenance Might this conceit stand it were somewhat that the Adioynder replyes to our argument but it is so stale and so grosse that the little boyes here laugh at it though old gray-bearded Papists and the Adioynder for one are not ashamed to reiterate it § 83. But will you heare an elegancie a queint deuise In his Numb 63. Though the Puritanes are defectiue in their opinion of Supremacie yet both they and the Papists are better subiects then the Bishop for you are to know that still he is the Bishops good friend because all of vs yeelding the title of Defender and Maintainer of the Church to the Kings Maiesty the title they if he will but not the Thing as I haue shewed before not in due extension at least for then there would remaine no controuersie between vs yet they beleeue it as a matter of faith the Bishop but onely as a matter of perswasion c. Thus does he ruminate and re-ruminate his cud againe and goe ouer his abolita atque transacta as S. Austen speaks But for the Puritanes of Scotland whom he quotes in his margent I finde no such thing in the words alleadged by him that they hold the Supremacie to bee a matter of faith the Papists Creed I know is not yet perfected and they may take in what they list Nay I thinke it neuer came into their minds good men to trouble their braines with such a nice speculation whether the case of Supremacie be de fide or no but howsoeuer it be I haue answered it before that our perswasion thereof is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we will neuer be driuen from it neither by force nor by fine words Errore nec Terrore though the Adioynder thinke we will not loose sixpence for the defence of it our liues not onely our liuelihoods beeing not deare vnto vs in the contestation of this iustest quarrell That the KINGS MAIESTIE is the cheife maintainer cheife head of the Church chiefe gouernour and cheife defender of it in all causes and ouer all persons next vnder God and his Sonne Christ § 84. Yea But what the Puritanes teach concerning this point you haue heard in the last Chapter by the testimonie of Mr. Rogers approoued and warranted by all the Clergie of England to wit that Princes must be seruants to the Church subiect to the Church submit their scepters to the Church and throwe downe their crownes before the Church c. Whereupon I gather saith the Adioynder two things The one that the Supremacie which as the Bishop saith the Puritanes doe acknowledge in the King is to be vnderstood onely in temporall matters The other that all reformed churches are also of the fame mind seeing that they professe the same doctrine concerning the Kings Ecclesiasticall Supremacie that the Puritanes doe as the Bishop himselfe confesseth c. § 85. Then Numb 66. for I would gladly take in all Besides that albeit we should graunt that the Puritanes and Reformed Churches doe allow the Teporall Magistrate to haue some power and authoritie in Ecclesiasticall matters yet it is euident that they doe not allow them that spirituall iurisdiction and authoritie which our Parlaments haue granted to our Kings that they may giue dispensations licenses make Ecclesiasticall Lawes giue commissions to consecrate Bishops to excommunicate suspend censure visit and correct all Ecclesiasticall persons Reforme heresies and abuses c. and with this the beast breathes out his last or almost his last To whome I answer in order and as briefly as the nature of such obiections will permit Princes may serue the Church and submit their scepters subiect their Crownes before the Church though all supreame Magistrates doe not weare Crownes that I may tell him that by the way and we now by Prince vnderstand all yea and licke the dust of the Churches feete as the Prophet Esay speakes and yet retaine their Supremacie firme and inuiolable How so Marry it is a shame for the Adioynder not to see it of himself without a guide remembring who calls himselfe the seruant of seruants and yet pleades for a Lordship limitlesse ouer the Church at least the Adioynder will agnise him for his good Master though he goe for a Seruant but neuerthelesse we will helpe him The one by loue by zeale by care by filiall respect and duties of all sorts to the great mother the Church of God teeming and trauailing here vpon earth whether the generall to his power or the particular within the territories where he raigneth and swayeth The other by vnderstanding the right of his place and accordingly also executing and exercising of it to the controll of all that stands in his way and to the purging of all scandals out of Gods floare to the banishing of sin to the chasing away of all wickednesse with his very looke and browe as Salomon speakes or whatsoeuer may be said in the loftiest style for the aduancing this high authoritie principally destinated to the benefit of Gods Church and setting forth of his glorie Doe I speake riddles or are others of the same minde Dominotur sacerdotibus Imperator saies S. Gregorie l. 4. Regist ep 15. ita tamen vt etiam debitam reuerentiam impendat Let the Emperour on Gods name beare sway ouer Priests but so that he reuerence them as meet is And he addes withall Atque hoc excellenti consideratione faciat And let him so doe vpon excellent consideration
EPPHATA to F. T. OR THE DEFENCE of the Right Reuerend Father in God the Lord Bishop of ELIE Lord High-Almoner and Priuie Counsellour to the KINGS MOST EXCELLENT MAIESTIE CONCERNING HIS ANSWER to Cardinall BELLARMINES Apologie Against the slaunderous cauills of a namelesse Adioyner entitling his Booke in euery page of it A Discouerie of many fowle absurdities falsities lyes c. Wherein THESE THINGS CHEIFELY are discussed besides many other incident 1. The Popes false Primacie clayming by Peter 2. Invocation of Saints with Worship of creatures and Faith in them 3. The Supremacie of Kings both in Temporall and Ecclesiasticall matters and causes ouer all states and persons c. within their Realmes and Dominions By Dr. Collins chapleine to HIS MAIESTIE Apoc. 18. 7. Giue her Torture PRINTED BY CANTRELL LEGGE Printer to the Vniuersitie of Cambridge 1629 TO HIS MOST SACRED MAIESTIE IAMES By the grace of GOD King of Great Britaine France Ireland Defendor of the Faith our most Soueraigne Lord of God beloued c. MOST GRACIOVS and DREAD SOVERAIGNE MAY it please Your MAIESTIE out of your Princely Clemency which exceeding all things yet enclaspes the least to vouchsafe to these poore labours true Benoni-es the sonnes of my sorrow so many disasters haue annoyed them from the wombe and some with the perill of their parents life the skirt of your royall cloathing or but the shadow of your skirt Acceptance with Patronage Vndertaken at first by your MAIESTIES commandement for the repulsing of the lewde slaunders of a namelesse Papist and to redeeme the credit of a renowmed Bishop but continued to the confirmation of Your MAIESTIES leige people in their Reiligion to GOD and their Obedience to your MAIESTIE with all subiection In quibus duobus vniuersa Lex pendet Prophetae to speake it in his words whose doctrine it was most yea whose onely errand it was as Hegesippus testifies I meane in seeking the face of GOD and his IACOB as some euen Papists haue noted vpon that Psalme that they are distinguished there not without cause and the one is consequent or to be consequent to the other But not so the Cardinall the more too blame he a maine stickler in these Controuersies after the Pope and the Pioners that encomber the world and I know not by what lucke though Ceruini generis animal yet Your MAIESTIES audacious concurrent in the cause Who if he were younger perhaps hee might be borne with either fancying his superstitions or fostering his seditions As the Stoicke Philosopher was wont to say that a young man at Sea if hee abandon the Shippe to walke ashoare a while and either digge some roote or gather some shell which the Sea casts forth there is no danger in it but in an olde man it is dangerous whome death and sickenesse and sundry casualties may preuent from euer recouering ship againe Yet he in his deuoutest meditations of all other his booke last set forth de Aeterna Faelicitate will not excuse Kings from beeing murthered de iure not onely de facto onely hee passes it ouer as a casus omissus happily because anouched in his other Volumes more peremptorily Of another minde was his Vnckle of whome hee brags in one place contesting with your MAIESTIE though S. Chrysostome note that S. Pauls sisters sonne of whome there is mention in the Acts was neuer a whit the blesseder for his Vnckles vertue and as it may seeme neuer any good came of him saue onely that he reuealed the Iewes conspiracie against Paul which this man would rather defend the concealing of but Marcellus secundus of whome I was saying witnesse the Historian that alleadges friendship for more faith and some intimitie witâ—dâ—im In animo habuerat omnem militiam à se prorsus abigere ipsos etiam corporis custodes exauctorare whereas Bellarmine lately vrged this Pope to draw the sword if fame say true his Vnckle not admitting of necessarie Defence if it were forcible cum illud saepe repeteret multos principes viros non tam armis defensos quà m signo Crucis c. himselfe hauing been lately Cardinall Sanctae Crucis And in particular of the Pope Pontificem maximum neutiquam indigere aut scutis aut gladijs indeede Athanasius remooues all iron from the Apostles and S. Austen will not haue them strike though they may carrie weapons ferre ferrum but not ferire satiusque esse ipsum si res ferat occîdi quà m tam indecorum exemplum praeberi Ecclesiae namely as for the Pope either to handle a sword or giue allowance to others at his direction so to doe So as no maruell if the same man considering the practises of such as were Popes in his time clapt his hand once vpon the table protesting in great earnestnes that it seemed impossible for a Pope as things then went to be saued And another saies it was the voice of almost all men in those daies that a Pope could not be saued when this Marcellus came to it I know not what coÌ„tentment the Cardinall may take in his new skarlet-additions which they would make vs beleeue he accepted of so lothly but for my part I should thinke one day of his Vnckles as Tullie saies of Antonie compared with his grandfather were more to be desired then a whole age of the Cardinalls lending his pen and bending his wit to the defence of such trumperies and which is worse of such treacheries as are now in vre with them the dislike whereof and onely intended Reformation cost his Vnckle his life and that in very short space after he came to the Popedome Of whome because I haue said so much almost before I was aware I will not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 trouble Your Royall eare as that Councell speakes which forbids Clerks to disturbe Kings not onely in their states or liues as now the fashion is but so much as in their leisures onely this it may please Your MAIESTIE giue me leaue to adde That the Pope whome I speake of as Onuâ—…us testifies OMNEM ECCLESIASTICAM IVRISDICTIONEM viris profanis nullis sacris initiatis demandare cogitaverat had a purpose to translate all Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction to meere Lay-men he calls them profane but the more vehemently he expresses it the more it makes for vs and against themselues the Papists all so storming at the thing this day and the Adioynder by name with whome therefore I haue a dealing about this point somewhat at large in Your MAIESTIES high Prerogatiue and iustest Title allowing You by no meanes Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction if happily You should euer fulfil their suspicion of owning it Though KINGS were so farre from beeing counted profane by the auncient Synods of CHRISTS Church that their letters were holy to them their syllables holy their palace holy their very bed-chamber holy and all that was about them or belonged to them sacred and holy in the style of those godly times and Fathers Where I cannot but obserue the prouidence
the right sense and his most vpright quoting of S. Ambrose his words to the same purpose § 1. AS Eusebius describing the raigne of Constantine the Great after the Nicene Councell calls it a blessed time when all things beeing established both for Religion and Gouernment nothing was in mention but the Trinitie in heauen and the Emperour vpon earth with his Royall issue that prayed to these prayed for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as S. Paul couples them 2. Thess 2. 4 euen twice a day praied for in the publike seruice without any flatterie witnesse S. Chrysostome Com. in 1. Tim. 2. So the Adioynder spends it selfe in the defacing of them both the KINGS Supremacie and the Invocation of the one and onely true GOD by his Sonne Iesus Christ And first the Supremacie then the other because Kings beeing as ramparts to fortifie Religion when they goe downe Gods worship consequently goes to wracke For Kings doe not minde matters of warre so much or of the State saies the same Chrysostome else-where and Leo subscribes by vertue of their calling which they haue from God as of Religion and Pietie and of the Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Therefore many other particulars occurring in the Bishops Answer to Card. Bellarmine as indeede each of his bookes for their admirable varietie is rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rather an artificiall embroiderie then a single monument this man singles out onely these two in effect not ignorant of the relation or the connexion that they haue betweene themselues That it is fatall in a manner as the Orator said of himselfe nec vinci sine Republica posse nec vincere so that Christ should be dishonoured without the King were impeached nor the King disparaged vnles Christ were dishonoured And againe Nemo alteri bellum indicit qui non eodem etiam tempore alteri no man assaults the one but he oppugnes the other for the most part at the same time § 2. FIue Chapters he spends about the first of these two points fiue more about the second and certaine other driblets which he interlaces to the end of his booke In the first is first quarelled S. Austens exposition of Pasce oves meas feede my sheepe which the Bishop alleadged out of his booke de agone Christiano c. 30. Cùm Petro dicitur ad omnes dicitur Pasce oves meas when it is said to Peter it is said to all Feed my sheepe And therfore he is not made by vertue of those words at least Vniuersall Gouernour of Christs Church The strength of F. T. his replie to this authoritie sparing the more ample quotation of the place which in the ende I shall quote perhaps more amply then he though he pretend to quote it somewhat more amply then the Bishop lies in this That whereas S. Austen saies the commission giuen to Peter Feede my sheepe was giuen to all ad omnes dicitur it was because S. Peter bare the person of the Church which with him imports as much as to be indued with Supreame authoritie ouer the Church And to this end Tullies Offices are quoted very freshly Est proprium munus magistratûs c. It is the proper office or dutie of a Magistrate to vnderstand that he beareth the person of the citie And so saies he Peter looses no authoritie by this authoritie but gaines rather § 3. Where first when S. Austen saies that Peter bare the person of the Church and by that expounds his ad omnes dicitur as this man fancyeth I should thinke vnder correction that he meanes the Church onely representatiue consisting of the Apostles and Pastors and no more for they onely feede which will hardly amount to so great a summe as the Papists would make S. Peter chiefe Magistrate of viz. to beare authoritie ouer the whole Church militant and euery member thereof Yea and in some cases of extention not onely ouer them which are without holy orders and so no Feeders but ouer them also which are cleane fallen away from the Church and which is yet more ouer them which neuer set foote within it For thither also reacheth their ierke as they call it of indirect power And though this should be granted in S. Austens sense that S. Peter bare the person of all the members of the Church as no question but he figured the communitie in many things as may be afterward not onely yeilded to but declared at large yet who would euer beleeue that whē the precept is of Feeding the flock of Christ this precept is giuen to the flocke it selfe which neuerthelesse must needes be I say if it be giuen to S. Peter bearing the person of the flocke as he must needs beare that if he beare the person of the whole Church euen in that that he was bid to feede the flocke Doe you see then what a confusion you haue brought vs in already how you haue pulled down the partition wall betweene the Laitie and the Clergie so as now Theodosius may sit him downe where he will though it be at Millan it selfe without any scrupulositie how you haue vtterly remooued the inclosures about the mountaine and made way for M. Saunders his Aclerus as he calls him while you would seeme to set vp a Nauclerus in Christs Church and to be the onely true friend to the beautie of Gods house Yet you are wont to say that this is our fault to take away distinction betweene the sheepe and the shepheard betweene the people and the Pastors and to lay all open to the wild boare out of the wood Nay not onely you confound the Laitie and the Clergie but you make as many Popes by this meanes as there be Christians For placing the Popedome in Pasce oves meas in feeding Christs sheepe you graunt that this commission was giuen to Peter representing their persons c. Which is as much to say as they are all made Feeders of the whole flocke by vertue of these words no lesse then he § 4. As for that you expound the bearing of the person by Tullies Offices to be no other then to be made Supreame Magistrate though it be first vncouth to expound Austen by Tullie whose phrase for the most part is not so sutable yet let S. Austen deliuer his owne minde for this point lib. de pastor for wee speake of pasce and hee handles this argument in the very place that I quote cap. 12. Quemadmodum loquantur authores mundi quid ad nos As much to say as What care wee how Tully speakes Besides that if S. Austen had meant to decipher Peter by those words to be cheife magistrate of the Church vnder Christ for so you conceiue perhaps he would rather haue said that he bore Christi personam then Ecclesiae the person of Christ then of the Church As the deputy Regent of a
vnitie for for that cause hee chose one and as in diuerse other things Peter had the preheminence but yet with others as Iames and Iohn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 more primi then Peter where more might be vsed so here where but one could be employed in the businesse the rest beeing slipt ouer Peter was thought the meetest to be the modell of vnitie because in some prerogatiue hee might passe those primos or perhaps it was the secret of our Sauiours brest Are you so little acquainted with the libertie of Gods actions or reserue you nothing for our knowledge in the world to come This to your obiection § 8. Now marke what we gather out of S. Austens text First Some things there are seeming to belong to Peter which can make no cleare sense but when they are construed of the Church This is flat against you that would haue Peter such a figure of the Church forsooth as yet to occupy a certain place of his owne and what is giuen to Peter should be giuen to the Church and what to the Church the same to Peter But some things saies S. Austen are said to Peter which can haue no pregnant construction but of the Church Secondly amidst those some things is Tibi dabo claues S. Austen vseth this very example which you would fain haue to be ingrossed by Peter as if the keyes had personally beene deliuered to him and in his owne right which S. Austen denies Thirdly Si qua alia if there be any more There may bee more then as Pasce oues No doubt this must be one by his owne exposition before de Agone Christiano c. 30. Fourthly that he bare indeed personam ecclesiae but in figurâ which you had pared off Not by power of his place or authoritie permanent but culld out before the rest by our Lord for that end to signifie vnitie Fiftly that primatus was not the primacie of magistracy euen that declares that he saies the keyes were promised to him propter primatum So that first the primacie then the keyes And his primacie among the Apostles was a motiue-cause to promise him the keies in the name of the Church whereas else primatus and the keies had gone together and as soone as primatus so soone the keies But now they are promised him for some specialty in him Not for office then as you would haue it Sixtly as Iudas sustained the person of the wicked sustinuit a more powerfull word then gestauit and much more then significauit which is said here of Peter and yet but quodam modo so shie is S. Austen so farre from the iurisdiction that you build vpon Tullies Offices so Peter of the Church As Iudas of the one so Peter of the other saith S. Austen which is no authoritatiue primacie you may bee sure vnlesse Iudas shall haue a generation of Successors now as well as Peter and which is more damnable of holy Scriptures institution If any such were who more likely then the Pope that holds by the purse which Iudas carried and troubles all the world for Supremacy in Temporalls But neither Iudas then nor the Pope now Else Peter should haue been head vnder Iudas his head doe you like this when he went so farre as to scandalize our Sauiour and deserued the name of Sathan at his hands Was Peter then vnder Iudas his iurisdiction yet no doubt far gone in that part which Iudas bare the person of by S. Austens saying For so we read in his Alia expositio of the same Psalme Cuius populi diximus Iudam in figurâ gessisse personam sicut ecclesiae gessit Apostolus Petrus Your grauitie perhaps will say that this is reproach for so chap. 4. num 33. But we doe but argue and I pray who giues the cause Quacunque scripta sunt propter nos scripta sunt Rom. 15. § 9. To omit that Prosper vpon the same Psalme Prosper Leo's secretarie and S. Austens scholler tunes it yet in a higher key making Iudas not onely beare the person of the wicked which you construe so imperiously as we haue now heard but he saies in plaine tearmes Iudas primatum gessit inimicorum Christi Iudas bare the primacie of Christs enemies which I trust you will not expound how impudent soeuer that Iudas was made chiefe magistrate ouer Christs enemies no more then was Peter ouer Christs friends § 10. YOV quote farther S. Austen in his 13. serm de verbis Domini secundum Matth. out of which you haue these words Petrus à Petrâ cognominatus c. which moreouer you thus english Peter taking his name from a rocke was happy bearing the figure of the Church hauing the principalitie of the Apostleship Of which anon as it serues your turne In the meane time you may see what varietie of words S. Austen hath to set out the meaning of his gerere personam both here and elsewhere Though here he doth not vse so much as the word personam but figuram onely which is a great deale lesse or rather makes all besides to be iust nothing But as I began to say see a little I pray you his store of words to giue you his right sense about gerere personam that you dreame not alwaies of Magistrates in Tullies Offices Admonet nos intelligere mare praesens saeculum esse Petrum verò Apostolum ecclesiae vnicae typum He giues vs to vnderstād that the sea is this present world and Peter the Apostle a type or instance of the onely Church The same againe de baptismo contra Donatist l. 3. c. 17. In type vnitatis as afore of the Church so now of charitie but it is all one in effect Dominus Petro potestatem dedit c. In the type of vnitie our Lord gaue Peter power saies S. Austen or in the type of charitie And will you say that all that were types in the old Testament were so many magistrates where some were of Christ yea very many were there so many gouernours of Christ I pray you or the types of the Church that went before in the old Testament were they all Church-gouernours And yet thus you see S. Austen declares his meaning about genere personam by sigura by typus and such like But you will say it followes in S. Austens words Ipse enim Petrus in Apostolorum ordine primus And what then As if wee denied the primacie in the order of the Apostles which are ready to graunt euen more then so if need be The Bishop yeelds a triple primacie to Peter in the booke that you confute before you vnderstand Out of which you in time may prooue the triple crowne And had S. Auston beene so fauourable you had done it ere this In whome it followes Saepe respondet pro omnibus spoken of Peter And will you knowe quo mysterio Let himselfe shew Vnus pro multis vnus in multis once againe to endeare this vnitie
