them which being agreed on by the Clâ—rgie and by them presented to the King humbly requiring him to give his royal asâ—ent unto them according to the Statute made in the 25 of K. H. 8 and by his Majesties Prerogative and Supream authority in Ecclesiastical causes to ratifie and confirm the same his Majesty was graciously pleased to confirm and ratifie them by his Letters Patents for himself his heirs and lawfull successours straightly commanding and requiring all his loving Subjâ—cts diligâ—ntly to observe execute and keep the same in all points wherein they do or may concern all or any of them No running to the Parliament to confirm these Canons nor any question made till this present by temperate and knowing men that there wanted any act for their confirmation which the law could give them 7. An Answer to the main Objections of either Party BUt against this all which hath been said before it will be objected â—hat being the Bishops of the Church are fully and wholly Parliamentarian and have no more authority and jurisdiction nisi a Parliamentis derivatum but that which is conâ—erred upon them by the power of Parliamâ—nts as both Sanders and Schultingius do expresly say whatsoever they shall do oâ— conclude upon either in Convocation or in more private conferences may be called Pâ—rliâ—menâ—arian also And this last calumny they build on the sevâ—ral Stâ—tutes 24. H 8. c. 12. touching the manner of eâ—ecting and consecrating Arch-Bishops and Bishops that of the 1 E. 6. c. 2. appointing how they shall be chosen and what seaâ—s they shaâ—l uâ—e thâ—se of 3 and 4 Ed. 6. c. 12. 5 6. E. 6. â—or authorizing of the book of Ordination But châ—â—fly that of the 8 Eliz. c. 1. for making good all Acts since 1 Eliz. in coâ—sâ—crating any Arch Bishop or Bishop within this Reaâ—m â—o give a general answer to each several cavil you may please to know that the Bishops as they now stand in the Church of England derive their calling together with their authority and power in Spiritual matâ—ers from no other hands then those of Christ and his Apostles their Temporal honors and posâ—â—â—â—ions from the bounty and affection onely of our Kings Princes their Ecclesiastical juriâ—diction in caâ—ses Matrimonial Testamentary and the like for which no action lieth at the common Law from continuall usage and prescription and ratified and continued unto them in the Magna Charta of this Realm and 〈◊〉 more unto the Parliament than all sort of subjects do besidâ—s whose fortunes and estates have been occasionally and collaterally confirmed in Parliament And as for the particular Statutes which are touched upon that of the 24 H. 8. doâ—h only constitute and ordain a way by which they might be chose and conâ—ecrated without recourse to Rome for a conâ—irmation which formerly had put the Prâ—lates to great charge and trouble but for the form and maâ—ner of their consecration the Staâ—uâ—e leaves it to those Rites and Ceremonies wherewith before it was perfoâ—â—ed and therefore Sanders doth not stick to affirm that all the Bishops which were made in King Henries days were lawfully and Canonically ordained and consâ—crated the Bishops of that time not onâ—ly being acknowledged in Queen Maries days for lawfull and Canonical Bishops but called on to assist at the consecration of such other Bishops Carâ—inal Pool himself for one as were promoted in her Reign whereof see Masons book de Minist. Ang. l. c. 〈◊〉 Next for the Statute 1 E. 6. cap. 2. besides that it is satisfied in part by the former Answer as it relates to their Canonâ—cal Consecrations it was repeaeld to Tâ—rminis in the first of Queene Maries Reigne and never stood in â—orce nor practise to this day That of the authorizing of the booke of Ordination in two severall Parliaments of that King the one a parte ante and the other a parte post as before I told you mâ—ght indeed seeme somewhat to the purpose if any thing were wanâ—ing in it which had beene used iâ— the formula's of the Primitive times or if the book had beâ—n composed in Paâ—liament or by Parliament men or otherwise received more authority from them then that iâ— might be lawfully used and exercâ—sed thâ—oughouâ— the Kingdome But it is plâ—in that none of these things were oâ—jected 〈◊〉 Queen Maries dayâ—â— when the Pâ—pists stood mâ—st upon their points 〈◊〉 Ordinal being not â—aâ—led in because it had too much of the Parliament buâ— becauâ—e it had too lâ—ttle of the Pope and reâ—shâ—d too strongly of the Pâ—imitive piety And for the Sâ—atute oâ— 8 of Qu. Elizâ—beth which is chiefly stood on all that was done therein was no more then thiâ— and on this occasion A question had been mâ—de by captiouâ— and unquiet men and amongst the rest by Doctor Bâ—nner sometimes Bishop of London whether the Bishops of those times were lawâ—ully ordained or not the reason of the doubâ— being this which I marvell Mason did not sâ—e because the â—ook of Ordination which was annulled and abâ—ogated in the 〈◊〉 of Queen Mary had not been yet restored and revived by any legal Act oâ— Qu. Elizabeths time which Cauâ—e being brought before the Pâ—rliamenâ— in the 8 year of her Reign thâ—Pâ—rliâ—ment took notice first that their not restoring of thaâ— booke 〈…〉 foâ—mer power in terâ—s significant and expresse was but 〈…〉 and then declare that by the Stature 5 and 6 E. 6. it had been 〈◊〉 to the book of Common-prâ—yer and Administration of the Sacramâ—nss as a member of it at least as an Appâ—â—dant to it and therefore by the Staâ—uâ—e 1 Eliz. c. â— was restored again together with the sâ—id boo◠〈◊〉 Common-prayer intentionally at the least if not in Terminis But 〈…〉 words in the said Statute were not clear enough to remove all doubâ—s they therefore did revive now and did accordingly enact That whatsoâ—veâ— had been done by vertue of that Ordination should be good in Law 〈…〉 the total of the Statute and this shews rather in my judgement thaâ— the Bishops of the Queens first times had too little of the Parliament in them then that they were conceived to have had too much And so I come to your laâ—t Objection which concerns the Parliament whose entertaining all occasions to manifest their power in Ecclesiasticall matâ—â—â—â— doth seeme to you to make that groundlesse slâ—nder of the Pâ—pists the more fair and plaâ—sible 'T is true indeed that many Members of both Houses in these latter Times have been â—een very ready to embrace all businesses which are offered to them out of a probable hope of drawing the managery of all Affairs as well Ecclesiastical as Civil into their own hands And some there are who being they cannot hope to have their fancies authorized in a regular way do put them upon such designs as neither can consist with the nature of Parliaments nor the authority of the King nor with the priviledges of the Clergy nor to say truth with
Ecclesiastical matters especially in constituting the new Assembly oâ— Divines and others And finally that you were heartily ashamed that being so often choaked with these Objections you neither knew how to traverse the Indictment nor plead Not guilty to the Bill Some other doubts you said you had relating to the King the Pope and the Protestant Churches either too little or too much look'd after in our Reformation but you were loth to trouble me with too much at once And thereupon you did intreat me to bethink my self of some â—it Plaster for the Sore which did oft afflict you religiously affirming that your desires proceeded not from curiosity or an itch of knowledge or out of any disaffection to the Power of Parliaments but meâ—rly from an honest zeal to the Church of England whose credit and prosperity you did far prefer before your life or whaâ—soever in this world could be dear unto you Adding withall that if I would take this pains for your satisfaction and help you out of these perplexities which you were involved in I should not only do good service to the Church it self but to many a wavering member of it whom these objections had much staggered in their Resolutions In fine that you desired also to be inâ—ormed how far the Parliaments had been interessed in these alterations of Religion which hapned in the Reignâ— of K. Hen. the 8. K. Edw. the 6. and Qâ—een Elizabeth what ground there was for all all this clamour of the Papists and whether the Houses or either of them have exercised of old any such Authority in matters of Ecclesiastical or Spiritual nature as some of late have ascribed unto them Which though it be a dangerous and invidious subject as the times now are yet for your sake and for the Truths and for the honour of Parliaments which seem to suffer much in that Popish calumny I shall undertake it premising first that I intend not to say any thing to the point of Right whether or not the Parliament may lawfully meddle in such matters as concern Religion but shall apply my self wholly unto matters of Fact aâ— they relate unto the Reformation here by Law established And for my method in this businesse I shall first lay down by way of preamble the form of calling of the Câ—nvocation of the Clergy here in England that we may see by what Authority they proceed in their Constitutions and then declare what was acted by the Clergy in that Reformation In which I shall begin with the ejection of the Pope and setling the Supremacy in the Crown Imperial of this Realm descending next to the Translation of the Scriptures into the English Tongue the Reformation of the Church in Doctrinals and Formes of Worship and to proceed unto the Power of making Canons for the well ordering of the Clergy and the direction of the people in the Exercise of their Religion concluding with an Anâ—wer to all such Objections by what party soever they be made as are most mateâ—ial And in the canvassing of these points I doubt not but it will appear unto you that till these late busie and unfortunate Times in which every man intrudeth on the Priestly Function the Parliaments did nothing at all either in making Canons or in matters Doctrinall or in Translation of the Scriptures next that that litâ—le which they did in reference to the Formes and Times of Worship was no more then the inflicting of some Temporal or legal penalties on such as did neglect the one or not conform unto the other having been first digested and agreed upon in the Clergy way and finally that those Kings and Princes before remembred by whose Authority the Parliaments did that little in those Formes and Times did not act any thing in that kinde themselves but what was warranted unto them by the word of God and the example of such godly and religious Emperors and other Christian Kings and Princes as flourished in the happiest times of Christianity This is the sum of my design which I shall follow in the order before laid down assuring you that when you shall acquaint me with your other scruples I will endevour what I can for your satisfaction 1. Of calling or assembling the Convocation of the Clergy and the Authority thereof when conveen'd together ANd in this we are first to know that anciently the Archbishop of the several Provinces of Canterbury and York were vested with a power of Convocating the Clergy of their several and respective Provinces when and as often as they thought it necessary for the Churches peace And of this power they did make use upon all extraordinary and emergent cases either as Metropoliâ—ans and Primates in their several Provinces or as Legati nati to the Popes of Rome but ordinarily and of common course especially after the first passing of the Acts or Statutes of Praemuniri they did râ—strain that power to the good pleasure of the Kings under whom they lived and used it not but as the necessities and occasions of these Kings or the distresses of the Church did require it of them and when it was required of them the Writ or Prâ—cept of the King was in this form following Râ—x c. Reverendissimo in Christo Patri N. Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo totius Angliae Primati Aâ—ostolicae sedis Lâ—gato salutem Quibusdam arduis urgentibus negotiis dâ—fâ—nsionem securitatem Eccleâ—ae Anglicanae ac pacem tranquillitatem â—onum publiâ—um defensionem Regni nostri subditorum nostrorum ejusdâ— m concernentibus Vobis in Fide dilectione quibus nobis tenemini rogando mandamus quatenus praemissis debito intuitu attentis ponderatis universos singulâ—s Episcopos vestrae Provinciae ac Decanos Priores 〈…〉 non exemptos nec non Archidiaconos Conventus Capitula Collegia totumque Clerum â—ujuslibet Dioceseos ejusdem Provinciae ad câ—nveniendum coram vobis in Ecclesia Sancti Pauli London vel alibi prout melius expedire videritis cumomni celeritate accommoda modo debito Convocari faciatis Ad tractandum consentiendum concludâ—ndum super praemissis aliis quae sibi clarius proponentur tunc ibidem ex parte nostra Et hoc siâ—ut nos statum Regni nostri ac honorem utilitatem Ecclesiae praedictae diligitis nullatenus omittatis Teste meipso c. These are the very words oâ— the antient Writs and are still retained in these of later Times but that the Tiâ—le of Legatus sedis Apostâ—licae then used in the Archbishops stile was laid aside together with the Pope himself and that there is no mention in them of Abbots Priors and Convenâ—s as being now not extant in the Church of England And in this Writ you may observe first that the calling of the Bishops and Clergy of the Province of Canterbury to a Synodical Assembly belonged to the Arch bishop of that Province only the
