the Weakness the Heedlessness or the Malice of some Persons may mistake or corrupt it Thus the Millenary Errour sprang from Papias misunderstanding John the Elder And his Authority again seems to have Influenced Irenaeus and Justin Martyr But this Meeting with Opposition in the Church and being in the End Exploded it hath only the Reputation of a very early Mistake and serves well for an Instance to shew how quickly Tradition may be Corrupted unless the Churches of God be exceeding vigilant What the Apostles taught for the Common Concern of our Salvation in anâ— one Church they taught the same in all and therefore unless they all Agree that there is a Mistake is certain whether there be a Tradition or where it lies is uncertain and so at least it is useless But though here and there a Man might in some particular things mistake the Apostles and by their means Others might be deceived yet that all Persons of all Churches should clearly mistake the Apostles in any necessary matter notwithstanding they lived so long and daily so Laboured in the Word and Doctrine is a thing incredible And therefore wherein they unanimously Agree concerning the Doctrine of the Apostles no doubt but it is the best Exposition of the Doctrine in the Scriptures the same things being written for our perpetual Instruction which were at first preached for the benefit of the then living Generation Fourthly That Traditions be always deduced from the First Ages of the Church for Traditions are received not made And if they proceeded not from Apostles and Apostolick Persons they can never become genuine Traditions afterwards What was delivered to the â—â—â—st Churches though since neglected lost or forgotten was a true and genuine Tradition and is so still if it can be discovered But if any thing be Vouched as a Tradition though of a Thousand yeares standing and more yet if it came not from the First Churches it is not a Tradition but an Imposture And such are most of the Roman Traditions much like those of the Pharisees of whom our Saviour saith That they had made the Commandment of God of none effect by their Traditions Mat 15. 6. and yet they called them the Traditions of the Elders verse 2. and stood then up for their Antiquity as stoutly as the Other do now But as Tertullian observes lib. de Praeserip Veritas mendacio prior est And therefore here we are to follow not quod Antiquum but quod Antiquissâ—num Lastly that a Difference be observed as to Traditions according to their Nature and Rise There are Traditions of particular Churches arising mostly from the Orders and Constitutions of some Venerable Apostolick Persons made and prescribed to the Churches which they respectively Governed These Claim a Respect not only upon the Account of their suitableness to Order but also in Honour of the Persons from whom they came but yet they oblige not other Churches None indeed ought to contemn them but they may lawfully either use or disuse them as their present Churth-Governours shall think Fitting for the benefit of the present Churches Some Traditions are more Universal as proceeding from the Apostles themselves but if they be only concerning things in their own Nature indifferent neither are these immutably binding That some such were is Apparent from that of St. Paul to the Corinthians 1 Cor. 11. 34. The Rest will I set in Order when I come But if any Man can certainly tell Me what Orders he made Erit mihi magnus Apollo And perhaps the Apostle never Committed them to Writing lest an over-great Veneration to Apostolical Authority should Run other Churches into an inconvenience For those very Orders though most wisely Fitted to the Church of Corinth might at the same time be inconvenient for other Churches yea for the very self-same Church in following times For though some indifferent things must of Necessity be determined because otherwise the Solemn Worship will unavoidably he disorderly and indecent yet such Orders can never be so Fixed for all Churches as to be of a perpetual immutable and unalterable Nature For Climates Customes Times Persons do variously alter the state of Matters so that what is prudenrly Constituted in one Church may be very inconveniently and indiscreetly enjoyned in another And therefore though such Apostolical Constitutions deserve Veneration as being unquestionably best Fitted to the then present Churches yet it remains in the Power of Church-Governours to lay them aside upon just Occasion and Constitute Others in their Room as may be most for the good of the Churches Again some Traditions concern the Practice of the Universal Church which obtained in all places and these have their Ground and Warrant from Scripture but their particular Determination from Church-Authority which is still preserved to us by Tradition Of this we have a clear Instance in the Fasts and Feasts of the Church as Gods Signal Mercies require our Solemn Thanksgivings so our own Sins especially the publick Call on us openly to Humble our Souls before God and to give manifest Testimony of our Repentance Besides to tame our unruly Affections and Fit us for the discharge of our Duty Acts of Mortification are very requisite To this the Scriptures direct us and thereof gives us many Instances But when this shall be done I mean publickly for as to private Thanksgiving or Mortification relating to Mens private Concerns they may use their Discretion provided that they thwart not the Orders of the Church is partly pointed out to us by the times when such Mercies were received or Evil done and partly determined by Ecclesiastical Authority And this even Natural Reason it self doth so fully teach that there never were any Men of any Religion how barbarous soever but they had their Solemn Fasts and Feasts Upon this Account I was very sorry to find a Relation in Mr. Ricaut St. of Turk to this Effect That certain Fanatical Merchants of ours Residing at Smyrna and some other parts of the Turks Dominions being observed to keep neither Fast nor Feast but to use every day alike all Persons presently esteemed them as Men of no Religion and look'd on them as Persons who thought they had no God against whom they could offend nor from whom they had or might hope to receive Favours But though these Men were of our Countrey they were not of our Communion And we are not to Answer for their ill Examples who have forsaken us chiefly for this Reason that they might take their full swinge in Running a Whoring after their own Inventions The most Ancient Feasts and Fasts are Appointed by the Constitutions of our Church and Conâ—â—rmed by the Laws of the Land If we regard not some in the Roman Church it is because they are Apparently of later date and introduced by their own Authority which obligeth not us Besides we much doubt of the Popes Skill in discerning these later Saints but more of his power to make them such If it be
in this Case the Bishops of other Churches did not only Exhort but Require both the subordinate Clergy and the People to Refuse Communion with their Bishop though in all other Cases the separating from the Communion of their Bishops and the Erecting another Altar or setting up a Conventicle against him was Accounted the peculiar Signature of Schism And the Reason is plain for though they could not hold Communion with the Church but by Maintaining Communion with their Bishop yet they did Communicate in that Church as a part of the whole And if he did break off from the whole or was Injurious to the whole if they should Adhere to him therein they must follow his Fate And therefore here they might desert him and cleave to some other sound part and joyn in Communion Approved by Orthodox Bishops The Reason of the Bishops absolute Power in one respect and his Subjection in another seems to be briefly Couched in that short Saying of St. Cyprian Episcopatus unus est cujus à singulis in solidum pars tenetur do un for though he held but part of that Episcopacy by which the whole Church Concordi multorum Episcoporum numerositate was Governed yet holding that Parte in solidum he had the full Episcopal Authority and was a Catholick Bishop and his Orders according to their Nature ought to be Heeded by all Bishops But then what he held in solidum being but Pars Episcopatûs unius he was Bound to Exercise his Office in Conjunction with them who were equal Sharers with him And herein was Answerable to his Fellow-Bishops for any detriment or injury done by him to their Common Office and Common Charge Hence a Bishop was in some things Obnoxious even to the delebility and loss of his Character as Spalato hath proved against the fond device of the Schools lib. 2. cap. 4. and was bound at his peril not only to Preach the same Faith but to Walk and Act according to the Cannons of the Church And yet in other Things his Act was sufficient to Tye up all the Bishops in the Christian World Both which Things are an invincible Evidence of the Sense of Antiquity of their Participation of the same Office and of their Obligation to and dependance upon each other in the discharge of it Hence it was that when a Bishop was placed in any Vacant See though he was never so Canonically Ordained yet he was bound to send abroad his Circular Epistles to other Bishops to Sigâ—ifie his due Admission to that great dignity and withal to give in a Summary of his Faith that they might Admit him to Catholick Communion and upon occasion might Communicate with him and Assist him in the just discharge of his place If he afterwards fell into Heresie or did any irregular Act he was Tryable by his Peers and might be Censured according to his demerits On the other Hand what wholesome Orders he made for the good of his own particular Church those who came from any other Church thither were bound to observe them And if he justly put any Person under the Sentence of Excommunication upon his Certifying thereof with the Cause all other Bishops and all other Churches were bound to take that Person for Excommunicate wherever he came and to Reject him from their Communion For in Cases of this Nature every Regular Act of Authority in one Church was Regarded as the Act of the whole Church And thus in all things particular Churches Acted in Relation to and Communion with the Catholick and Maintained their Unity Firm and Inviolable XIV My Design hath been to Write a Chapter not a Treatise of Christian Unity and therefore I may be excuseable if I have not Hit every thing though I perswade my self that had we these the rest would not be wanting But my fear is that my Accusation will rather Lye on the other Hand That I have Iaid the Platform of such a Unity as in all its parts is no where on Earth to be found And though the more is the pity yet possibly it is too true But then this Objection Amounts to no more though that God knows is too much then to shew the deplorable state of the Church and the woful degeneracy of Christians For the Religion we profess Requires such an Unity And de facto it has been had and practised in the Church And till it be Restored I see little Hopes that Matters can be brought to Rights and that they are not they must Answer who are the true Cause If any enquire What particular Persons in this Case are to do I Answer that invincible Impediments may excuse à tanto but not à toto where we cannot do all we should yet we must do all we can But more particularly I think First That every Man ought to joyn in Communion with that Church wherein Gods Providence hath placed him if he cannot justly Charge the termes of its Communion with Sin Otherwise there will be no End of Separation and the Breach will daily grow wider Secondly That our Judgements and Censures on those from whom we depart be moderated with Charity that we pick not Quarrels without a cause nor Represent them worse in Opinion or Practice then they are for this exasperates and alienates Mens Hrarts from Peace Some Persons have seemed to Me to have read their Adversaries Books with a Design to mistake them which alas is too easily done without giving our Minds to it Thirdly that in separate Communions Proposals might be made how far they can come up to each other that it may be known how far they do agree and that unquiet Spirits may not bear the Ignorant in Hand that they agree in nothing and then that the true Causes of the Difference may be sett down which would sett generous Spirits on Work to Remove these stumbling-Blocks and make up the Breaches At least it would give opportunity to all Considerate Persons to weigh the Matter to cast off real Scandals and to come nearer together as they saw cause Lastly That all Persons be desirous of true Christian Union and Communion that they heartily pray for the Peace of Jerusalem and to their power in their several Capacities endeavor it That we come short of this Unity is our Unhappiness and no Honour to our Religion But if any do not truly defire it I see not how they can be excused from Schism or somewhat worse fâ—r such seem to be insensible and regardless of the Honour of Gods Church the Glory of his Name the Peace Comfort and Encouragement of Christians one amongst another and the daily Advancement and Propagation of the Gospel of Christ From which kind of temper the Lord preserve every One who calls himself a Christian CHAP. III. Of the Nature of Schism I. OUR Religion is so Unchangeable That if an Angel from Heaven should come and teach any other then what we have already Received he ought to be Accursed And therefore