once contest with Iames for that priority But returne we to S. Austen § 13. There are yet two more places behind in S. Austen One Tract in Iohannem 124. an other de Agone Christiano cap. 30. With that we began and with the same wee will conclude But the first we will fetch from his Tractat. in Ioh. 123. somewhat higher Speaking there of our Sauiours repast after his resurrection with fish hony-combe he ponders the very number of the disciples then present and thus gathers Vt omnes qui hanc spem gerimus per illum septenarium numerum discipulorum per quem potest hoc loco nostra vniuersitas intelligi figurata tanto sacramento nos communicare nossemus eidem beatitudini sociari That is That all we which are indued with this hope may know that by that seuenfold number of disciples by which our whole companie may here seeme to be figured we are both partakers of that mysterie and fellowes in that blisse Neither doubteth he but S. Iohn ending his Gospel with this narration hauing many things else to report of Christ he ends it magnâ magnarum rerum contemplatione as he saies making it as important so mysticall you see by that word of contēplation Where first we haue figurari in the sense before confirmed not theirs but ours As erewhile Peter figured the Church so now those seuen disciples figured the vniuersalitie of Gods people that is the Church And yet I hope they are not made thereby regents of the Church though the Iesuites haue a proiect wee heare to bring in more then one to manage at one time the Sea Apostolick I remember Occham in his Dialogues hath a question to that purpose whether the Popedome may bee swayed by many at once And inclining to thinke it lawfull it may be the Iesuites drew it from him and would put it in practise In truth our Sauiour choosing 12. Apostles shewed he neuer meant that one should gouern all after they were dead as these now would haue the Pope to doe in Peters stead But as I was saying the 7. figurers here are not 7. gouernours no more then is Peter figuring the Church or bearing the figure of the Church or whatsoeuer else soundeth that way inuested in the authoritie that this man here dreames of as if gerere figuram were gerere personam and gerere personam were potiri rerum § 14. HEre also that is answered that F. T. in his wisdome asked a little before why onely Peter should beare the person of the Church or whether none was meete for that part but he Wee haue answered it before and the like might be asked of Iudas was there none wicked in those dayes but he not Herod not the Pharisies not any other or could none but an Apostle stand for the patterne of bale and condemnation But S. Austen here answers it a great deale more roundly that seuen men at another time and not onely Peter figurauerunt vniuersitatem nostram represented our whole companie the company of the faithfull that is the Church of God whom yet I suppose he will not allow for Popes § 15. Againe in the same tractat that you may see how farre Pasce oues meas surmounts the Pope or the Popes commission which they squeeze to the vttermost to giue him aduancement S. Austen insists first vpon that consideration oues meas not oues tuas which is worth the poizing not onely in the sense that the Iesuits vrge it as if all Christs sheepe were thereby recommended to Peters charge Apostles Prophets Kings and Emperours whereas our Sauiour neuertheles hath sheepe in heauen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 both Saints and Angels which I trust are not liable to Popish iurisdiction no though pasce were impera and sarculum sceptrum contrarie to S. Bernard Not only thus then I say but he addes further and giues other cautions pasce meas not pasce tuas therefore non te pascere cogita gloriam meam in ijs quaere non gloriam tuam dominium meum that was not ex hoc mundo non tuum yea lucra mea let the Venetians heare this not lucra tua and to conclude Ne sis in eorum societate qui pertinent ad tempora periculosa perilous times indeede times the more perilous because all the strife is de temporalibus § 16. Neither doubts he to extend the force of that pasce which was giuen to Peter to the censure not of Popes onely though of them too but of all bad ministers through out the world Contra hos vigilat toties inculcata ista vox Christi Pasce oues meas quos Apostolus gemit sua quaerere non quae Iesu Christi Against those stands vp this saying of Christ so often repeated Feede my sheepe whome the Apostle laments for seeking their owne not the things that are Iesus Christs whosoeuer they are or of what ranke soeuer And a little before that Qui hoc animo pascunt oues Christi vt suas esse velint non Christi se convincuntur amare non Christum vel gloriandi vel dominandi vel acquirendi cupiditate non obediends subueniendi deo placendi cupiditate Which because our Adioynder vnderstands Latin so well we will leaue to him for this once to English § 17. Come we now to the 124 Tractat out of which he vrgeth this Hoc agit ecclesia spe beata in hac vitâ aerumnosa cuius Ecclesiae Petrus propter Apostolatûs sui primatum gerebat figuratâ generalitate personam Which the easier to cleare we may sort out by parcels that which makes for them First gerebat personam which this man thinks to be as much as tenebat regimen but of that before To omit how it is qualified with figuratâ generalitate his bearing the person beeing but figuring and signifying and representing still with S. Austen which is short of Magistracie Secondly propter Apostolatús sui primatum Which the better to conceiue heare we further S. Austen heare you too good Sir that accuse the Bishop for laming places as if no bodie were such a legall reciter of them as your selfe Quod enim adipsum propriè pertinet speaking of Peter naturâ onus homo erat gratiâ vnus Christianus abundantiore gratiâ vnus idemque primus Apostolus Sed c. that is For as concerning himselfe Peter was by nature but one man by grace one Christian man by a greater measure of the same grace one and a prime Apostle But c. You will say perhaps that this is a third kind of aduantage an authoritie more then euer you were aware of for Peter vnus idemque primus Apostolus But there is more in it then so S. Austen knowes but three steps of condition here in Peter A man which he was by nature a Christian which by grace but by height of grace by excesse of grace an Apostle Yet vnus Apostolus but one
did beare the Churches person since the keyes are too great a depositum for Peter to be receiued in his owne name but in the Churches And so much he had deliuered before vpon the 108. Psalm I will not now trouble the Reader to repeat it Onely this may bee remembred that there he saies Tibi dabo claues is among those sayings which howsoeuer videntur pertinere ad Petrum non tamen habent illustrem intellectum nisi cum referuntur ad ecclesiam c. which howsoeuer they may seeme to belong to Peter yet cannot clearely be construed but when they are referred to the Church This there But now in this place he addes another example to shew that Peter did beare the Churches person and not his owne As when Pasce oues is said to him Et cum ei dicitur ad omnes dicitur Amas me Pasce oues meas Where I cannot demaund without some passion what can bee said more pregnantly to the Bishops purpose that Pasce oues was not said to Peter onely when S. Austen makes it common to all all of the ranke at least and vouches it as an instance that Peter did beare the person of the Church and not his own only in diuers things that passed vpon him Me thinks vpon the alledging but of thus much out of S. Aust if truly if in his sense the question should be at an end Yet because this man cries out against maimed allegations I will keepe promise as I said to set downe so much of S. Austens text as no man comming after shall neede more and that by the way it may be seene whether this fellow can clip a text or no for his aduātage leaue out that which is too hoat for him to meddle with practising that impudently at the very same time which he traduces the Bishop for most wrongfully Thus then S. Austen Debet ergò Ecclesia Catholica correctis pietate firmatis filijs libenter ignoscere cùm ipsi Petro personam eius gestanti cùm in mari titubâsset cùm Dominum carnaliter à passione reuocâsset cùm aurem serui gladio praecidisset cùm ipsum Dominum ter negâsset cùm in simulationem posteà superstitiosam lapsus esset videamus veniam esse concessam eumque correctum atque firmatum vsque ad dominicae passionis gloriam pervenisse That is to say The Church Catholicke therfore ought to pardon her children amending their faults and established in godlines sith we see pardon affoarded to Peter himselfe sustaining the person of the church both after that he had wauered in the sea carnally dehorted our Sauiour frō suffering and with a sword cut off the high Priests seruants eare and finally fallen into his superstitious hypocrisie yet pardon I say affoarded him notwithstanding all these faults in so much as amended now and confirmed he came in the ende to partake of the glorie of our Sauiours suffering Here is nothing against vs for ought I can perceiue vnlesse Peter to haue come to the glorie of our Lords suffering may seeme to any to make against vs. Which yet I hope they will not construe as if Peter had died for the sinnes of the world and so equalled our Sauiours glorie Wicked though they are yet not so wicked as to diuide that praise between Christ and Peter Howsoeuer S. Austen in his tractat vpon S. Iohn 123. makes this to be one of S. Peters errors to haue offered to die for Christ in all hast pro liberatore liberandus c. Wherein he might seeme to haue aspired to a glorie more then our Sauiours that he dying to saue the world Peter should die for him that died for the world which is a point aboue the other But howsoeuer they magnifie Peters authoritie I hope they will attribute to him no such vertue as this although he may seeme I say to haue said as much himselfe when time was by S. Austens collection but rather repent with him repenting as afterwards we know he changed his minde and no doubt cried out as Iob doth his eyes beeing opened and his weaknes discouered I bewaile my selfe in dust and ashes I haue said once but I will say it no more As for the wordes of S. Austen that Peter attained to the honour of our Lords suffering it is a storie in Eusebius worth the considering how for the exceeding honour that he bare to his Master though he were nailed to a crosse of wood like his yet he refused to dic with his head vpward Which we may beleeue the rather because we read euen in heathen stories of that time of diuers that were crucified with their heads downeward And as Peter for humilitie begd that boone of the tormentors so it is like they were not nice to graunt it to him as the more disgracefull This was the reuerence that our Sauiours conuersation begat in his Disciples In figure where of Iob whome I named euen now to shew the authoritie that he bare in his house with semblable loue of all sides My seruants said he thought themselues happie in my presence if I smiled vpon them they did not beleeue me yea they cryed Who vvill giue vs to eate of his flesh for the vnspeakable sweetnes they found by me See S. Chrysost in his 2. Epist to Olympias Who can write of these things without melting passion To consider the strange conflict betweene our Sauiour and S. Peter a conflict of humilitie not of pride of loue not of anger like that betweene our Lord and the Baptist erst refusing to thinke himselfe worthie to baptize him Which yet in Peter is more to thinke himselfe not worthie to die like him Besides that Iohn was faine to yeild in the ende but herin Peter had his desire And which is more singular not onely the kind of strife to striue for loue but against the nature of loue which delights in likenesse that he should choose a contrarie positure of bodie to testifie his loue to his Lord and master Indeede we haue those now a daies in the Popedome that loue to beare themselues 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contrarie to Christ both liuing and dying true Torti as the Bishop hath prooued them but S. Peter affected this of meere modestie which is able to make impression into a marble heart These whither not climbing and soaring in the meane time with the wings of such ambition as not I but F. T. euen now described where it is thought T should stand before F but for crookednes sake not onely to controll Kings and Countries with their Vniuersall dominion but to challenge as much power as Christ himselfe the Head of the Church And yet they make as if it were doubtfull whether Anti-Christ be come yea or no whether he sit in the Church of God shewing himselfe for God or no. But we haue strayed out of the way by occasion of
this mention that S. Peter was exalted to the likenes or fellowship of our Sauiours martyrdome Which the Bishop hauing abated them in his citation of S. Austen I confesse also they should neuer haue heard from me but that this man complained of lame allegations As for the force it might seeme to carry against our Sauiours single and soueraigne sacrifice I shall neede to say no more then in the Apostles words If one member suffers all suffer with it euen the head and all but then especially I trow when they suffer for the head as S. Peter did suffer for the honour of his Master in some likenes with his Master and yet not daring to die too like his Master And our Sauiour though in glorie yet he cried from heauen that you may knowe hee is the true Dauid whome Saul annoyeth Saul Saul Why persecutest thou me Which words as if they had taught S. Paul what to thinke of the fellowship of sufferings of the bodie mysticall he is bold to say afterwards in his owne case Adimpleo in corpore meo relliquias passionum Christi pro corpore eius quod est Ecclesia I fulfill in my bodie the remainder of Christs sufferings for his bodie which is the Church Where pro is exemplarie not satisfactorie against the Rhemists that dreame of a masse of passions vpon that place So doth the Masse forsooth runne in their mindes But we speake of his calling them passiones Christi for sympathie and for proportion of which enough § 22. To returne to S. Austen and to conclude this whole matter with relating his text as largely as you can desire The summe is that the Church must bee gratious toward her children conuerting and returning by repentance as our Sauiour was to Peter the image of the Church or the proxie of the Church for I feare not to vouch that name by him which hath euery where so good grounds in S. Austen as you haue heard and bearing her person not without cause For euen Peter quoth he found fauour after many defaults Let her shew her selfe like Peter then whome Peter figured and the rather figured because himselfe was a sinner yea a great sinner as the Church containes many offenders in her That here also you may see another reason Sir though you haue beene twice answered to this question before why Peter rather then another figured the Church namely because Peter beeing a great sinner and yet after his sinnes finding greater grace was so much the apter to represent her which in both these kinds is verie notorious both abundantis peccati and super-abundantis gratiae of surpassing grace after exceeding guiltinesse Rom. 5. Our Sauiours Parable is not vnknowne to this purpose Luk. 7. propounded to a Simon though not this Simon which of the two debters ought more The case was Peters owne both a great debter and released of much and perhaps our Sauiour deliuered it as in his hearing so not without some reference to him standing by But at least for this cause he bare the person of the Church And so Petri lapsus potiùs confirmat primatum Pap◠as Bellarmine saies Peters fall rather confirmes the primacie of the Pope But you see what primatum what kind of primacie not to be vniuersall Lord or rector but the Churches type or the Churches figure to teach the Church as you would say by way of liuely instance to shew grace as hee had found grace and shee both in her owne and his person This was his masterie that he had ouer the Church to be master of mildnesse and we denie not but aboue the rest of the Apostles Doest thou loue mee more then these Alas how could he choose to whome so much was forgiuen then shew compassion § 23. Now the faults of S. Peter that S. Aust had set down but not so F. T. no more then he durst set downe his owne name aright nay which purposely he leapes ouer though they were incident to his allegation as you may see in his first chap. num 3. and yet blames the Bishop for maimed quotations they are these insuing First his doubting vpon the sea And if the sea be his seat or the whole Church as they imagine you see in what danger the Church is to haue a staggering gouernour I say staggering euen in faith Secondly his disswading our Lord from death You will say that was no great matter of which neuerthelesse you may be pleased to remember what our Sauiours censure was heauie no doubt He called him Satan Thirdly the snipping off of Malchus his care with a sword wherein his pretended Successors imitate him but too truely What though they strike no blow themselues Executio saies Bellarmine ad alios spectat Let Seneca be heard It is thou saith Seneca speaking to Alexander who transported by anger commanded Lysimachus to be cast to a lyon and so torne in peeces and deuoured it is thou that openest thy iawes vpon him it is thou that tearest him in peices with thy teeth Tuum illud os est tua illa feritas O quà m cuperes c. The like may be said of Daniel and his enemies But this F. T. durst not so much as once to mention he knowes it makes so harsh a sound And therefore he fetches a leap from Peters doubting to his denying and pares away three of his errors with an caetera which S. Austen had comprehended and set downe in specie I haue heard of some that thinke for Peter to drawe his sword at Malchus because Malchus in Hebrew signifies a King as we are taught by S. Ierome de vitâ Malchi was either a presage or a iustification of the Popes practises at this day A presage it might well be But as for iustification they may call to mind how our Sauiour approoued it threatning the sword to them that tooke the sword though it were Peter himselfe for euen to Peter were those words directed Not to them that beare the sword as committed to them by God which is the right and the duty of the ciuill magistrate but to them that take it that is manage it without cōmission either by themselues or others as the Popes at this day Therefore Tertull. most wittily Patientia Domini in Malcho vulnerata est Our Lords patience was wounded in Malchus or That which Malchus felt in his care our Lord felt at his very heart It displeased him so much that a Churchman should strike Therefore also hee healed the wound by miracle and restored his care vnto him againe Which was not ordinarie to doe miracles for the cure of vnbeleeuers specially oppressours and impugners of his person but that the importance of the cause so required it and to shew how iniurious he accounted such curtesie when those which are Church-men will draw the sword though it be in defence of his truth or person § 24. The fourth error there named was his ter negâsse