they acted absolutely in their Convocations of their own Authority the Kingâ— Assent neither concurring nor required and by this sole Authority which they had in themselves they did not only make Canons declare Heresie convict and censure persons suspected of Heresie in which the subjects of all sorts whose Votes were tacitely included in the suffrages of their Pastors spiâ—itual Fathers were concerned alike But also to conclude the Clergy whom they represented in the point of Property imposing on them what they pleased and levying it by Canons of their own enacting And they enjoyed this power to the very day in which they tendred the submission which before we spake of For by this self-authority if I may so call it they imposed and levied that great Subsidie of 120000 l. an infinite sum as the Standard of the Times then was granted unto King Henry the 8. anno 1530. to free them from the fear and danger of the Praemuniâ—i By this Benefit of the Chapter called Similiter in the old Provincial extended formerly to the University of Oxon only was made communicable the same year unto Cambridge also By this Crome Latimer Bilney and divers others were in the year next following impeached of Heresie By this the Will and Testament of William Tracie of Toddington was condemned as scandalous and heretical and his body taken up and burnt not many daies before the passing of the Act of Submission anno 1532. But this power being thought too great or inconsistent at least with the Kings Design touching his divorce the Clergy were reduced unto such a straight by the degrees and steps which you find in the following Section as to submit their power unto that of the King and to promise in verbo sacerdotii that they would do and enact nothing in their Convocations without his consent And to the gaining of this point he was pressed the rather in regard of a Remonstrance then presented to Him by the House of Commons in which they shewed themselves aggrieved that the Clergy of this Realm should act Authoritatively and supremely in the Convocations and they in Parliament do nothing but as it was confirmed and ratified by the Royal Assent Which notwithstanding though this Submission brought down the Convocation to the same Level with the Houses of Parliament yet being made unto the King in his single person and not as in conjunction with his Houses of Parliament it neither brought the Convocation under the command of Parliaments nor rendred them obnoxious to the power thereof That which they did in former times of their self-authority in matters which concerned the Church without the Kings consent co-operating and concurring with them the same they did and might do in the Times succeeding the Kings Authority and Consent being superadded without the help and midwifery of an Act of Parliament though sometimes that Authority was made use of also for binding of the subject under Temporal and Legal penalties to yeeld obedience and conformity to the Churches Orders Which being the true state of the present businesse it makes the clamour of the Papists the more unreasonable but then withall it makes it the more easily answered Temporal punishments inflicted on the refractory and disobedient in â—Temporal Court may adde some strength unto the Decrees and Constitutions of the Church but they take none from it Or if they did the Religion of the Church of Rome the whole Mass of Popery as it was received and setled hâ—â—e in Qu. Marios Reign would have a sorâ—y câ—utch â—o stand upon and might as justly bear the name of a Parliament Faith as the reformed Religion of the Church of England It is true indeed that had those Convocations which were active in that Reformation being either call'd or summoned by the King in Parliament or by the Houses separately or 〈◊〉 without the King or had the Members of the same been nominated and impoâ—â—ered by the Hous alone and intermixt with a considerable number of the Lordâ— and Commons which being by the way the Case of this New Assembly I do not see how any thing which they agree on 〈…〉 the Clergy otherwise then imposed by a strong hand and against their priviledgeâ— Or finally had the conclusions or results thereof been oâ— no effect but as reported to 〈◊〉 confirmed in Parliament the Papists might have had some ground for so gross a câ—uâ—nny in calling the Religion which is now est bâ—ithâ—d by the name of a Parliament Religion and a Parliament Gâ—spel But so it is not in the Câ—se which is now before us the said â—ubmissiâ—n notwithstâ—nding For being the Convocation is still called by the same Authority as before it was the Members of that Body 〈◊〉 stilâ— the sâ—me priviledge with the same freedom of debate and determination and which is more the Pâ—ocurdtors of the Clergy invested with the same power and trust which before they had there was no alteration made by the said 〈◊〉 in the whole constitution and composure of it but onely the addition of a greater and more excellent power Nor was there any thing done here in that Reformation but either by the Clergy in their Convocations and in their Convocations rightly câ—lled and canonically constituted or with the councel and advice oâ— the Heads thereof in more private conferences the Parliaments of these Times contributing very little towards iâ— but acquieâ—cing in the Wiâ—dome of the Sovereign Prince and in the piety and zeal of the Ghostly Fathers This is the Ground work or Foundâ—â—ion of the following building It is now time I should proceed to the Superstructures beginning first with the Election of the Pope and vesting the Supremacie in the Regal Crown 2 Of the Ejection of the Pope and vesting the Supremacy in the Regall Crown ANd first beginning with the Ejection of the Pope and his Authority that led the way unto the Reformation of Religion which did after follow It was first voted and decreed in the Convocation before ever it became the subject of an Act of Parliament For in the Year 1530. 22 Hen. 8. the Clergy being caught in a premunire were willing to redeeâ— their danger by a sum of money and to that end the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury bestowed upon the King the sum of 100000 lâ— to be paid by equal portions in the same Year following but the King would not so be satisfied unless they would acknowledge him for the supream Head on earth for the Church of England which though it was hard meat and would not easily down amongst them yet it passed at last For being throughly debated in a Synodical way both in the upper and lower Houses of Convocation they did in fine agree upon this expression Cujus Ecclesiâ—e 〈…〉 To this they al consented and subscribed their hands and afterwards incorporated it into the publike Act or Instrument which was presented to the King in the Name of his Clergy for the redeeming of their errour and the grant
whatsoever Unlesse he meanes upon the post-fact after the Church hath done her part in determining what was true what false what new what ancient and finally what Doctrines might be counted counterfeit and what sincere And as for Law 't is true indeed that by the Statute 1 Eliz. cap. 1. The Court of Parliament hath power to determine and judge of Heresie which at first sight seems somewhat strange but on the second view you will easily finde that this relates onely to new and emergent Heresies not formerly declared for such in any of the first four General Councels nor in any other General Councel adjudging by express words of holy Scripture as also that in such new Heresies the following words restrain this power to the Assent of the Clergy in their Convocation as being best able to instruct the Parliament what they are to do and where they are to make use of the secular sword for cutting off a desperate Hâ—retick from the Church of CHRIST or rather from the body of all Christian people 5 Of the Reformation of the church of England in the Formes of Worship and the Times appointed thereunto THis rub removed we now proceed unto a view of such Formes of Worship as have been setled in this Church since the first dawning of the day of Reformation in which our Parliaments have indeed done somewhat though it be not much The first point which was altered in the publike Liturgies was that the Creed the Pater-â—â—ster and the Ten Commandements were ordered to be said in the English Tongue to the intent the people might be perfect in them and learn them without book as our phrase is The next the setting forth and using of the English Letany on such dayes and times in which it was accustomably to be read as a part of the service But neither of these two was done by Parliament nay to say truth the Parliament did nothing in them All which was done in either of them was onely by the Kings Authority by vertue of the Headship or Supremacy which by way of recognition was vested in him by the Clergy either co-operating and concurring with them in their Convocations or else directed and assisted by such learned Prelates with whom he did advise in matters which concerned the Church and did relate to Reformation By vertue of which Headship or Supremacy he ordained the first and to that end caused certain Articles or Injunctions to be published by the Lord Cromwel then his Vicar General Anno 1536. And by the same did he give order for the second I mean for the saying of the Letany in the English Tongue by his own Royal Proclamation Anno 1545. For which consult the Acts and Monuments fol. 1248 1312. But these were only preparations to a greater work which was reserved unto the times of K. Edw. 6. In the beginning of whose Reign there passed a statute for the administring the Sacrament in both kindes to any person that should devoutly and humbly desire the same 1. E. 6. c. 1. In which it is to be observed that though the statute do declare that the ministring of the same in both kinds to the people was more agreeable to the first Iâ—stitution of the said Sacrament and to the common usage of the primitive Times Yet Mr. Fâ—x assures us and we may take his word that they did build that Declaration and consequently the Act which was raised upon it upon the judgment and opinion of the best learned men whose resolution and advice they followed in it fol. 1489. And for the Form by which the said most blessed Sacrament was to be delivered to the common people it was commended to the care of the most grave and learned Bishops and others assembled by the King at His Câ—stle of Windsor who upon long wise learned and deliberate advice did finally agree saith Fox upon one godly and uniform Order for receiving of the same according to the right rule of Scriptures and the first use of the primitive Church fol. 1491. Which Order as it was set forth in print Anno 1548. with a Proclamation in the name of the King to give authority thereunto amongst the people so was it recommended by especial Letters 〈◊〉 unto every Bishop severally from the Lords of the Councel to see the same put in execution A copy of which Letters you may finde in Fox fol. 1491. as afore is said Hitherto nothing done by Parliament in the Formes of Worship but in the following year there was For the Protector and the rest of the Kings Councel being fully bent for a Reformation thought it expedient that one uniform quiet and godly Order should be had thoroughout the Realm for Officiating Gods divine Service And to that end I use the words of the Act it self appointed the Archbishop of Canterbury and certain of the most learned and discreet Bishops and other learned men of the Realm to meet together requiring them that having aswel eye and respect to the most pure and sincere Christian Religion taught in Scriptures as to the usages in the Primitive Church they should draw and make one convenient and meet Oâ—der â—ite and fashion of Common Prayer and Administration of Sacraments to be had and used in this his Majesties Realm of England Well what did they being thus assembled that the Statute tels us Where it is said that by the aid of the Holy Ghost I pray you mark this well and with one uniform agreement they did conclude upon and set forth an Order which they delivered to the Kings Higness in a Book entituled The Book of Common Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments and other â—ites and Ceremonies of the Church after the use of the Church of England All this was done before the Parliament did any thing But what was done by them at last Why first considering the most godly travail of the Kings Highness and the Lord Protector and others of his Highness Councel in gathering together the said B. and learned men Secondly the Godly prayers Orders Rites and Ceremonies in the said Book mentioned Thirdly the motives and inducements which inclined the aforesaid learned men to alter those things which were altered and to retain those things which were retained And finally taking into consideration the honour of God and the great quietness which by the grace of God would ensue upon it they gave his Majesty most hearty and lowely thanks for the same and most humbly prayed him that it might be ordained by his Majesty with the assent of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament and by authority of the same that the said Form of Common-prayer and another after the Feast of Pentecost next following should be used in all his Majesties Dominions with several penalties to such as either should deprave or neglect the same 2. and 3. E. 6. cap. 1. So farre the very words of the Act it self By which it evidently appeareth that the two Houses of Parliament did nothing