AN Historical Account OF THE Antiquity and Vnity OF THE Britanick Churches CONTINUED From the Conversion of these Islands to the Christian Faith by St. AVGVSTINE to this present Time By a Presbyter of the Church of England Imprimatur Z. ISHAM R. P. D. HENRICO Episc Lond. Ã Sacris LONDON Printed for W. Whitwood at the Angel and Bible in Little Britain MDCXCII The EPISTLE to the READER Courteous Reader FOR Right or Wrong so we Call all Not that we Believe they will be so but because we would have them so For when a Man hath been at no small Pains at least as he thinks for the Benefit of Others he is very prone to expect as his due a Return of Kindness or Candour But on the otber Hand He who is at the trouble to Peruse takes it to be his Privilege to Judge and so far he judgeth rigbt if he proceed not further thinking he cannot be a Judge unless he be malicious And that the Business of Reading a Book is to find or make more Faults then there is not to make an honest Advantage of what may be found useful Vpon this Score he that Adventures on the Press brings Himself like a Bear to a Stake where though he may Fancy he Creates Others great Diversion yet He himself is sure to be the Sufferer and becomes liable to be Baited at every ones pleasure But be it as it will I have wrote my Thoughts freely and I Envy no Man the same freedom of speaking his Only I could wish all Men would Consider That sometimes Men run down-Hill faster then is for their own Convenience and that Liberty loseth its Nature when it degenerates into Licentiousness or becomes a Cloak of Maliciousness I will not waste time in fruitless Aâ—ologies For if this small Tract hath nothing in it self to Buoy it up it must certainly Sink for it is not all the Daubing and Flattery in the World that will Perswade Honest Sober or Judicious Men to embrace Senseless Impertinence And as for Others I desire not the Scandal of their good Opinion If this little thing should be any whit taken Notice of in the World I know it will be bitterly Objected That I seem inclineable to the Exercise of a more severe Discipline then hath at least oâ— late been Exercised amongst us or then this loose Age will bear in which perhaps there is too much Truth But I could wish the Reader would suspend his Censure till he hath Considered these few things I shall Return in Aâ—swer First that in an Age wherein all Men are Caâ—vers to themselves for Religion it is but equal that they sbould not deny me who am very sparing of using it the same Liberty with themselves especially since a wanton or loose Practice of Religion may be as uneasiâ—â—o me as the strictest Rules Order or Decency can be to them Secondly because in this I am not Singular but have not only the Judgement of the Fathers and Practice of the Primitive Church but the Constitutions of our own Church on my side which to Avoid Numâ—rous Instances is evident from the Preface before the Commination Aâ—pointed to be Read on Ash-Wednesday Thirdly that the more ungratefuâ— it may be to Vn-governable tempers So much the more necessary it is foâ— the Safety and Peace of the Church and perhaps also of the State For for want of this all things Run into Disorder and Consusion Discipline being not only the Fence about Doctrine but the Prâ—curer and Preserver of good Manners and sober Conversation And in vain shall Men Reason Talk or Preach whilest the Corruptions Discontents Pride and various ill Humours of the greatest part of Mankind knows no other Awe then the simple Restraint of bare Perswasions Both Romanists and Dissenters frequently with open Mouâ—h upbraid us that we have not that Influence on the Lives Manners and Actions of our People which they have and that meerly for want of Discipline which indeed is true though we do not desire so much as they have For by woful Experience we find that they can as powerfully Influence them to ill Actions as good But at the same time they forget to tell us that they Joyn all their Forces and make all possible Interest that we may be Tied up from the Exercise of the most just and necessary Discipline and that purely in fear lest a Discipline as primitive as our Doctrine joyned together should get Ground so fast in the World that in time they might become Ashamed or grow weary of their Trade What is here wrote is only a Preparatory to my principal Design which was to shew That notwithstanding all the High and Specious Pretences of the Romanists when Matters are thoroughly Examined the only true Reason of their difference with us would be found to be Interest and that such an interest as to say no worse is very unbecoming the Professors of Christian Religion This alone was first in my thoughts and the rather because I observed that many had touched upon it in their Way but no Man so far as I know had ever yet made it his Business But upon second Thoughts though I did not depart from my first Design yet I thought fit to Enlaâ—ge it not only because some would think that alone would look more like a Libel then a just Plea but because I my self did think that to Common Apprehensions it would leave things in the dark and not be very profitable to any and perhaps to some hurtful For as some vain Mindes are Apt to take Occasion from our Dissentions to Burlesque all Religions so some Persons Addicted to the Reading of Controversies have Learned Skill enough to Condemn others but not to know themselves and they can tell you what they are not but not what they are Now a purely Negative Religion at best is next to no Religion if it be any at all Now though this be not the fault of those Authors who are bound to follow their Adversaries Steps but of those Men who will only Busie themselves in such Authors yet whâ—n my Method and Matter was wholly at my own Choice and in my own power I could not think my self excuseable if I should procced only in a destructive way And therefore in reference to the Parts which are to follow I did propound to my self to state the Case between us in each particular to set down positively what we do Hold or can Allow And then to Enquire into the Reasons of the Controversie both pretended and real for that Method I take to be best which leaves Men not at a Loss for Right whilest it sortifies them against the Wrong But my Comfort under my afflictions is this that my Share is inconsiderable in respect of my Great Master's or his true Follower St Paul who underwent the full Trial of all those things whereby he Teacheth us to Approve our Selves Ministers of God amongst which I think I have some peculiar Interest in these
i. e. To have done it by honour and dishonoâ—r by evil report and good report as a deceiver and yet true 2 Cor. 6. 8. I never thought that Contreversies were to be written for Controversies sake but rather what in us lay to put an End to them And I should not think my self unfortunate under all the Caluinnies and Sufferings in the World if I could be in the least Instrumental to Advance the Sincerity of Religion and Promote the Peace of Gods Church But if I may not be Capable of Endeavouring it to any purpose I will never cease to pray for it And therein I doubt not to have the Concurrence of all good Men whatsoever otherwise may be their Perswasions And thus Protesting my Integrity before God and freely leaving my self to the Censure of all Men. I am Yours in all Christian Offices S. G. THE CONTENTS CHAP. I. Of Obligations to Unity among Christians 1. REasons of the Enquirie 2. Obligations from the Nature of the Christian Religion 3. From Christians Considered as a Body with Remarks thereon 4. An Objection Answered 5. From the Honour of the Christian Religion 6. From express Precepts of the Gospel 7. From the Rewards of Preserving and Punishments of the Breach of Vnity 8 From the Encouragements Helps and Succours to Attain it CHAP. II. Wherein this Unity Consists 1. Mistakes concerning Vnity and the Reason thereof 2. A Caveat against the Plea of extraordinary Cases 3. The first Step towards or the Foundation of this Vnity 4. That our Vnity must be suitable to our state what that is and that it must be in the visible Church 5. An Inference thence 6. In Respect of our State-Vnion with the invisible Catholick Church by Vnion with the visible Catholick Church and Vnion with the visible Catholick Church by Vnion with some true Part of it i. e. a particular Church 7. That Admission into all Societies is by some known Ceremony or formal Way of Proceedings this in the Christian Society is Baptism Reflections on the Anabaptists 8. That Admission into a Sociâ—ty implies Submission to the Rules of the Society and an Obligation to the Duties thereof and to whom these have Regard in the Christian Society 9 Duties of particular Christians towards each other 10. That Duties of particular Christians must be Practised in Conjunction with Duties Relating to Worship and Communion 11. Communion though of necessity it be in particular Churches yet thereby it is in and with the Catholick Church 12. Communion in Worship supposeth a Necessity of Communion with lawful Pastors which is further Proved by several Arguments and Instances 13. That the Pastors ought also to maintain Communion with each other and the Nature thereof or by what means it is maintained briefly Examined 14. An Objection Answered and what is the Duty of particular Persons in such Case declared CHAP. III. Of the Nature of Schism 1. What hath inclined Men to maintain ill Principles and particularly Schism 2. The General Notion of Schism 3. 4. 5. Several Separations which are not Schism 6. The distinguishing Note of Schism and an Inference thence 7. 8 9. Several Ways whence Schism Ariseth 10. What Schism is sinful with a Defiâ—ition thereof 11. The Authors Aâ—knowledgment and the Assertion in Relation to the Controversie which he undertakes to prove and his Request CHAP. IV. Of the Liberties and Priviledges of the Britannick Churches and of the Actual Separation 1. Two General Objections against our whole 〈◊〉 and a General Exception against both 2. The first Objection Consists of two Branches whereof the first at present put off the latter Proposed to be Examined 3. The Title of Patriarch at this time set up as a Sham Device 4. Granting a Patriarchate to the Pope it is denied to Extend to the Britannick Churches 5. How Patriarchates came in and that they possessed no all Places 6. 7. The Bisbop of Rome not possessed of anâ— such jurisdiction in these Isles but aâ—ter Patriarchâ—tes were set up 8. Britain a Church before Rome and Reasons of the different Observation of Easter both in them and other Churches 9. The Reasons of the Britons mistake at to Easter such as ought not to have made a Breach and that they were not Quartodecimani 10. Augustines Mission and Helps for the Work That the Kâ—ntish Saxons were beâ—ore Prepared for Embracing the Gospel how He and the Brittish Bisâ—ops Meet in Councel to no Effect 11. The Reasons of the Brittons for not Relinquishing their old Vsages and for Refusing to Admit Augustine their Archbishop their Perseverance therein and the unhappy Effects of their second Meeting him 12. Both Britons and Irish Agree against Laurentius Augustines Successor 13. The Agreement of the English Irish and Scots in Religious Rites 14. The Irish prevailed with to Assist Laurentius and his Successâ—rs in Converting the Saxons but Adhere still to the Brittish Customes which in the End makes a Breach An Account of the Disputation between Coleman and Wilfrid 15. A doubt whether any Missionariâ—s from Rome into this Island before Augustine the Monck 16. Particular Friendship between the Gallican and Brittish Churches and an Inference thence 17. Continuance of the Brittish Liberties 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. Sir Francis Hastings John Fox c. Vindicated against the Cavils of F. Parsons 25. Expiration of the Brittish Liberty 26. An Answer to the Plea of Jurisdiction from the Conversion of the Saxons 27. That no Plea of Prescription Lies against these Isles in this Case 28. This further proved from the Eighth Canon of the Councel of Ephesus 29. The Erection of Patriarchates when by what means and how Received 30. Patriarchal Authority 〈◊〉 â—erviceable to the Pope 31. Whether a Patriaâ—chate be Forfeitable And whether the Pope have not Actually Forfeited his 32. That supposing the Bâ—sâ—op of Rome's Patriarchate had taken in these Isles yet it is now ceased and become void and null even by the Laws oâ— the Ancient Church 33. The Churches of these Iâ—â—es free aâ—d Invested with Power to Reform themselves and how that Power hath been â—sed Proposed to Consideration 34. The Condition of great Actions with an Answer â—o the Plea of Sacrilege 35. They themselves the Authors of many things whereof they Accuse us 36. Notwithstâ—nding the Reformation no Schism â—ill the Pope made it 37. Queen Elizabeth a Legitimate and Lawful Soverâ—ign 38 The present Church defended 39. What things must be Considered to Justifie our Church particularly our Ordination defended 40. The Way of Trying Doctrine and the Insufficiency of the Roman Way 41. The Reason of Negative Doctrines 42. Soundness of our Doctrine proved from the Concessions of our Adversaries 43. Sufficiency of the Scriptures and our Canon defended against the Roman 44. The Vse of Traditâ—on with several Cautions and Distinctions whereby to judge of it 45. Answer to an Objection CHAP. V. Of the Councel of Trent 1. The Power Vse and Rise of General Councels 2. Difference between the First