Apostle is said to represent the Churches person besides Peter S. Austen hath made you to swallow it before yet perusing your booke I find it to be no more then your selfe attribute to Mr. Thomas Rogers of whome you say in your ninth chapter Num. 78. that he represents the authoritie of all the Clergie of England not only the Clergie but the authoritie of them all and yet I thinke you neuer held him for our supreame gouernour To that of S. Cyrill Vt Princeps caputque caeterorum primus exclamauit I wonder first why you should construe it exclaimed vnlesse your argument stand in that as if Peter should get the primacie by roaring So hee in Plutarch when he saw a tall man come in to try masteries but otherwise vnweildy This were a likely man saies he if the garland hung aloft he that could reach it with his hands were to haue it for his paines You know that we Englishmen call that exclaiming when a man cries out by discontent or passion Was Peter offended when you make him to exclaime As for princeps caput it is waighed in the ballance and found too light S. Ierome Dial. 1. contra Pelag. Vt Plato princeps Philosophorum it a Petrus Apostolorum as Plato was cheife among the Philosophers so Peter of the Apostles Doth that please you For Plato though he liued in Dionysius his Court yet he was no Monarch No more was Peter And if you would but turne Tullies Offices againe or almost any other of his works you should see Princeps in quacunque facultate In medicinâ in re bellicâ in scenâ it selfe where not Illaerat vita illa secunda fortuna saies he libertate parem esse caeteris principem dignitate Therefore princeps is no word of soueraigntie And was no bodie euer call'd caput but Peter For that is another thing which you stand vpon I could tell you a distichon out of Baronius made neither by Peter nor by any of his successors as you interpret his successors wherein neuerthelesse the man is called after other titles Pontificumque caput which is the head of Bishops and Popes and all And if a man should call Eudaemon-Iohannes iustly deseruing it as it may be some haue called him caput furiarū would you plead frō thence if need were that he had any authority ouer the deuils or were a yong Belzebub Further I beleeue when all comes to all it is but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greek if we could see it Of which we shal say more when we answer to the other Cyrill namely he of Ierusalem a little after For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as we are taught by S. Chrysostome where yet there is no authoritie of one actor ouer the other Generally this arguing from titles of cōmendation is very vnsound Who knowes not that S. Iames was called Episcopus Episcoporum as Nilus testifies yet S. Ambrose serm 83. giues that to Christ to be Episcopus Episcoporū as his priuiledge Though Sidonius an author not iustly to be excepted against affirmes no lesse of one Lupus a particular Bishop that he was Episcopus Episcoporū Pater Patrum alter saeculi sui Iacobus that is a Bishop of Bishops and a Father of Fathers another Iames the Apostle of his age Which in the end wil proue as much as caput caeterorum though you bring that to magnifie Peter by As if caput caeterorū might not be one set vp by speciall prouiso to keepe good order in the Colledge I meane the Colledge of the Apostles though without any commission to deriue it to his successors or extrauagant power ouer the rest for the present Lastly I might aske you how Peter could be caput caeterorum here that is Monarch installed in your sense when you tell vs a little after Num. 31. out of S. Chrysostome that Peter durst not aske our Sauiour the question who should betray him till such time as he had receiued the fulnes of authoritie and after that time he grew confident Which time was not till after our Sauiours resurrection and therefore farre from this So if you trust to Chrysostome you haue lost Cyrill if to Cyrill Chrysostome you cannot possibly hold them both if you vrge caput in so rigorous sense I might adde out of S. Cyrill once againe to stop your mouth crying out so mainely against lame quotations that princeps as it may be taken is expounded there by ferventissimus Apostolorum so feruent saith S. Cyrill that hee leapt naked into the sea out of the ship for zeale Where if the ship be the Church then wee haue Peter leaping out of the Church You will say perhaps from Antioch to Rome Then Antioch is the ship and Rome the sea What vantage haue you now of all that is said of Peters ship to countenance Rome Doe you see how one iumpe hath marred your allegorie and almost your Monarchie Now S. Cyrill saies farther in the place you quote lib. 12. cap. 64. in Ioh. Petrus alios praeveniebat how Ardore namque Christi praecipuo feruens ad faciendum ad respondendum paratissimus erat That is Peter preuented others For boyling with an especiall zeale to our Sauiour Christ he was most readie and forward either to doe or say This was the cause why he exclaimed first Primus saies S. Cyrill but not solus Hic Malchi etiam aurem amputauit that you cannot abide to heare of putans hoc modo Magistro semper se inhaesurum So little did he couet the primacie that you striue for that he wisht neuer to be absent from his Master which if he had not beene he could neuer haue ruled in his roome Then in euery confession that he made saies S. Cyrill rationalium ouium curam sibi habendam esse audiuit Is cura nothing which with you praefectura hath cleane deuoured And if you but remembred that they were oues rationales you would tyrannize lesse and stand lesse for tyrannie There There are other things betweene which I passe ouer here because you shall heare them anon Take this for farwell Doctores hinc Ecclesiae discunt saith S. Cyrill non aliter se Christo posse coniungi nisi omni curâ operâ studeant vt rationales oues rectè pascantur rectè valeant Talis erat Paulus ille c. That is The Doctors of the Church learne from hence that they can no otherwise be ioyned vnto Christ vnlesse they endeauour with all their paine and diligence that his reasonable sheepe be well fed and well liking Such a one was Paul c. By which you see what a sense he giues vs of Pasce of feeding Christs sheepe namely with labour and diligence which the Pope cannot skill of and Paul not onely Peter a prime instance of it Neither doubt I but when Paul saies of himselfe I
thinke you that Acacius was the Popes mā to execute his pleasure but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Homer sayes And congregatis vobiscum vnà cum meospiritu as in all excommunications so specially I suppose when Patriarches are to be censured Does not Gelasius say so in the Epistle that you quote Ipso quoque Acacio postulante vel exequente Where you see what execution Acacius performed namely with which Postulation might well stand which is not the ministers or the vnder-officers part to demand censure against offenders but only to lay it on as is enioyned We read in the same Epistle that Acacius proceeded against other two Patriarches of the aforesaid Seas whereof one was Calendion whome Gelasius names the other vnnamed onely qualiscunque Catholicus as Gelasius styles him and that neither with a Synods as Gelasius there sayes nor by censure obtained from the Sea of Rome for ought that hee implyes but belike of his owne head yet Acacius had no authoritie ouer the aforesaid Patriarches No more then hath the Pope ordinary ouer them whome in casu and quantum fas est he may offer to excommunicate when they are otherwise incorrigible And therfore this prooues no Supremacie neither of the Pope aboue other Patriarches that Acacius as you say executed his censures § 14. What should I say of them that withstood these censures of the Pope and despised them and yet godly men and allowed by the Church Which shewes that they breath from no such power as you imagine See Austen contra Donatist l. 5. c. 25. of Cyprian not forfeiting his freehold in the Church though he were one of them quos Stephanus Papa abstinendos putauerat whome Stephen Pope doomed with excommunication Irenaeus censured Victors censuring of the Churches of Asia where Baronius would triumph vpon the name of Victor as if straightway victorie went with Rome but giue me Irenaeus for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in choro nostro the supremacie will goe rather on his side Blessed are the peacemakers So likewise did Polycrates if you regard names so much a man compounded of multitudes and power which two endowments your Church much delights in Anicetus a pretie name too to guggle Baronius yet resisted by Polycarpus not abhorring in his nomenclature frō the Churches propertie Esa 54. Paulinus in his Epistle ad Sulpitium Seuerum calls the buzze of the Pope or the bull as you tearm it vacui murmur culicis the trumpeting or the wheesing of a silly gnat that was all he set by it Tertullian hath many flings at him as Pamelius will tell you and no maruell for the rigour he sustained among them S. Hilarie to Liberius Quotapars orbis es tu as much to say as what are you sir that you should so take on And sometime other Bishops did as much for the Pope I meane they excommunicated him no bodie controlling them For it is ius commeabile or ius reciprocum passing and walking from the one to the other In the Councel of Ephesus the Bishops that held with Cyrill and Memnon Scire autem volumus vestram sanctitatem c. We doe you to wit euen you the Popes Legates representing his person that if you despise ought of these things you are thereby shut out from our Communion what was that in effect but excommunication Lastly you tell vs that Acacius obeyed the Pope for a time as much to say as while hee listed himselfe And euen Gelasius when he affirmes him to stand excommunicate by vertue of the excommunications that he procured against others he meanes iure meriti not iure fori desert beeing one thing sentence another Vnlesse you will say that Nathan censured Dauid in Tues homo which was rather Dauids act against himselfe like that in the Gospell Ex ore tuo iudico te which in Conc. Sinuessano was made you knowe whose priuiledge not the Bishops of Constantinople but the Bishop of Romes though very ridiculously that no bodie should proceed against him but onely himselfe And so much of your foure reasons out of Gelasius his Epistle why this canon should be insufficient § 15. In the examples that you bring vs of such Bishops of Constantinople as sought for vnion with the sea of Rome what a childish ignorance is it not to be able to discerne betweene the vnion of consent in matters of faith and vnion of subiection which implies superiority that they neuer acknowledged in the Popes ouer them Was there no vnion sought for but with Rome Or doe not all the members of the great bodie pant for it each string of that harpe endeauour after accordance to make vp the perfect harmony of Christianity No doubt this is that which the Apostle saith Did the word of God come out from you alone or to you alone which was the case of Corinth not of Rome in those daies It were long to trace all your absurdities The like you bring vs out of the Epistle of the Easterne Bishops to Symmachus that the soundnes of the true faith was alway preserued in the Romane church because of Tues Petrus super hanc petram Loe the primacie of the Sea of Rome say you grounded vpon our Sauiours expresse words with little regard to the equality of priuiledges in the Councell of Chalcedon which the Bishop so much standeth vpon Thus you will neither giue leaue to the learned Fathers to deflect those words after a witty manner to their innocent purpose as Pighius saies of some of them that scripturae ijs nascuntur sub manu for their dexterity that way and Andradius dares no otherwise defend your detortion of Ecce duo gladij to establish the temporall iurisdiction in the spirituall one monster in another nor againe can you distinguish betweene primacy of power and infallibilitie of iudgement which though Rome cannot be said to haue preserued alwaies in rigore as S. Basil and diuerse others will testify and somewhat we haue spoken thereto afore yet without doubt this place so glaunces at the one as it hath no word so much as tending to the other For if exemption from error entitles to soueraignty then how could Peter be the gouernour of the Apostles who all of them had this priuiledge of not erring So fowly you fall vnder your owne instance Lastly Chrysost Tom. 4. pag. 942. in Lat. concion applyes these words Tues Petrus c. to demonstrate the steadfastnes of the Church of Constantinople other some to Leo the lay Emperour c. § 16. The like also I might say of Vigilius his presidentship in the Councell of Constantinople which what if Eutychius did of courtesie offer him Praesidente nobis Beatitudine tuâ Who knows not that the Presidents of generall Coūcels are not alwaies the chiefest Bishops in Christendome As Cyrill as Hosius as diuers more Cui non concilio praefuit Hosius and yet Hosius a Cordevant not a Romane Bishop § 17. The
a touch of the Luciferian spirit to exalt his nest and climbe higher which is not so likely yet the concurrers with Anatolius in his desire for Constantinople were led as is apparant with farre diuerse respects In their Epistle to Leo the Fathers of that Councell mention these 1. To gratifie the Emperours who reioyced in it 2. to shew their zeale to the Senate 3. their honour to the citie of Constantinople it selfe and 4. lastly not onely from the good liking of persons but à naturâ rei to establish order and to abandon confusion out of the Church of God You see all was not for Anatolius his sake whom you so much talke of § 23. Secondly because it was made you say in the absence of his Legates and by surreption Answer That it was made in their absence it was their owne default who would not stay but that it was made by surreption it is your vntruth for they all gaue consent to it againe the next day and protested strongly against this imputation You shall heare the Councell it selfe for the first of these Act. 16. so wee read Paschasinus Lucentius vicegerents to the Sea Apostolick said If it please your highnes we haue somewhat to say to you The most glorious Iudges answered Say what you will Paschasinus and Lucentius said Yesterday after your Highnes were risen and we followed your steps there were certaine things decreed as we heare which we thinke were done besides the order and Canons of the Church We beseech you therefore that your excellencies would command the same to be read againe that the whole company may see whether it were rightly or disorderly done The most glorious Iudge answered If any thing were decreed after our departures let it be read againe And before the reading Aetius Archdeacon of Constantinople after a few other words premised said thus We had somewhat to doe for the Church of Constantinople We prayed the Bishops that came from Rome that they would stay and communicate with vs. They refused saying we may not we are otherwise charged We acquainted your Honours with it and you willed that this holy Councell should consider of it Your highnes then departing the Bishops that are here conferring of a common cause required this to be done And here they are It was not done in secret nor by stealth but orderly and lawfully This for the First § 24. Heare also for the second what we read in the same Action Lucentius reuerend Bishop and Vicegerent of the Sea Apostolick said First let your Highnes consider how guilefully the Bishops were dealt with and how hastily the matter was handled that they should be constrained to subscribe contrary to the holy Canons And Beronicianus most relligious Secretarie of the sacred Consistorie interpreting the former saying the Reuerend Bishops cryed out None of vs was constrained And after many things between againe we read The most glorious Iudges said These the most holy Bishops of Asia and Pontus that subscribed to the book as it was read vnto them let them say whether they subscribed of their owne accord and with full consent or compelled by some necessitie laid vpon them And the aforesaid Bishops of Asia and Pontus that had subscribed comming foorth into the midst Diogenes reuerend Bishop Cyzici said Before God I subscribed willingly Florentius reuerend Bishop Sardeorū Lydiae said No necessitie was laid vpon me but I subscribed of mine own accord Romanus reuerend Bishop Myrorum said I was not constrained It seemes iust to me and I subscribed willingly Calogerus reuerend Bishop Claudiopolis Honoriadis said I subscribed with my will not constrained and according to the determination of the hundred and fiftie holy Fathers in the first Councell of Constantinople Seleucus Bishop of Amasia said I did it by mine owne will desirous to be vnder this Sea of Constantinople because to me it seemes good wisedome Eleutherius Bishop of Chalcedon said I subscribed by my will knowing that both by the Canons and by custome aforegoing the Sea of Constantinople hath these priuiledges Where by the way you may see how fond the obiection is that Lucentius then made and some since him that the Canon of Constantinople was neuer put in vse whereas the Bishop of the place here where the Councell was held alleadges both Canon and Custome for it Nunechius reuerend Bishop of Laodicea of Phrygia I subscribed of mine owne accord Marinianus Pergamius Critonianus Eusebius Antiochus with diuerse more too long to be reckoned professed in the same sort Sponte subscripsimus we subscribed willingly on of our owne accord What can the Adioyndrer reply to this And yet afterward more effectually if it may be When the glorious Iudges had so pronounced Oportere sanctissimum Archiepiscopum regiae Constantinopolis nouae Romae oisdem primatibus honoris ipsum dignum esse c. that the most holy Archbishop of the royall citie of Constantinople which is new Rome must be allowed the same primacies or preheminences of honour that the Archbishop of olde Rome is and when they desired the holy and vniuersall Councell to declare what they thought for so are their words in the said Action Reuerendi Episcopi dixerunt Haec iusta sententia haec omnes dicimus haec omnibus placent c. The Reuerend Bishops said This is a iust sentence we all say so these things like vs all we all say so once againe the decree is iust and much more to that purpose which I omit § 25. His third reason is because the other Canon of Constantinople vpon which this was grounded was neuer put in practise till that time But how happily haue we refuted that euen now out of the mouth of one of the Bishops that subscribed Eleutherius Bishop of Chalcedon Besides Baronius confutes him that acknowledges Chrysostome talem patrem as he saies such a Father i. so reuerend to haue practised this Canon in deposing no lesse then 13. Bishops of Asia as you may reade in Sozom. l. 8. c. 16. Likewise the Clergie of Constantinople that in this verie Councell Act. 11. relying on this Canon challenged to themselues the ordination of the Bishop of Ephesus metropolitane of Asia minor and called it Custome as well as right So that belike they had knowne it practised by others Lastly why did Anatolius subscribe his name in this Councell the Councel of Chalcedon before Maximus and Iuuenalis one Bishop of Antioch the other Bishop of Hierusalem but onely because the Canon that was made at Constantinople in fauour of that Sea was and might be practised And when you quote Leo Ep. 53. that the Canon of Constantinople lacked authoritie because it was neuer sent to the Bishop of Rome neither does Leo say any such thing that I can finde in all that Epistle nor shall you prooue that the Popes consent is necessarie to enact Canons though most childishly you presume it and lastly he rather yeeldeth in the said Epistle as I conceiue him quandam
Episcoporum one Abbatum another and the third of Laymen that is lesse then Priests as you are wont to reckon I say nothing of S. Ambrose made a Bishop before baptized and Nectarius an Archbishop Sozom lib. 7. cap. 8. So much shall suffice to your second Chapter To his third Chapter 1. Places of the Fathers S. Cyprian and S. Hierome 2. The Bishop farre from Ievinianizing 3. Nothing is deducible out of his doctrine which fauours the Popedome § 1. THe Fathers follow First S. Cyprian de vnitate Ecclesiae Whereas the Cardinall had said that Cyprian makes Peter the head the roote and the fountaine of the Church the Bishop most truly and soundly answered not Peter of the Church but the Church her selfe head of the members belonging to her roote of the branches shooting out of her fountaine of the waters issuing forth from her c. one in substance but many in propagation which is no new thing in this mysterie or in any such bodie as the Philosophers call deiuncta corpora rising of many moities into one summe Nay lastly S. Cyprian to shew whome he speakes of calls her matrem mother in plaine tearmes which is not mother Peter but the Church saies the Bishop And this so vexes the gall of our Iesuit as you would not thinke For indeede what more compendious victorie could there be insomuch as F. T. is faine to say that Cyprian had no occasion to name Peter there but the Church onely like the Rhemists annotation vpon 16. to the Rom. that Peter was out of towne when he should haue beene saluted by Paul so we must beleeue iust there the occasion failed of naming Peter whereas in all the other current he onely is meant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as S. Chrysostome saies most excellently 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epist 190. ad Pentadiam Diaconissam Such a thing is truth in one short word shee confutes the cauiller and stops his mouth For the words lying thus as they doe in Cyprian Vnum tamen caput est origo vna vna mater foecunditatis successibus copiosa yet the head is but one the spring but one the mother but one plenteous in her blessed and happie fruitfulnesse who can imagine that Peter is the head here and the church the mother and not rather that the whole sentence belongs but to one whether that be Peter or the Church or whosoeuer For as the sentence runnes on in an euen line so doubtlesse it comprehends but one and the same subiect But Peter is not the mother as F. T. confesses Therefore neither the head nor the spring nor any thing els And indeede so it followes in S. Cyprian Illius foetu nascimur illius lacto nutrimur illius spiritu animamur shee breeds vs feedes vs and enliues vs which may well be vnderstood of the Church our mother but of whome else whether Peter or any other I see not I confesse I S. Austen so lib. 2. contra Crescon Grammat c. 35. 36. and againe l. 3. contra eundem c. 58. 65. vnderstands these words quoting S. Cyprian not of Peter but of the Church And I meane the words de fonte riuo de sole radio that I may fetch it as high as F. T. himselfe euen from the place where if any where S. Cyprian speakes of Peter by his owne acknowledgement And Pamelius their owne author commenting vpon S. Cyprian though he greedily drawe all aduantages that may be from other places of this Father to establish the Popedome yet passes this ouer in deepe silence as nothing fauouring their desired Headship nay crossing it rather For he had read immediately before in the same place Hoc erant vtique eaeteri Apostoli quod fuit Petrus pari consortio praediti honoris potestatis i. The rest of the Apostles were vtterly the same that Peter was endewed with equall fellowship both of honour and power Where by the way we may note S. Ambrose and S. Cyprian their agreement about this point not onely for matter but for words For so Ambrose before quoted Hoc erant quod Paulus and here Cyprian Hoc erant quod Petrus As if there were no diffeâ—… neither betweene Peter and Paul nor betweene the other Apostles and them both For quae alicui tertio vna sunt inter se quoque vna or aequalia saies the light of nature Will you know then why he makes mention of Peter in singular Sed exordium ab vnitate proficiscitur vt ecclesia Christi vna monstretur But the beginning proceedes from vnity or from one man to shew that the Church of Christ is but one How does the beginning proceede from one but as S. Austen shewes in the place before quoted Onely Peter was spoken to that others beeing not excluded yet this pretious vnitie might be commended in one As we read vnder Salomon that the people were all like one man and Act. 2. in the first times of the new Testament the people were all of one heart and one minde Where by the way you see how Salomon prefigured Christ and those times these latter with strange accordance And if this become the people how much more the pastors or the master builders that they should all set to their worke like one man To which nothing can be more contrary then the Popish vsurpation ouer-bearing other pastors which neuertheles they would ground vpon these places for vnity S. Cyprian also declares his owne meaning in the same place to be as I haue said in these words Quamnis omnibus Apostolis parem tribuit potestatem though our Sauiour gaue equall power to all his Apostles tamen vt manifestaret vnitatem disposuit originem eius ab vno incipientem yet to shew the vnity so he construes monstretur not as if that Church could be pointed to with the finger from whence other Churches receiue their vnity as F. T. may imagine but vt manifestaret vnitatem to make knowne the vnity of the Catholicke body and that the Church is but one congregation of the faithfull though branched and billetted out into sundry parcells he tooke order that her originals should beginne at one which is short of authority and much more of supremacie but most of all of the monarchy that the Iesuites would crowne Peter with by vertue of this place And when the same Cyprian a very few lines afore the words last alleaged makes this to be the cause of abuses in the Church quòd ad veritatis originem non reditur nec caput quaeritur nec magistricoele stis doctrina seruatur what is plainer then that by caput which they so catch at he meanes nothing else but the originall verity which our Sauiour Christ first deliuered euen that same Sic ab initio as both origo veritatis doctrina coelestis magistri declares which encompasse the word Caput like two torches of both sides of it to giue light vnto it that