in the present business but impose that Form upon the people which by the learned religious Clergy-men whom the K. appointed thereunto was agreed upon and made it penal unto such as either should deprave the same or neglect to use it And thus doth Poulton no mean Lawyer understand the Statute who therfore gives no other title to it in his Abridgement published in the year 1612 than this The penalty for not using uniformity of Service and Ministration of the Sacrament So then the making of one uniform Order of celebrating divine Service was the work of the Clergy the making of the Penalties was the work of the Parliament Where let me tell you by the way that the men who were employed in this weighty business whose names deserve to be continued in perpetual memory were Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury George Day Bishop of Chichester Thomas Goodrich B. of Ely and Lord Chancellour Iohn Ship Bishop of Hereford Henry Holbâ—rt Bishop of Lincoln Nicholâ—s Ridley Bishop of Rochester translated afterwards to London Thomas Thirleby B. of Westminster Doctor May Dâ—an of S. Pauls Dr Taylor then Dean afterwards Bp of Lincoln Dr Haines Dean of Exeter Dr Robertson afterwards Dean of Durham Dr Redman Master of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge and Dr Coke then Alâ—ner to the King afterward Dean of Westminster and at last Bp of Ely men famous in their generations and the honour of the Age they lived in And so much for the first Liturgy of King Edwards Reign in which you see how little was done by authority or power of Parliament so little that if it had been less it had been just nothing But some exceptions being taken against the Liturgy by some of the preciser sort at home and by Calvin abroad the book was brought under a review and though it had been framed at first if the Parliament which said so erred not by the â—yd of the Holy Ghost himself yet to comply with the curiosity of the Ministers and mistakes of the people rather then for any other weighty cause As the Statute 5 and 6 Ed. 6. cap. 1. it was thought expedient by the King with the assent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled that the said Order of Common Service should be faithfully and godly perused explained and made fully perfect Perused and explained by whom Why questionless by those who made it or else by those if they were not the same men who were appointed by the King to draw up and compose a Form of Ordination for the use of the Church And this Assent of theirs for it was no more was the onely part that was ever acted by the Parliament in matter of this present nature save that a Statute passed in the former Parliament 3 and 4 Ed. 6. c. 12. unto this effect that such form and manner of making and consecrating Archb. Bi-shops Priests Deacons and other Ministers of the Church which before I spake of as by sixe Prelates and sixe other men of this Realm learned in Gods lawes by the King to be appointed and assigned shall be devised to that purpose and set forth under the great Seal shall be lawfully used and exercised and none other Where note that the King onely was to nominate and appoint the men the Bishops and other learned men were to make the Book and that the Parliament in a blinde obedience or at the least upon a charitable confidence in the integrity of the men so nominated did confirm that Book before any of their Members had ever seen it though afterwards indeed in the following Parliament this Book together with the book of Common-prayer so printed and explained obtained a more formal confirmation as to the use thereof throughout the Kingdom but in no other respect for which see the Statute 5 and 6 Ed. 6. c. 1. As for the time of Qu. Elizabeth when the Common prayer book now in use being the same almost with the last of King Edward was to be brought again into the Church from whence it was cast out in Queen Maries Reign it was commited to the care of some learned men that is to say to M Whitehead once Chaplain to Queen Anne Bullen Dr Parker after Archbishop of Canterbury Dr Grindal after bishop of London Dr Cox after Bishop of Ely Dr Pilkington after Bishop of Durham Dr May Dean of Saint Pauls Dr Bill Provost of Eaton after Dean of Westminster and Sr Tho Smith By whom being altered in some few passages which the Statute points to 1 Eliz. c. 21. it was presented to the Parliament and by the Parliament received and established without more 〈…〉 troubling any Committee of both or â—ither Houses to consider of it for ought appears in their Records All that the Parliament did in it being to put it into the condition in which it stood before in King Edwards Reign partly by repealing the Repeal of King Edw. Statuteâ— made in the first of Q. Mary c. 2. and partly by the adding of some farther penalties on such as did deprave the book or neglect to use it or wilfully did absent themselves from their Parish-Churches And for the Alterations made in King Iames his time bâ—ing small in the Rubrick onely and for the additions of the Thanksgivings at the end of the Letany the Prayer for the Queen and the Royal Issue and the Doctrine of the Sacraments at the end of the Catechisiâ—e which were not in the book before they were never referred unto the Parliament but were done onely by aâ—thority of the Kings Commission and stand in force by vertue onely of His Proclamation which you may finde before the book the charge of buying the said book so explained and altered being laid upon the several and respective Parishes by no other Authority than that of the eightieth Canon made in Convocation Anno 1603. The like may also be affirmed of the Foâ—mes of prayer for the Inauguration day of our Kings and Queens the Prayer-books for the fifth of November and the fifth of August and those which have been used in all publike Fasts All which without the help of Paâ—liaments have been composed by the Bishops and imposed by the King Now unto this discourse of the Forms of Worship I shall subjoyn a word or two of the times of Worship that is to say the Holy dayes observed in the Church of England and so observed that they do owe that observation chiefly to the Church â— power For whereas it was found in the former times that the number â—f the holy dayes was grown so great that they became a burthen to the common people and a great hinderance to the thrist and manufactures of the Kingdom there was a Canon made in the Convocation An. 1536. for cutting off of many superstitious and supeâ—fluous Holy dayes and the reducing them into the number in which they now stâ—nd save that St Gâ—orge's day and Maâ—y Magdalens day and all the Festivals of the blessed Virgin
had their place amongst them according to which Canâ—n there went out a Mâ—nitory from the Aâ—chbp of Caâ—terbury to all the Suffragâ—ns of hiâ— Pâ—ovince 〈…〉 which is still extant on Record But being the authority of the Church was then in the wane it was thought necessary to confirm their Acts and see execution done upon it by the Kings Injunction which did accordinâ—ly come forth with this Form or preamble That the abolishing of the said holy dayes was decreed ordained and established by the Kings Highness Authority as supâ—eam Head in earth of the Church of England with the common consent and assent of the Prelates and Clergy of this â—is Realm in Convâ—cation lawfully assembled and congregate Of which see Foxe his Acts and Mâ—numents fol. 1246 1247. Afterwards in the year 1541 the King perceiving with what difficulty the people were induced to leave off those Holy days to which they had been so long acâ—ustomed published his Proclamation of the twenty third of Iuly for the abolishing of such Holy days amongst other things as were prohibited before by his Injunctions both built upon the same foundation namely the resolution of the Clergy in their Convocation And so it stood until the Reign of King E. 6. at which time the Reformation of the publick Liturgie drew after it by consequence an alteration in the present businesse no days being to be kept or accounted holy but those for which the Church had set apart a peculiar office and not all those neither For whereas there are several and peculiar offices for the day of the Conversion of Saint Paul and the day of Saint Barnabas the Apostles neither of these are kept as holy days nor reckoned or esteemed as such in the Act of Parliament wherein the names and number of the holy days is precisely specified which makes some think the Act of Parliament to have had an over-ruling power on the Common prayer Book but it is not so there being a specification of the holy days in the book it self with this direction These to be â—bsâ—rved for Holâ— days and nonâ— other in which the Feasts of the Conversion of St Paul and the Apostle Barnabas are omittâ—d plainly and upon which specification the Stat. 5 6 Ed. 6. cap. 3. which concerns the holy days seems most expresly to be built And for the Offâ—ces on thoâ—e days in the Common-prayer Booke you may pleaâ—e to know that every holy day consisteth of two special parts that is to say râ—st or cessatiâ—n from bodily labour and celebration of Diâ—ine or Relâ—gious duâ—ies and that the dayâ—s before remembred aâ—e so far kept holy as to have sâ—ill their proper and peculiar Offâ—ces which is observed in all the Cathedrals of this Kingdome and the Chappels Royall where the Service is read every day and in most Parish Churches also as oft as either of them falls upon a Sunday though the people be not in those days injoined to rest from bodily labour no more then on the Coronation day or the fiâ—th of November which yet are reckoned by the people for a kind of holy days Put all which hath been said together and the â—umme is this That the proceedings of this Church in the Reformation were not meerly Regall as it is objected by some Puritans much lesâ—e that they were Parliamentarian in so great a woâ—k as the Papists falsly charge upon us the Parliaments for the most part doing liâ—tle in it but that they were directed in a justifiable way the work being done Synodically by the Clergy onely according to the usage of the Primiâ—iveâ—imes the King concurring with them and corroborating what they had â—esolved on either by his own single Act in his letters Paâ—ent Proclamations and Iâ—junctions or by some publick Act of State as in 〈◊〉 and by Acts of Parliament 6. Of the power of making Canons for the well ordering of the Clergy and the directing of the people in the publick Duties of Religion WE are now come to the last part of this design unto the power of making Canons in which the Parliament of England have had lesse to do then in either of the other which are gone before Concerning which I must dâ—sire you to remember that the Clergie who had power before to make such Canons and Constitutâ—ons in their Convocation as to them seemed meet promised the King in verbo Sacerdâ—tij not to Enact or Exâ—cute any new Caâ—ons but by his Majesties Royal Assent and by his authority first obtained in thaâ— behalf which is thus briâ—fly touched upon in the Ant. Brit. in the lâ—fe of William Marham Arch Bp of Canterbury Clerâ—â— in verbo Sacerdotij fidem Regidâ—dit ne ullaâ— deinceps in Synodo ferrent Ecclesâ—asticas leges nisi eâ— Synodas authâ—ritate Râ—gia conâ— gregata et constitutiones in Synodis publicataâ— eadem auâ—â—oritate ratae essent Upon which ground I doubt not but I might securely raise this proposition That whatsoâ—ver the Clergy did or might do lawfully before the act of Submission in their Convocation of their own power without the Kings authority and consent concurring the same they can and may do still since the act of their Submission the Kings authoâ—â—ty and consent co-operating with them in their counsels and giving confirmation to their Constitutions as was said before Further iâ— doth appear by the aforesaid Act. 25. H. 8. c. 19. â—hat all such Canons Constitutions Ordinances and Synodals Prouincial as were made beâ—ore the said Submission which be not contrary or repugnant to the Laws Statutes and Customes of this Realm nor to the damage or hurt of the Kiâ—gs Prerogative Royal were to be used and executed as in former times And by the Statute 26. H. 8. c. 1. of the Kings Suprâ—macy that according to the Recognition made in Convocation ouâ— said Soveraign Lord his heirs and succesâ—ors Kings of this Realm shall have full power and authority from time to time to visit repress reform order correct c. all such Errours heresies abuses offences contempâ—s and enormities whatsoever they be c. as may be most to the pleasure of Almighty God the increase of virâ—â—e in Christs Religion and for the peace unity and tranquillity of this Realm and the confirmation of the same So that you see these several ways of ordering matters for the Publick weal and governance of the Church First by such ancient Canons and Constitutions as being made in former times are still in force Secondly by such nâ—w Canons as are or shall be made in Convocation with and by the Kings Consenâ— And Thirdly by the authority of the Soveraign Prince according to the Precedentâ— laid down in the book 〈…〉 and the best agâ—s of the Church Concerning which you must remember what was said before viz. That the Statutes which concern the Kings Supremacy are Declaratory of an old power onely not Introdâ—ctory of a new which said we shall the better see whether the Parliament have had any thing
the esteem and reputation of the Church of Christ And this hath been a practice even as old as Wicklisse who in the time of K. R. 2. addressed his Petition to the Parliament as we read in Walsingham for the reformation of the Clergy the rooting out of many false and erroneous Tenents and for establishing of his own Doctrines who though he had some Wheat had more Tares by ods in the Church of England And lest he might be thought to have gone a way as dangerous and unjustifiable as it was strange and new he laid it down for a position That the Parliament or Temporal Lords where by the way this ascribes no authority or power at all to the House of Commons might lawfully examine and reform the Disorders and Corruptions of the Church and a discovery of the errors and corruptions of it devest her of all Tithes and Temporal endowments till she were reformed But for all this and more then this for all he was so strongly backâ—d by the Duke of Lancaster neither his Petition nor his Position found any welcome in the Parliament further then that it made them cast many a longing eye on the Churches paâ—rimony or produced any other effect towards the work of reformation which he chiefly aimed at then that it hath since served for a precedent to Penry Pryâ— and such like troublesome and unquiet spirits to disturb the Church and set on foot those dreams and dotages which otherwise they duâ—st not publish And to say truth as long as the Clergy were in power and had authority in Convocation to do what thâ—y would in matters which concerned Religion those of the Parliament conceived it neither safe nor fitting to intermeddle in such business as concerned the Clergy for fear of being questioned for it at the Churches Bar. But when that Power was lessened though it were not lost by the submission of the Clergy to K. H. 8. and by the Act of the Supremacy which ensued upon it then did the Parliaments begin to intrench upon the Churches Rights to offer at and entertain such businesses as formerly were held peculiar to the Clergy only next to dispute their charters and reverse their priviledges and finally to impose some hard Lawes upon them And of these notable incroachments Matthew Parker thus complains in the life of Cranmer Qua Ecclesiasticarum legum potestate abdicata populus in Parliamento coepit de rebus divinis inconsulto Clero Sancire tum al sâ—ntis Câ—eri privilegâ—a sensim deâ—rahere juâ—aâ—â— duriora quibus Clâ—rus invitus teneretur Constituere