whence it takes its first Rise and Beginning is that Faith which was once delivered to the Saints And he that doth unfeignedly embrace it is so far forth united both to all those whoever heretofore received it And all those who now live in Profession of it but yet we must go a great way further or else we shall come short Home IV. For though this Unity principally relates to the Catholick Church of God Comprehending all Ages and places which is that Body whereof Christ is the Saviour and to whom the great and precious Promises are primarily made yet if we would speak rather os fully then magnisicently we are not so much to Consider in this Case the Church we are united to as the means whereby we are united to it and therefore as Men on Earth we are to consider our selves in statu viatorum as Men that are not only bound to believe but to profess the Faith of Christ Crucified for our Blessed Saviour hath told us That if we be Ashamed of Him and his Words He will be Ashamed of us when He cometh into the Glory of his Father Mark 8. 38. as Men so indispenseably bound â—o that Profession that they must not only hazard but even Actually lose all that is near and dear to them rather then depart from it for the same Christ hath told us That if a Man come to him and hate not Father and Mother and Wife and Children and Brethren and Sisters yea and his own Life also he cannot be his Disciple Luke 24. 26. as Men who are bound to embody in a common Fraternity and Society that they may joyntly as well as openly make this Profession not forsaking the Assembling of our selves together as the manner of some is as the Apostle teacheth Heb. 10. 25. In a word seeing we here live in expectation of the Promises we must submit to all the termes and conditions of the Covenant upon which God hath made their Performance to depend And being the whole tenure of the Gospel doth oblige us on Earth to joyn in a visible Fraternity to a visible Profession to particular duties to visible Professors and to a real not imaginary Obedience to them who Rule over us and Watch for our Souls I see not how we can Challenge the Name of Christians whilest we cast off all Care of these Duties And hence it is Apparent That we cannot be United to that great Catholick Mystical and Invisible Church of God but by becoming Members of his visible Church on Earth as being that part of his Church wherein he hath placed and to which the greatest part of our Duties do particularly Relate To Arrive to the state of Glorified Saints and Angels that Church without Spot or Wrinkle is our Hope and Endeavour But whilest we are on Earth we are only on our Way towards it and are particularly of that part of Gods Church wherein grow Tares as well as Wheat to be distinguished and separated in Gods good time And by our faithful sincere Obedience in this we do through Christ Jesus Require and Preserve a Right and Title in time to be made the immediate Members of the other V. This being our present state and condition our Unity ought certainly to be agreeable and suitable to it and therefore must be visible amongst the visible Professours of the Gospel and what that is or wherein it consists is my present Business to describe But first from the foregoing Premisses I would make this Inference That a Believer at large is only a Christian in Fieri his Faith alone without the other Duties and Accomplishments which the Gospel prescribes to all Christians is not sufficient to give him the full Title of a Christian 'T is true he hath laid a good Foundation but unless he proceed to build thereon he can no more be said to be a Christian then an Artificer can be said to have Erected a fair House when he hath only laid the Ground-Work And the Reason is plain because Faith in its own Nature doth not only incline but oblige to Obedâ—ence And I therefore not only more chearfully Obey Gods Commands because I believe Him faithful who hath promised but I must condemn my self as utterly inexcusable if I disobey Him at the same time that I pretend to believe in Him Hence it is observeable That the word Faith taken Objectively is often in Scripture-phrase used to Signifie not only Revealed Truths but Precepts of Life even the whole Gospel of Christ Jesus or the Law of Faith And where it speaks distinctly of it yet it will have the other to follow it Commanding us to add to our Faith Vertue 2 Pet. 1. 5. And to Shew our Faith by our Works Jam. 2. 8. And accordingly the first Converts to Christianity upon their Owning the Faith thought themselves Obliged to go on to what the Law of Faith Required Thus the â—unuch â—hen Convinced by Philip that Jesus Christ was the Son of God doth not Acquiesce in that Faith but proceeds as far as his present Circumstances would permit and of his own Accord bespeaks Philip See here is Water what doth hinder me to be Baptized Acts 8. 36. And consonantly hereto it is Observable That the primitive Church did Vouchsafe the Title of Fideles to no Adult Persons but such as were in full Communion And did Men perswade themselves that their Faith did so indispenseably oblige them to all Christian Duties that without their sincere Endeavour even Faith it self became defective it would make a fair Advance towards Unity And till they do so I see no Reason to hope for it VI. But now to Return to the thing in Hand As we are Men on Earth and Probationers for Heaven our Unity must be such as is Required by this our state and consequently must consist in such matters as Unites all the visible Professors of the Gospel into such a Body or Society which God hath instituted and designed for his Worship on Earth But then we are to Consider That as we are United to the Catholick invisible Church of God by being United to his visible Catholick Church on Earth so we are United to this visible Catholick Church by being United to some true part of it or by becoming Members of some particular Church for no Member can be United to the Body all over or to the whole immediately but is United to the Body by being United to it in some part For the Body is not one Member but many 1 Cor. 12. 14. And as these fitly Framed altogether make the whole so by Vertue of this Union each Member hath a Communication with the Whole and is both capacitated to discharge his Duty to the Whole and to Receive Supplies from and claim an Interest in the Whole VII Now being that our Belief in the Son of God and that he is the Head of the Body his Church if considered Antecedently to and separately from other Christian Duties doth rather
And doth interpret the disobedience or neglect of them to be an Affront to Himself For thus our Saviour Teacheth us Luke 10. 16. He that heareth you heareth me And he that despise hâ— you despiseth me And he that despiseth me despiseth him that sent me And therefore though such Despisers may not seem to suffer any thing here yet they stand Accountable to a higher Tribunal and do run a greater hazard then any temporal punishment when their Cause is forejudged by their Spiritual Governours Hence saith Tertullian Apol. Summum futuri Judicii Prâ—judiciurâ— est si quis ita deliquerit ut à Communicatione Orationis Convenâ—û◠Omnis Sancti Commercii Relegetur The Wickedness indeed of Spiritual Governours is of very dangerous Consequence the Influence of it makes many bad and will not suffer others to be so good as they would And as we read that the Lâ—wdness of Eli's Sons made the People even to Abhor the Offering of the Lord So by Moses Law the Offering for the Sin of the Priest was the same as the Offering for the Sin of the whole People and much exceeded the Offering for the Sin of the Civil Ruler Levit. 4 It is sad with Gods Church when the Complaint lies at that Door But yet even this will not Absolve Christians from their Obedience to them in Matters which are within the just Bounds of their Authority and properly belong to their Office Even our Saviour himself who so often warns his disciples to Beware of the Leaven of the Pharisces yet Commands them to obey the same Men so far forth as they satt in Moses Chair And doubtless he doth not Require less Observance of those who Sit in his own Chair And though People are very apt to begin the Quarrel here yet methinks they should be more fearful of breaking Communion with their Pastors if they did Consider That this is the Door by which always Schism enters for it is not Conceiveable how they should forsake Christian Communion but by deserting their Pastors in their Pastoral Office Hence the Fathers especially St. Cyprian them whom no man better understood or wrote of this Case upon all Occasions as they usually describe a particular Church by the Union of the Flock to their Pastor so they define Schism by a Separation from the Bishop Not that they meant it is no more but that that is the Act which makes the Schismatick and that by leaving his proper Bishop he forsakes not only the Communion of that particular Church but of all other Churches of whose Communion that Bishop is And Consequently the Communion of the Catholick Church if he be truly a Catholick Bishop And hence I think it may Appear that for Maintaining Christian Communion in Christs Body the People must be United to their Pastors and that not only with Resoect to Preaching the Word publick Prayers and the Use of the Sacraments but also with Regard to Matters of Discipline and Government without which Order and Regular Proceedings in the Church it cannot be upheld Upon this Score the primitive Christians were so Observant of the Rules Orders and Censures of their Bishop That if any Man fell under the Sentence of Excommunication they for so much as Related to them vigorously put it in Execution and not only would not suffer such a One to joyn in Communion but would not so much as Eat Drink Couverse or ordinarily Traffick with Him Which Practice seems to have had its Foundation from that of St. Paul 2 Thes 3. 14. If any Man obey not our Word by this Epistle Note that Man and have no Company with him that he may be Ashamed As also from that 1 Cor. 5. 11. Now I have written unto you not to keep Company if any Man that is called a Brother be a Fornicator or Covetous or an Idolater or a Railer or a Drunkard or an Extortioner with such an One No not to Eat XIII But that a Firm Christian Unity may be in the Church of God it is not sufficient that the Flock continue in a due Subjection to and steddy Communion with their Pastor unless the Pastors themselves Maintain a fair Correspondence and keep due Order one amongst another For if the Trumpet give an uncertain sound who shall Prepare himself to the Battel as the Apostle saith 1 Cor. 14. 8. how is it possible that an Army should be Unanimous in it self or Employ its full force against the Enemy if the Commanders Agree not but give out contrary Orders Nor is it possible That the Unity of the Church should be preserved if the Pastors Govern their Flocks not in Conjunction but Opposition to each other and set up such termes of Communion as other Churches cannot approve but must withdraw from It is indeed true That every Bishop in his particular Church hath a kind of Sovereign Authority and is to Govern his Flock Rationem Actûs sui Domino rediturus as St. Cyprian more then once phraseth it Hence it is That in some things a Christian Man is bound to Observe the Orders of his own Church and obey his own Bishop before any if not all the Bishops in the Christian World But then this Authority must not be stretch'd beyond the Bounds of his own particular Church And hence arose those several different and often contrary Usages and Customes in several Churches which were not excepted against because they belonged to the Power of each particular Church and consisted in such things That he that Communicated after the one Manner in one Church might Lawfully Communicate after the contrary in another Of this Nature was that known different Usage of old between the Churches of Rome and Millan In the former they Fasted on Saturdays in the latter not And therefore St. Ambrose who was truly as stout a Bishop as ever the Church had though he strictly Required Obedience to the Orders of his own Church yet at Rome was as Observant of theirs and Advised St. Augustine's Mother Monica to do the same The Reason must be fetch'd from the Nature of the Things which being indifferent in themselves might be Lawfully practised either Way and therefore were in the Power of every Church to determine or not determine as She found most for her good and Advantage But when these Things are determined Obedience put on the Nature of Duty and Disobedience of Sin But though every Bishop in Respect of his particular Church or Flock hath according to the Old Ecclesiastical Language his Throne yet in Relation to the Catholick Church he is but a principal Member who in Conjunction with Others of the fame Authority is to Share in care of the whole And therefore in Matters which have an Influence on Catholick Communion he is Accountable to his Colleagues or Fellow Bishops and for any Misdemeanour herein may by them be Suspended Deposed or Censured as they or a convenient part of them shall â—udge Meet for the prefervation of the Churches Peace And