permittitur subiacere tantus Apostolus first who euer called this exigua cupla to denie our Sauiour which Bellarmine himselfe when he excuses all that may bee cannot denie to haue been a most horrible trespasse And againe vt emendatus elationis vicio atque correctus Did S. Austen euer say emendatus vicio The rest is as good but I spare Yet Quemadmodum eum dominus tui causâ patitur circumscribi delicto would not bee passed ouer I leaue it to your thinking In the same sermon hee makes Peter to haue been a starke Pelagian Per solum liberum arbitrium non addito dei adiutorio promiserat se pro. Domino moriturum And yet you bring this to prooue Peters primacie and Lordship paramount ouer the whole Church for direction sake As for your sleeuelesse shift that S. Austen wrote Sermons of the solemne tunes of the yeare of Saints dayes also c. so hath the Bishop preached as much as any of the yearely festiualls and long may he I pray God yet he neuer thought he had made sermons de Tempore till you told him so The thing no doubt is auncient for the substantiall obiect to solemnize the appointed times of the yeare as the Quadragesima or the Ascension or the Natalitia and the like which you instance in with sutable sermons but Sermones de Tempore is too short a name though we take in de Sanctis too to compreheÌ„d all sith there were many more Sermons made both by Austen and others vpon ordinarie Sundayes which are reducible to neither part of the afore-said diuision As for that you alledge out of Possidius that S. Austen made sermons in vigilijs paschae vpon Easter eue whereof this you say was one in all likelihood beeing made on the Wednesday before Easter is it not as mad as all the rest or shall we thinke it likely that Easter eue fell vpon the wednesday before Easter What confidence hath the Iesuite that would bore such holes in his Readers nose and paint his face while he lies broad awake Yet numb 56. of this Chapter you find that which vvas 14. yeare after the time as fit as the Eue you say to the holy day belike that we may beleeue you the rather here of three daies distance between the Eue and the Feast vvhen at another time the Eue sell out iust 14. yeere you say afore the holy day And so much to instifie the Bishops first exception § 8. To the second you answer that Bellarmine had no reason to be greatly ashamed of the place that mentions Peters frailty for euen that confirmes his primacy most wonderfully How so For hauing had tryall of infirmities he was so much the apter to succour others or to shew compassion to others Truely I doubt not but Peters fall made him the tendererhearted to repenting sinners yet not so much in his particular or for any primacie as representing the Church and the whole bodie of the ministery as you were told out of S. Austen de Agone Christiano c. 30. Else onely Popes should bee tender hearted Though S. Austen also in the place that you newly quoted Serm. de Temp. 124. saies it fell the rather vpon Peter because he was a fierce and a cholericke man not onely feruent as others call him as his practise shewed vpon poore Malchus and therefore it was meete he should be abated so Howsoeuer it be the Bishops exception to the Cardinal is very good that a better place would haue beene brought in all reason out of S. Austen so copious an author to prooue Peters headship by then that which implyes the crazines of it euen before we are shewed to what vse the soundnes of it serues Neither does the Bishop argue as you wickedly slaunder him that Peter by frailty denyed our Sauiour ergò he is not head of the Church And yet it were as good as Bellarmines argument and better too which you vse in this place that his headship is confirmed or established by his fall As if none could fall any whit fowly but from the height of supremacy ouer the Church Was it nothing to fall after his exaltation to the Apostleship after other graces which he enioyed not a few Did not this make our Eutychus his fal the more dangerous that he tumbled downe euen from such a window That you may see how many primacies were in Peter as it were stories in a building though no such monarchicall preheminence ensue which primacies the Bishop neuer denied And if Peters gentlenes which he learned by his fall reach no further then to assoile offenders vpon their repentance as I see not what other you here ayme at you know that office belongs to all Priests in generall as well as to the head of Priests and therefore no Popedome followes fromhence any way at all § 9. To your place of S. Gregory hom 22. in Euang. that our Lord intended Petrum praeferre cunctae Ecclesiae we returne S. Greg. l. 4. in 1. Reg. cap. vltimum that Paul was made caput nationum where caput is more then praeferri ecclesiae sith euery minister is set ouer the Church as we haue often told you Qui vocatur ad Episcopatum vocatur ad seruitutem â—â—tius ecclesiae saies Origen hom 6. in Esaeiam each Bishop is seruant to the whole Church as otherwhere Ad imperium vocantur totius ecclesiae qui Episcopi creantur Goffrid Tract de Ordin c. for the sense is all one and euery where you see the latitude of their bounds and in a word they are nothing but circuÌ„locutions of their Apostleships both Pauls and Peters Lastly you abuse the Bishop intolerably in saying he taunts at Peters fal who is of another spirit and knowes that Saints can pugnare de genu or as S. Chrysostome saies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Saints are gloririous euen in their falls but he refutes Peters proud vaunt Etsi omnes non tamen ego by his owne experience which is lawfull to doe I meane to take downe the confident and the ouerweener with a sober gleeke as euen Aristotle can teach you Eth. 4. and elsewhere So much also of his second exception § 10. It is long before he will vnderstand the third as hauing no mind to it loath to come at it It stands in this That S. Austen not a counterfeit Sermon of Austens but himselfe in person and sitting in Councell neither flourishing before the people in a bastard homily about Peters prerogatiues which we must tell you again again are not straight the Popes though you presume so but consulting most aduisedly in an assembly of Fathers about the Bishop of Rome which is the man in controuersie and against whome our plea lies not against Peter I say that S. Austen consulting about the Pope and his authority to heare appeales in a councell of Africa is not fearefull to censure them with excommunication as many as shall appeale beyond the sea
that the mysticall sense is farre more cleere and euident and therefore that he omitting the literall exposition would expound those places figuratiuely forsooth This is the constancie of these men that as Benhadad for feare and guilty conscience ran from chamber to chamber so they to avoide what makes against them change sense for sense sometime literall for allegoricall then allegoricall for the literall about the words spoken to Peter by our Sauiour The former they thinke they may doe with S. August and avouch him for it there the allegory is the cleerer As for the latter they will not endure that Origen should doe so by any meanes Here all is spoild vnlesse you stick to the Letter And a Chaos a confusion is brought in by vs Lay folk and Clerks Men and Women promiscuously inuading both the keyes and the office no difference left nor signe of difference if we allowe of this Thus he But howsoeuer you rowle and ruffle in your Rhetorique declaiming against the supposed Anarchy of our Church and not discerning which euen Balaam did the beauty of those tents to which you are a professed enemy so thicke is the fogge of your malitious ignorance that stuffes vp your senses I beleeue Sir the keyes are conueighed to the commonalty rather by you then vs and to the worser sexe too not so to be honoured as in your Abbesses to be gouernours in your gossips to be dippers and baptisers and I knowe not what And doubtles you would haue admitted them to be Preachers too by this time if you had not thought it fitter to discharge your men then to licence your Women Neither if Origen extend this to more then Peter must it therefore presently be communicated to all There are Apostles besides Peter there are Pastors besides the Apostles there are the iust and faithfull of all sorts besides diuers that belong to the bodie of the Church in shew It is not necessary we should open so great a gappe as you thinke though wee take Origen litterally Though this I must tell you that Origen in all likelihood would not haue applied it so by allegory vnlesse he had stretched it beyond Peter in the very property For assurance whereof consider his words Si super vnum illum Petrum existimas aedificari totam ecclesiam quid dicturus es de Iohanne filio tonitrui Apostolorum vnoquoque If thou thinkest the whole Church is built onely vpon Peter what wilt thou say of Iohn the sonne of thunder what of euerie one of the Apostles besides It seemes incredible first to Origen that the whole Church should bee built vpon one man onely though it were Peter himselfe Therefore he insists vpon totam Ecclesiam and considerately opposeth vnum illum And makes the one but existimas or si existimas If thou thinkest so saith he by Peter but the other is quid dicturus es how wilt thou answer it how wilt thou defend it against Iohn and against the rest And sure as Origen was of the minde that no Apostle of the Twelue sate out from beeing a foundation of the Church in the sense that Peter was so hee names Iohn you see in particular of whome afterwards you shall see how great opinion he conceiued and how ful of reuerence not inferiour to Peter In the meane while it is euident how he pleades for the Apostles all in generall whom he cannot digest to be denied this priuiledge of supporting the frame equally with Peter For which cause he deales so peremptorily and takes vp his aduersarie as we noted before Si existimas Petrum quid dicturus es de caeteris c. Which differs from his moral collection as you call it which is a great deale more mawdlen where he affirmes by fortasse Fortasse autem quod Petrus respondens dixit c. Perhaps if we say the same that Peter said wee shall be priuiledged like him this is but perhaps Yea the practise of the Church implyes no lesse then we now stand for which Origen there declares towards the ende of his discourse Quoniam ij qui Episcoporum locum sibi vindicant vtuntur eo dicto sicut Petrus claues regni coelorum acceperunt c. Because they that are Bishops take this to themselues euen as Peter and haue receiued the keies of the kingdome of heauen Heare you not euerie Christian now nor predestinate man which is his morall doctrine and offends you so mainly but the Bishops good Sir the Bishops in speciall take this to belong to them and claime the keyes Is not this a signe the keyes were committed to all the Apostles For the communitie of Bishops descendes from all the Apostles If the Keies had been Peters onely onely the Pope should claime them pretending to come of him as now he doth But Origen saith the Bishops doe this in plural Episcopi vtuntur eo dicto sicut Petrus The Bishops make vse of this saying euen as Peter did And they haue receiued the Keies c. § 4. Now when you tell vs that Origen neuer mentions in this place the commission of feeding pasce oues meas though the Bishop brings this place to answer the other by about Summa rerum de ouibus pascendis out of his Commentary vpon Rom. 6. and so the Bishops answer fits not with the obiection You are to know that as the one so the other is to be construed either of Peter or of all If Tibi dabo claues belong to them all and specially if Super te aedificabo ecclesiam meam so doth Pasce oues too by proportion either equall or maioris virtutis as they call it For what so singular and so individuate as Super te aedificabo Sure pasce oues is not so much The one a promise the other a precept and precept is not broken if it extend to many promise either is or is the weaker for it without all doubt And yet Origen himselfe teacheth you as much in this tractate as it were preuenting your obiection when thus he saith towards the middle of it Si dictum hoc commune est caeteris cur non simul omnia velut dicta ad Petrum tamēsunt omnium communia That is If this belong to all though spoken to Peter as he doubts not but it does why not all the rest then though directed to him yet are to be meant of all § 5. Another place you quote out of the same Origen vnquoted by the Cardinall but belike to help him post aciem inclinatam out of Hom. 2. in diuersa Euang. namely that Peter was Vertex which is no more then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of which before giuen by S. Baesil to the great Athanasius Yea 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 no bare toppe nor no bald vertex as your Popes is at this day Martial hath an Epigram against one that had three sculls and when almes were distributed came for three mens parts Si te viderit Hercules
should Peter haue been the rocke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if so precise regard had been had to his faith as to value it with his primacie so much for so much by way of meed and merit as you pretend and yet no Simonists but either all the Christians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. Pet. 2. 1. which are dignifyed with a faith nothing inferiour to ours euen to Peters selfe or the poore woman in the Gospel of whome our Sauiour affirmed O woman great is thy faith or lastly the Centurion Verily I haue not found so great faith in Israel § 9. But in silentio reliquorum while others held their peace and primum cognoscere eloqui illud quod nondum vox humana protulerat that was it that made S. Peters confession so glorious and so remarkeable witnes Hilary witnes diuers more whome I forbeare to name And in that sense he might instly be tearmed a foundation or a prime workman not but that others followed or consented with him and so foundations too Apocal. 21. but his zeale was such he spake first for which hast it is not like he was made cheife gouernour § 10. There remaines S. Maximus and first whether he were that same Bishop of Turin or no. Which the Bishop denyed not as not hasty that way although the case were plainer to be so peremptory it is enough for you to determine magistraliter but left vnder doubt the rather because the Sermons that are attributed to Maximus haue beene printed with S. Ambroses in times past and so vncertaine to whom to be adiudged as in many other fathers it fareth at this day And if your obseruatiō be good which you bring out of Gennadius you see what profit the Bishops doubting hath brought with it I would say praise and commendation to you if it were thought to be your owne which you will hardly perswade them that know you here not to haue dropt out of the Note-booke of some of your good Masters As for the Sermons de tempore not made as the Bishop said in S. August time which you call a scaepe or a not able ouersight of his and you thinke you might call it a flat lie according to the rest of your maydenly modesty you are answered before yea your selfe haue answered your selfe in that point as Siseraes mother did that at least S. August gaue no such titles to his sermons whatsoeuer they did that came after Yet in producing Witnesses is it not reason that you should call them by their proper and right names or else they loose the force of their credite for deposition And this was all that the Bishop made sticke at concerning that point § 11. Now to the authority it selfe the Bishops answer thereto Quanti igitur merits apud Deum suum Petrus which you persist to construe Of how great merit was Peter with his God so hardly are you driuen with the dogge from his licourment as if Peters merit had beene to rowe the boat and his reward to be made the gouernour of the world whereas the indifferent translator would rather haue construed it thus Of how great interest or how great account therefore was Peter with his God antecedens pro consequente which your Rhetorique cannot be ignorant of that quote Quintilian afterward about the trope Catachresis who after the rowing of a little boate had the gouernement of the whole Church committed to him Thus Maximus And the more to blame you then as the Bishop well answers you to assigne him the gouernment of a particular Church Peter I meane so in effect to rob him of the Vniuersall For we deny not but that both he and his fellow Apostles had the whole Church committed to their care ioyntly and seuerally without any limitation And surely Maximus his words import no more As for that the Bishop saies that Y O V haue giuen him the gouernment of a particular Church after the gouernment of the whole haue not You I pray giuen it him in that You allow it him that You stand for it to be his against them that make question of it Will you neuer leaue this dissembling of your skill to take all things in so wrong a sense and by the left handle as Epictetus calls it Isay You haue giuen it him Not wee but Christ you will say You meane perhaps of his Vniuersall gouernment of the whole Church which in a sense we grant you as common to the rest and not to be transmitted to posterity In your sense you are as farre from euicting any such thing for ought I see as if you had neuer gone about it that he should be the ordinary pastor onely and the rest the extraordinaries But to the particular Church of Rome you will not say your selues that Christ designed him no more then to Antioch which he abandoned after possession but rather his owne choice if not your fiction For you haue giuen him leaue to sleet and to chop and to fixe his seate else where then at Rome when so seemes good Only piè wee must beleeue that hee will not doe so in hast Howbeit if wee should deny that he was euer at Rome as some haue bin mooued by no weak grounds to do as both collections out of Scripture and supputations of the time when he should arriue there yet your argument is strange whereby you would approoue it here in your num 15. where you say it is demonstrated and as it were proclaimed by the continuall successions of Bishops in that Sea to this very day Call you this a demonstration of Peters being at Rome that Bishops neuer failed in that Sea to this day ergò S. Peter was the first that sate there Though againe it were no hard matter to disprooue the continuance of your Bishops in that Sea euen at sundry seasons if it were pertinent to this place But howsoeuer that be you ought to bring a more colourable argument of Peters sitting there as I take it For of many that I haue heard this is simply the simplest Neither is that much better which you vaunt farre more in if it be possible writing thus in the same numb And withall he addes a strange Parenthesis quasi ea totius pars non esset as though the same particular Church of Rome were not a part of the whole As who would say that S. Peter could not be gouernour both of the whole Church and of a particular Church Wherein he argueth as wisely as if he should say that a Bishop of Ely could not be gouernour of the particular Church of Ely and of the whole Diocese or that a Bishop of Canterbury could not be gouernour of that Bishopricke and primate of England or that a generall of an army could not gouerne a particular company and yet be generall of the whole army And here though you would seeme to haue triumphed ouer the Bishop in your impregnable