But these were only tentamenta offers and undertakings only and no more then so Neither the Parliaments of K Edward or Q. Elizabeths time knew what it was to make Committees for Religion or thought it fit that Vzzah should support the Aâ—k though he saw it tottering That was a work belonging to the Levites only none of the other Tribes were to meddle with it But as the â—uritan Faction grew more strong and active so they applyed themselves more openly to the Houses of Parliament but specially to the House of Commons pâ—tting all power into their hands as well in Ecclesiastical and spiritual Causes as in mattâ—rs Temporal This amongst others confidently affirmed by Mr. Pryn in the Epistle to his book called Anti-Arminianism where he aâ—ers That all our Bishops our Ministers our Sacraments our Consecration our Articles of Religion our Homilies Common-prayer Book yea and all the Religion of the Church is no other way publiquely received supported or established amongst us but by Acts of Parliament And this not only since the time of the Reformation but that Religion and Church affairs were determined ratified declared and ordered by Act of Parliament and no waies else even then when Popery and Church-men had the greaâ—â—◠〈◊〉 Which strange assertion falling from the pen of so great a 〈◊〉 was forthwith cheerfully received amongst our Pharisces who hoped to have the highest places not only in the Synagogue but the Court of Sanhedrim advancing the Authority of Parliaments to so high a pitch that by degrees they fastened on them both an infallibility of judgement and an â—mnipotency of power Nor can it be denied to deal truly with you but that they met with many apt scholars in that House who either out of a desire to bring all the grist to their own Mill or willing to enlarge the great power of Parliaments by making new precedents for Posterity or out of faction or affection or what else you please began to put their Rules in practise and draw all matters whatsoever within the cognizance of that Court In which their embracements were at last so general and that humour in the House so prevalent that one being once demanded what they did amongst them returned this answer That they were making a new Creed Another being heard to say That he could not be quiet in his conscience till the holy Text should be confirmed by an Act of theirs Which passages if they be not true and real as I have them from an honest hand I assure you they are bitter jests But this although indeed it be the sicknesse and disease of the present Times and little to the honour of the Court of Parliament can be no prejudice at all to the way and means of the Reformation amongst sober and discerning men the Doctrine of the Church being setled the Liturgy published and confirmed the Canâ—ns authorized and executed when no such humour was predominant nor no such power pretended to by both or either of the Houses of Parliament But here perhaps it will be said that we are fallen into Charybâ—is by avoiding Sâ—ylâ—a and that endevouring to stop the mouth of this Popish Calumny we have set open a wide gap to another no lesse scandalous of the Presbyterians who being as professed enemies of the Kings as the Popes Supremacy and noting that strong influence which the King hâ—â—h had in Ecclesiastical affairs since the first attempts for Reformation have charg'd it as reproachfully on the Church of England and the Religion here estâ—blished 〈…〉 and a Regal-Gospel But the Answer unto this is 〈◊〉 For first the Kings intended by the Objectors did not act much in order to the Reformation as appears by that which hath been said but either by the advice and cooperation of the whole Clergy of the Realm in their Convocations or by the Counsel and consent of the Bishops and most eminent Church-men in particular Conferences which made it properly the work of the Clergy only the Kings no otherwise then as it was propounded by him or finally confirmed by the Civil Sâ—nction And secondly had they done more in it then they did they had been warranted so to do by the Word of God who hath committed unto Kings and soveraign Princes a Supreme or supereminent power not only in all matters of a Temporal or secular nature but in such aâ— do concern Religion and the Church
Doctrine and in such points of doctrine as have not been before defined or not defined in form and manner as before laid down the King only with a few of his Bishops and learned Clergy though never so well studied in the point disputed can do nothing in it That belongs only to the whole Body of the Clergy in their Convocation rightly called and constituted whose Acts being ratified by the King binde not alone the rest of the Clergy in whose names they Voted but all the residue of the subjects of what sort soever who are to acquiesce in their Resolutions The constant practise of the Church and that which we have said before touching the calling and authority of the Convocation makes this clear enough But if the thing to be Reformed be a matter practical we are to look into the usage of the primitive times And if the practise prove to have been both ancient and universally received over all the Church though intermitted for a time and by time corrupted the King consulting with so many of his Bishops and others of his most able Clergy as he thinks fit to call unto him and having their consent and direction in it may in the case of intermission revive such practise and in the case of corruption and degeneration restore it to its Primitive and original lustre whether he do it of himself of his own meer motion or that he follow the advice of his Councel in it whether he be of age to inform himself or that he doth relie on those to whom he hath committed the publick Government it comes all to one so they restrain themselves to the ancient patterns The Reformation which was made under Iosias though in his Minority and acting by the Counsel of the Elders as Iosephus telleth us Antiqu Iud 1. cap. was no lesse pleasiâ—g unto God nor lesse valid in the eyes of all his subjects then those of Iehâ—saphat and Hâ—zekiah in their riper years and perhaps acting â—iâ—gly on the strâ—ngth of their own judgements only withâ—ut any advice Now that there should be Liturgies for the use of the Church that those Liturgies shâ—uld be celebrated in a language understood by the people that in those Liturgiâ—s there should be some prescribed Formes for giving the Communion in both kindes for Baptizing Infants for the reverent celebration of Marriage performing the last office to the sick and the decent burial of the Dead as also for set Feasts and appointed Festivals hath been a thing of primitive and general practise in the Christian Church And being such though intermitted or corrupted as before is said the King advising with his Bishops and other Churchâ—men though not in a Synodical way may cause the same to be revised and revived and having fitted them to edification and increase of piety either commend them to the Church by his sole authority or else impose them on the people under certain penalties by his power in Parliament Saepe Coeleste Regnum per Terrenum proficit The Kingdome of Heaven said Reverend Isidore of Sevil doth many times receive increase from these earthly kingdomes in nothing more then by the regulating and well ordering of Gods publick worship We saw before what David did in this particular allotting to the Priest the Courses of their Ministration appointing Hymns and Songs for the Iewish Festivals ordaining singing-men to sing and finally prescribing Vestments for the Celebration Which what else was it but a Regulating of the worship of God the putting it into a solâ—mn course and order to be observed from time to time in succeeding ages Sufficient ground for Christian Princes to proceed on in the like occasions especially when all they do is rather the reviving of the Ancient Formes then the Introduction of a new Which as the King did here in England by his own Authority the Body of the Clergy not consulted in it so possibly there might be good reason why those who had the conduct of the Kings affairs thought it not safe to put the managing of the businesse to a Convocation The ignorance and superstition of the common people was at that time exceeding profitable to the Clergy who by their frequent Masses for the quick and dead raisâ—d as great advantage as Demetrius and the Silver-Smith by Dianas shrines It hapned also in a time when many of the inferiour Clergy had not much more learning then what was taught them in the Missals and other Rituals and well might fear that if the Service were once extant in the English tongue the Laity would prove in time as great Clerks as themselves So that as well in point of Reputation as in point of Pâ—ofit besides the love which many of them had to their former Mumpsâ—mus it was most probable that such an hard piece of Reformation would not easily down had it been put into the power of a Convocation especially under a Prince in Nonage and a state unsetled And yet it was not so carryed without them neither but that the Bishops generally did concur to the Confirmation of the Book or the approbation of it rather when it passed in Parliament the Bishops in that time and after till the late vast and most improvident increase of the Lay-nobility making the most considerable if not the greatest part of the House of Peers and so the Book not likely to be there allowed of without their consent And I the rather am inclined unto that Opinion because I finde that none but Tunstall Gardiner and Bonner were displaced from their Bishopricks for not submitting in this case to the Kings appointments which seems to me a very strong and convincing argument that none but they dissented or refused conformity Adde here that though the whole body of the Clergy in their Convocation were not consulted with at first for the Reasons formerly recited yet when they found the benefit and comfort which redounded by it to good Christian people and had by little and little weanâ—d themselves from their private interesses they all confirmed it on the Post-fact passing an Article in the Convocation of the year 1552. with this Head or Title viz. Agendum esse in Ecclesia lingua quae sit Populo nota which is the 25. Article in King Edwards Book Lay all that hath been said together and the result of all will be briefly this that being the setting out of the Liturgie in the Englishâ—ongue was a matter practical agreeable to the Word of God and the Primitive timâ—s that the King with so many of his Bishops and others oâ— the Clergy as he pleased to call to Counsel in it resolved 〈◊〉 on the doing of it that the Bishops generally confirmed it when it came before them and that the whole body of the Clergy in their Convocation the Book being then under a review did avow and justifie it The result of all I say is this that as the work it self I say was good so it was done not in a Regal
but a Regular way Kings were not Kings if regulating the external parts of Gods publick worship according to the Platformes of the Primitive times should not be allowed them But yet the Kings of England had a further right as to this particular which is a power conferred upon them by the Clergy whether by way of Recognition or Concession I regard not hâ—re by which they did invest the King with a Supreme Auâ—hority not only of confirming their Synodical Acts not to be put in exâ—cution without his consent but in effect to devolve on him all that power which firmly they enjoyed in their own capacity And to this we have a paralled Case in the Roman Empire in which there had bâ—â—n once a time when the Supreme Majesty of the Sâ—ate was vested in the Senate and people of Rome till by the Law which they called Lex Regia they transferred all their Power on Caesar and the following Emperors Which Law being passed the Edicts of the Prince or Emperor was as strong and binding as the Senatus Consulta and the Plâ—bisâ—ita had been before Whence came that memorable Maxim in Iustinians Iustitutes that is to say Quod Principi placuerit legis habet vigâ—rem The like may be affirmâ—d of the Church of England immediately before and in the reign of K. Henry 8. The Clergy of this Realm had a Self-authority in all matters which concerned Religion and by their Canons and Determinations did binde all the subjects of what rank soever till by acknowledging that King for their supreme Head and by the Act of submission not long after follâ—wing they transferred that power upon the King and on his Successoâ—s By doâ—ng wherâ—of they did not only diâ—able themselves from concluding any thing in their Convocations or puâ—ting â—heir results into execution without his conâ—ent but put him into the actual pâ—ssession of that Authoriâ—y which properly beâ—onged to the supremacy or the supreme Head in as â—ull manner as 〈◊〉 the Pâ—pe of Rome or any dâ—lâ—gated by and under him did before enjoy it After which 〈◊〉 whatsoever the King or his Successors did in the Râ—formâ—tion as it had vertually the power of the Convocations so was it as effectual and goâ—d in law as if the Clergy in their Câ—nvocation particularly and in terminis had agreed upon it Not that the King or his Successors were hereby enabled to exercise the Kâ—iâ—s and determine Heresies much lesse to 〈◊〉 the Word â—nd administer the Sacramentâ— as the Papists â—alsly gave it out but as the Heads of the Ecclesiastical Body of this Realm to see that all the members of that Body 〈◊〉 perform their duties to rectifie what was found amisse amongst them to preserve peace between them on emergent differences to reform such errors and corruptions as are expresly contrary to the word of God and finally to give strength and motions to their Councels and Determinations tending to Edification and increase of Piety And though in most of their proceedingâ— toward Reformation the Kiâ—gs advised with such Bishops as they had about them or could assâ—mble without any great trouble or inconvenience to advise witâ—all yet was there no necâ—ssity that all or the greatest partâ— of the Bishops should be drawn together for that purpose no more then it was anciently in the Primitive Times for the godly Emperors to câ—ll together the most part of the Bishops in the Roman Empire