the nearer we come to the first Settlement the surer we are to be in the Right But some Men so doat on their fond Devices and are so bewitched with the pleasure of Coyning New Notions that not content to delude themselves they labour all they can to perswade others that every thing that is old is ugly and to be Abominated Thus that sweet Harmony of the primitive Christians whereby they preserved their Body Sound against the Malice of Hereticks and Schismaticks enjoyed free Communion in all Places and were no where destitute of Comfortable Support and Assistance whether Spiritual or Temporal this I say has either been imputed to the folly of the first Converts or the Tyranny of Hereticating Bishops But if there was any thing ill and of Mischievous consequence to Religion for this they became zealous Advocates were ready to tell us That the Devil is not so black as he is Painted and so palliate the Matter that at length they would draw it in to be useful Amongst Matters of this Nature nothing hath found more Patrons then Schism Some have shuffled it to and fro till they have lost it and some have Trick'd and Trimm'd and Sett it out for such a pretty harmless thing as would almost tempt One to be in love with it But being I have said enough in the first Chapter to prove Schism a Sin of a deep Dye I shall forbear to inveigh against it and Sett my Self rather to make a discovery of it that the Rock appearing we may be the better able to avoid it II. Schism in its general Notion signifies any Rent Rupture Division Separation or Solution of Continuity But in an Ecclesiastical Sense as applied to the Church it denotes some Breach or Separation among the Members or parts of that Body growing so high as to cause Bandying into Parties and setting up distinct and opposite Communions or the like But because all Separation is not Schism and that which is is not always sinful therefore it may be convenient to enquire by what means Separations are made what Separation is Schism and what Schism is sinful III. Those Persons who are so far from any Communion in the Church that they never did or would receive and embrace the Gospel of Christ Jesus are really separated and excluded from his Body the Church But then in this they cannot properly be said to depart from it or make any Schism in it because they were never of it nor any way Related to it And therefore their Crime is not stiled Schism but Infidelity And the Persons Infidels or Heathens not Schismaticks IV. Some Persons have Professed the Faith and Lived in the Communion of the Church but through the powerful Instigations of the Devil the strong temptations of Worldly Advantages Sense of Torments dreadful Apprehensions of Danger or the like ill Motives have Renounced not only the Communion of the Church but the Faith of Christ But these are not properly Schismaticks for Schism doth import some Relation still to the Church though it suppose a disorderly behaviour in it and a Breach and Violation of its Peace and Unity But these are wholly gone off and their Crime is in it self of a higher Nature though many times not so Mischievous in its Effects And it is commonly called Apostacy and the Persons Apostates or in the Modern Language Renegado's V. There is a third Sort of Persons who profess the Faith and live in the Communion of the Church but through Pride Discontent Wantonness or the like Causes are not careful to Attend to sound Doctrine but fall into Errours and Entertain and devise Opinions prejudicial to the Gospel of Christ and the Salvation of Souls But if these Men keep their Opinions to themselves whatever damage they may bring to their own Souls they can make no Ecclesiastical Schism but if they Broach or Propagate them then Schism is usually the Effect and Consequence of such doings but their Denomination is from the particularity of their Crime or obstinacy in their ill Opinions which is called Heresy and the Persons Heretâ—cks VI. Now though Heresy is of that â—uâ—â—ulent Natuâ—e thâ—t it seldom fails to produce Sâ—hism yet it may soâ—e that Persons may be Sound in the Faith and yet through Pâ—ide Discontent Ambitâ—on or the like ill Motives may violate that Unity and Conjunction which ought to â—e â—mongst â—hristians in the Profession of the Faith and Duties it Requires So that Heresy seems to be opposed to the Verity and Soundness of Religion Schism to the Union of Persons amongst themselves professing Religion Now because the Acts of this Unity consist in Christian Communion and it cannot be otherwise expressed and manifâ—sted but by such Communion therefore a departure or Separation from that Communion must be that which we call Schism Hence Hesychius explains 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Signifies a Secession or Separation And hence it appears That every Heat Quarrel or Brabble how faulty soever it may otherwise be doth not Amount to Schism unless it so influence the Communion as to make a breach in that And therefore neither that Contention between Paul and Barnabas nor that Contest between Polycarp and Anicetus nor that Difference between Chrysostom and some who had been his Auditors nor that sharp Conflict between the same Chrysostom and Epiphanius nor that long debate between Stephen and Cyprian were any of them to be Accounted or brought under the Notion of Schism because the Communion of the Church was still kept up and Maintained by all the Parties But when this Communion is violated and broken then it comes to a direct and open Schism And this may be done several wayes all of them I pretend not to reach and those I shall mention I shall not dwell on VII Some there are who forsake the Communion of the Charch but go not so far as to set up any opposite Communion not that they have any honour for or regard to Church-Communion but that they think it unnecessary if not prejudiciaI These though they seem not to Fly so high as others in that they Vex not the Church with opposite Communions yet they really overthrow all Communion and destroy the whole publick Worship of God wherein his People are United for his glory and their own benefit And therefore these are nothing such harmless Creatures as some think them Amongst these we may Reckon those Rank Enthusiasts who have overgrown Ordinances and account themselves far above all such weak Helps and beggerly Elements VIII I shall further propose it as a Question whether some Men by their particular Opinions or Declarations may not make themselves Schismaticks even whilest they continue in the Communion of a Church that is truly of Catholick Communion for though the Pastor and Officers of the Church walk never so Canonically and Perform all Services with relation to and dependance upon the Catholick Church yet if any Member shall so awkwardly adhere to this particular Church as to
oppose it to all others and condemn all others and refuse Communion with any other he seems to Me to make himself a Schismatick For though the Church be of Catholick Communion yet he communicates in it upon Schismatical Principles and makes it Schismatical to him The Church indeed is in Communion with other Churches but he communicates in it in opposition to other Churches And this seems in some Measure to have been the Case of the Church of Corinth Paul and Apollos and Cephas were all Ministers of the same Christ great Master-Builders in his Church and zealous Maintainers of its Communions and yet several in the Communion of this Church seems to have communicated upon narrower termes then the Constitution of it Required For some were for Paul and some for Apollos and some for Cephas and they that were for one were against the other two and against all others who did not joyn with them in the same quarrel I will not say but that it might go higher and that there might be opposite Communions That St. Paul there Planting the Gospel might leave so many Congregations in that Church as the Number of Converts required That Apollos coming after upon the increase of Converts might leave them more Church-Officers and increase the Number of their Congregations And the first might stand stiffly for Paul and the other for Apollos However the first is not improbable and indeed both might be true successively They might first clash in the same Communion and then break into opposite Communions But this I leave to the further Consideration and Censure of Others IX Where there is such a Renunciation of Communion as to set up opposite Communions it may be Effected several Ways Sometimes the Layety have forsaken their Pastors Congregated into Bodies and of their own Authority Raised distinct Communions I will not here dispute whether they deserve that Name but certainly this is the Height of Presumption and Madness for though it be true which Cerah said Numb 16. 3. That all the Congregation are holy yet the sad Story that follows assures us That they are not therefore all Priests and Levites and that they may not presume to enter upon and promiscuously discharge that Sacred Office and Function Sometimes Subject Presbyters and other Church-Officers have forsaken their Bishop carried away many of the Members of his Church and gathered Sheep from all Quarters out of the true Fold And this is the more Mischievous as carrying along with it some Shew of Authority Sometimes Bishops and their Churches have Rejected the Communion of other Bishops and their Churches Sometimes in like manner Metropolitans have opposed Metropolitans National Churches National and Patriarchal Patriarchal And the Schism is ever the more Mischievous according to the Considerableness of the Persons concerned in it or the Extent of their Jurisdiction or the Cause they divide upon Too much of all this is in the present Divisions of the Christian World which are managed with that Bitterness and Height and have torn the Church so all-to pieces that it is a Subject fitter for our Lamentation then Discourse X. And yet after all it must be Acknowledged that all Separation is not sinful for then wherever there was a Separation they would be faulty on both Sides as well they that made as they that suffer by the Separation Nay if that should be granted a Man might be necessitated to Sin which he never is or can be For if unsufferable Corruptions or sinful Usages be brought into a Church whereof any Person is a Member and set up as termes of Communion He cannot Communicate without Sin nor can he Depart without Sin but unavoidably must Split upon one of these two Rocks if all Separation be sinful And therefore to discover that Schism which is Sinful or Criminal we mast bring it not only a Physical but a Moral Consideration Such the Case may be that the Separation may not only be lawful but necessary It was Gods Command to the Israelites concerning Babylon Jerem. 5. 45. My People Go ye out of thae midst of her and deliver ye every Man his Soul from the fierce Anger of the Lord. And St. Paul having described a Sort of ill Men which in the latter times should infest the Churcâ— he gives this Charge to Tsmothy concerning them 2 Tim. 3. 5. From such turn away Actual Separation therefore may sometimes be a Duty when it is a Departure from those who have before departed from the Right and violated the Unity and corrupted the Communion of the Church But being there ought to be no Separation but upon the score of Avoiding Obligations to Sin and no further then may secure us in that matter there can be no Separation but there will be Sin on the one side or the other And being the bare Separation may not only be lawful but duty the Sin of Schism must Lie where the cause and evil is found and they are the Schismaticks who unjustly cause the Breach And indeed simple Separation doth not include the whole Nature of Schism in an Ecclesiastical Sense For though those who depart from any true Church of God as it is a part of the Catholick Church do break off from the Body yet those who depart upon just and warrantable Grounds though they depart from the Schismaticks yet they do not forsake the Church of God but continue in its Communion and are Members of that Body and therefore cannot be Schismaticks But I need not Discourse this any further because I think it is Agreed on all Hands that the Sin of Schism follows the Cause Now from all that hath been said this or the like Definition of Schism may be Gathered That it is an unjust Violation Breach or Solution of the Unity of the Church Or to express it more plainly a Causeless Separation from Ecclesiastical Communion XI How far some more moderate Person in the Church of Rome may be willing to go along with Me in these Considerations I cannot tell the Generality of them I know go further but that will not be the least part of that Controversie However here we must part But because I do profess my self a Person who doth deeply Mourn over that dismal state of the Church to which thefe Divisions have brought it and that God who knows the Secrets of all Hearts knows that I say true and do wish an End of their Broils and would Contribute the utmost of my Endeavors to Repair the Breaches And do moreover freely confess That Schism is a Sin of a very dangerous Nature it will therefore Concern Me to discharge my self from being either a Partner in or an Abettor of that Mischievous Evil of which I Complain And therefore now I shall endeavour to prove not only that the Cause of the Schism between the Church of England and the Church of Rome lyes at the Church of Rome's door But further that let them pretend what they will that Schism was first made