be a Cupid because he is described to haue wings and arrowes lib. 3. contra Crescon c. 78. You heard before what Nazianzenes commentor sayes of his borrowing from Isocrates Though the Bishop sayes no where in plaine tearmes that the Fathers did as Orators not as Christians But Theologiamne docore an rhetoricari putes Would you thinke these men meant to read a lecture of Diuinitie or to practise their Rhetorique And Oratorum encomia quae nihil habent enucleatae Theologiae Orators prayses which containe no perfect substance of Diuinitie suppose you like that which your Schoolemen deliuer So Hierome saies the Bishop speaks with Paula and Nepotian how With both as an Orator with neither as a Christian that is according to the rules of strict catechisme What of this § 5. Your fourth obseruation in the 8. numb is petitio principij and the turning of the wheele Therefore I will not meddle with it Let the Bishops answer be but applyed to your obiection and it will salue it as before § 6. You praise pictures by the way and say that they greatly edifie the people Which shewes to what kind of creatures your booke is dedicated namely those whome an Idol may hold in awe for their simplicitie and though it bee not good at teaching any thing saue only lyes as the holy Ghost saies in Abac. 1. 18. yet it may serue well enough to bee their Master You doe but vtter your ware when you enterlace here about pictures for else you know it is nothing to that place in the Bishops booke which you pretend to confute And I might seeme to doe the like if I should be so madde as to follow you Onely thus in briefe S. Chrysostome of them that would haue pictures of the Seraphim because they appeared in such and such forme Esa 6. which is your verie pretence at this day why God should be painted not the Seraphim onely but God a monstrous shame Non te defodis Art thou not ashamed O thou wretch sayes he of such a grosse collection Why doest thou not rather runne vnder ground burie thy selfe aliue And he addes in the same place that the Seraphim are said to couer their faces with wings at the appearance of God onely to shewe that God is incomprehensible Yet you paint them for their wings whereas their wings are giuen them by the holy Ghost sayes Chrysostome to shew the secresie and that it must not be painted which cannot so much as be comprehended I say nothing of the forbidding of the Lambe to be painted in the Councel of Constantinople which Mald. your fellow Iesuite in his Comment vpon Daniel answers thus That the Fathers in that Councell were not rightly instructed and the Church sawe more vpon better consideration in after times Yet you make vs beleeue that you reuerence the Fathers and we censure them As for the fruit you talke of to come by pictures it is one thing I should think what constant and staied minds may gather therefrom another whether they are fit to bee set vp in Churches to nourish the deuotion of simple people by Least they plant error while they would induce to pietie seduce I should say as they that pulling vp the weedes in the parable plucke vp the wheat with all peruersâ diligentiâ You may remember what S. Austen sayes de consensu Euangel l. 1. c. 10. Sic errare meruerunt qui Christum non in codicibus sed in pictis parietibus quaesiuerunt So they deserued to be mockt that sought for Christ not in written books but in painted walls Neither are muri depicti your images or your pictures though such are promised vnto the Church Esa 49. 16. nor portae sculptae 54. 12. of the same booke Of the Councell Eliberitan Can. 20. of Epiphanius and his rending the vaile of Anablath of S. Chrysostomes exiling painters cleane out of the citie and out of the world too as men of no vse no seruice in life much more out of the Church I might spend much paper See his hom 50. in Matth. Yet with you it is one of the three gainefull trades now at Rome as we are informed euen as the making of shrines was to Demetrius or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the same booke Nyssen speakes of pictures for ornament cheifly for instruction either verie faintly or not at all And yet that also for grounded Christians rather then for nouices for S. Austen is iealous what may betide to such but of worshipping them not a word Lastly as the Martyr so also the persecutor was painted in the worke that Nyssen speaks of and vpon the pauement to be trode on as well as vpon the walls to be gazd on Par opus historiae in pauimento quod pedibus calcatur effecit pictor What doth this helpe you § 7. You mislike the Bishops answer of Vbicunque fueris to shew the vncertentie of their perswasion He might be high say you in Gods fauour wheresoeuer he was What if in the punishments of his owne sinnes for such a place you haue for the Elect after this life Might he be so high in fauour for all that as to succour others and be praied vnto Therfore this is not Nyssens belying the people to their faces as you fondly fancie but your owne want of vnderstanding Nyssens meaning and the peoples practise Which though vnwarranted by Scripture or Church-law as we haue often told you yet was not so bad as you would make it In such case we may be bold to say with Tertudian Meminero cor populi cinerem dictum and with Chrysostome Hom. 4. in Epist ad Rom. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Not euery bodies voice but wise mens must be attended to decide controuersies Ne me curavt bubulcum said he Now when they pray to him in Nyssen as entire and present 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who was mangled and disparent is there no Rhetorique in this neither or should that be a good ground to build faith vpon Yet this is that gemme for which you haue searcht the Vatican as you tell vs. As for degrees of glorie though we doubt not but there be such for stella à stella c. and he that sowes sparingly shall reape sparingly and many the like yet I hope one heauen containes them all Would you say of Paul vbicunque fueris or of the blessed Virgin c yet you know not their punctuall degrees of glorie Yea and of Christ himselfe yet we know not the particulars of his aduancement ouely nomen dedit supra omne nomen Philip. 2. and 1. Pet. 3. 22. § 8. To colour your imposture you construe Greg. Nyssens wheresoeuer thou art by howsoeuer thou art imployed in Gods seruice Which is not Nyssens meaning but your owne vision For the Saints haue serued their age seruierunt saculo suo Act. 13. 36. and henceforth they are occupied about vs no more Mortui non miscentur actibus
continually assistant What then And this is in stead of Scripture To you it may be But first you haue brought vs no such testimonie of the Church vnlesse you think that all that meete in a Church to heare a Sermon or a Homilie as they did Nyssens of whome we spake a little before are a sufficient assembly to counteruaile a Synode which is the Church without question from whome we should looke for determination in such causes euen by your owne confession Yet now you are offended with vs when we call for Synods As for our Sauiours assistance with vs to the end of the world I see not how that prooues praying to Saints but rather sends vs from them to him as to whome we haue not onely easie accesse but himselfe continually watching about vs. Doe you not read in the Cantic how dangerous it is for the spouse of Christ to run a gadding after the flocks of the shepheards though they be called his fellowes or companions but not fellowes in this And againe in the same booke Paululùm cum pertransissem when I had past a little farther that is as both S. Bernard and Guarricus expound it when I had passed the Angels and soared aboue the creatures then I found where to rest vpon God and Christ no doubt and not before And it prooues not first that the Church cannot erre though shee were the pillar of truth that you speake of 1. Tim. 3. 15. Where if it were lawfull to adde any thing to that which hath beene answered to that place of the Apostle ouer and ouer by our writers I would say that he alluded to the two pillars which the posteritie of Seth are saide to haue erected after the flood containing diuers verities both physicall and Theologicall most memorable in them but not authorizing them at all So happily the Church For to her the depositum was committed coram testibus as the Apostle saies in the next Epistle 2. Tim. 2. 2. the truth as I may say engrauen in her as it were in a marble pillar But secondly though the Church were neuer so infallible for her doctrines yet shee might erre in her practise as you confesse of the Pope For euen the Church her selfe is not more priuiledged with you then the Pope from error Though we neuer read him called the pillar of truth as we doe of others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. O most diuine father the pillar and ground of truth saith Damascen to Iordanes the Archimandrite in his Epistle de Trisagio ad eundem And yet he not infallible neither because no Pope Thirdly your examples put them altogether make no Church Which hole shall we stoppe first in your sieue in your argument § 23. Theodorets beginning is very laudable that they often meete to sing hymnes and praise to the Lord of Martyrs If they went any further I can but say with Epiphanius Haeresis est tanquam mala mulier heresie is like a shrewd woman giue her no aduantage no more then to the water no not a little let her not haue her will If shee had beene curbed at the first it had not come to those riots and extremities that since we labour of Though when I cast mine eye vpon Theodorets owne text not as you trenlace and translate it at pleasure I see very little to make for you if ought at all First he reports onely fashion or vse and that not generall which you promise in your title of this seauenth Chapter Doe you see then how quickly you are fallen away from your tearmes which very tearmes were not answerable to the primitiue challenge although you had kept them which called for sanction not for practise for rules of Fathers not routs of people c. Neither does Theodoret say that the people made their prayers to Martyrs but hauing spoken in the last words of the God of Martyrs he addes immediatly of their praying for all such things as they stand in neede of but specifies not to whome they prayed for them whether to God or to the Martyrs To whome then rather then to the God of Martyrs His words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Thirdly if there prayers were made at first to the Martyrs to them also should their thanks for speeding be returned Of which thankes he speakes in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But your selues in your Liturgyes sieldome returne thankes to the Saints or Martyrs of which I am to speake in another place And indeede if thankes are to be returned to the Saints can it be but that God is in exceeding great danger of loosing his honour with whome such partners shall communicate And as for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it does not force that they prayed to the Martyrs to accompanie them whose companie they might begge as well of God and he licence them Which neuertheles would be thought of how possibly it can stand with another clause of Theodorets in that very chapter viz. the soules of Saints 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 raunge about heauen and their bodies are dispersed into diuers townes and countries How then could they accompanie the poore way-faring man but that Theodoret turnes rhetoricall and meant no other then onely to oppose to the Gentile gods lately by him named or such as intruded vpon the honour of God Antiochus Hadrian Vespasian c. the exaltation of Christian Saints so farre as was compatible with Christs true Relligion And therefore correcting himselfe he is faine to say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not absurdly distinguishing betweene dulia and latria as your braines crowe but deprecating the scandall which his former words might seeme to imply Where we haue also the gifts and donaries before spoken of offered to God in plaine and direct tearmes not to the Martyrs 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For their Master accepts them saies he not they As for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let the Saints pray for vs as much as you will that is nothing to our question of praying to them And yet Theodoret addes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This shewet that their God is the true God Which confirmes what I said in the former Chapter of Mamas spoken of in S. Basil that Deus Mamantis Mamas his God and so here the Martyrs God they are mentioned to this end to shew that the peoples recourse vnto them was not as to certaine fauourites and vnder-officers of the great King to dispence largesses but as worshippers of the same God euen with losse of their dearest blood lately in their life time in whose honourable seruice themselues reioyced and the rather because dignified by such noble partners and fellow-seruants Lastly shewing of what trades and occupations of life diuerse of those Martyrs were while they liued he reckons vp very meane ones not to call them base and concludes thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is Of such men and women consists the Quire of Martyrs Yet Parsons that hell-hound
was wont to consult God in doubtfull cases apud arcam testamenti at the Arke of the Couenant or of the testimony so Ecclesiasticall rulers are to performe the same now apud arcam testamenti Dominum consulunt si de his in quibus dubitant intus apud semetipsos sacri Eloquij paginas requirant The Pastors then consult the Arke of the Testament when concerning those things that they make doubt of in their minds they haue recourse to the pages of the word of God in their brests For which cause you shall finde that a Diuine of yours Antonius de Padâ—a was called Arca testamenti the Arke of the Testament by them that admired his cunning in the Scriptures Which studie is not so honourable if we read them but to read them or to waxe cunning in them onely vnlesse we resort vnto them as to the law of our life and countenance of our whole proceedings Wherefore againe the same Gregorie whereas the Church in the Canticles is called a Doue he giues this reason of it because the Doues propertie is to gaze vpon the riuers and so the Churches studie is wholly in the Scriptures His words are Doues also for this cause are wont to sit by the full riuers of waters that they may discerne the shadowes of birds flying ouer them and casting themselues vpon the waters eschew the clawes of such foule as are too feirce for them Euen so godly men discerne by holy Scriptures the deceits of the deuill suppose such as F. T. would faine put vpon vs here vnder the colour of the Church and by the platforme therein contained they discry the fiend as the birds do the hawke by her shadow in the water Then follows DuÌ„que se consilijs Scripturae addicunt vt videlicet NIHIL AGANT nisi quod ex RESPONSO SCRIPTVRARVM audiunt quasi in aquam se proijcientes hosti illudunt Quae flumenta PLENISSIMA dicuntur quòd de QVIBVSCVNQVE SCRVPVLIS in Scripturis consilium quaeritur sine minoratione de OMNIBVS ad plenuÌ„ inuenitur What can be said more for the perfection of Scriptures It is well that Canus saies a Pope may erre if he write a booke as here Gregory doth not if he determine in the chaire Yea and Anselme your owne Doctor no lesse then Greg. vpon Col. 3. Habitet in vobis verbum Christi copiosè in omni sapientia c. is not nice to affirme that omnis sapientia is where Christi verbum is all wisdome is there where Christs word and warrant is And reckoning but those fower braunches of wisedome first to know the holy Trinity then the manner of worship belonging vnto it thirdly godly coueting after the Kingdome of heauen fourthly good works and honest life in this world he concludes thus In huiusmodi rebus est omnis sapientia quam Christianus habere debet in hac vitâ that is In such things as these stands all the wisedome that a Christian man needs to haue in this life What then should we doe with Saints and Angels and the worshipping of them after the holy Trinity religiously serued by vs vnto which S. Cyprian saies that all our deuotion and obseruance ought to be confined Yea and Aquine himselfe more yours perhaps then Anselme as was Anselme then Gregorie yet coÌ„menting vpon the same words acknowledgeth such perfection in the holy Scripture that saying the Apostle exhorts vs there to wisedome he addes more ouer that he beginneth that exhortation with shewing them where wisedome is and calls the word of God to the study whereof the Apostle there incites fontem sapientiae the FOVNTAINE of wisedome Vnles your thirst be so preposterous as the very fountaine cannot quench it And indeede in old times the Bible was laid forth in the midst of Synods as Constantines words insinuated euen now quoted out of Gelasius to shewe that their determinations of matters of importance should come onely from thence Sexta Synod Constant sub Agath Propositis in medio sacrosanctis Euangelijs Christi Dei nostri The holy Gospells of our Lord Iesus Christ beeing laide forth in the midst And S. Cyprian l. 4. Ep. 2. Copiosus numerus Episcoporum in vnum convenimus Scripturis diu ex vtrâque parte prolatis c. § 28. To the 51. numb What maruaile if Paulinus be poeticall in verse when the Fathers as hath beene shewed haue their flourishes in prose And yet not to the derogation of Christian relligion saue onely as you flies or beetles rather corrupt good oyntment with your abusiue breath The custome and practise of the vvhole Church is a bauble which the foole hath gotten by the ende and brandisheth it as gloriously as if it were Hercules his clubbe We haue seene no such I tell you Ecclesia Dei non habet talem consuetudinem vix vel simplicem praxin And yet if you thinke to facere populum and carrie the cause by many voices I must tell you with the same S. Hierome whome you quote so rise lib. 3. contra Pelag prope finem that Multitudo sociorum nequaquam te Catholicum sed haereticum demonstrabit To alleadge multitudes on your side will make you thought to be an hereticke not a Catholicke The like I haue quoted to you out of S. Chrysostome before Hom. 8. in Act. Apost And in briefe what custome can doe you may learne of your fellow Sa in Apharismis v. festum namely that faires may be kept and the mill driuen vpon the holy-day with some other things which certaine of you wil scarce excuse froÌ„ mortal sinnes as he saies but the salue of all is Licet concedente id consuetudine It is lawfull because custome permits it Is it not reason that wee should be guided by such a wandring starre § 29. What can be more absolute or more powdred with that salt which our Sauiour coÌ„mends then the Bishops answer to S. Austens authoritie out of Serm. 17. de verb. Apostoli that for a man to be recommended to the prayers of the Martyrs is to be interessed in the intercession of the mysticall bodie c. Christ onely beeing praied to and yet God hearing both him and vs while each is sollicitous for the neede of others no lesse then of himselfe Neither doth the comparison wherein the gentleman so pleaseth himselfe numb 60. to disprooue this any whit preiudice the Bishops interpretation Nay if a subiects wishes were so fauoured by a King as whatsoeuer he wished the King would accomplish might I not sue euen to the King to haue my part among them that the fauourite should recommend without making particular meanes to himselfe So Christ and the Martyrs What they wish we haue what he inspires they wish and yet we seeke not to the Martyrs but to God onely § 30. His vnsauourie scorne of his MOST SACRED MAIESTIE to be Head of the Church of England I might well reckon with him for but I passe by God be thanked at what
and Pisidia a long time Wherefore the Councell which mett at Laodicea which is the Metropolis of Phrygia by decree forbad praying to Angels And to this day we may see emong them and their neighbours Churches or Oratories to S. Michael Most of this good Sir you left out you I say that blame the Bishop for not putting in all I imagine you were ashamed of S. Michaels Oratories which you haue multiplied in ipsâ formâ or that the idolatry to Angels which the Councell forbids is construed by Theodoret cultus Angelorum the worship of Angels which worship of them at least your selues defend He goes forward They therefore gaue this counsell in humblenes of mind saying the God of all things could not be seene nor comprehended nor that we could come to him and that we must procure Gods good will by Angels This S. Theodoret calls basenesse of minde and the worshipping of Angels He calls it worshipping of Angels I say our seeking to procure Gods fauour to vs by their mediation Yet you doe so And further the Councell calls it Idolatry You are idolaters therefore in so doing Lastly it reformes that whole fault by forbidding prayer to Angels Now thinke you therefore whether Theodoret be against you and the Councell of Laodicea and whether you be idolaters yea or no for your resorting to Angels praying to them single worshipping of them though you went no further And least you thinke Theodoret construes the Councell amisse by saying it forbids prayer to Angels when it forbids idolatry though the Councell be plaine Ne nominemus Angelos which is the Inuocation of them or calling vpon their names and it were hard to entertaine such a thought of Theodoret yet heare Theodoret repeating the same againe vpon the third Chap. to the Coloss The Synode of Laodicea also following this rule and desirous to remedie that old disease by statute decreed that none should pray to Angels nor forsake our Lord Iesus Christ What more euident then that prayer to Angels was forbid by the Laodicean Councell in Theodorets iudgement No say you but the forsaking of our Lord Iesus Christ Pray to him pray to Angels pray to both Which the Councell saies not as distinguishing betweene them that prayed to Angels alone and them that pray to our Lord Iesus Christ too but they as I shall set downe in their owne wordes That Christians must not forsake the Church of God by this you see that praier to Angels was not then receiued publiquely in the Church and depart aside either as into corners or from the tracke of the Church-fashion and obseruation and name the Angels or call vpon them by way of prayer as Theodoret construed it and make meetings which is a thing forbidden viz. all the forenamed If any man therefore be found to vse such priuie idolatrie they call it idolatrie praying to Angels let him be accursed Because he hath forsaken our Lord Iesus Christ the Sonne of God and betaken himselfe to idolatrie Now say there are two kindes of worshipping of Angels one with Christ another without as your Valentia distinguishes of two kinde of idolatries one lawfull the other vnlawfull out of S. Peter The Councell yeilds it as a perpetuall reason why we should not pray to Angels because that is to forsake our Lord Iesus Christ the Sonne of God Two euills saies the Prophet hath my people committed digging false pitts that hold no water and leauing mee the fountaine of life So here § 2. You say Theodoret alleadges not any one word of the Canon numb 3. It is enough that Theodoret vnderstood the Canon and construes that which they there forbid to be praying to Angels Either say that Theodoret mistakes the sense of the Canon if you dare for your eares or confesse you are concluded vnder the Councels curse for praying to Angels And yet Angels I hope is one word of the Canon which Theodoret vses And is not relinquere dominum nostrum Iesum Christum another clause of the same which Theodoret hath in his Comment vpon the 3. to the Coloss But what talke you of words when he giues you the sense § 3. You say the heresie which the Councell forbid was of such as thought we could not come to God otherwise then by Angels which you doe not But the Councell first hath no such words but forbids the inuocating of Angels barely without shewing their reason that were wont to vse it and Theodoret himselfe doth not say otherwise but only non posse perueniri that is that God was hid and retired and incomprehensible not to be come at viz. of himselfe and therfore that we must vse the mediation of Angels Which your selues would not sticke to alleadge to him that you would perswade to worship Angels and draw an argument from the remotenesse of Almighty God to craue helpe of such proctors though you dare not deny the mediation of Christ Meane while herein you are worse then they for they say God cannot be approached to without Angels you say Christ himselfe must be approached to by the Angels as if he did not offer himselfe vnto vs and so lead vs to God for by him we haue entrance c. Ipse via ipse vita Leo de passione Domini Serm. 16. Meritò Dominus ipse nobis factus est via quia nisi per Christum non itur ad Christum Well is our Lord made our way because by Christ onely we come to Christ S. Austen also in Psalm 123. Praefat. Ipse Rex patriae factus est via Quo imus ad Christum quâ imus per Christum c. The king of the Countrey is made our way to the Countrey Whether goe we to Christ which way goe we by Christ c. To whome adde that of Theophylact in his Comment vpon the 3. to the Coloss at those words verse 17. Whatsoeuer you doe in word or in deede doe all in the name of the Lord Iesus giuing thankes to God and the Father by him By him saith Theophylact we must thanke the Father by him pray to the Father in his name doe all things For as hee is our mediatour to bring our persons to his Father at the first so also to conuay our praiers to him for euer after Where is your distinction become between mediatour of redemption and mediatour of intercession if this may take place Hee that brings our persons brings our praiers to the Father And that you may know that not only Christ is to be embraced laid hold of but the Angels to be quite casheered in this worke of recommendation to almighty God S. Chrysostome and S. Theodoret both thus proceed If by Christ then not by Angels Theodoret as you quote him vpon the 3. to the Col. in your 4. Numb Vtter your thanks to God by Christ and not by Angels And as thanks so praiers questionlesse 1. Tim. 2. 1. for thanks are a kind of prayers Chrysostome so