for the â—stâ—blishing of the matters which comâ—erned the Church or for the godly Kings of Iudah to call together the greatest part of the Priests and Levites before they acted any thing in the Reformation of those corruptions and abuses which were crâ—pt in amongst them Which being so and then withâ—â—l considering as we ought to do that there was nothing aâ—tered here in the state of Râ—ligion till either the whole Clergy in their 〈…〉 the Bâ—shops and most eminent Church-men had resolved upon it our Religion is no more to be called a Regal then a Parliament-Gospel 6 That the Clergy lost not any of their just Rights by the Act of Submission and the pâ—wer of calling and confirming Councels did anciently belong to the Christian Princes If you conceive that by ascribing to the King the Supreme Authority taking him for their Supreme Head and by the Act of Submission which ensued upon it the Clergy did unwittingly ensnare themselves and drew a Vasâ—allage on these of the times succeeding inconsistent with their native Rights and contrary to the usage of the Primitive Church I hope it will be no hard matter to remove that scruple It 's true the Clergy in their Convocation can do nothing now but as their doings are confirmed by the Kings authority and I conceive it stands with reason as well as point of State that it should be so For since the two Houses of Parliament though called by the Kings Writ can conclude nothing which may binde either King or Subject in their Civil Rights untill it be made good by the Royal Assent so neither is it â—it nor safe that the Clergy should be able by their Constitutions and Synodical Acts to conclude both Prince and People in spiritual matters untill the stamp of Royal Authority be imprinted on them The Kings concurrence in this case devesteth not the Clergy of any lawful power which they ought to have but restrains them only in the exercise of some part thereof to make it more agreeable to Monarchical Government to accommodate it to the benefit both of Prince and People It 's true the Clergy of this Realm can neither meet in Convocation nor conclude any thing therein nor put in execution any thing which they have concluded but as they are enabled by the Kings authority But then it is as true withall that this is neither inconsistent with their native Rights nor contrary unto the usage of the Primitive Times And first it is not inconsistent with their native Rights it being a peculiar happinesse of the Church of England to be alwaies under the protection of Christian Kings by whose encouragement and example the Gospel was received in all parts of this Kingdome And iâ— you look into Sir Henry Spleman's Collection of the Saxon Councels I believe that you will hardly finde any Ecclesiastical Canons for the Government of the Church of England which were not either originally promulgated or after approved and allowed of either by the Supreme Monarch of all the Saxons or by some King or other of the several 〈◊〉 directing in their National or Provincial Synods And they enjoyed this Prerogative without any dispute after the Norman Conquest also till by degrees the Pope ingrossed it to himself as before was shewn and then conferred it upon such as were to exercise the same under his authority which plainly manifests that the Act of Suâ—mission so much spoke of was but a changing of their dependance from the Pope to the King from an usurped to a lawful power from one
London for all that 〈◊〉 so 〈…〉 inclined to resort unto for their edification and instruction 〈◊〉 Book being very chargable because very laâ—ge and therefore called commonly for distinctions sake The Bible of the greater 〈◊〉 Thus have we seen the Scriptures faithfull translated into the English Tongue the 〈…〉 Churches that every one which would â—igh peâ—use the same and leave permitted to all people to buy them for â—hen private use and reâ—de them to themselves or before thâ—i Families and all the brought about by no other meanes then by 〈◊〉 Kings Authority onely grounded on the advice and judgment of the 〈◊〉 But long it was not I confess before the Parliament put in for a share and claimed some interest in the Work but whether for the better or he worse I leave you to iudge For in the year 1542. the King being then in agitation of a League with Charles the Emperouâ— He caused a complaint to be made unâ—o him in this Court of Parliament That the 〈◊〉 â—ranted to the people in having in their hands the Bookes of the Old and New Testament had been much abused by many false glosseâ— and 〈◊〉 which were made upon them tending to the seducing of the people especially of the younger sort and the raising of sedition within the Realm And thereupon it was enacted by the Authority of the Parliament on whom He was content to cast the envy of an Act so contrary to â—is former gracious Proclamations That all manner of Bookes of the Old and New Testament of the crâ—â—â—ty false and untrue Translation of Tindâ—â— be forthwith abolished and forbidden to be used and keâ—t As also that all other Bâ—bles not being of Tindals Translation in which were sound any Preambles or Annotations other then the Quotations or Summaries of of the Chapters should be purged of the said Preambles and Annotatious either by cutting them out or blotting them in such wise that they might not be perceived or read And finally That the Bible be not read â—penly in any Church but by the leave of the King or of the Ordinary of the place nor privately by any Women Artificers Apprentices Iourney-men Husband-men 〈◊〉 or by any of the Servants of Yoomen or under with several pains to those who should do the conâ—trary This is the substance of the statute of the 34 and 35 Hâ—â— 8. c. 1. Which though iâ— shewes that there was somewhat done in Parliament in a matter which concern'd Religion which howsoever if you mark it was rather the adding of the penalties than giving any resolution or decision of the points in question yet I presume the Papists wil not use this for an Argument that we have either a Parliament Religion or a Parliament Gospel or that we stand indebted to the Parliament for the use of the Scriptures in the English Tongue which is so principal a part of the Reformation Nor did the Parliament speed so prosperously in the undertaking which the wise King permitted them to have a hand in for the foresaid ends or found so general an obedience in it from the common people as would have been expected in these Times on the like occasion but that the King was fain to quicken and give life to the Acts thereof by his Proclamation Anno 1546. which you shal finde in Fox his book foâ— 1437. To drive this Nail a little further The terrour of this statute dying with H. 8. or being repealed by that of K. Ed. 6. c. 22. the Bible was again made publique and not onely suffered to be read by particular persons either privatly or in the Church but ordered to be read over yearly in the Congregation as a part of the Liturgie or Divine Service Which how far it relates to the Court of Parliament we shal see anon But for the publishing thereof in Print for the use of the people for the comfort and edification of private persons that was done onely by the King at least in his Name and by His Authority And so it also stood in Q Elizabeths time the translation of the Bible being again reviewed by some of the most learned Bishops appointed thereunto by the Queens Commission from whence is had the name of the Bishops Bible and upon that review reâ—printed by her sole Commandement and by her sole Authority left free and open to the use of her wel-affected and religious subjects Nor did the Parliament do any thing in all Her Reign with reference to the Scriptures in the English Tongue otherwise then at the reading of them in that Tongue in the Congregation is to be reckoned for a part of the English Liturgy whereof more hereafter In the translation of them into Welch or British somwhat indeed was done which doth look this way It being ordered in the Parliament 5. Eliz. c. 28. That the B. B. of Hereford St Davids Bangor Landaff and St Asaph should take care amongst them for translating the whole Bible with the book of Common Prayer into the Welch or Brittish Tongue on pain of forseiting 40 l. a piece in default hereof And to incourage them thereunto it was enacted that one book of either sort being so translated and imprinted should be provided and bought for every Cathedral Church as also for all Parish Churches and Chappels of Ease where the said tongue is commonly used the Ministers to pay the one half of the price and the Parishioners the other But then you must observe withal that it had been before determined in the Convocation of the self-same year Anno 1562. That the Common-Prayer of the Church ought to be celebrated in a tongue which was under stood by the people as you may see in the book of Articles of Religion Art 24. which came out that year and consequently aswel in the Welch or Brittish as in any other Which care had it been taken for Ireland also as it was for Wales no question but that people had been more generally civiliz'd and made conformable in all points to the English Government long before this time And for the new Translation of K. Iames his time to shew that the Translation of Scripture is no work of Parliament as it was principally occasioned by some passages in the Conference at Hampton Court without recourse unto the Parliament so was it done onely by such men as the King appointed and by His Authority alone imprinted published and imposed care being taken by the Canon of the year 1603. That one of them should be provided for each several at Church at the charge of the Parish No flying in this case to an Act of Parliament either to authorize the doing of it or to impose it being done 4 Of the Reformation of Religion in points of Doctrine NExt let us look upon the method used in former Times in the reforming of the Church whether in points of Doctrine or in formes of Worship and we shal find it stil the same The Clergy did the work as to them
hands was by them presented to the King by His most excellent judgment to be allowed of or condemned This book containing the chief heads of Christian Religion was forthwith printed and exposed to publike view But some things not being cleerly explicated or otherwise subject to exception he caused it to be reviewed and to that end as Supream Head on Earth of the Church of England I speak the very words of the Act of Parl. 32. H. 8. c. 26. appointed the Archbishops and Bishops of both Provinces and also a great number of the best learned honestest and most vertuous sort of the Doctors of Divinity men of discretion judgment and good disposition to be called together to the intent that according to the very Gospel and Law of God without any partial respect or affection to the Papistical sort or any other sect or sects whatsoever they shâ—â—ld declare by writing publish as well the principal Articles and points of our Faith and Belief with the Declaration true understanding anâ— observation of such other expediâ—nt points as by them with his Grace advice councel and consent shall be thought needful and expedient as also for the lawful Rights Ceremonies and observation of Gods service within this Realm This was in the year 1540. at what time the Parliament was also sitting of which the King was pleased to make this especial use That whereas the work which was in hand I use again the words of the statute required ripe and mature deliberation and was not rashly to be defined and set forth and so not fit to be restrained to the present Session an Act was passed to this effect That all Determitions Declarations Decrees Definitions and Ordinances as according to Gods Word and Christs Gospel should at any time hereafter be set forth by the said Archbishops and Bishops and Doctors in Divinity now appointed or hereafter to be appointed by his Royal Majesty or else by the whole Clergy of England in and upon the matter of Christs Religion and the Christian Faith and the lawful Rights Ceremonies and Observations of the same by his Majesties advice and confirmation under the great Seal of England shall be by all his Graces subjects fully believed obeyed observed and performed to all purposes and intents upon the paines and penalties therein to be comprized as if the same had been in 〈◊〉 and 〈…〉 and fully made set forth declared and contained in the said Act 32. H. 8. c. 26. where note That the two House of Parliament were so far from â—edling in the matter which was then in hand that they did not so much as require to see the Determinations and Decrees of those learned men whom His Majesty had then assembled before they passed the present Act to bind the Subject fully to believe observe and perform the same but left it wholly to the judgment and discretion of the King and Clergy and trusted them besides with the ordaining and inflicting of such paines and penalties on disobedient and unconformable persons as to them seemed meet This ground-work laid the work went forwards in good order and at last being brought unto as much perfection as the said Arch-Bishops Bishops and other learned men would give it without the co-operation and concurrence of the Royal assent it was presented once again to the Kings consideration who very carefully perused it and altered many things with his own hand as appeares by the book it self â—â—ll extant in the famous Library of Sr Robert Cotton and having so altered and corrected it in some passages returned it to the Archbishop of Canterbury who bestowed some further paines upon it to the end that being to come forth in the Kings Name and by his Authority there might be nothing in the same which might be justly reprehended The business being in this forwardnesse the King declares in Parliament Anno 1544. being the 34 year of his Reign his zeal and care not onely to suppress all such Bookes and Writings as were noysome and pestilent and tended to the seducing of his subjects but also to ordain and establish a certain form of pure and sincere Teaching agreeable to Gods Word and the true Doctrine of the Catholick and Apostolick Church whereunto men may have recourse for the decision of some such controversies as have in Times past and yet do happen to arise And