in the Empire of another Site had any peculiar and proper Jurisdiction over the Britannick Churches or whether they were any part of his Diocess as the word in its largest Acception signifies A Division containing several Provinces And this I think will be fully Answered if I prove That in Relation to the Britannick Church either he had no such Jurisdiction or none by Right V. That the Government of the Church was left in the Hands of the Bishops I shall prove hereafter But for the more convenient and advantageous Management of the Churches Affairs there began very early a particular Deference Respect and Observance to be paid to the Bishop of the principal City where the Secular Governour had his Residence He at first was called Episcopus primae Vrbis or Sedis Afterwards a Metropolitan But some overgrown Cities whose Numbers Wealth and Interest enabled them to overtop and oppress Others as it were Naturally Infused into their Bishops a Spirit of Ambition to extend their Jurisdiction and Power Answerably to the Grandeur of their City These Mens Encroachments were for a long time stoutly opposed but Power naturally following Strength Wealth and Interest and an Advantage being given them by the New Division of the Empire by Constantine they in the End prevail'd and Grasp'd so large Jurisdiction as to have several Metropolitans under them and obtained their first Ratification in the Council of Chalcedon as our late Learned Bishop of Oxford hath â—lâ—arly proved Account of Church-Govern These at first were called Exaâ—chs afterwards Patriarchs and sometimes Primates Of this new Booty without fail the Bishop of Rome as Bishop of the most Renowned City in the World and the Ancient Seat of the Empire carried away no small Share for he was always of Kin to the Lion in the Fable who when the Prey came to be divided made the Beasts that Hunted with him Content with a very small pittance if he was so gracious as to allow any thing But yet this New Exorbitant Power did not swallow up the whole Church but in many Places they still Lived in their Ancient Liberty Governed by their Bishops and Metropolitans without being subject to any Pratriarch of which the Cyprian Churches are a famous Instance in the East and I can yet see nothing to perswade me to think otherwise of the Britannick in the West VI. Never any Succession of Men have stood so constantly on their Guard and have been so watchful diligent and industrious upon all occasions to depress others and Exalt themselves as the Bishops of the Roman See All was Fish that ever come to their Net If they could at any time steal into a Jurisdiction though never so unjustly they would never quit it or not without strong Tugging and eternal Claiming And therefore Considering this Temper it were a fair Proposal that Setting aside Flams and Impertinencies they would produce any fair Footsteps of a proper Jurisdiction exercised by the Bishop of Rome over the Britons within the space of a Hundred years after the Council of Chalcedon For when Men have always been so busie in Acquiring so tenacious in Keeping so severe in Exercising Jurisdiction and want no Records unless what themselves have either falsifyed or abused That these Men can produce no good Evidence for such a Jurisdiction to Me it seems a good Argument that from the Beginning there was none If bare Claims and those coming after were enough no Man could live in Peace And therefore he that will thrust another out of possession for his own benefit must well and clearly prove his Title Had these Islands belonged to the Roman Patriarch there was no strength in them to have kept out his Power when it was back'd with the least Shew of Right If therefore it cannot be proved that the Bishop of Rome was in possession of such Jurisdiction here at or near the time that Patriarchates were setled he may let his Suit fall unless he have more Hopes from force or fraud then Right In this Cafe if in any that Common Rule Idem est non esse non apparere hold good And the rather because the Canon that Confirms Patriarchates supposeth the former Exercise of fuch Jurisdiction by Custom What by degrees he gained long after may serve well enough to prove him an Usurper but can Create him no Right as I shall prove Anon. VII Now though it be all the Reason in the World that if the Romanists will pretend a Title they should prove it yet I will not barely insist upon Possession on our part without giving some Reasons that may manifest our Right to it If the Patriarchate of the Bishop of Rome was Confined to the Suburbicary Churches it is most certain that the Britons lay too far off to be Hook'd in by that Title What other Evidence can be brought for the certain Bounds of his Patriarchate I cannot tell I have met with no better And this having been plainly Assigned to him it will concern them to bring their Proofs who will extend it further and therefore I will not longer insist on it Yet this among other Reasons moves me to think that as Patriarch he had no proper Jurisdiction either over the Gallican or Spanish Churches and divers others otherwise then as he might sometimes interpose as an Honourary Arbitrator or at other times upon a nicking Opportunity with the diligence of a watchful Usurper invade their Rights That the French Churches came not under his Authority in the same way and manner that some Others did the Liberties of the Gallican Churches so stoutly Maintained to this very day are an irrefragable Instance And perhaps that is almost the only Church of the Roman Communion which affords us any Hope that the Cause may one day come to a more equal Hearing and Matters be brought more to Rights in the Church of God But as for our selves if the Bishop of Rome never Exercised any such Patriarchal Jurisdiction over the Britons nor would they own or submit to any such considering the low Estate of the One and the Power Arts and indefatigable Industry of the other it will be a Convincing Argument to any unprejudiced Person that he never had any such Jurisdiction here That he did Exercise any such Jurisdiction I deny And it will Concern them to Convince Me by clear Instances of the contrary who will Assert it But if it were possible that they could tell me Five Hundred Tales of Persons sent over hither by the Bishop of Rome I shall not Value it one Rush For if wherever he sends one of an Errand he Requires the Jurisdiction of the place as he hath the Privilege which never Man had so if he hath not been very negligent and false to his own Interest he might long since have gained the Jurisdiction of the whole World and that is certainly too much for a Patriarch which is our present dispute But though I am not bound to prove the Negative yet
to shew that he could have no such Jurisdiction I shall produce two Arguments the one taken from the different Rites and Usages of the Britons from the Romans The other from the Brittish Bishops downright disclaiming such Authority and Asserting and Proving their Liberty VIII Doubtless it doth more Concern us to be truly thankful that God hath Vouchsafed us the Light of his Gospel and to be careful to live acccrding to it then scrupulously to enquire after the precise time when the Britons Received the Christian Faith But if Enquiry should be made which in our present Case may not only be allowable but useful I am prone to think it would appear That the British Churches were so far from being the Slave that they were the Elder Sister of the Church of Rome And if neither the Gift of Christ nor the Canons of the Ancient Church have dealt her any hard Measure in this Matter certainly the Prerogative of her Birth-right ought to invest Her with some Honour and Priviledge at least to Shield Her from Truckling too much to the Power and Petulance of her younger Sister And the rather because she hath not been unfruitful as having brought forth the first Christian King furnished the World with the first Christian Emperour afforded the first call her as you please Christian Queen or Empress and of all Others first so Received the Faith that it was the publick Allowed and Authorized Religion of the place in which Respect she hath sometimes been Honoured with the Title of Primogenita Ecclesia But to pass by these Honourary Titles it is generally Agreed That the Britons as in several other Matters so especially in the Observation of the Feast of Easter did differ from the Romans And to find out the true Reason of this I think the best Way will be to look still higher even to the first times of Christianity Our blessed Saviour was so far from separating from the Jewish Church that he made them his particular Care and Charge and seems to have so designed all his Labours for their Conviction and Reformation that all Nations might have been Aggregated to them in his Name And therefore he was generally shy towards Others and being Urged with Arguments in favour of the Woman of Canaan plainly Answers Matth. 15. 24. I am not sent but unto the lost Sheep of the House of Israel This Honour towards the Jewish Church the only Church of God then on Earth and Care that it might not be lost â—at rather that the Wall of Separation being broken down all Others might be let in to Her continued with the Apostles and Difciples of Christ after his Death and Resurrection for they remained still at Jerusalem preaching to the Jews And when the Cruelty of Herod and Malice of the Jews followed them so close that they were many of them forced to Fly out of Jerusalem to save their Lives yet their kindness to the Jews and Hopes of their Conversion still stuck clofe to them in so much that those who were scattered upon the Persecution of Stephen and went as far as Phenice Cyprus and Antioch Preached the Word to none but the Jews only Acts 11. 19. And there was need of no less then a Miracle to perswade Peter to go and instruct Cornelius a Gentile in the Way os Truth Acts 10. and though he did go upon such unanswerable Motives yet he was called to an Account for it The going in unto Men Uncircumcised was thought a Crime not to be suffered unless extraordinary Reason could be given for it And perhaps this Tenderness towards the Jews might be no small cause of Peters Judaizing at Antioch Now whilest the Disciples did Adhere so close to the Jews it is not only Reasonable to suppose that they Used their Customes and Rites But we have Scripture Testimony of some Instances wherein they did so as in the matter of the Sabbath though they kept also the Lords Day and Circumcision and some other things And therefore it is likely that they did observe with them their other Fasts and Feasts especially that which was Accounted the Principal the Passeover For as they look'd upon these things as in their own Natures to be matters then indifferent so tbey did hope to draw off the Jews by degrees and to let the Law of Moses go off Honourably rather by Difuse then Contempt And this Practice continued for some time after the Conversion of divers of the Gentiles by the Disciples who were dispersed by the Persecution at Jerusalem And therefore I take that Plea of Polyerates for his different Observation of Easter from Victor Bishop of Rome to be a Testimony of the very early Conversion of those Asiatick Churches and that they were of the First fruits of Christianity But after that God by bestowing the Holy Ghost on the Gentiles and other clear Signes and Indications of his Will had Convinced all the Apostles and Ministers of the Word that it was not only lawful but their Duty to make known the Words of Eternal Life unto the Gentiles and the Gentiles upon their Preaching in all places did plentifully Flock into the Church then in those Gentile Churches Christian Liberty began in a greater Measure to be Maintained against the Mosaical Rites And now Paul who Circumcised Timothy refused to Circumcise Titus yea even the Council at Jerusalem disburthen of all those Matters except some few things which the Necessity of the Times would not permit them to take off unless they should have utterly disobliged the Jews of whom they had some Hopes And about this time it is probable began the strict Observation of the Lords Day with the Neglect of the Sabbath And the Celebrating the Resurrection not on the precise time of the Jewish Passeover but on the first day of the Week Called the Lords Day from his Resurrection on that day next following the Fourteenth of the Moon And yet though this was Allowed in the Gentiles yet in Communion with the Christian Jews a greater Regard was had to the Law And therefore when that great Assertor of the Gentiles Liberty St. Paul came up to Jerusalem though the Disciples Approved what he had done yet they Advise Him to go purifie himself in the Temple and do such other Matters that he might Appear according to the Opinion of the Jews to Walk orderly and keep the Law Acts 21. But when neither Pains Patience nor Arguments could prevail but the Jews became more obstinate then ever in Adhering to the Mosaical Rites and obtruded them upon all Others with the Opinion of such absolute Necessity that they became a Scandal to the Gospel and made the Death of Christ in vain and upon this Account were the Implacable Enemies of the Christians in all Places Then to Vindicate the Gospel the Christians were under a Necessity to depart from them And those who before Complyed all that could be with them now lest they should seem to Countenance the Opinion That