when he said absens corpore prasens spiritu and yet knew not what they did but loue linked him nor might they petition to him in such absence Spectator actuum an Angell may be as you quote out of S. Ambrose and yet not cogitatuum which is prayers cheife seat as hath been often told you § 17. Wee say not that Saints are shut vp in a coffer as you malitiously slaunder vs with Vigilantius Wee graunt they follow the Lambe whethersoeuer hee goes but signanter dictum sequuntur non praeeunt they follow him not goe before him that is they applaude his resolutions of shewing mercy to his Church not importune him alwaies with fresh demaunds only sighing for our saluation in generall The blessed Martyr Fructuosus as you may read in Baronius Tom. 2. Anno. 262. when he was hasting to his martyrdome and now come to the stage of his execution one Felix requested him to haue him in minde belike after death To whom the holy Martyr and Bishop answered clarâ voce audientibus cunctis In mente me habere necesse est ecclesiam Catholicam ab oriente vsque in Occidentem That is I must needes haue in minde the Vniuersall Church of Christ euen from the East to West Limiting thereby his prayers to the Vniuersall estate of Christs Church here vpon earth and no longer owning particular suits after his departure out of the body As he that giues vs the Contents of the second Tome of Baronius in the ende of the booke vnderstands those wordes more peremptorily yet then so Non esse orandum sibi nisi pro Ecclesiâ Catholicâ that he may not pray for any but onely for the Church Whereas what if they should pray for the generall of mankind But I must further follow you § 18. S. Gregories speculum is reiected by your selues Is it like the Saints see as much as God Doe they see him as much as he is to be seene Doe they comprehend him in quantum comprehensitilis est Yet himselfe does so And if by seeing him they see as farre into him as the nature of things is resplendent in him they should doe this and all He meanes the presence and contemplation of God excludes all wretched and woefull ignorance from them and fills them full of happines but after the measure of their capacity And though they could discerne all that is in God yet it is a question whether he would not restraine them from some things purposely speculum voluntarium not naturale Though they affect vs well as wee confesse yet their felicity stands not in the knowledge of our welfare but in submitting themselues and all their desires to the pleasure of God of whome wee read that he shall be all in all in them but not that they shall be all in all in him I meane to see all that is to be seen by him § 19. I haue omitted one thing in the 17. Numb that the Saints offer vp our prayers vnto God Apoc. 5. for so you quote In all which chapter neuerthelesse there is no mention of offering at all The 24 Elders are said to haue harpes that is the instruments of praise and vialls full of sweete odors which the holy Ghost expounds to be the prayers of the Saints But their owne as well as others for ought I know Either their thanksgiuing to God for their wonderfull redemption as v. 12. for thanksgiuing is reckoned a kinde of prayer or because you are so delighted with the Bishops graunt the intercessions which they continually make for vs. As for the 8. chapter of the same booke where you read thus Another Angel came and much incense was giuen him to the ende that he might dare de orationibus Sanctorum offer as you conceiue it of the prayers of the Saints the originall Greeke reads dare orationibus that he might giue of that incense to the prayers of the Saints not offer them himselfe Which Angel S. Primasius expounds to be Christ so Beda so Ausbertus our Rhemists insinuating though not expressing so much S. Austen before them all Hom. 6. in Apocal. and therefore he is called another Angell as eminent aboue the former and he indeede graces our prayers with his merits as it were with sweete odours to make them acceptable to God Or if you will needes take it of the created Angels you see they adde no merits of their owne to countenance our prayers with but borrow incense from the Altar that is Christs merits from him for he is our Altar Hebr. 13. Data sunt ei thymiamata multa as hauing none of his owne Which is enough to ouerthrow the mediation of Angels though there were no more For by a scheme of speach they are made to be casters on of the perfume though it be Christ alone that can dispence his owne merits and the Angels are strangers to them As when it is said in Mulachie that a booke of remembrance was written before the Lord another is made to supply his memorie as it were though his singular sufficiency need no such helpe Lastly if we should read as we no where read that the Angels offered vp our praiers to God or carried them to God I would say that their carrying or offering them to God were nought els but their vnderstanding his gracious will and pleasure for the graunting of our praiers commeÌ„ced in Christs name beautified with those incense whereof the text speakes and their returne to vs the execution or performance of them on their parts wherein we needed their succour as Tob. 12. Act. 10. and sundrie places in the Psalmes as Mandabit angelis suis de te againe Mittet de coelis cruet me He shall commaund his Angels hee shall send from on high and saue me c. § 20. It is not worth the ripping vp now how the Rhemists haue expressed their dotage vpon this place Apoc. 8. that because it is said vers 3. the prayers of all Saints c. or because the title of Saints they are but slowely belike brought to extend to holy persons liuing vpon the earth therefore they haue deuised mediations of mediators between themselues Saints for Saints and Angels for Angels making intercession in heauen the superiour for the inferior as they tearme it What greater victory could we wish to the Truth or where shall we stay if this be once admitted § 21. NVm 24. Hee comes to another head of the Bishops plea why wee should not pray to Saints because there is no precept for it and all addition to the Law in matter of Gods seruice is Leuiathan a bugge But he insists vpon the place Deuter. 12. alleadged by the Bishop Quod â—â—bi praecepero hoc tantùm facies Thou shalt onely doe that which I commaund thee It extends no further saies F. T. then to the things in that Chapter namely to the not offering of such sacrifices as the heathen As if God could be offended onely one
the Patriarch euen when he was ready to dye So happy are they to whome I say not in senectute but in morte contigerit huc aspirare as he saies Cui suspiramus semper Where you say that no guile must be in the spirit Psal 32. 2. and therefore sinne is cleane purged in the iust you are to know that all sinne is not guile but the sinne of hypocrisie dissembling our sinnefulnesse and reioycing sinisterly in our supposed perfection of which let them take heede that dance to your pipe and delight in your doctrine The Psalme opposeth it there to dum tacui in the next verse v. 3. for where there is tacui there is guile where no guile no tacui And the Saints in the Reuelation had no guile found in their mouthes because they confessed they were sinners sath S. Austen § 19. ANother fault of the Bishops is here complained of that he hath not layd downe at full the Cardinals argument out of the Epistle of Theodosius to the Councell of Ephesus by which is shewed who should be present at generall Councells And I hope it is no matter whether he lay it downe at length or no so he answer it But you that vndertake the refutation of the Bishops answer to the Cardinalls Apologie why doe you mention but one part of his answer to this very argument Is not this a worse fault and yet in the same kinde As for example one part of the Bishops answer was this that a Count and a King be not all one and when Theodosius forbad the Count to meddle he precluded not himselfe This you mention but the rest you leaue out First that it appeares Theodosius did not set this law to himselfe to be no medler in Councels because he assembled it yea confirmed it and ratified the Acts of it which Count Candidian might not doe Secondly that the Emperour exhorted this noble Courtier and Count Candidian to suppresse them that were at oddes and to curbe the humour of such as loued iangling Could this be without his interposing in their tractate which are the words that you stand vpon And you shall finde in the Trullan Councell that other lay-men are forbidden that thing the libertie whereof is reserued to the Emperour notwithstanding So might it be here And indeede who would euer retort vpon a King out of his owne words or bind Theodosius as it were with his owne girdle so with his owne Epistle which he neuer meant should yoke himselfe To omit that Constantine carried himselfe like a Bishop witnesse Eusebius nay Bishop ouer Bishops that is the oecumenicall Bishop which you would be glad if your Pope had the like plea for himselfe to intermeddle with the matters of Constantine and of the Empire Why then might not Theodosius Or though onely Bishops as you would faine force may haue to doe in Councels yet why should Theodosius or Constantine sit out that are Bishops without the Church as others are within and during diuine seruice See Sozom. l. 4. c. 21. of Leonas and Laritius two lay-Courtiers one satelles aulae another praefectus militum as the author styles them sent to the Councell of Seleucia in Isauria de mandato Constantij by Constantius his commandement that in their presence de fide accuratè inquireretur strict enquiry might be made of Faith And when some Bishops would not enter into disputation about things controuerted because of the absence of other Leonas tamen iussit de fide disceptari Leonas neuerthelesse commanded them to conferre about relligion In the Councell of Syrmium the Emperour likewise appointed Iudges president of his owne pallace doctrinâ auctoritate caeteris praestantes in all likelihood but lay-men Idem Sozom. lib. 4. c. 5. And cap. 13. of the same booke Constantius letter to the Church of Antioch and the Bishops there assembled conteines thus Placet prohibere à conventibus Ecclesiasticis It is our pleasure to forbid certaine from Ecclesiasticall assemblies You may say now if you will after all this that Emperours haue nothing to doe in Councels and that Theodosius meant to barre himselfe by his owne letter or else that he knewe not the right which Constantius exercised and was descended to him by succession euen from Constantine But there is a letter of Theodos and Valentinian ioyntly extant in the Acts of the Ephesine Councell the 3. in number in Surius his edition beginning thus Praeclarissimo Comiti c. Which you may doe well to read to see what lay Emperours may doe in Councells You shall see how he checks the whole Councell there for there partiality and part-taking for their tumults and sicut non conueniebat and how he concludes the matter Quapropter Maiestati nostrae visum est vt huiusmodi authoritas nullo pacto locum habeat quae inordinatè sunt gesta cassentur Wherefore it seemed good to our Maiestie that such authority should by no meanes take place and that those things be abrogated or disanulled which were disorderly done Yea how he tyes the Bishops to their residence at the Councell forbidding any to depart and how he sets an Oportet vpon omnia corroboranda sunt à nostrâ pietate and lastly how he ends most imperially and worthily Maiestas nostra nō hominum aliquorum sed ipsius doctrinae ac veritatis curam gerit Our Maiestie takes not care of mens persons but of Gods truth and the heauenly doctrine The like he doth in the Epistle that you quote and namely chargeth them to heare no accusations but proceede to discussion of faith onely § 20. TO your numb 42. and 43. what we heare from witnesses though sure and certaine witnesses yet we doe but heare when you haue made the most of it So as the Bishop might well say Augustinus nihil praeter auditum habet Austen hath nothing more then heare-say meaning he reports not this of his own knowledge though he would not seem to deny credit to those witnesses Which many a man to say truth is loath to doe I meane to detract any thing from the credit of the reporter euen then when he scarce beleeues that which is told As for the assistance of Angels or apparition of Saints it prooues not that it is lawfull for vs to pray to them as hath been shewed before and therefore it matters not greatly whether that of Felix be true or no. Sure it is that S. Austen in the same booke where he tells this de curâ promortuis argues from the saying of holy Scripture Abraham hath not knowne vs nor Israel c. that Saints departed are ignorant if not carelesse or forgetfull of our state here A figure whereof there may seeme to be in the story of Ioseph whome the butler forgot as soone as himselfe was escaped out of prison as it were the Saint newly departed out of the body and forgetting his late fellowes in pilgrimage the rather because both a Philo and the
interpreted his name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as dropping pure Manna a kinsman of the Author mentioned by me before num 5. of this chapter At ille sayes S. Austen fundebat insanias 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 meram The Manna was meere madnesse which came from the Manichee contrà Faust l. 19. cap. 22. The same heretique was so insolent that when he wrote but a letter or an Epistle to his friends wherein the Pope now imitates him in his Breues to his followers his inscription was wont to be Manichaus Apostolus Iesu Christi Manichaus the Apostle of Iesus Christ like Apostolicam benedictionem in the Breues aforenamed witnesse S. Austen in the afore-quoted worke S. Peter himselfe 2. Pet. 2. 1. foretells of false Prophets that should arise in the newe Testament to whome he ascribes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fained speeches or forged speeches framed no doubt at their own will and pleasure and what rather then the names of holynes that they pretend whereof we are now speaking though their cunning I graunt reaches a great deale further but by those they shall buy and sell soules saies S. Peter or make merchandise of them as now with the Papists it is not their meanest inducement they haue to their error that they are called Catholikes Yea our Sauiour himselfe Matth. 7. 15. forewarnes vs of Wolues that should come in sheepes cloathing which how if wee should extend to the apparelling euen of names especially if wee ioyne with it S. Pauls like prophecy of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Act. 20. 29. that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as he speakes else where 1. Thess 2. 7. Mighty Wolues or Wolues in power or in authority which fieldome want in the Popish prelacy and those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rising by succession out of your owne selues v. 30. And yet for these and many more now no such couering as the fleece taken from the sheepes backe the name Catholike I haue said nothing of the Cathari a name neere to the Catholikes yet voluntarily taken by some heretiques vpon themselues as may appeare by the Canon of Constantinople last quoted wherein they iumpe with the Papists whome we call not Catholikes as of our owne head whatsoeuer Bellarmine the Adioynder retort vpon vs but apply our speech to their vsuall fashion and speake as we would be vnderstood by them On the other side did not the heretickes miscall the Catholikes and strippe them as much as in them lay of that glorious name The Pelagians saies S. Austen they called vs Traducians the Arians Homousians the Donatists Macarians the Manichees called vs Pharisees and diuers other heresies diuersly nicknamed vs. Lib. 1. poster contra Iulian Pelag. And was the Catholike cause euer a whit the worse for that No verily For as Theodoret notes most excellently lib. 3. Histor cap. 21. of Iulians madnesse I meane Iulian the Apostate going about to change the name Christians into the name of Galileans most preposteiously sith the name Christian cannot be abolished 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saies S. Luke which we read not yet of the name Catholike that nothing could be more frantique then such a proiect cōsidering that if he effected it as there was smal hope yet there could grow no disparagement to the Christian sect by the change of their name no more then if Nireus were called Thersites or Thersites Nireus the one should be the fayrer or the other more deformed then he was before or as if Homer were called Chaerilus or Chaerilus were called Homer there would follow any change of their veynes in Poetry so here But as Eucherius sayes of the honours and preferments of this world in his Epistle Paraeneticall ad Valerian fratrem when they are crossely and vnworthily as often bestowed that the thing which was inuented to distinguish desert is made to shrowd it to confound it so fares it in this Metaplasme of names many times Dignos indignos non iam discernit dignitas sed confundit And as he had said before in the same booke Alij nomen vsurpant nos vitam Where the height of the title without substance answerable in the party owning it is but as the light of a candle as Marius saies in Salust that discouers blemishes but creates no beauty in an ill fauoured visage presented to it Shall we heare what the holy Ghost saies prophecying of the times which were then to come and which now haue ouertaken vs in all liklyhood of which I may say with S. Hilary changing but a word Malè ves nominum amor cepit or malè partium as he sayes parietum malè Ecclesiam in vocabulis veneramini Thou hast a name that thou art aliue but indeede art dead spoken of the Church of Sardis Reuel 3. ver 1. And Reuel 2. ver 9. they say they are Iewes spoken of certaine miscreants but are not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is descended from Abraham Isaac and Iacob as they alledge but representing nothing lesse in their formes of life What els doe the Papists I wonder at this day entitling themselues Catholikes non sunt though they are nothing lesse either in their life or doctrine specially if we hold to Lirinensis his touch-stone of Vbique Semper ab omnibus receptum Whereas they now would confound Catholike and Romane because they haue much Romane which they cannot prooue Catholike But we haue also further mention in the place aforesaid of the Throne of Satan erected among the faithfull a Metaphor belike taken from the Episcopall throne as if Satan might get into that too ver 13. concerning Pergamus And ver 9. concerning the Church of Smyrna hauing spoken of some that called themselues Iewes that is true worshippers of God and are not as was said before the holy Ghost opposeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but the Synagogue of Satan As who would say They goe for Ecclesia but are indeed Synagoga and pretend Christ but belong to Satan which is the reproofe that wee charge our aduersaries with and I thinke not causelesse Yea in the second verse of the same chapter because the Pope in all hast would be Apostle or Apostolike for hee claimes the tearme and counts it his inheritance you shall read that some said they were Apostles and were not whom the Church of Ephesus is commended for trying afore shee would trust as S. Iohn also biddes vs to try the Spirits 1. Ioh. 4. 1. and soone after he censures the prating Dietrephes and brings him to his tryall He that doth euill hath not seene God 3. Epistle ver 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 How fit was this to be premised before the rest of S. Iohns doctrine throughout the whole mysticall booke of the Apocalyps describing Antichrist such as now he appeares Lastly ver 23. of the said chapter of the Reu. The Churches are to know that it is God which searcheth the hearts and the reynes as not caryed away