for a preparatory thereunto that so it might come forth with the greater credit he caused an Act to pass in Parliament for the abolishing of all Bookes and Writings comprizing any matters of Christian Religion contrary to that Doctrine which since the year 1540. is or any time during the Kings life shall be set forth by his Highnesse and for the punishment of all such and that too with most grievous 〈◊〉 which should preach teach maintain or defend any matter or thing contrary to the book of Doctrine which was then in readiness 34 35 H. 8. c. 1. Which done He canâ—ed the said book to be imprinted in the year next following under the Title of Anecessdry Doctrine for all sorts of people prefixing a Preface thereto in his Royal Name to all his faithful and loving Subjects that they might know the better in those dangerous Times what to believe in point of Doctrine and how they were to carry and behave themselves in points of practice Which Statute as it is the greatest Evidence which those Times afford to shew that both or either of the Houses of Parliament had any thing to do in matters which concerned Religion so it entitles them to no more if at all to any thing then that thâ—y did make way to a book of Doctrine which was before digested by the Clergy onely revised after and corrected by the Kings own hand and finally perused and perfected by the Metrâ—politan And more then so besides that being but one Swallow it can make no Summer it is acknowledged and confessed in the Act it self if Poulton understand it rightly in his Abridgment That recourse must be had to the Catholick and Apostolick Church for the decision of Controversies Which as it gives the Clergy the decisive power so it left nothing to the Houses but to assist and aid them with the Temporal Sword when the Spiritual Word could not do the deed the point thereof being blunted and the edge abated Next let us look upon the time of K. Ed. 6. and we shall finde the Articles and Doctrine of the Church excepting such as were contained in the book of Common-Prayer to be composed confirmed and setled in no other way then by the Câ—ergy onely in their Convocation the Kings Authority co-operating and concurâ—ing with them For in the Synod held in London Anno 1552. the Clergy did compose and agree upon a book of Articles containing the chief heads of the Christian Faith especially with reference to such points of Controversie as were in difference between the Reformators of the Church of England and the Church of Rome
and other Opponents whatsoever which after were approved and published by the Kings Authority They were in number 41. and were published by this following Title that is to say Articuli dâ— quibus in Synoâ— London Anno 1552. 〈…〉 Religion is firmandum inter Episcopos alios Eruditis 〈◊〉 Convenerat Regia authoritate in lucem Editi And it is worth our observation that though the Parliament was held at the very time and that the Parliament passed several Acts which concerned Church-matters as viz. An Act for Vniformity of Divine Service and for the confirmation of the book of Ordination 5 and 6 Edw. 6. c. 1. All Act declaring which dayes onely shall be kept for Holy dayes and which for Fasting dayes C. 3. against striking or drawing weapon either in the Church or Church-yard C. 4. And finally another Act for the legitimating of the Marriages of Priests and Ministers C. 12. Yet neither in this Parliament nor in that which followed is there so much as the least syllable which reflecteth this way or medleth any thing at all with the book of Articles Where by the way if you behold the lawfulnesse of Priests Marriages as a matter Doctrinal or think we owe that point of Doctrine the indulgence granted to the Clergy in it to the care and goodness of the Parl. you may please to know that the point had been before determined in the Convocation stands determined by and for the Clergy in the 31 of those Articles and that the Parliament looked on it as a point of Doctrine but as it was a matter practical conducing to the benefit and improvement of the Common-wealth Or if it did yet was the statute built on no other ground-work than the Resolution of the Clergy the Marriage of Priests being before determined to be most lawfull I use the very words of the Act it self and according to the Word of God by the learned Clergy of this Realm in their Convocations as well by the common assent as by subscriptions of their hands 5 6. Edw. 6. chap. 12. And for the time of Queen Elizabeth it is most manifest that they had no other body of Doctrine in the first part of her Reign then onely the said Articles of K. Edwards book and that which was delivered in the book of Homilies of the said Kings time in which the Parliament had as little to do as you have seen they had in the book of Articles But in the Convocation of the year 1562. being the fifth of the Qu. Reign the Bishops and Clergy taking into consideration the said book of Articles and altering what they thought most fitting to make it more conducible to the use of the Church and the edification of the people presented it unto the Queen who caused it to be published with this Name and Title viz. Articles whereupon it was agreed by the Arch-Bishops and Bishops of both Provinces and the whole Clergy in the Convocation holden at London Anno 1562 for the avoiding of diversity of Opinions and for the establishing of Consent touching true Religion put forth by the Queens authority Of any thing done or pretended to be done by the power of the Parliament either in the way of approbation or of confirmation â—ot one word occurs either in any of the printed books or the publique Registers At last indeed in the 13th of the said Queens Reign which was 8 years full after the passing of those Articles comes out a statute for the redressing of disorders in the Ministers of holy Church In which it was enacted That all such as were ordained Priests or Ministers of Gods Word and Sacraments after any other form then that appointed to be used in the Church of England all such as were to be ordained or permitted to preach or to be instituted into any Benefiâ—e with â—ure of soules should publikely subscribe to the said Articles and testifie their assent unto them Which shews if you observe it well that though the Parliament did well allow of and approve the said book of Articles yet the said book owes neither confirmation nor authority to the Act of Parliament So that the wonder is the greater that that most insolent scoff which is put upon us by the Church of Rome in calling our Religion by the name Parliamentaria Religiâ— should pass so long without controle unlesse perhaps it was in reference to our Formes of Worship of which I am to speak in the next place But first we must make answer unto some Objections which are made against us both from Law and Practice For Practice first it is alleadged by some out of Bishop Iewel in his Answer to the cavil of Dr Harding to be no strange matter to see Ecclesiastical Causes debated in Parliament and that it is apparent by the Lawes of King Inas King Alfred King Edward c. That our godly fore-fathers the Princes and Peers of this Realm never vouchsafed to treat of matters touching the common State before all controversies of Religion and Causes Ecclesiastical had been concluded Def. of the Apol. part 6 chap. 2. sect. 1. But the answer unto this is eaâ—â—e For first if our Religion may be called Parliamentarian because it hath received confirmation and debate in Parliament then the Religion of our Fore-fathers even Papistry it self concerning which so many Acts of Parliament were made in K. Hen. 8. and Q. Maries time must be called Parliamentarian also And secondly it is most certain that in the Parliaments or Common-Councels call them which you will both of King Inas time and the rest of the Saxon Kings which B. Iewel speaks of not onely Bishops Abbots and the higher part of the Clergy but the whole Body of the Clergy generally had their votes and suffrages either in person or by proxie Concerning which take this for the leading Case That in the Parliament or Common-councel in K. Ethelberts time who first of all the Saxon Kings received the Gospel the Clergy were convened in as full a manner as the Lay-Subjects of that Prince Convoâ—ati communi Concilio tam Cleri quam Populi saith Sr H. Spelman in his Collection of the Councels Ann. 605. p. 118. And for the Parliament of King Ina which leades the way in Bishop Iewel it was saith the same Sr H. Spelman p. 630. Communi Concilium Episcoporum Procerum Comitum nec non omnium Sapientum Seniorum populorumque totius Regni Where doubtless Sapientes and Seniores and you know what Seniores signifieth in the Ecclesiastical notion must be some body else then those which after are expressed by the name of Populi which shews the falshood and absurdity of the collection made by Mr Pryn in the Epistle to his book against Dr Cousins viz. That the Parliament as it is now constituted hath an ancient genuine just and lawful Prerogative to establish true Religion in our Church and to abolish and suppress all false new and counterfeit Doctrines
to do either in making Canons or prescribing Orders for the regulating of Spiritual and Ecclesiastical matters and unto whom the same doth of right belong according to the Laws of the Realm of England And first King Henry being restored to his Headship or Supremacy call it which you will did not conceive himself so absolute in it though at the first much enamoured of it as not sometimes to take his Convocation with him but at all â—imes to be advised by his Prelates when he had any thing to do that concerned the Church for which there had been no provision made by the aâ—cient Canons grounding most times his Edicts and â—njunctiâ—ns Royal upon their advise and reâ—â—lution For on this grounâ— I mean the judgement and conclusions of his Convocation did he set out the 〈◊〉 of the yeaâ— 1536. for the aboâ—â—shing of superstitious Holy days the exâ—erminating oâ— the Popes authority the publishing of the book oâ— Articles which before we spake of â—um 8. by all Parsons Vicaâ—s and Curates for preaching down the use of Imâ—ges Reliques Pilgrimagâ—s and supeâ—stitious Miracles for reheaâ—sing oâ—enly in the Church in the English â—ongue the Creed the Pater noster and the ten Commandements for the due and râ—verend ministâ—iâ—g of the Sacraments and Sacramentals for providing English Bibleâ— to be set in every Church for the use of the people for the regular and sober life of Clergy men and the relief of the poor And on the other side the King proceeded sometimes onely by the advise of his Prelates as in the Injunctions of the year 1538. for quarteâ—ly Sermons in eâ—ch Parish for admitting nonâ— to preach but men sufficienâ—ly Licenced for keeping a Register book of Christnings Weddings and Burials for the due paying of Tâ—thes as had been accâ—stomed for the abolishing of the commemoration of Sâ— Thomas Becket For singing a Parce nobis Domine in stead of Ora prâ—nobis and the like to these And of this sort were the Injunctions which came oâ—t in some years succeeding for the taking away of Images and Reliques with all the Ornaments of the same and all the Monumâ—nâ—s and writings of feigned Miracles and for restraint of ofâ—â—ring or setting up Lights in any Churches but onely to the Blessed Sacrament of the Altar in which he was directed chiefly by Archbâ—shop Craâ—â—er aâ— also those for eating of white meats in the 〈◊〉 of Lent the abolishing the Fast on St Marks day and the ridiculous but supeâ—stitious sports accustomably used on the days of St. Clâ—ment St. Catherine and St. Niâ—holas All which and more was dâ—ne in the said Kings Reign without help of Parliament For which I shall reâ—er you to the Acts and Mon. fol. 1385 1425 1441. The like may also be afâ—irmed of the Injuâ—ctions published in the name of K. E. 6. An. 1547. and printed also then for the use of the Subjects And of the several Letters missive which went forth in his Name prohibiting the bearing of Candles one Candlemas day of Ashes in Lent and of Palms on Palm-sunday for the taking down of all the Images throughout the Kingdom for administring the Communion in both kinds dated March 13. 1548. for abrogating of pâ—ivate Masâ—es Iune 24 1549. for briâ—ging in all Missâ—ls Graduals Processionals Legends and Ordinals about the latter end oâ—December of the same year â—or taking down of Altars and setting up Tables in stead theâ—eof An. 1550. and the like to these All which partâ—cuâ—ars you have in 〈◊〉 book of Actâ— and Mon. in King Edwards life which whether they were done of the Kings meer motion or by advice of his Councâ—l or by coâ—sultation with his Bishops â—or there is little left upon Râ—cord of the Convocaâ—ions of that time more then the Articles of the year 1552 ceâ—tain I am that there was nothing done nor yet pâ—eâ—ended to be done in all these particulars by the authority oâ—Parliament Thus also in Qu. Elizabeâ—hs time before the new Bâ—shops were well setled and the Qâ—een asâ—ured of the afâ—ections of her Clergâ— she went that way to work in the Reformation which not onely her two Predecesâ—ors 〈◊〉 all the Godly Kings and Princes in the Jewish State and many oâ— thâ—Christian Emperours in the Primitive times had done before her in the well ordering oâ— the Church and peopâ—e committed to their care and government by Almighty God and to that end she published her Injunctions An. 1559. A book of Ordeâ—s An. 1561. Another of Advertisements An. 1562. All tending unto Reformation unto the building up of the new Ierusalem with the advise and counsel of the Metropolitan and some other godly Prelaâ—es who were then abâ—ut her by whom they were agreed on and subscribed unto before they were presented to her without the least concurrence of her Court of Parliâ—ment But when the times were better seâ—led and the first diâ—â—iculâ—ies of her Reign passed over she left Church work to the disposing of Church-men who by their place and calling were most proper for iâ— and they being met in Câ—â—vocation and thereto authorised as the laws required did make and publish several books of Canons as viz. 1571. An. 1584. An. 1597. Which being confirmed by the Queen undâ—r the broad seal of England were in force of Laws to all intents and purposes which they were first made but being confirmed without those formal words Her Heirs and Successors are not binding now but expired together with the Queen No Act of Paâ—liameâ—t required to confirm them then nor never required ever since on the like occasion A fuller evidence whereof wâ— cannot have then in the Canons of the year 1603. being the first year of King Iames made by the Clergie onely in the Câ—nvoâ—â—tion and confirmed onely by the King for though the old Canons were in force which had been made before the submisâ—ion of the Clergie as before I shewed you which served in all these wavering and unâ—etled tâ—mes for the perpetuâ—l standing rule of the Churches govenment yet many new emergent câ—seâ— did require new â—ules and whilest thâ—re is a possibility of Mali mores there will be a necessity of bona Leges Now in the confirmation of these Canons we shall find it thus That the Clâ—rgy being met in their Convocatioâ— according to the Tenour and effect of his Majesties Writ his Mâ—jâ—sty was pleased by virtue of his Prerogativâ— Royal and Supream authoriâ—y in causes Ecclesiastical to give and grant unâ—o them by his Letters Patents dated Apr. 12. and Iun. 25. full free and lawfuâ—l liberty licence power and authority to convene treat debate consider consult and agree upon such Canons Orâ—ders Ordinances and Constitutions as they should think necesâ—ary fit and convenient for the honor and service of Almighty God the good and quiet of the Church and the better government thereof from time to time c. to be kept by all persoâ—s within this Realm as far as lawfully being members oâ— the Church it may concern