Salvation was by the Law of Moses not by the Faith of Christ Jesus Fled as far as they could from them and would not joyn with them in or Practise any of the Rites peculiar to the Law of Moses for the Matter was now come to that pass that they could not do it without betraying the Christian Religion so that now ceased the Obligation to these Matters which the Council at Jerusalem had formerly imposed in favour of the Jews and Hopes to Win them And hence it is probable many Churches tooâ— Occasion to turn the Great Festival of the Jews the Sabbath into a Fâ—â—t And for this Reason amongst Others viz. That they might not Ground their Festival from any Jewish Rite or because they thought the Account noâ— exact they declined the Fourteenth of the Moon and began that Feast on the Lords Day reckoning from the Fifteenth to the One and Twentieth of the Moon Now not to Run over the Stories of Simon Zelotes Joseph of Ariâ—â—athea and Others who are Celebrated for the first Planters of the Christian Religion in these Isles From these Premisses it is not irrational to Conclude that the British Churches observing the Feast of Easter after the Usage which obtained before the Separation from the Jews and the Roman Church more exactly as was devised afterwards the Gospel in all probability must have been Preached and Received in Brittain some time before any Considerable Church was Gathered at Rome And being this Usage continued for several Hundreds of Years though the Bishops of Rome were so far from suffering it in that they would scarce suffer it out of their Jurisdiction it will follow that these Churches were neither of Roman Conversion nor Roman Jurisdiction IX This Matter will be much clearer if we now descend to Consider the Debates Behaviour and Actions of the Brittish Bishops towards Augustine the Monk who was sent hither by Pope Gregory for the Conversion of the Saxons But first to prevent mistakes I must tell you that I have no design either to Vindicate the Brittish Bishops in the Observation of Easter or to condemn the Roman It Matters not to Me who was right or wrong but it is the Difference and the Grounds whereon it was Maintained which serves my Ends. The Britons were not Quartodecimani as some have supposed for those kept the Feast on the Fourteenth of the Moon on what day of the Week soever it fell but the Britons expected the Lords Day But I suppose none now will Contest it but that the Romans were most exact and right in their Observation but then that arose from this Nicety That the Law of Moses Commands the Paschal Lamb to be slain in the Evening of the Fourteenth day of the first Month Now according to the Jewish Account who Reckoned the foregoing Night to the following day that must be on the Beginning of the Fifteenth day But the Britons who Reckoned not from Sun-set but from Sun-rise and so on the contrary joyned the following Night to the foregoing day could not see this but must of course take the Evening following the Fourteenth Day to be part of the Fourteenth Day And therefore their Practice being suitable to their Common Conceptions And having obtained amongst them from their first Entrance into Christianity it was unreasonable that those who had no Jurisdiction over them should impose an Alteration upon them and still worse to raise irreconcileable fewds and make Divisions in Gods Church for such a matter As if a Man could not be a good Christian without being an exact Astronomer and Critically cunning in the Customes of other Nations X. But to Return to our Matter Mauritius according to Beda Eccl. Hist lib. 1. cap. 23. came to the Empire in the Year 582 In the Tenth Year of his Reign Gregory came to the Popedom And he in the Fourteenth Year of the same Emperours Reign sends Augustine to the Saxons so that Aâ—gustines first Mâ—ssion was about the Year 596 But though he and his Companions seemâ—d to set forth with great Chearfulness and Resolution yet whether from the dread of a Warlike and barbarous People or from an Apprehension of their inability for the Work as not understanding the Language or what other Cause I know not After mature deliberation in Council they fairly tack about and Sail back again This much troubled the good Pope who by all Circumstances seems to have Set his Heart on this Work And he had the greater Reason for it because it was already half done to his Hands And therefore he gently Reproves those faint-hearted Souldiers but takes greater pains to encourage them And that they might want nothing to Fit them for the work he Sends and Recommends them to Etherius Archbishop of Arles who furnisheth them with Interpreters de Gente Erancorum Bed Eccl. Hist lib. 1. cap. 24. 25. And now away they go for good and Land in the Isle of Thanet and perhaps there was no great difficulty in Converting King Ethelbert for it was now about 150 Years since the Coming in of the Saxons And though their Quarrel was with the Britons yet they could not in all that time but understand somewhat of the Christian Religion from them Besides Ethelberts Queen was a Christian and de Gente Erancorum Regiâ as Beda phraseth it And it was Conditioned at her Marriage That She should have the frâ—e Use of her Religion And the Condition was duely kept for whereas the King had his Court in Canterbury the Queen had for her Use the then Ancient Church of St. Martin standing at the Towns-End and her Bishop Lindhardus who Officiated And any Body will suppose That both She and her Bishop would do all they could to Influence and perswade the King Further Beda Eccl. Hist lib. 1. cap. 25. saith expressly though somewhat mincingly That Antea fama ad eum Christianae Religionis pervenerat And Gregory the Great in one of his Letters saith They were desirous of it And whosoever shall duely Consider the whole Behaviour of King Ethelbert will find in him no Aversion to the Christian Religion but that like a wise Prince he only â—ook care so to manage the Matter that he might Receive it with the Satisfaction of his Subjects and draw them to it after him Well in a short time the King is Convertâ—d and Augustine becomes his Favourite And yet before this with the true Industry of a Monck he Lends the Honest Bishop Linhardus a Lift who had prepared Matters for him and by the Kings Favour gets Possession of St. Martins Church And here I know not well how to excuse Beda from Partiality For he saith as little as could be beâ—ore but henceforward not a word of the endeavors of the Queen or her Bishop nor a tittle of all the labor and pains of the French Intetpreters without whom this our English Apostle could have done nothing But Augustine like a true Son of the Râ—man Church goes away both with
all the Honour and all the profit And now being grown too great for a Monck he makes a Journey to Arles and by the Arch-bishop of that place at the Motion of Pope Gregory is Ordained no less then Archiepiscopus Genti Anglorum Bed Eccl. Hist lib. 1. cap. 27. a pretty Fetch before New Converts understood themselves to secure the whole Authority of the Nation to a Roman Missionary and consequently to the Pope whoever should be afterwards at the pains to convert them However after his Return he seems to have Laboured in the business and after the Death of Pope Gregory which Beda Eccl. Hist lib. 2. cap 1. Refers to the Year 605 he obtains a Conference with the Brittish Bishops with a design to get their Assistance in converting the Saxons and withal to Advance Himself by drawing tâ—em under his Jurisdiction But whether in Hatred to the Saxons their Mortal and indeed unjust Enemies or through offence at Augustines Pride and taking too much upon him or in love to their old Customes which Augustine unseasonably would not allow the main Business miscarried and then first Arose the Paschal Controversie in Britain so that at first dash here Ariseth a Prescription of about 600 Yeares for the British Usage XI The Grounds whereon the Britons proceeded seem to be Chiefely these That they would not give up their Ancient Liberties and Customes nor depart from the Canons of the Church And here Beda shews himself little favourable to their Affaires as at other times he appears very ignorant in them for though he studiously Conceals Augustines Ambition yet the Britons Answers plainly discover it For their first Answer is this Non se posse absque suorum consensn ac Licentiâ Priscis abdicare Moribus And in the second Meeting or Synod their Answer is plainly this That they will not Receive Him for their Arch-bishop Bed Ecc. Hist lib. 2. cap. 2. But the Answer of the Abbot of Bangor shews the Reason why they neither could nor ought to do it and is so pat to the purpose that I shall set it down as Sir Henry Spelman hath Translated it from the Brittish Co. pag. 108. Be it known and without doubt unto you That we all are and every one of us Obedsent and Subjects to the Church of God and to the Pope of Rome and to every godly Christian and to love every One in his degree in perfect Charity and to keep every One of them by word and dâ—ed to be the Children of God And other Obedience than this I do not know due â—te Him whom you Name to be Pope nor to be the Father of Fathers to be Claimed and to be Demanded And this Obedience we are ready to give and to pay to him and to every Christian continually Besides we are under the Government of the Bishop of Kaerleon upon Uske who is to Oversee under God over us to Cause us to keep the Way Spiritual This Answer throughout savours the temper of the most early Primitive times and shews That the Afflictions of the Britons had kept their Churches from that Corruption and secular Pride which had then too much invaded Others And from it I will only observe three things First That with a tender Care to express their Communion with the Catholick Church and their duty to all Christians they own no other Obedience to the Bishop of Rome then as Christians they owe to any other Foreign Bishops and their Churches And so the Bishop of Rome owed as much to Them as they to Him Secondly That the Authority which Augustine demanded and the Power of any Foreign Bishop to place him over them was a thing utterly unknown and unheard of to them so little were they Acquainted with the Patriarchate which is now so Confidently Asserted Thirdly that they were so subject to the Arch-bishop of Caerleon That they did not think him subject to the Jurisdiction of any other particular Bishop whatsoever but that he was over them next under God And accordingly we never hear of any Appeals from him to any Superiour See But if any thing concerned them in Common or was too weighty for him it was Transacted Synodically And it is Observeable That though the Brittish Bishops and Clergy Flockt to this Synod with their main strength yet the Arch-bishop of Caerleon absented himself in all likelihood either in indignation at Augustines Claim or lest his Appearance should seem any ways in the least to Countenance that Superiority which he Challenged over him The Effects of this Synod were very unhappy for the Britons went away so Enraged at Augustines Pride and Pretences that they would not Afford the least Assistance towards the Conversion of the Saxons Nay when thâ—y were Converted it is Apparent That they looked on them as Schismaticks or worse and would have no Communion with them And in this untoward Humour they persisted even when the Saxon Kings had brought the Brittisb Kings under some kind of Subjection This is evident from Beda Ecc. Hist lib. 2. cap. 20. who telling us how Carduella King of the Britâ—ns Rebelled against Edwin then principal King of the Saxons and by the Help of Peâ—da King of the Mercians slew both Him and his only Son and utterly Routed his whole Army after he had bestowed some ill words on them both for their pains he has this Remarkable Passage concerning Carduella and the Britons Sed nec Religioni Christianae quae apud eos exorta erat aliquid impendâ—bat Honoris quippe cùm usque hodie Moris sit Britonum Fidem Reâ—igionémque Anglorum pro nihilo habere neque in aliquo â—is magis Communicare quà m Paganis So that hence it is plain That they continuâ—d the same not only after Augustines time but even to Beda's But to Return again to Augustine he being every way defeated of his purpose meditates Revenge and incenseth Ethelbert so highly That he stirs up Edilfrid King of the Northumbrians and they together made that lamentable Slaughter of the Moncks of Bangor which Beda and after him the Romanists as one Man Account as a Signal Jâ—dgement of God upon their Obstinacy But Others say it was a Contrivance and that God more Signally Vindicated their Innocence For three British Princes with their Mirmidons met them both whilest they were Reeking hot with the Blood of these Innocents and killed above ten Thousand of their Men sore Wounded Edilfrid and warmly pursued Ethelbert by which means their sinking Spirits were Recruited their Wrongs in some Measure Revenged and their Borders enlarged as far as the Humber Spel. Co. pag. 111. seq XII Hitherto the Britons preserved their Ecclesiastical Liberties entire though they had lost the best part of their Countâ—ey And neither Augustine's Reasons nor Ethelbert's Armies could prevail with them to give up those just Rights which they had been so long possessed of But when Augustine died Laurentius succeeds him a Man both pious and prudent and of a much sweeter temper