Nourish my children And yet Pasce implyes such a Supremacy with you as there needs none greater Nutricare is nothing because the Bishop vses it Vnles you thinke that Peter may rule them like beasts because of Pasce oues meas the Kings gouernement beeing more ciuill and humane because Erunt Reges nutritij tui for you cauill the Bishop here for praesidium bumanum as well as externum Which should prouoke our men me thinkes to embrace the Kings gouernment rather then the Popes if they be men indeed sith the one professes violence and borishnesse of himselfe the others milde proceedings are acknowledged by his aduersarie Though againe we might say that our Sauiour neuer meant so vilely or so basely as to set his Prelates ouer vs like keepers ouer beasts whom he would not haue to gouerne as common Princes doe their subiects Vo◠autem non sie but rather more gently And yet if any list to straine the metaphor to these rigors perhaps Nutri when we haue done all is as much as Pasce and enforces as absolute a gouernment as that a child at those yeares not much differing from a beast nay verily short of it both for want of iudgement and so easie to be ouer-ruled and out of lacke of force or bodily strength to defend assaults and so as easily curbed and subdued § 68. Lastly I dare affirme that if the Adioynders malice had but laine that way he would as soone haue cauilled the Bishop for amplifying as now he does for depressing beyond due the Supremacie of Kings by the consequence of those words Hee makes but a pupill nay a perpetuall babe would he haue said of the Church And He will haue Kings to take vpon them like gouernours or foster-fathers ouer a yong child in the cradle Though we haue shewed before that for so much as some read Erunt Reges dispensatores tui in that place of Esay the Dispensator though he were no King is of singular authoritie ouer the pupill whosoeuer though happily he be of the Royall breed as Ausonius boasts in a certaine Epigramme that the Princely imps were subiect to his seruler the Apostle testifying as much Gal. 4. 1. 2. that the heire himselfe differs not from a seruant though he bee Lord of all whiles he is in his nonage but is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is vnder dispensators 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vntill the time appointed by his father This is that which S. Chrysostome sayes in 13. ad Rom. and yet not meaning to mocke that the Priest hath a primacy indeed but in altero saeculo in the other world if the Pope could be content to tarry for it so long But howsoeuer that be I hope the Nurse her selfe may waken the child as well as lull it asteepe chide it and sneb it as well as giue it the dugge yea correct and chastize it as well as dandle and hugge it which is all that we striue for in this question that the Prince may censure the offending Church-man and reduce him into order a thing that F. T. cannot abide to heare of and yet complaines that the Bishop minceth the Supremacie Whereas Supremacy without this cannot stand for certaine nor yet Defence of the Church which he allowes to Kings Numb 48. but this graunted they are both safe as much as we desire § 69. Yea but the Parlament goes further saith the Adioynder yeelds much more to King Henry the eight then this comes to To whome marke I pray what I answer briefly Suppose it did Let the Lawyers be consulted that were the authors We studie not States-matters as the youth of Rome may doe vnder the famous conduct of P. R. and F. T. their leaders seasoning their lyonets with such morsels euen betimes and swearing their Anniballs scarce twelue yeares old at the Altars to disturbe their countries peace in time Besides the Papists contest against the gracious gouernement of the KINGS MAIESTIE that now is and exclaime vpon the Supremacie that he now challengeth which we also defend What is that to the times of King Henry the eight or what are King Henries times to vs § 70. And yet to answer him a little more strictly in ipsis terminis It was ordained saies he ann 26. Hen. 8. c. 1. in these words Bee it enacted c. that the King our Soueraigne Lord his heires and Successors Kings of this Realme shall bee taken accepted and reputed the onely Supreame Head of the Church of England called Anglicana Ecclesia and shall haue and enioy annexed and vnited to the Imperiall Crowne of this Realme as well the title and style thereof as all Honiars Dignities Preheminencies Iurisdictions Priuiledges Authorities Immunities Profits and Commodities to the said Dignitie of Supreame Head of the same Church belonging Thus farre belike the Statute And what from hence gathereth Mr. Adioynder I will set downe his words So saith the Statute quoth hee which must needes bee vnderstood to giue spirituall authority when it giueth all that power Dignity and Iurisdiction which belongeth to the Head of the Church c. Much for sooth This spirituall Iurisdiction haunts them terribly you see euerie where scares them But why so good now For seeing that the Church is a spirituall and Ecclesiasticall body it must needs be gouerned by a spirituall and Ecclesiasticall power residing in the Head thereof c. Obserue his elegancies Ecclesia est corpus Ecclesiasticum The Church is a Church-bodie first Is not this delicate But then againe The same Church is abodie and yet a spirituall bodie to Mr. Adioynder in his most curious descriptions And yet I hope not like S. Paule spirituall body after the Resurrection 1. Cor. 15. which is called spirituall because it is plyable and obedient to the motions of the Spirit as we are taught by S. Austen in his Enthiridion but as it shall please his wisedome at more leisure to interpret In the meane while if the Church because it is a spirituall body as he speaks at least must therefore haue no Head but one that is endued with like spirituall authoritie consider the consequents and marke what a confusion they would bring vpon life while they wilfully peruert our meaning in the question For how many are heads and principalls to others which yet partake not of the faculty that they deale in And good reason For the persons of men liuing and conuersing in such or such a Commonwealth are subiect to the gouernour thereof and he the Head of them without any reference to their particular trades or professions that they follow Else how shall a woman be Queene ouer souldiers as the Papists will not deny but in temporalibus shee is and yet no souldier nor fit to beare armes How is a King the Head of Philosophers liuing within his Dominions whether Platonickes or Peripatetickes or whome you will though he be neither Master nor Disciple of their sect no way ingraffed into their societie
we think he might pray to God at one time to the Saints at another Ruffinus shewes what his custome was Proiectis armis ad SOLITA se vertit auxilia prostratus in conspectu Dei Tu inquit Omnipotens Deus nosti quia in nomine CHRISTI filij tui c. 51. Churches to Saints and Sacrifices to Saints in the Popish relligion though they professe against it and so condemne themselues with their owne mouthes for Idolaters Gregorius de Valentia his friuolous excuses of this matter p. 270 52. The Papists bring no Church-decree for their prayer to Saints when they crake of the Church most What the authoritie of the Church is presuming beyond Scripture p. 271. 272 53. The pillar of truth ibid. vpon which place S. Chrysost saies that Truth is the pillar of the Church 54. Epiphanius compares heresie to a shrew To be curbed at first not let haue her will Most true in this matter about praying to Saints The people once attempting it out of a semblance of zeale the contagion multiplies to such an intolerable height as the Papists themselues cannot chuse but rue it p. 273 55. And yet Theodoret is not absolute for praying to Martyrs ibid. largè 56. Parsons scoffing at some Martyrs of our Church of meane occupations But not Theodoret so nor the holy Scripture p. 275 57. Speeding vpon Supplication to Saints and Angells no good argument of the lawfulnes of that practise ibid. 58. The Bishop not to blame about searching this question both by Scripture and Reason which the Adioynder himselfe doth by deceit ill experiments p. 276 59. Prayer to Saints necessarie to saluation and againe not necessarie The Adioynders giddines p. 276 60. Neither relation of Angells nor reuelation from God such as the Adioynder conceiteth are of force to make the Saints alway fit to be praied to ibid. 61. The Scripture is the touch-stone in all controuersies And it it an idle thing to prate of the Church in any such comparison But specially for the triall of matters of this nature p. 277. 278 62. Practise Custome Multitude how to be valued against Scripture p. 280. 1. King 28. Elias to Baals Priests Quia vos plures estis Idem de se ipso 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 secundum 70. Sed Esa 41. 14. Ne time 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cui respondet Luc. 12. 32. 63. The Bishops exposition of S. Austen is defended against the Adioynders iutricate Morosophies p. 281 64. Euery King is SVPREAME HEAD in his Dominions though the Adioynder gnash his teeth at it and that not only to English Protestants but to French Papists p. 282 65. Inuocation of Saints if repelled from Sacrifice repelled from Seruice and so not to be vsed p. 282 66. Slender aduantage of the buriall place after death p. 283 67. More experiments of the Adioynders skill in Latine ibid. 68. Whatsoeuer the burying place aduantage the dead no consequence from thence of praying to Saints out of S. Austens words p. 284 69. No Popish Purgatorie p. 284. 285. 286 70. Lawfull to pray for things alreadie obtained p. 286. Alphons de Castro contra Haeres V. Purgator p. 895. Melius respondemus non semper dubitari de illis quae potuntur c. in eandem sententiam largè where he graunts we may pray for deliuerance from Hell viz. from the iawes of the Lyon and the Tartarean lake although we be perswaded that they are deliuered already whome we pray for 71. Prayer to Saints for the iust price of a newe cloake The Adioynders needy proofes from the practise of a poore Cooke p. 287. CHAP. 8. 72. THe Councell of Laodicea is against praying to Angells Accurseth them that vse it Brandeth them as for sakers of the L. Christ And all this by Theodorets construction of it in his Comm. vpon the Epistle to the Colossians In which Colossians S. Paul first reprooued that vice and it remained there till the time of the Councell of Laodicea saith Theodoret which was held not farre from the Citie Colossi p. 289. 290. 291. 73. S. Chrysostomes notable enforcing of the Apostles text for praying to God onely and neither to Saints nor Angels whome he excludes directly p. 292 293 294 74. The Angel is Christ So Bellarm. himselfe de Mal. 3. lib. 5. c. 1. de Christo Mediatore Other Angels reuerence godly men so farre they are from receiuing worshippe of them And this by Gregorie and their owne writers testimonie p. 295 75. The good offices and attendance that Angels performe to vs by Gods appointment prooue not that wee may pray to them but to God that sends them and sets them on worke p. 296 76. Of euery mans particular Angell Chrysost apud Melissam lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 facit malos mortales non habere custodem Angelum nisi tenebrarū quòd quidam angeli natales 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à nobis nosve ab illis Molina's smart deuise that seuerall brotherhoods of Fryers haue seuerall Angels forsooth to attend them c. ibid. 77. Haeresie a shrew by Epiphanius description of her To be yoakt at first and not let haue her will She will haue the last word whatsoeuer come of it ibid. 78. Angels not our gouernours specially in the new Testament Themselues ministring spirits to S. Paul Therefore not our Masters p. ead 297 79. The Adioynders wriglings to shift off the Canon of the Councell of Laodicea but all in vaine ibid. 298 80. Worship of Angels more directly condemned by the Auncient Fathers then of the Saints The cause why Yet that falling this cannot stand euen à maiori ibid. 81. Theodoret violates not the Canon of Laodicea nor his own doctrine deliuered in his Commentaries Hee prayes not to Saints And yet if he did his rule were to bee aboue his practise p. 298 82. The Adioynder cauills the Bishop for oppugning their praying to Saints by Reasons yet himselfe brings most pitifull ones why we should doe so p. 288. 289 83. The Adioynder so impious as if the Saints cannot heare vs to question how Christ himselfe can in his manhood Esa 59. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Adioynder saith Yea. ibid. 84. Vnlike comparisons vsed by the Adioynder p. 300 85. The Angels discerne not the secrets of hearts ibid. 86. The Adioynders examples slow to prooue his intents His authorities rather more quoting that for Athanasius which quotes Athanasius quaest 23. And yet against himselfe Cordium cognitor solus est Deus Nec enim vel Angeli cordis abscondita videre possunt quaest 27. ad Antiochum p. 301 87. Martyrs pray onely for the Church in generall p. 302 88. S. Gregories speculum and how the Saints see all things in God p. 303 89. The Angels are not said to offer our prayers to God ibid. 304. 90. The Rhemists make one Angell to mediate for another and one heauenly Saint for another because else they cannot construe that in
Iohan. Adioynd num 44. Col. S. Chrysostome saies he giues vs to vnderstand that whereas S. Iames was onely Bishop of Hierusalem and the countries adioyning c. S. Peter had the charge of the whole But if we heare Bellarm. de Pontif. Rom. l. 1 c. 27. Caeteri Apostoli missi sunt ad certas prouincias Paulus ad omnes Gentes sine cortae provinciae determinatione Et ipse de se ait Plus omnibus laboraui At least as Eutalius Diaconus for so they write him praesat in Epist Pauli Petrus Paulus inter se partili sunt vniuersum orbem in which diuision Paul had the better euery way Conim in locum Genebeard construes this both of all the Apostles citing Arnobius Pro 12 Patriarchis 〈◊〉 12 Apostoli and also of all the faithfull who are called sonnes saies he because begotten through the Gospel And he addes that they doe gerere vices Christi how will the Pope like this and that their Soueraigntie here mentioned stands in the iâ—â—tation of the vertues and worthines of their auncestors And lastly this he calls the eternall succession Genebrard in Psalm 1. Pet 2. 5. 〈◊〉 linyâ—d c. 〈◊〉 num 56. Masson in vitâ Pâ—â— V. Epist 7 quae ad Smymeniâ—s Apud Gelas Cyzic p. 172. ex edit Morel per Salâ—oreum Iesuitam Episcopus habet locum capitis ecclesiae post Christum preshyter Seraphicum D aconus Cherubicum No Pope then but Anti-christ See him ad longum num 40. c Moses and Salomo two famous patternes of gouernment in Scripture each of them complaining of the great multitudes of people committed to their charge and yet but a handfull to the now Christian maruell that Peter neuer did of his if all was so entirely recommended to him as they fable See 1. King 3. and Numb 11. 14. As for Quu ad baec idoneus that is Pauls not Peters Adioyn Seeing that Peter was made head of the Apostles 〈◊〉 of the Church the Bishop cannot denie the same authoritie to S. Peters successors for the same reason especially since the succession of all the Apostles is failed in other Churches sauing onely in the Church of Rome by our Sauiours prouidence c. * Homil 55. in Act 2. a Praefat. in Epist Pauli 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pro Lege Manil. b In Athanas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And Pertinax himselfe in Herodian lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Much more true in the Episcopall throne then the Imperiall Primas 〈◊〉 in Epist Paul giues this reason why the Epistle to the Romanes is set first quiae scripta erat ad inferiores I suppose it should be infirmiores by that which followes But that helps but little And comparing all the churches to which the Apostle wrote he makes Rome simply the worst And wheras now a daies they conceit it to be such an armorie of faith against all defects he makes them so simple that he saies nihil intelligebant They vnderstood nothing at all As for their morall perfections see Salvian de gubernat dei l. b. 7. Viciositas impuritas quasi germanitas quaedam est Romanorum hominum quasi mens atque natura quia thi praecipuè vicia vbicunque Romani Et ibid. Omne impuritatis scelus omnis impudicitiae tur pitudo à Romanu admittitur a barbaris vindicatur Et Auaritiae inhumanitas proprium est Romanorum penè omnium malum Et Indurauerunt facies suas SVPER PETRAM This is the super petram that he acknowledges in Rome And least you thinke he excuses them from peruerse faith in the midst of so many morall corruptions lib. 5. he saies Ipsae haereses barbarorum de ROMANI MAGISTERII prauitate fluxerunt See Bernard de Consyd ad Eugen lib. 4 c. 1 2. Quid tam notum seculis quà m proteruia fastus Romanorum c at large Yet of late a French parasite Flor. Rem praises that sinke which is the worse for continuance without all question as the Paradise of God and the dugge of heauen For he saies it signifies mamilla in the Hebrew childishly enough De orig haer l. 5. c. 4. num 5. 6. c. One thing I allow that he obserues that it was ab initio obnoxia incendijs alway in danger of fire since first it was a citic that we may beleeue that one day it shal be burnt cleane downe as it is in the Reuelation numb 2 ipso fine Praefat. Anchor Idem Origen in Matth. vide c. 5. huius Masson in Marcello 2. Cap. 1. Idem habet S. Cyprian tract de idolorum vanit Rex vnus est apibus dux vnus ingregibut Vide Hieron in epist ad Rustuum Grues vnum scquuntur ordine literato It is a scholler-like order to be subiect to Monarchy in the politicke estate Also Chrysost most excellently Com in 13. ad Rom. which comment vpon all that discourse of the Apostle for obedience to Magistrates though they be infidels the Iesuites are so confronted with as if it had beene purposely written against their new-fangle deuises finds the like euident prints of soueraigntie in Bees in Cranes in flocks of sheepe c. yea in the bottome of the sea emong the fishes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hence Seneca perhaps l. 1. de Clemen c. 19. Natura Regem commenta est b On the other side our Sauiour Christ came into the world when intrusion and vsurpation of Kingdomes was â—ifest as if his errand had been emong others to giue Monarchies their right and to cut short the encroachers sayes Haymo Halberstat conc hyem in Epiphan Dom. Quia enim deficientiâ—… principibus ex Iudi alienus extraneus atque falsus c. De Rom. Pontif. lâ—b 1 c 12. ex Chrysost Hieron Aug. Petrus pro omnibus locutus est Adde Cyprian l. 1. ep 3. ad Coâ—… Petrus vnus pro omnibus loquent ecclesie vâ—â— respondent Capâ—…ag 25. 26. c. Mart. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 captivut pastor non Rec pastor as the Papists would Vide Ioseph l. 1. contra 〈◊〉 Hierom. epist ad Magnum * A pud Theod in Eccl. lust l. 5. c. 4. * At least Martinianus consented to marrie a maid called Maxima which you may do well to see Mr F. T. whether you will allow to Church-men or noâ—… though we heare you haue taken this libertie to your selfe whatsoeuer you are num 12. So cap. 1. huâ—us Alâ—â—ate not finding the vncertaine Epistle of Pope Iohn in some auncient copyes suspects the heretiques as he cals theÌ„ to haue raced it out In like sort Florimund Remund 〈◊〉 orig haeres part 1. shews himself very much offended with those of our Diuines that traÌ„slated Greek authors either historians or dogmatists c. * Numb 16. 3. a 1. Sam. 17. 28. b Brisson in Persicis Cic. in Pis Plut. And indeede Pope Nicholas argues so in gond earnest out of that place from Benedicitur to Mâ— lâ—dâ—â—ur Epist ad