singing-men to sing them and prescribed Vestments also to thesâ—singing-men by no other power then the regal only None of the Priâ—sts consulted in iâ— for ought yet appears The like authority was â—xercised and enjoyed by the Christian Emperors not only in their calling Councels and many times assisting at them or presiding in them by themselves or their Deputies or Commissioners but also in confirming the Acts thereof He that consults the Câ—de and 〈◊〉 in the Civil Lawes will finde the best Princes to have been most active in things which did concern Religion in regulating matters of the Church and setting out their Imperial Edicts for suppressing of Hereticks Quid Imâ—eratori cum Ecclesia What hath the Emperor to dâ— in matters which concern the Church is one of the chief Brand marks which Optatus sets upon the Donatists And though some Christians of the East have in the way of scorn had the name of Melchites men of the Kings Religion as the word doth intimate bâ—cause they adhered unto those Doctrines which the Emperors agreeable to former Councels had confirmed and ratified yet the best was that none but Sectaries and Hereticks put that name upon them Neither the men nor the Religion was a â—ot the worse Nor did they only deal in matters of Exterior Order but even in Doctrinals matters intrinsecal to the Faith for which their Enoticon set out by the Emperor Zeno for setling differences in Religion may be proof sufficiâ—nâ—â— The like authority was exercised and enjoyed by Charles the Great when he attained the Western Empire as the Capitulaâ—s published in hiâ— Name and in the names of his Successors do most clearly evidence and not much lesse enjoyed and practisâ—d by the Kings of England in the elder Times though more obnoxious to the power of the Pope of Rome by reason of his Apostleship if I may so call it the Christian Faith being first preached unto the English Saxons by such as he employed in that holy Work The instanceâ— whereof dispersed in several places of our English Histories and other Monuments and Records which concern this Church are handsomely summed up together by Sir Edward Coke in the fift part of his Reports if I well remember but I am sure in Cawdâ—ies Case entituled De Iure Regis Ecclesiastico And though Parsons the Iesuite in his Answer unto that Report hath took much pains to vindicate the Popes Supremacy in this Kingdome from the first planting of the Gospel among the Saxons yet all he hath effected by it proves no more thâ—n this That the Popes by permission of some weak Princes did exercise a kinde of concurrent jurisdiction here with the Kings themselves but came not to the full and entire Supremacy till they had brought all other Kings and Princes of the Western Empire nay even the Emperors themselves under their command So that when the Supremacy was recognized by the Clergy in their Convocationâ—o K. H. 8. it was only the restoring of him to his proper and original power invaded by the Popes of these later Ages though possiâ—ly the Title of Supreme Head seemed to have somewhat in it of an 〈◊〉 At which Title when the Papists generally and Calvin in his Comment on the Prophet Amos did seem to be much scandalizâ—d it was with much wisdome changed by Q. Elizabeth into that of Supreme Governour which is still in use And when that also would not down with some queasie stomachs the Queen her self by her Injunctions published in the first year of her Reign and the Clergy in their Book of Articles agreed upon in Convocation about five years aâ—ter did declare and signifie That there was no authority in sâ—cred matters contained under that Title but that only Prerogative which had bâ—en given alwaies to all godly Princes in holy Scriptuâ—es by God himself that iâ— That they should rule all Estates and degrees committâ—d to their change by God whether they be Ecclesiastical or Temporal and to restrain with the Civil Sword the stubborn and evil dâ—ers as also to exclude thereby the Bishop of Rome from having any jurisdiction in the Realm of England Artic. 37. Lay this unto the rest before and tell me if you câ—n what hath been acted by the Kings of England in the Reformation of Religion but what is warranted unto them by the practise and example of the most godly Kings of Iewry seconded by the most godly Emperorâ— in the Christian Church and by the usage also of their own Predecessors in this Kingdome till Papal Usurpation carried all before it And being that all the Popes pretended to in this Realm was but Usurpation it was no wrong to take that from him which he had no right to and to restore it at the last to the proper Owner Neither Prescription on the one side nor discontinuance on the other change the case at all that noted Maxim of our Lawyers that no prescriptionâ—indes the King or Nullum tempus occurrit Regi as their own words are being as good against the Pope as against the Subject This leads me to the second part of this Dispute the dispossessing of the Pope of that supreme Power so long enjoyed and exercised in this Realm by his Predecessors To which we say that though the pretensions of the Pope were antient yet they were not Primitive and therefore we may answer in our Saviours words Ab initio non â—uit sic it was not so from the beginning For it is evident enough in the course of story that the Pope neither claimed nor exercised any such Supermacy within this Kingdome in the first Ages of this Church nor in many after till by gaining from the King the 〈◊〉 of Bishops under Henry the â— the exemption of the Clergy from the Courts of Justice â—nder Henry the 2. and the submission of King Iohn to the See of Rome they found themselves of strength sufficient to make good their Plea And though by the like artifices seconded by some Texts of Scripture which the ignorance of those times incouraged them to abuse as they pleased they had attained the like Supremacy in France Spain and Germany and all the Churches of the West yet his incroachmâ—nts werâ— opposed and his authority disputed upon all occasions especially aâ— the light of Letters did begin to shine Insomuch as it was not only determined essentially in the Councel of Constance one of the Imperial Cities of High Germany that the Councel was above the Pope and his Authority much 〈◊〉 by the Pragmatick Sanction which thence took beginning but Gerson the learned Chancellor of Paris wrote a full discourse entituled De auferibilitate Papae â—ouching the totall abrogating of the Papall Office which certainly he had never done in case the Papall Office had been found â—ssential and of intrinsecal concernment to the Church of Christ According to the Position of that learned man the greatest Princes in these times did look upon the Pope and the Papall power
as an Excâ—escence at the best in the body mystical subject and fit to be pared off as occasion served though on self-ends Reasons of State and to serve their several turnâ— by him as their needs required they did and do permit him to continue in his former greatnesse For Lewis the 11. King of France in a Councel of his own Bishops held at Lions cited Pope Iulius the 2. to appear before him and Laâ—strech Governour of Millaine under Francis the 1. conceived the Popes authority to be so unnecessary yea even in Italy it self that taking a displeasure against Leo the 10. he outed him of all his jurisdiction within that Dukedome anno 1528. and so disposed of all Ecclesiasticall affairs ut praefecto sacris Bigorrano Episcâ—po omnia sine Romani Pontificis autoritate adminâ—strarentur as Thuanuâ— hath it that the Church there was supremely governed by the Bishop of Bigorre a Bishop of the Church of France without the intermedling of the Pope at all The like we finde to have been done about six years after by Charleâ— the fift Emperor and King of Spain who being no lesse displeased with Pope Clement the 7. abolished the Papall power and jurisdiction out of all the Churches of his Kingdomes in Spain Which though it held but for a while till the breach was closed yet left he an example by it as my Aâ—thor noteth Ecclesiasticam disciplinam citra Romani nominis autoritatem posse conservari that there was no necessity of a Pope at all And when K Henry the 8. following these examples had banished the Popes authority out of his Dominions Religion still remaâ—ning here as before it did he Popeâ—Supremacy not being at that time an Article of the Christian Faith as it haâ—h since been made by Pope Pius the 4. that Act of his was much commended by most knowing men in that without more alteration in the face of the Church Romanae sedis exuisset obsequium saith the Author of the Tridentine History he had â—reed himself and all his subjects from so great a Vassaâ—lage Now as K. Henry the 8. was not the first Christian Pâ—ince who did de facto abrogate the Popes authority so was he not the last that thought it might be abrogated if occasion were For to say nothing of King Edward the 6. and Queen Elizabeth two of hiâ— Successoâ—s who followed his example in it we finde it to have been resolved on by K. Henry the 4. of France who questionlesse had made the Archbishop of Bouâ—ges the Patriarch of the Gallicane Church and totally withâ—rawn it from acknowledging of the authority of the See of Rome had not Pope Clement the 8. much against his will by the continual solicitations of Cardinal D' Ossat admittâ—d him to a formal Reconciliation on his last falling off to popery How neeâ— the Signeury of Venice was to have done the like anno 1608. the History of the Interdict or of the Quarrelâ— betwixt that State and Pope Paul the 5. doth most plainly shew This makes it evident that in the judgement and esteem of most Christian Pâ—inces in other things of the Religion of the Church of Rome the Popes Supremacy was looked upon as an incroachment and therefore might be abrogated upon betâ—â—◠〈…〉 been admitted in their several Kingdomeâ— By consâ—quence the doing of it here in England neither so injurious or unjust as your Zelots make it 2. That the Church of England might proceed to a Reformation without the Approbation of the Popâ— or Church of Rome But here you say it will be replied that though the Pope 〈◊〉 not conâ—idâ—reâ— aâ— the 〈…〉 of the Church with reference wherâ—unto his super eminent jurisdiction was disputed in the former times yet it cannot be denied with reason but that he is the Patriarch of these Wâ—stern Churches and the Apostle in particular of the English Nation In these respects no Reformation of the Church to be made without him especially considering that the Church of England at that time was a Member of the Church of Rome and therefore to act nothing in that kinde but by consent of the whole according to that known Maxim of the Schools Turpis est pars ea quâ—e toti suâ— non cohaereâ—t This though it be a Triple Cord will be easily broken For first the Pâ—pe is not the Patriarch of the West One of the Patriâ—â—â—â— of the Wâ—st we shall easily grant him but that he is the Patriarch we will by no means yeeld To tell you why we dare not yeeld it I must put you in minde of these particulars 1. That all Bishops in respect of their Office or Episcopality are of equall power whether they be of Rome or Rhegium of Constantinople or Engubium of Alexaâ—dria or of Tanais as S. Hierom hath it Potnâ—ia divitiarum paupertatis humilitas vel sublimiorem vel inâ—eriorem â—piscopum non faciâ— A plentiful Revenue and a sorry Competency makes not saith he one Bishop higher then another in regard of his office though possibly of more esteem and reputation in the eyes of men 2. That in respect to Polity and external order the Bishops antienâ—ly were disposed of into Sub et supra according to the Platform of the Roman Empire agreeable to the good old Rule which we finde mentioned though not made in the general Councel of Chalcâ—don that is to say {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} c. The 〈…〉 Civil State 3. That the Româ—n Empire was divided anâ—iently into 14 Juridical Circuitâ— which they called Diocesses reckoning the Praefecture oâ—Rome for one of the number six of the which that is to say the Diocessâ—s of Italie Africk Spain Britain Gaul and Illyricum occidentale besides the Pâ—aefecture of the City were under the command of the Western Emperoâ—s after the Empire was divided into East and West 4. That in the Pâ—aefecture of the City of Rome were contained no more than the Provinces of Latium Tuscia Picenum 〈…〉 and Lucania in the main land of Italy tâ—gether with the Islands of Sicilie Corsica and Sardinia 5. That every Province having sâ—veral Cities there was agreeable to this model a Bishop placâ—d in every City a Metropolitan in the chief City of each Province who had a superintendence over all the Bishops and in each Diocesse a Primate ruling in chief over the Metropolitans of the several Provinces And 6. though at fiâ—st only the three Primates or Arch-bishops of Rome Antioch and Alâ—xandria commonly and in vulgar speech had the name of Patriarchs by reason of the wealth and greatnâ—sse of those Cities the greatest of the Roman Eâ—pire and the chief of Europe Asia and Africa to which the Bishops of Hierusalem and 〈◊〉 were after added yet were they all of â—qual power amâ—ng themselveâ— and shined with as full a splendor in their proper Orbes as any of the Popes then did in the Sphere of Rome receiving all their light from the Sun of righteousnesse not borrowing it