then his Predecessor And he in Zeal for the Propagation of the Faith Attempts to perswade not only the Britons but the Irish to joyn with him in the Work only he seems very desirous that they would all unite in observing Easter at the same time But as for the Britons they were so far from any Accommodation that they would not Allow of any Communion with him Nor was his success at present much better with the Irish for though he Hoped to find them otherwise yet he was deceived and upon Discovery it is Acknowledged with some Grief Scottos i. e. the Irish for Beda's Scotti are Irish nihil discrepare à Britonibus in eorum Conversatione Bed Ecc. Hist lib. 2. cap. 4 and the Behaviour of Digamus an Irish Bishop did not a little trouble him of whom he has this Complaint Ad nos venienâ— non solum cibum Nobiscum sed nec in eodem hospitio quo vescebâ—mur sumere voluit id ib. so that it seems the Roman Bishops would have been content to have Communicated with the Brittish and Irish Bishops and allowed them Orthodox but the other would not own them to be so XIII By the Way give me leave to observe That the Britons Scots and Irish all unanimously Agreed in the same Religious Rites As to the Irish and Britons it appears from what hath been said already and will be more evident from what shall follow As fâ—r that part of the Island now called Scotland it was then inhabited partly by the Scotti who Flockt thither out of Ireland and from whom it afterwards took its Name And partly by the Britons under the Name of Picts For he that Considers Mr. Cambdens Reasons to prove them Britons will never be at the pains to fetch them so far as Scithia Brit. tit Picti And when Beda tells us of Columbanus an Irish Abbot going to Convert the Picts he Confesses That the Southern Picts had been Christians long before and so might the Northern too though it is probable that living in those wilde Countreys and continually Exercised in Wars and Rapine they might be so far degenerated that the Recovering them to the true sense and state of Christianity might not unfitly be called a Conversion Now as Columbanus was an Irish Man so Nynias who long before Converted the Southern Picts was a Briton And therefore doubtless both Taught the same Rites wherein both People Agreed But perhaps much stress is not to be laid on the Story so far as it Relates to Nynias For Beda tells that part of it with an ut perhibetur noâ— was he well skilled in the Ancient Brittish Affairs And I am apt to think That for the Honour of the Roman Way which Beda upon all Occasions promotes he patch'd that Piece to his Heard say Tale That Nynias was Romae regulariter Fidem Mysteria Veritatis edoctus for the Britons at that time had little or no Converse with the Roman Christians though they eveâ— kept a kind Correspondence and Friendly Communion with the French Nor can I find one clear instance that any part of the British Scotch or Irish Churches till after Augustines time differed in their Religious Rites especially as to the Observation of Easter Nay it will appear Anon that thâ— Roman Party themselves yielded them to be Unanimous in this thing Yea Beda expressly Affirms That Omnis Natio Pictorum c. The whole Nation of the Picts observe Easter the same Way Ecc. Hist lib. 3. cap. 3. And for the other it is out of Question XIV But to Return to Laurentius He was not only frustrated in his pious Design by the Britons and Irish but fell soon after into a great deal of trouble For after the Death of Ethelbert Religion went backward amongst the Saxonâ— the Pagan Worship and Wickedness got Ground daily and a dreadful Storm seemed to grow up apace and Hang over the Heads of the Christians in so much that Mellitus and Justus the Bishops of London and Rochester discouraged with their ill success and finding themselves not safe Retire into France and Laurentius was once Resolv'd to follow them But it pleased God to be more merciful to these People and propitious to his Endeavours For he seems to have been a Man truly pious and to have discharged all the Parts of a good Christian Bishop And having happily Reclaimed King Eadbald the Son and Successor of Ethelbert he recals Mellitus and Justus And now it is very Reasonable to suppose That he Resolved to lay aside these Punctilio's and little Differences and perswaded Mellitus and Justus who both in their Turns succeeded him to do the same that they might be more serviceable to the main Christian Cause and the Propagation of the Gospel For though the Britons could by no means be Wrought on as either being Jealous of the Roman Clergy or Exasperated by the Injuries which they had and daily did Receive from the Saxons yet the Irish and Scotch who had not the like Quarrel as to their Territories in a short time fall to labour in the Harvest and that very successfully But it should seem that they first Agreed to enjoy their own Liberties and Rites For those who were Converted by them of the Roman Way kept Easter as the Romans did and observed their Rites And those who were Converted by the Irish or Scots followed the Irish Customes which were the same with the Britons and yet both Communicated with each other and joyntly promoted the Common Cause And this with some little Disputes which will always Happen in such Cases continued without any breach of Communion for a very Considerable times Aidan a Scotchman the first Bishop of the Northumbrians preached the Gospel so powerfully and lived so Exemplarily That the Roâ—â—â—istâ— themselves had him in no mean Veneration Nor doth Beda except in the Matter of the Paschal Solemnity in which he forgives no Man afford any Man a fairer or sweeter Character throughout his whole History After seventeen Years toyl God sends him a Writ of Ease and he is Succeeded by his Countreyman Finan who lived in the See ten Years All this time both Romish and British Rites were promiscuously used according as every Man was instructed by him who Converted him and yet both Parties lived in great Charity and Christian Communion And thus it held till the third year of Coleman Finans Successor which was in the Year of our Lord 664. Bed Ecc. Hist lib. 3. cap. 26. And then that turbalent Fellow Wilfrid set it on Foot again and violently push'd on so far that a Synod or Confeâ—ence was had about it where the King the Prince several Bishops and many of the Clergy appear Now Wilfrid had subtilely nickt his time for the King was wavering the Queen and Prince sure on his side and Agilbertus Bishop of the West Saxons a stiff Assertor of the Roman Way was then occasionally come to that Court The King opens the Conference and desires his Bishop
that his Saying will be true when St. John and Anatolius can be proved to be of the particular Church of Rome and Bishop Coleman and Beda to be no Authors XIX He proceeds telling us That it is a Notorious Lie of John Fox in saying That St. Beda Aâ—firmeth this Custom of Keeping Easter with the Jews to have been here in Britain in his time as though all Britain had used it whereas in divers Places he doth expressly Attribute the same to the Scots that dwelled in the Island of Ireland principally as also to some of them that dwelt in Britain and to fome Britains themselves But all the English Church saith he was free from it Indeed it is a Mistake both in Parsons and Fox if they thought any of them kept it with the Jews in the strict sense For in that famous Northumbrian Disputation their Enemy Wilfrid doth not deny their Keeping it on the Lords Day but accuseth them with a false Account from the Fourteenth to the Twentieth of the Moon But if there were any other some who kept it the Roman way I would know who they were what were any of their Names and in what parts of these Islands they dwelt Here all Instances utterly failed the Jesuite and therefore he subtilely passeth it by never offering at any proof But I need not insist on this because I haue already proved that all the Christians of these Isles till Augustines time kept Easter the same way and different from the Roman Beda himself tells us That Wilfrid was Confident that his Doctrine was Omnibus Scottorum Traditionibus jure Praeserendam So that as Confident as he was yet they wâ—re all against him by his own Confession without anâ— of F Pâ—rsons Exceptions And in the Beginning of the Dispute Coleman's Assertion is this Pasca hoc quod agere soleo à Majoribus meis accepi qui me huc Episcâ—pâ—m miserunt quod omnes Paetres nostri virâ— Deo dilecti eodem modo Celebrasse noscuntur Bed Ecc. Hist lib. 3. cap. 25. As â—or his English Church being free i. e. from this Errour nothing could be said more impertinent and ridiculous For if he mean before Augustine's time his English Church were then all Pagans If he speak of what was in or after Augustine's time it is nothing to the purpose for no Body denies but that Augustine brought in the Roman way the Dispute is concerning what was the Practice here before And now F. Paersons may take his Lye again as being the true Father of it XX. Upon this false Foundation he frames this Trifling Argument which he seems to make great Account of That the Britons can no more be said to be of Eastern Conversion then a Man could say the first Preachers to them were Pelagians because in Beda's time some Reliques of the Pelagian Heresic might be found amongst them To which I Answer That the Case is quite otherwise And if in Beda's or any others time the Britons had been found as unanimously Agreeing in the Pelagian Heresie as they were in the Paschal Solemnity and no Footsteps appearing that it had been otherwise any Man would Conclude That their first Preachers had been Pelagians or Men infected with the same Heresie if they were not known by the same Name And thus he ought to have laid his Argument to make the Parallel run true to the Reality of the Cases But he was more Crafty then so for that had been to Confute himself Next he triumphs over Fox for saying That Beda affirms this Custom concerning Easter to have been in Britain almost 1000 yeares after Christ Whereas saith he Beda was a much older Author and died in the Year 735. Well but what if all this should be done by Miracle without one I know not how it could and Beda should appear almost 300 yeares after his Death to some drowsie Monk and tell him this â—ale F. Parsons if it had made for him would have Hugg'd such a Revelation But after all it is only a mistake if not a wilful One though Fox's heedless way of Expression gave too much Occasion for it for his meaning is this That Beda affirmeth Easter to be so kept by the Britons in his time and that the same Custom continued after his time amongst them so long as to be Practised almost 1000 yeares after Christs time And all this is very true as shall appear Anon. XXI To Revenge this Wrong as he thinks done to Beda he falls foul upon the Magdeburgenses for making Jeoffery of Monmoutb to live about 700 years after Christ Jeoffery's Testimony indeed Gauled him forely and therefore it was to be shuffled off by any means Whether he hath done the Magdeburgenses Right in that thing I neither know nor care For their Errour as to the time of Jeoffery's Life doth nothing invalidate his Testimony But if it were good before their mistake it is so still so that this is only Cavilling Besides though Jeoffery of Monmouth lived in the time of King Stephen which is above 500 yeares since and so is no Yesterdays Author yet the Work it self is much older For he was not the Author but Translator of that History which was written Orginally in the Brittish Language and Accounted an Old Book before he was born as Lambard and others have proved and therefore the Testimony is more Considerable and deserves a better Answer after all the Magdeburgenses Account may Refer to the Matter of the Testimony and Time when the thing was Transacted not to Jeoffery's Life and then it will be too Modest and too favourable To less purpose is his time spent in proving Jeoffery to be no Cardinal I should be prone to believe him if I had no other Reason but his Relating a Truth so prejudicial to the Interest of the Court of Rome But if he was not a Cardinal he might be as honest a Man 'T is certain he was a Bishop and as such was a much better Man especially if the Pope would suffer them to be what Christ and his Apostles made them and not Appropriate all that Authority to the Roman See to a Share of which every Bishop hath as good Right and Title as himself XXII At length after a deal of Shuffling Lying and Rayling he comes to the Matter of Jeoffery's Testimony And that he Answers easily and so may any Man who takes no Care to speak Truth but only what may serve his Turn He says There is not a Word in it of not Acknowledging the Popes Supremacy I know not how there should for such a Supremacy as is now Claimed was not then Lick'd into form He might have Remembred that the Transactions there mentioned relate to the time of Gregory the Great then whom no Man wrote more fiercely against the Supremacy Or which is in effect the same thing the setting up an Universal Bishop Or if he had bethought himself of what he elsewhere tells us That the Britons would not Communicate with Augustines