Michael Impor Tom. 3. Com. Sur. Polydor. Virgil. Anglic. hist l. 21. in Hen 7. Cic. de siâ—â—b 5. Cap. 3. num 40. Qui dat esse c. 〈◊〉 Ser 4. in Apost Paul tom 8. Nemo benè vâ—dâ—â— nisi qui priùs 〈◊〉 exeundo Pauli Chrysost 1 2 I 1 Quia barbam caputque tinxerat iccirco remâ—… eum de coll egio â—udicum Pâ—ut in apothegâ— at Philip. De Rom. Pont. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c 28. The Pope an 〈…〉 4 II As the seruice of God is the truest libertie so the ministers regiment is but seruice Seneca Arist Rhetor. Cic. de orat 2. Ciâ—… saies of one Quod nonduÌ„ potestate poterat obâ—iâ—uâ—t authoritate So as power authority go not alway together though the Iesuit confound them The holy Ghost 〈◊〉 other prouinces as well as in Rome Numb 36. Carnel apud Euseb lib 6. histor c. 33. dâ—â—â—t Rome vnum 〈◊〉 Episcopum presby erot autem â—6 Vide Bâ—llâ—r de Rom Poâ—tâ—f lib. 2. c. 7. Can. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—… * Salisb Polycrat Vide Bernard de consid ad Eugen. l. 4. The words of Charles Brandon Earle of Suffolke that England neuer receiued any good by the Popes Legates Vide Sadolet Epist Cap. 7. p. 168. Can. 3. Sard. Concil 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non res 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ergò Rom. 12. 13. Leo Epist 87. ad Episcop Maucitaniae Greg. Regist l. 1. epist 82. Felicissimus Vincentius Contra Pelag. lib. vlt. Chrys in locum See the same phrase Cura scripturarum inâ—posita Epist 110. of the Bishops of Carth. Numidia that enioyned him to write a booke Which he did Basil epist 74. 32. * Yet Sozomene l. 3. hist c. 23. Paâ—lus Marcellus Asclepas Luâ—ius suas sedes recuperarunt quandoquideÌ„ ex literis Imperatoris facta est his potestas ad sua redeundi The Emperour â—ot Iulius saith he restored them Bellarm. de Rom. Pont. l. 1. c. 6. Assuerus Rex non erat subiectus sapientibus illis viâ—â—â— quorum faciebat cuncta consilio Hest 1. And yet that was consilium statum or permanentiae this lesse then so Nay there was to be consensut cuncta faciebat de illorum consilio here relatio at the most or noticiae but intimation 1. Tim. 3. * And long after that time Fulbert Carnoten I thought good to note it calls himselfe Dei gratiâ Episcopâ—â— Regis sui Robâ—… i. Bishop by the grace of God and the King Epist 4. quae ad ipsum Elias Cretens Theod. histor lib. 4. cap. 2. Tom. 1. Concil Ep. 1. Damas Theod. l. 5. c. 23. * So likewise Alexander Bishop of Alexandâ—… wrote to all Bishops wheresoeuer dâ—… warning thâ—m to râ—sâ—aine from tâ—e communion of 〈◊〉 Sozom lib. 1 c. 14. whiâ—h iâ— more then to define dogmatically Yet they will not allow him vniuersall 〈◊〉 * Sozom. l. 1. c. 1. Episiopt Nicaeni dignum 〈◊〉 dicauere Eustathâ—…m qui capesseret sedem Apostolicam Est vule dicere 〈◊〉 ex Beâ—…ensi Idem Sozom l. end e. 10 Alexandâ—…m quoque 〈◊〉 Ecclesiam Apostolâ—… accipit sub Maâ—… Alexandro Iterum apud eundem Sozom. lib. 4. c. â—4 Cyâ—lluâ— Apostoâ—… sedis antistes quia â—cil Episcopus Hiâ—rosolymâ—… Sidoâ— Epist 1. l. 6 de Lupo Post nouem decâ—â— sa quinqueâ—… 〈◊〉 Sede Apostolâ—â— Et paulò antè de codem Toâ—a Ecclesiae dei membra super 〈◊〉 Et Digâ—â— qâ—â— ab omnibus consulaâ—… Howbeit Bishop onely of 〈◊〉 in France Yet Bellar. most impudently l. 4. c. 8. de Not. Eccl. wil haue the whol Church of God to be called Apostolique onely because the succession from the Apostles neuer failed in the Church of Rome as he idly doates whereas in other he thinke it hath and so onely that Apostolique for â—ooth But besides that alreadie brought out of Sozomene and otherâ— Baronius checks him acknowledging more Churches then the Romane to be Apostolique See Tertull. de Praescript c. 36. Perâ—… Ecclesias Apostolicas apud quâ—… adhuc Cathe drâ—â— Apostolorum c. Lastly Euseb l. t. hist. c. 1. * I confess I was once of Aâ—… his mind but since I 〈◊〉 by perusal of more that this Epistle bad though it be yet iâ— like all the rest of Innocentiâ—sseâ— as to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to Aureliuâ— to Iohannes Hierosolym c. Neuer worse Secretarie I thinke or that kept 〈◊〉 * Bellar. de Pont Rom. lib. 1. c. 17. 〈◊〉 Quod autem Adomnia and per omnia differ Cic 2. de 〈◊〉 Deorum S. Hilarie professes of himselfe to doe so vt recens lectio collata responsis invitis etiam coÌ„tradicentibus sensum veritatis eliciat De Trin. lib 6. b Iudg. 9. a Adioynd num 3 He flieth to his common and sâ—…e shift All which I haue fully confuted to his shâ—… in the 1. Chap. where I haue deâ—lared how he abuseth SS August Ambrose Cyrill c. b As Menanders saying is That Hunter is short to him though his tale be neuer so long because he telles it well Chaerilus tedious in three words speaking c Num. 〈◊〉 Card. Origen in 6 ad Rom. Petro cum summa rerum de pascendus â—…bus traderetur â— To which the â—ish answer Summa rerum The chiefe pastorall charge was giuâ— to Peter but it was giuen others also Ex Origene ipso in Matth. 16. Tract 1. Adiovnd It is to be obserued that Origen in that Homilie followeth altogether an Allegoricall sense seeking to draw from thence some morall doctrine as Preachers vse to doe applieth the same not onely to all the Apostles as well as to Peter but also to all perfect Christians teaching that whosoeuer doth confesse Christ as Peter did he shall haue the same beatitude that Peter had and be a Raâ—ke as he was c. So also Nâ—m 〈◊〉 he applies the giuing of the Keyes as well to euery â—aâ—â—…ll Christian as Peter or the rest of the Apostles But then Num. 5. euery iust man and womâ—n should haue as much Ecclesâ—â—sticall power and Iurisdiction as Peter to bind loose ex â—ommunicate â— Then Num 〈◊〉 euery Priest as much as his Bishop Bishop as Metropolitan c. ouerthrowing thereby all subordination in the Church and confounding the Ecclesâ—â—sti all with the Seâ—ular the Laâ—â—â—e with the Clergie head with members shepheard with sheepe c. He quotes Trac vlâ— in Iohan. but all too wide Catholique Diuine in Answer to the Reports c c 8 sect 16. quotes out of Baldus that the Pope in some case may commit spirituall things to a meere lay-man And that de facto he gaue a noble Ladie leaue to take the communion out of her owne hands Vide Florim Raeâ—… de ortu haeres huius saeculi lib. 6. c. 19. sect 4. in Matth. 16. Tract 1. Hierm. ad Euag. Omnes Epâ—sâ—opi Apostoloâ—um successores sunt S. Cyprian puts theâ— both in one speaking thus De habitu Vâ—rg Petrus etiam cui oues suas dominus pâ—scendas 〈◊〉
in reductione ad fidem Tom. 3. Disp 1. Q. 11. punct 2. To confirme this argument We are to thinke that when Salomon censures the despisers of their Father and Mother Prov. 30. 17. he meanes the ciuill Magistrate by those names because he awards death and eradication to the offendor for the birds picke out the eves of none but carcasses which is somewhat too heauie for priuate faults and childrens errors though authoritie of Parents did stretch thither as with with vs it doth not Also that when S. Paul in the new Testament composes houses families so carefully componi◠〈◊〉 Iam solerti cura saies S. Austen contra Faust l. 5. 〈◊〉 9. which is euident to obserue in sundrie his Epistles he doth it as a well-willer to the good ordering of Common-wealths too and gouernments of State for the house is a little Kingdome and the whole Kingdome is but a great house c. As for his pressing the duties of Seruants to Masters whether carnall or converts that enforces for Supremacie euen of Infidell-Princes a great deale more à Potiori b Suarez would haue the very moment of time wherein he imagines that Christ was borne to be de fide Com. in Thom. c. The point now in hand about the Popes ptimacie and his succeeding of Peter in the gouernment of the Church what more de fide now a daies then that Yea to Bellarm. it is caput fidei Epist ad Blacuel Yet Canus acknowledges that quidam viri docti pij haue contradicted it And againe Quidam fideles malunt favere hareticorum opinionibus quà m Catholicorum about that point lib. 6. loc com cap. 7. Cardinall Contarene also lib. ad Nic Theupolum De Potestate Papae Non sunt veriti viri quidans in omni disciplinarum genere celebres ac in Christianae Theologiae studijs illustres in magno hominum conventu asserere ius hoc Pontificis humanum esse c. Great men and in a great assembly * Esa 18. c None but knowes the Popish Churches presumption in this kind which was not wont to be so The Church saith Vincentius Lerinensis cap. 32. does no more then make vt quod anteà simplicitor credebatur hoc idem posteà diligentius credatur c. Not new articles as the Adioynder would cap. 3. See cap. 1. Matth. 5. 18. Luk. 16. 17. The Supreame authoritie of Princes results out of euery part of the Catachisme 1 The Wisdome of his Father And In whome are all the treasures of wisdome Coloss 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Homil. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Pag. 160. Adde S. Prosperum de vita contemplat l. 2. c. 〈◊〉 Servi dominis it a deserviant vt voluntatem non dominorum solum sed etiam dei hoc ipsum iubentis efficiant Non ergò recte servitur si ingratijs servias Quod Papistarum dogmaest Rom. 12. 19. Vndè sequuntur illa divina Rom. 13. At one Yates his in Warwick shire Vita Camp per Turner Vide S. Cyprian ex eodem capite praeclarè argumentantem in eandem sententiam tum in Tract contra Demetrian pag 27â— 272. Gryphian tum p. 366. 367. 368. eiusd edit de Bono Patientiae 〈◊〉 Streight after birth he fled from Herod conspiring his destruction not resisted but fled which was another token of his submission And immediately afore death he acknowledged Pilates power to be giuen him from heauen Ioh. 19. All the parts all the acts of our Sauiours life and death were full of this practise full of Reuerence to Princes whom the Iesuites vnder value yea vndermine when they can Adioynd Num. 39. yet he repeats it againe sick of follies Num. 4â— and that twice together How can he approoue that men should be compelled to sâ—… vnto it when neuertheles by his owne confession it is no matter of faith Also soone after It is not to be ratified by solemn oath as if it were one of the Aâ—… of our Creede Adioynd Numb 39. Valen. Yom. 〈◊〉 initio ipso citans Setum Haelensem Gabriesé Vegam MedinaÌ„ c. super Polysemo fidei Can l. 12. Loc. Hebr. 11. 1. * Greg. l. 4 Dialic 1. 7. Sinefide sc humana satis tamen stab li nec infidelu vivit Et adducit exemplum de muliere praegnante atque in carcere enixa c. Quo eodem modo nos quoque de parentibus nostris credere diet pössumus fide quidem vel firmissima extrà revelationem tamen extrà que Scripturam Item de alijs qâ—à m multis quos nunquam novimus T is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Odyss * Rom. 14. 23. Both assertion promise in the oath of Allegi 〈◊〉 which admits not of credulities but is euery way of assurance stedfast resolution See Chap. 1. froÌ„ Sect. 6. c. Converte gladium in vaginam For it may be they will say it is de fide that he had a sword But the truth is that Peters sword had a scabberd Whereas S. Paul talkes of the Kings sword as alway naked neuer couchant Rom. 13. c. Tob. 6. 11. See Rom. 12. Eph. 5. item 〈◊〉 Coloss Tit. Timoth stuft with such like theoremes sanae doctrinae but yet not fidei So is solutio decimarum so pensitatio tributi and diuers more S. Paul himselfe enforcing Supremacie by this last Rom. 13. yet not as of faith but of godly moralitie For the Infidels did it as wel as the Christians To the Adioynd Numb 41. Luc. 3. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vide Comm. Ios Morâ—e Aâ—… in Sacerdâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Adioynd vbi priùs S Austen stil disputeâ— Moyses his Priesthood Resoluts not of it but in an equiuocall sense Bellarm. idem docet pâ—aeter locum ante citatuÌ„ l. 5. c. 9. de Pont. Rom. Moses fint summuâ— Princepâ— temperalis that is in effect King As for that he quotes out of Greg. Nazian Orat. ad Greg. Nyssen quoted also by Genebrard in Psal 98 that Moses was Principum princeps Sacerdotum sacerdos though Genebrard leaue out the Principum princeps which is most materiall and only insists vpon Cohen Hacconehim out of Aben Ezra I answer two waies that either the latter is but coincident to the former and by that to be interpreted two words and one thing or Sacerdos sacerdatum in regard of his Regall inspection and chiefe-dome which is the thing that we now attribute to Temporall Princes as Constantine is tearmed Episcopus Episcopâ—…um by Eusebius The pitifull suite of the Adioynder to the Reader I haue charged both the Bishops with euident abuse of this place of holy Scripture in diuers respects And therfore I beseech thee good Reader to take paines to review what I haue said there if thou dest not well remember it c. Epist 50. Item vide supra Cap. 1. Sect. 38. To the Adioynd Sect. 44. a Kings to remoue prophane Church-men is a matter of necessitie that is of dutie and brings aduantage not danger
to them b The Scripture is to determine this Controuersie c Reformation of Church-abuses will stand with the office of godly vertuous Princes without vsurpation of others right 2. Chron. 29. 5. d Godly Kings lay their commandement vpon Ecclesiasticall persons to doe the duties of their holy calling e Sic paulò post Cyrillus Ezechias recusavit templum ingredi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. f Cyrill like Dauids Psa 2. Et nuoc Reger intelligite The Adioynder saies Non nunc whatsoeuer they d. d of old as if grosser now then then g Kings Christian louing Chrill are called to the same worke of reforming their Clergie that Ezechias was h The Christian sacrifice is offred by Kings as well as Priests See Heb. 13. 1â— i Kings represse the slanders fastened vpon Christ by pernicious heretiques while they enioyne Bishops and Priests their duties k No dishonour to Kings to meddle in Church affairs but a tripple crowne of honour belongs to them therefore with God with men with Anâ—ets l Cyrill saies twice that the Emperour coÌ„â—… dâ—… Priests The Adioynders obiection answered m Petrut per abusum gladij sui ius eiusdem gladij non anusit Nec Caesar egitur SaÌ„der lib. 3. cap. 11. de clave David Adioynd Num. 43. * Vide Sòzom l. 1. c. 8. Vide patres suprà citatos ad longuÌ„ Car. 3. huius Sect. 11. c. p. 138. c. Quibus adde S. Prosperum lib. 1. de Vita Contemplativa cap. 25. Sacerdos Sanctus nihil gerat ex imperio c. Item Si infirmitates fratrum viventium carnaliter curare non polest verborum medicaminibus sastineat virtute patientiae So that a Minister may not goe vltrà verbum Vide cundem lib. codem cap. 21. complaining of the Clergie quòd perverso ordine non tam pascunt quà m pasci volunt à grege suo Et Vendicamus nobis dominationem tyrannicam in subiectos c. Item Tam à nobis nonnulli graviter fatigati depereunt quà m à potentibus huius mundi Ibid. The true effects of Popish insolencie * The Crocodile quotes the Bishop for it Id taÌ„tum audemus facere circà Invocationem scil Sanctorum c. a See in fine buâ—… ex Chrysan 13. ad Rom. Sed Cyrill sic nuperrimè Adioynd Num. 48. Cap. 10. S. Austens obseruation against mans industrie if God be away Ex 1. Sam. 17. Epist 48. ad Vincentium Quens multi ex ipsis nâ—… nobiscum c. Et Epist 167. ad Festum Not but that Pasce belongs to temporall Princes too is Piulus hath confessed and the Bishop conuinced Wide supra Cap. 1. Sect. 36. id est pag 32. c. To whome adde 〈◊〉 lib. 6. cap 3. acknowledging them to be capita heads of their people ex A nos 6 〈◊〉 King 15. A. lib. 4. cap. 2. He denies not but bare authoritie makes a member of the Church by which claime an infidelt King may challenge headship though the Adioynder storme at it Quà m diu aliquit Reipublicae minister est eiusque authoritate potestate fungitur tam diuillius pars dici potest debet Can. See S. Chrysost his words at the ende of this Chap. * Patres ipsi Niceni can 7. excusaÌ„t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 patrata Vide Can. 11. vbi excusant de temporibus Licinij Ezech. 19. 6. Patres 6. Synodi Epist ad Iustinian Imp. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Et Irenaeus apud Antonium in Melissa l. 2. orat 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sed Ambros Valentiniano iuniori apud Theodoret Hist lib. 5. c. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 suadet ⸫ Hugo etiam Cardin in 1. Ioh. 5. Spiritus est potentia saecularis Vim quidem haec Hugo afferens Textui non vni sed ne putent Pontificij Equos nostros esse CARNEM tantùm Adde Cornel. à Lap. Iesuit in 1. Tim. 3. Salimon fecit duas columnas in Templo quarum illa Iachin id est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 siue direction vt declararet alia imperium regum Israel circa regimen populi secundum pietatem puruÌ„que Dei cultum Altera vo abatur Bosz i. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Latine executio Quorum vtrumque Regibus ad divina necessarium Et fuit vtraque columna coronata Denique huc alludit Apostolus autumante Cornel verbis ijs Ecclesia est columna firmamentum veritatis c. Numb 47. 48. 49. Adioynd Num 50. A fable of the Adioynd that Q. Eliz. refused the title of Head and retained of Governresse As if they are not all one Neither was Governresse the title that she delighted in In the Records of the Kings Coll. in Cambr. I finde Q Marie styled Head of the Church c. So farre was Q. Eliz from reiecting it a Of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the Kings conusance in a Church-mans matters and those matters of the Church see Act. 25. 21. Item Psal 72. Domine da IUDICIUM tuum Regi Which Procopius quotes vpon Esa 49. in this sense b Epist ad Nicomedient Vide Gelas Cyzie Siquis Episcoporum tumâ—…tuatus fuerit ministri Dei hoc est mea executione illius coercehitur audacia c. Item Hieron in 49. Eta Reges Principes quicquid in pedibus Ecclesiae terreni operis adhaeserit suo sermone let the Adioynder chuse whether censorio or concionatorie but one of them it must be tergunt atque delingunt Where I would take sermo for Iuridicus processus as verbum it res or negatium to the Hebrewes But by this the King hath coerciue power ouer the Church Also Canutus King of this Iâ—and apud Iâ—gulphum f. 508 minatur Episcopis severissimam â—…m ni pareant mandatis suâ—… Cath Divine f. 146. c Epist 32. In Serenissimis Iussionibus suis Dominorum Pietas Et ego qui in Serenissimis Dominorum Iussionibus Adde quòd legem quamvis fibi displiceret de mandato tamen Imperatoris promulgavit c. lib. 2. epist 61. Indict 11. * Iustinian Nouell constitut 131. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Et paulò post 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But without Iustinian they are not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Visitation is restrained to Coactiva by the â—…ewing S. Austen grants Censure to Kings against stubborne heretiques in the externall Court Non enim poterat victor resistentes Regia censura contemnere c. Epist 167. ad Fest * Vbi nota quòd cum Bellarm. faciat potestatem coactivam inseparabilem à Iudice controversiarum De Interpret verb. Dei l. 3. c. 9 nos ante à probaverimus ad longum non esse vim coactivam nisi penes Civilem Magistratum omne iudicium controversiarum nullo modo restringendum est ad Clericos excluso Magistratu Civili The words of the Stat. That all authoritie of Iurisdiction is deriued and deduced from the Kings Maiestie c. And sometime iustly if the Priest be
male pert or erroneous Reuel 18. 4. Ferer Lusti antè citat Apud Gelas Cyzic in Act. Concil Nicen. a The Adioynd confuted by his owne allegation out of the Acts of Parlament See pag. 100. huius b Register of the Templats and Order of S. Iohn of Hierusalem quoted by M. IV Cambden in his Britannia Cornavijs c He that hath licence for doing incurres no fault at all but the breach eueÌ„ of humane laws vndispensed is a sinne in conscience by the Papists doctrin Adioynd Num. 54. 55. 2. Sam. 15. 17. Rom. 13. Tit. 3. 1. Pet. 2. * Adioynd vbi priùs d Sauls guard refuse to doe a wicked act at their masters commaundement yet the Guard was not exempt from Sauls authoritie neither will the Adioynder haue it so This disobedience therefore prooues not but Saul was King as well ouer the Priests as others e Exod. 1. f Dauid represents the Priesthood not onely the Kingdome g One Doeg many Doegs h Doeg a figure of Iudas a The sword rewardes no lesse then punishes b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In burro panno purpureus animuâ— as Calvin him selfe most excellently notes whome they slaunder notwithstanding as vnkind to Kings Instit l. 3 c. 19. Sect 9. c Dio alis d The happines of Kingdomes is in obedience to Kings without contradiction Gerson c. Adioynd Num. 62. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Quoniam percepimus Ecclesiae relligionis nostrae tranquillitatens c. Iuram Scot. Edit an 1581. quoted by the Adioynder Though this be somewhat auncient to prooue the iudgement of these times by especially for one that takes notice of the Bishops iust exception Dies diem docuit c. See Adioynd Num. 68. b Vide Chrysost in fine huius Quanquam loquitur it à Synodus sexta Constantinop in Epist Concilij ad Iustinian Imper. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Seiromaste c No more power then Defensiue yet Sanders saies the Sword is Avenger rather But these two numina Praemium Poena conteine the Church and consummate the Suprematie c Though S. Austen make heresies vicia carnis as the Apostle also doth Gal. 5. By how much more they shall belong to the Kings correction * Aug. Triumph p. 9. citat Chrys in Matth. in eandem sent d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Paulo ante ex Concil 6. e De Merit remiss pecc initio lib. * Papa potest condere novuÌ„ Symbolum novos articulos c. Triumph Ancon p. 310. f Nec auro Pyrrhe tuo nec elephantis Fabricius apud Plut. Adioynd Num. 63. g The Adioynder addes further here out of Beza as it seemes that Kings cannot be exempted from the diuine domination of the Presbyterie c. Forsooth nor from Confession vnder a shauen Priest with the Papists But who knows not that we haue banished the Presbyterie here in England or rather neuer receiued it not onely in extention as it reflects vpon Kings but not so much as in single essence And yet in France which was Bezaes owne countrey Rex causam dixit aliquando in iudicio si vera Bodinus Was hee not therfore supreame So here perhaps h Of the licking the dust of the Churches feet see S. Hierome before pag. 519. It imports small subiection superioritie rather And yet here the Church doth not signifie the Clergie yea as some thinke it is no where so taken at all in Scripture Lastly if it were yee the word Church is not once named by the Prophet Esay but he directs his speech to them that are of the Church the beleeuers in generall Gen. 41. 43. Adioynd vbi priùs Bonavent in 4. Sentent Dist 18. quaest 3. Resp ad vltimum Sed praecipuè August de parcendo multitudini ne eradicetur triticum Totis tract contrà Donatist T. 7. Denique Epist Leodiens Apologet. ann 1106. apud Schard Pro M. Celio Paral. p. 383. and 384. * Which Flor. Rem saies he may call the Talmud or Alcoran of heretiques Franciscus Horantius saies he wrote it by the instinct not of man but some foule spirit c. Both shewing in what account they haue the worke though they abliorre from his opinion * Flor. Rem de Origine haeres l. 7. c. 10. Sect. 1. Calvinus in conclavi quodam Engolismae apud Tilium plus quatuor millibus librotum tum manuscriptorum tum typis excusoruÌ„ instructo ita se continuit triennio vt vel intimi amicorum aegrè ad ipsum admitterentur c. What maruell when Tullie saies de Arusp Resp led by the light of nature Nihil praclarius quà m eosdem relligionibus decrum immortalium summe Repub. praeesse voluisse maiores nostros Sub init Orat. Prefat lib. de clave David Acberat cum Constantinum delegantem Melciadi cum alijs Episcopis causam Caecilij Donati caput Ecclesiae vocat donat cum titulum homini non Christiano here Nondum enim baptizatus cum suit Constantinus vt patet ex Euseb alijsque Christianus verò esse non potest qui ChristuÌ„ quando potest per baptismum non induit Eia Pergite in maledicta Quid mirum iam si Rex Iacabus non Christianus Bellarmino quamvis baptizatus In the rest of the words that the Adioynder quotes out of Bishop Barlowe Sermon it seemes he saies that the Puritanes allow the King to be onely an honourable member of the Church And yet the Adioynder would perswade vs but a little before that the Papists goe as farre as the Puritanes about the Supremicie c. Whereas his owne argument is here against certaine Kings No members Therefore no heads But the Puritans acknowledge their King a member in the very words that he citeth out of B. Barlow and an honourable member that is happily Supreame He contradicts himselfe therefore As for their denying him to be Gouernour though it appeare not in their words yet either their meaning is he is not to gouerne after his owne lust and fancie against the booke of God put into his hands or Bishop Barlow describes the Puritans by their old Problemes which they disclaime daily as the Bishop of Ely exceeding well notes Though not so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by reuerence and humilitie but at another time Episcopus Episcoporum And Ego Episcopus sum etiam extrà Ecclesiaâ—â— i. vbique * And this is euen the worst that can be boulted out of those wordes of the B. so spightfully insisted vpon by the Adioynd Numb 67. that the Kings gouernment of the Church is externall so farre forth as it requires and admitteth and authoritie For so farre he is from extenuating the Kings Supremacie therby that his meaning is We are to looke for as much helpe and aid froÌ„ him and consequently to acknowledge as much authoritie in him as is humans that is incident to the power or place of any man whatsoeuer and therefore Supreame without question in his Kingdome Though he denies not but