was the greater and more numerous people Ten Tribes to two two of the ten the eldâ—st sons of their Father Iacob all of them older then Benjamin the last begotten being the second of the two which notwithstanding the Kings of Iudah might and did proceed to a Reformation though those of Israel did refuse to co-operate with them The like was also done de facto and de jure too in the best and happiest-times of Christianity there bâ—ing many errors and unâ—ound opinions condemned in the Councels of Gâ—ngra Aquilia Cartâ—age Milâ—vis and not a â—ew corâ—upâ—ions in the practical part of Religion reformed in the Synods of â—liberis Laodicâ—a Arles and others in the fourth Century of the Church without advising or consulâ—ing with the Râ—man Oracle or running to the Church of Rome for a confirmation of their Acts and doings though at that time invested with a greater and more powerful princiâ—ality then the others were No such regard had in those tiâ—es to the Church of Rome though the elder Sister but that another National Church might reform without her nor any such consideration had of the younger Sâ—sters that one should â—arry for another till they all agreed though possibly they might all be sensible of the inconvenience and all alike desirous of a speedy Remedy But of this more anon in Answer to the next Objections Proceed we now a little â—urther and let us grant for once that the Church of England was a Member at that time of the Church of Rome acknowledging the Pope for the Head thereof yet this could be no hindrance to a Reformation when the preâ—ended Head would not yeeld unto it or that the Members could not meet to consult about it Tâ—e whole Body of the Church was in ill condition every part unsound but the disease lay chiefly in the head it self grown monstrously too great for the rest of the Members And should the whole body pine and languish without hope of ease because the Head I mean still the pretended Head would not be purged of some supeâ—flâ—ous and noxious humours occasioning giddinesse in the brain dimnesse in the eye deafnâ—sse in the ear and in a word a general and sad distemper unto all the Members The Popâ— was grown to an exorbitant height both of pride and power the Court of Rome wallowing as in a course of prosperous fortunes in all volupâ—uousnesse and sensuality Nothing so feared amongst them as a Reformation wherâ—by they knew that an abatement must be made of their pomp and pleasure Of these corrupâ—ions and abuses as of many others complaint had formerly been made by Armachanus Grosthead Bishop of Lincoln S. Bernard Nicâ— de Clemangis anâ— other conscientious men in their several Countâ—eys 〈…〉 noted and informed against by Wicâ—lâ—sse Iohn 〈…〉 c. Buâ— they complained 〈…〉 who was resolvâ—d not to hear the voice of those 〈◊〉 câ—armed they never so wisâ—ly The Câ—urch mean while was in a very ill condiâ—iâ—n whâ—n he that should prescribe the cure was becoâ—e the siâ—knâ—sse Coâ—â—â—dering therefore that a Reformation could not be obtained by the Popes consent there was no râ—medy but that it must be made without it The Molten Calf modâ—lled by the Egyptian Apis and the Altar patteâ—ned from Damâ—sâ—us had made the Israelites in all probability aâ— great idolaters as their 〈◊〉 if the High priests that set them up might have haâ— their Wilâ— Nor had it been much better with the Chuâ—ch of CHRIST if Arianism could not have been suppressed in particulâ—r Churches because Liberius Pope of Rome supposing him to be the Head of the Church in gâ—neral had subscribed unto it and that no error and corruption could have been reformed which any of the Popes whose Graves I am very loâ—h to open had been guilty of but by their permission The Church now were in worse estate under Christian Princes then when it sâ—ffered under the power and tyranny of the Heathen Emperors if it were not lawfâ—l for particular Churches to provide for their own safety and salvation without resorting to the Pope who cannot every day be spoke with and may when spoken with be pressed with so many inconveniences nearer hand as not to be at leisure to attend such businesses as lie furthâ—r off And therefore it was well said by Danet the French Ambassâ—dor when he communicâ—ted to the Pope his Maâ—â—ers purpose of Reforming the Gaâ—â—â—can Church by a National Councel Is said he Paris were on fire would you not count the Citizens either Fools or Mad-men if they should send so far as â—iber for some water to quench it the River of Sâ—ine running through the City and the Marno so near it 3. That the Church of England might lawfully prâ—ceed to a Reformation withâ—ut the help of a General Councel or calling in the aid of the Protestant Churches But here you say it is objectâ—d that if a Reformation were so necessary as we seem to make it and that the Pope waâ— never like to yeeld unto it as the case then stood it ought to have been done by a General Councel according to the usage of the Primitive times I know indeed that General Councels such as are commonly so called are of excellent use and that the name thereof is sacred and of high esteem But yet I prize them not so highly as Pope Gregory did who ranked the â—our first General Câ—uncels with the four Evangelists nor am I oâ— opinion that they are so necessary to a Reformation either in point of Faith or corruption of manners but that the business of the Church may be done without them Nay might I be so bold as to lay my naked thoughts before you as I think I may you would there finde it to be some part of my Belief that there never was and never can be such a thing as a General Councel truly and properly so called thâ—t is to say such a General Councel to which all the Bishops of the Church admiting none but such to the power of voâ—ing have bin or can be called together by themselves or their Proxies These which are commonly so called as those of Nice Constantâ—nople 〈◊〉 Chalâ—â—don were only of the 〈◊〉 of the Roman Eâ—pire Chriâ—tian Churches â—xisting at that time in Ethiopia and the Kingdome of Persia which made up no small pâ—rt of the Church of Christ were neither present at them nor inviâ—â—d to them And yet not all the Pâ—elates nâ—ither of the Roman Empire nor some from â—very Province of it did attend that service those Councels only being the Assemblies of sâ—me Eastern Bishopâ— such as could most conveniently be drawn together few of the Wesâ—eâ—n Churches none at all in some having or list or leisure â—or so long a journey For in the so much celebraâ—â—d Councel of Nice there were but nine Bishops sâ—nt from France but two from Africk one alone from Spain none â—rom the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 and out of Itâ—ly which â—ay nearest to it none
the year beforâ— And 't is as true that Calvin offered his assistance to Archbishop Cranmer for the reforming of this Church Si quis mei usus esset as his own words are iâ— his assistance were thought nâ—edfull to advance the work But Cranmer knew the man and refused the offer and he did very wisely in it For seeing it impossible to unite all parties it had been an imprudent thing to have closed with any I grant indeed thâ—t Martin Bucer and Pâ—ter Martyr men of great learning and esteem but of different judgements were brought over hither about the beginning of the reign of K Edward 6. the one of them being placed in Oxford the other in Cambridge but they were rather entertained as private Doctors to mâ—derate in the Chairs of those Universities then any waies made use of in the Reformation For as the â—iâ—st Liturgie which was the main key unto the work was framed and setled before either of them were come over so Bucer died before the compiling of the Book of Articles which was the accâ—mplishment thereof nor do I finde that Peter Martyr was made use of otherwise in this weighty businesse then to make thâ—t good by disputation which by the Clergy in their Synods or Convocations was agreed upon By means whereof the Church proceeding without reference to the different interesses of the neighbouring Churches kept a conformity in all such points of Government and publâ—qâ—e order with the Church of Rome in which that Church had not forsaken the clear Tract of the primitive Times retaining not only the Episcopall Government with all the concomitants and adjuncts of it which had been utterly abolished in the Zuinglian Churches and much impaired in power and jurisdiction by the Luthâ—rans also and keeping up a Liturgie or set form of worship according to the rites and usages of the primitive times which those of the 〈◊〉 congregâ—â—ioâ—s would not hearken to God certainly hâ—d so disposed it in his heavenly wisdome that so this Church without respect unto the names and Dictateâ— of particular Doctors might found its Reformation on the Prophets and Apostles only according to the Explications and Traditions of the ancient Fathers and being so founded in it self without respect to any of the differing parties might in succeeding Ages sit as Judge between thâ—m as being more inclinable by her constitution to mediate a peace amongst them then to espouse the quarrel of eiâ—her side to the Popes authority on the one side or on the other side And though Spalâ—to in the Book of his Retractations which he cals Consilium reâ—eundi objects against uâ— That besides the publick Articles and confession authorised by the Churches we had embraced some Lutheran and Calvinian Fancies multa Lutheri 〈◊〉 dogâ—ata so his own words run yet this was but the 〈◊〉 of particular men not to be charged upon the Church as maintaining either The Church is constant to her safe and her first conclusions though many private men take liberty to imbrace new Doctrines 4. That the Châ—rch did not innovate in translating the Scriptureâ— and the publick Liturgie into vulgar tongues and of the consequents thereof in the Church of England The next thing faulted as you say in the Reformation iâ— the committing so much heavenly treasure to such rotten vessels the trusting so much excellent Wine to such musty bottles I mean the versions of the Scriptures and the publick Liturgies into the usual Languages of the common people and the promiscuous liberty indulged them in it And this they charge not as an Innovation simply but as an Innovation of a dangerous consequence the sad effects whereof we now see so clearly A charge wich doth alike concern all the Prâ—testant and Reformed Churches so that I should have passed it over at the present time but that it is made ourâ— more specially in the application the sad effects which the enemy doth so much insult in being said to be more visible in the Church of England then in other placeâ— This makes it ourâ— and therefore here to be considered as the former were First then they charge it on the Church as an Innovation it being affirmed by Bellarmine in his 2. Book De verbo Dei cap. 15. whether with lesse truth or modesty it is hard to say Vniversam Ecclesiam semper his tantum linguis c. that in the Universal Church in all times foregoing the Scriptures were not commonly and publickly read in any other language but in the Hebrew Greek and Latine this is you seâ— a two-edged sword and strikes not only against all Translaâ—iâ—ns of the Scriptures into vulgar languages for commâ—n use but against reading those Translationâ— publickly 〈…〉 part oâ— the Liturgie in which are many things as the Cardinal telâ— uâ—quae secreta esse debent which are not fit to be made known to the common people This is the substance of the charge and herein we joyn issuâ— in the usual Form with Absque hoc sans ceo no such matter really the constant current of Antiquity doth affiâ—m the contrary by which it will appear most plainly that the Church did neither innovate in this act of hers nor dâ—viaâ—e therein fâ—om the Word of God or from the usage of the best and happiest times of the Church of CHRIST Not from the Word of God there 's no doubt of that which was committed unto writing that it â—ight be read and read by all that were to be directed and guided by it The Scriptures of the Old Testament fiâ—st writ in Hebrew the Vulgar language of that people and read unto them publickly on the Sabbath daiâ—s as appears clearly Act. 13. 15. 15. 21. translated afterwards by the cost and care of Ptolemy Philadelphus King of Egypt into the Greek tongue the most known and studied language of the Eâ—stern world The Nâ—w Testament first wâ—it in Grâ—ek for the self-same reason but that St. Matthew'â— Gospel iâ—â—ffirmed by some learned men to have been written in thâ—Hebrew and written to thiâ— end and purpose that men might believe tâ—â—t IESVS is the CHRIST tâ—e Son of GOD and that believing tâ—ey might have use in his Name Joh. 20. vers. ult. But being that all the Faithfull did not understand these Languages and that the light of hâ—ly Scripture might not be likened to a Candlâ— hidden under â—â—ushel it waâ— thought good by many â—odly men in the Pâ—iâ—itive timâ—s to translate the same into the â—anâ—uagâ—s of the Countreys in which thâ—â— lived or of the which thâ—â— had been Naâ—ives In which respect S Chrysostome then banished inâ—o Armenia translated the New Testament and the Pâ—alms of David into the Language of that people S. Hierom a Pannonian born translated the whole Bible into the Dalmatick tongue as Vulphilas Bishop of the Goâ—hes did into the Gâ—thick all which we finde together without fuâ—ther search in the Bibliotheque of Sixtus Senensis a learned and ingenuâ—us man but a Pontifician and