Converts then Dogs he might have made it a strong Argument for their professing Obedience and Subjection to the See of Rome In fine he will have their Answer Amount to no more but this That only they would not Acknowledge Augustines Superiority over them seeing be was sent only to the English And that the Authority of their own Arch bishop was not taken away by his coming for any thing they knew but remained as before 3 Conver cap. 2. sect 14. What pity is it that Augustine did not better inform them it seem's they would have been a very obedient People had they known the Pope's Orders and been told the Truth of the Matter But it is an unlucky thing that when a Man with Working his Wits has devised an Answer that would do the Business he should not have the Privilege to make it pass for Truth unless it be so in it self Now all this is spoken by a Figure called Fiction which the rude Vvlgar call Lying For the Britons no more regarded the Pope then they did Augustine I have already set down the Answer of Dinothus Abbot of Bangor to which Jeoffery's words Relate and he who will be at the pains to read it will see That it is as expressly and directly Levelled against the Pope's Authority or Supremacy if it must be so called as could be well fâ—amed They impugne Augustines Authority by denying the Pope and own no Superiour but the Bishop of Caerleon who was to oversee under God over them or according to the Brittish had the only Eye over them under God And this they Confirm by their unanimous Practice despising all Orders from Rome and obstinately refusing all Communion with Augustine and his Successors Yet this and more F. Parsons Chymistry can melt into Obedience and an Acknowledgement of the Pope's Supremacy At this Rate who can doubt of Miracles in the Church of Rome XXIII In the next place he is highly Offended with the Magdeburgenses for speaking so irreverently of Pope Innocent the First and his Testimony That all the West Churches were Founded by St. Peter on his Disciples and Successors And it is no wonder if Pope Innocent spoke out for himself and it may go a great way where they have not to do with such Hereticks as expect Proofs If this be true why has F. Parsons discovered some such First Founders of the Brittish Churches as were none of Peters Disciples or Successors His Forgetfulness sometimes doth his Holy Father as much injury as the Magdeburgians malice neither doth it carry any force of Truth because by rheir own Confession there was a time when Easter was not so exactly observed as now it is whether there was a Stated Church at Rome then or not and that the Conversion of the Britons was at that time I see not any better Account can be Given To Help out this he tells us of Two more Popes Honorius and John the fourth who wrote to the Irish to reduce them from this Errour But Honorius will do him small service because in that Account which Beda gives of his Letter Ecc. Hist lib. 2. cap. 19. it is clearly implied that the whole Nation was involved in it and so we have a Pope on our Side to set against him that follows His Pope John was searce Pope then at Best he was but â—lect And the Letter seems to comâ— as ' I may say from the Chapter in the Vacancy of the See and of those many who joyn in Writing it Hilarius the Arch-Presbyter not John is first mentione but for once let John have the Credâ—t of it and he then will tell us That this Heresie i.e. concerning Easter was but lately sprung up amongst them and only some sew infected with it But now how John and Honorius will Agree about this I cannot tell For once I will be so kind to F. Parsons as to try if I can make them Friends The Brittish and Irish Usage was in this Western part of the World a great Singularity in those days Now if John had a Mind to draw them off from it who can blame him from speaking favourably and representing the Matter as inoffensively as could be The Way to Win Men is not to provoke them and we sometimes seem not to believe that a Man is so bad as we know he is because we would not harden him with shame but have a defire to make him better But when Men purposely and designedly speak sparingly their Words are not to be brought as an Evidence of the whole Matter But the Truth is they had little knowledge of our state but by uncertain Relations Gregory the Great himself when he saâ— the English Children Sold in the Market knew not whether their Nation was Christian or Pagan Augustine even for some time after his Coming hither knew not the Usage of the Britons yea even Laurentius his Successor had much such an opinion of the Irisb as F. Parfons till Time and Experience undeceived him And therefore such Forreigners as were far more ignorant of our Affairs we may justly except against as incompetent Witnesses especially they being the very Men who taught these Men their Errour which their Eyes and Eares after Convinced them of XXIV But now comes the Knocking Argument to this Effect That neither Damianus and others sent by Eleutherius nor St. German and his Fellows who came twice hither to oppose the Pelagianâ— make any mention of this Usage which they would have done and Amended it too had they found it here Because saith he both Pope Pius and Pope Victor had before Condemned it for Heretical I could thank the Jesuite for this Argument for it mortally Wounds his own Cause I will not again dispute the Mission of Damianus or Deruvianus or what other Names the Jesuite will give Him nor will I insist on it that Germanus and Lupus were sent by the French at the Request of the Britons and not by the Pope But if that Usage was universally practised by the Bâ—itttish and Irish and no good Instance appear that it was ever otherwise as I have already proved and that it continued for a long time after then it will unavoidably follow that the Britons were not under the Roman Jurisdiction nor thought themselves bound to stand to the Popes Determination Yea fuâ—â—her that these very Men whom he saith the Pope sent were of the same Mind or else dealt very unfaithfully in making no stir about it Nay being the French Churches did Communicate both with Brittisb and Irish at that time when they not only Maintained this Usage in opposition to Rome but refused Communion with their Bishops It is an Argument that they neither thought the Bishop of Romes Decrees did bind the Britons nor that the thing was so Heretical in it self For certainly they would never have so freely and Friendly Maintained Communion with them had they stood in open opposition and professed disobedience to their proper Patriarch By this a Judgement
may be made of the Rest of F. Parsons Arguments I shall follow him no further It is not the Observation of Easter which we dispute with Rome but we urge the Practice of the Britons and Irish to prove the Liberty of these Islands XXV Now to avoid Tediousness in this particular having left the Ancient Britons in possession we must suppose they held it till it can be proved they were ejected Now the first so far as I can yet find who Attempted this to any purpose was Henry Beau-clâ—rk and he being a Wise as well as a potent Prince thought the Subjeâ—â—iâ—g the Welch Bishops to the Metropolitan See of Canterbury might be a means to keep the Welch in order and so far as concerned his own Kingdom he herein dealt not only like a Politick Princâ— but even the Laws of the Church did â—ountenance him But then by the same Act he submitted all the Welch Bishops to the See of Rome as things then stood and so Compleated the Popes Conquest of these Isles which thing the iniquity of those times would either not afford him Eyes to see or not power to prevent Accordingly he prefers Bernardus a Norman and his Chaplain to the Bishopâ—ick of St. Davids But Liberty and Power are both sweet things and Bernardus being got in possession grows resty and Asserts his Rights and the Priviledges of his See And here the Pope first got the Fiâ—gering of the Cause so as to make his true Advantage of it 'T is true Bernardus appeared Confident and swagger'd bravely but in vain did he think â—o carry a Cause in the Court of Rome against the Archbishop of Canterbury's Purse and the Pope's Interest when at the same time and in the same thing he also Cross'd his own Kings design There is no doubt but that his Holiness swallowed this long-look'd for Morsel with a great deal of pleasure and greediness And yet the Sentence did not fully and quietly take place till a long time after which possibly is the Reason that our Authors so differ in Assigning the time of this Submission for the Welshmen could not yet forget what they once were and upon all Occasions strugled hard to retain their Government amongst themselves so that as Affairs went with the English this matter either got or lost Ground If the English Power was at leisure to wait on the Welsh Men and awe them then the Welsb Bishops were the Popes and his Grace of Canterbury's Grumbling Servants But if the English Affairs were so involved that their Countrey had a little Rest the one was as ready to Cast off the Ecclâ—siastical as the other the Civil Yoke And thus Matters seem to have stood Wavering till Henry the third or Edward the first times But about the thirty second year of Henry the third Matt. Paris Hist Maj. Hen. 3. page 715 the English Forces so Harâ—asied Wales that the Ground lay Untilled Cattel neglected the Famine Raged amongst them The Bishop of St. David died overcome with Grief for the miseries of his Countrey and the Bishops of St. Asaph and Bangor were reduced to that miserable Condition as to Beg their Bread in a Counâ—rey wasted with Fire and Sword But when Matters were somewhat Composed St. Davids the Metropolitical See of Wales was found to be so Impoveriâ—â—ed that it was thought a despicable Preferment for an Arch-Deacon of Lincoln though Thomas Wallensis in Commiseration of his Countrey did accept it And here the Brittish Ecclesiastical Liberty seems to have drawn its last Breath or to have given only some few Gasps after yet if we place its Fall in Henry the First his time it will have lasted above 1000 yeareâ— but if in Henry the third's time it will be above 1200. But henceforward till till the Reformation I think it must be Acknowledged that the Pope Rodâ— in full Triumph over all parts of these Isles And though in some Matters he Met with smart Opposition yet he Exercised an Authority nothing less then Patriarchal It remains now therefore to be enquired whether this his Intrusion or Possession did create him any Right or any such Right but that the Churches in these Isles as Matters then stood might Reform themselves and lawfully Re-assume their former Liberties XXVI Were it not that the Romanists make a Flourish with every little Argument that seems to favour their Cause as if there were some great thing in it I should not think it worth my while to mention the Plea from the Conversion of the Saxons by Augustine For first if it were good that would give them but little Ground for his Preaching seems not to have taken any Effect beyond Kent the East-Saxons and perhaps some small Matter in the East-Angles As for the Kingdoms of the Northumbrians and Mercians which were of greatest Extent they were apparently of Scotch or Irish Conversion Nor will this Claim in the least touch the Britons Irish Scots or Picts But Secondly if there be any thing in this then such Zealous Christians as have gone out from any of these Isles and Converted Pagans would obtain a Jurisdiction for the Metropolitans of such Places from whence they went in rhose Countreys But if any of our Bishops should on that score Challenge a Jurisdiction in Germany or other places I am apt to think that they would be well Laught at for their pains and be esteemed very idle impertinent persons if not worse used We are therefore ready Gratefully to Acknowledge all those good Offices which any of the Popes Predecessors have heretofore done for us or he at any time shall do for us But if for Others merits or his own good Turns he conclude he has gained us to be his Slaves I think he Sells Kindnesses the dearest of any Man living and we shall beg his Pardon that we are not in Haste to agree to so hard a Bargain XXVII As for these Isles they having been truly and rightfully possessed of such Ecclesiastical Liberties they cannot be lawfully deprived of them by any fraud or force If another Man take away my Goods and keep them never so long yet if I can prove them to have been my Goods and that they were fraudulently and forcibly taken and detained from Me no Possession or Prescription can Create a Right to him who by unlawful means is possessed of that which Apparently belongs to another de facto indeed it may be otherwise but de jure it never ought or can And therefore it was a Sanction of the Twelve Tables Adversus Furèm aeterna Lex esto But the Canons of the primitive Church seem more carefully to have secured the Rights of pâ—rticular Churches then the Secular Laws have done the possessions of particular Men. The Bishops of thâ—se overgrown Cities Rome Antioch and 〈…〉 mâ—ke Use of their Reputation and Interest to Augment their Power and Jurisdiction But as none other had the like Advantages so none Traded with such Success as the Bishop of Rome These were
that in all Parts and Circumstances it should be without Exception He may so look for such a thing in the Kingdom of Heaven but if ever he can find it on Earth I dare engage my self to be his Bondslave and therefore unnecessarily to put ill Constructions upon Matters to pick little Quarrels to Call in every mean and slight Failing and to Rave against the Miscarâ—iages of particular Persons though disallowed this is only to fling dirt and calumniate not to draw up a just Accusation If therefore they cannot Wound our Reformation in the Essentials Christian Charity would teach them to cover a multitude of small faults and Common Prudence would Advise them not to strive to no purpose The most Celebrated Theme upon this occasion is Sacrilege And here even those whose prosound Ignorance suffers them not to stir a step further then their Guides Conduct them and yet with a blind Obedience follow whither soever they lead them can be not only Eloquent but bitter But as for those who have the Reins in their Hands and would fain be Bâ—idling us never any Subject yielded Matter for More Tragical Exclamations But if Railing against Sacrilege would do us any good we are as ready to do that as themselves We are â—o far from allowing it that with sorrowful Hearts we bemoan it and openly Avow that we detest it And indeed of all other persons it is we who suffer most under it Some Benefices if they deserve the Name are so wofully impoverished that they will scarce afford the Curate Bred so that if for the sake of a bare Livelihood he do not give up himself right or wrong to Sooth up his Parishioners every Plough boy will trample upon him and they will set up some Mongrel Teacher or other of their own on purpose to torment him And again we being destitute of a tolerable Maintenance for so great a stock as the Universities send abroad amongst us which would be none too few had not the Church been Robb'd of her Revenews many discontented Spirits Fly over to the Church of Rome not for Religion but in Hope of Preserments or through Vexation of Mind or driven by want So that this Sacrilege hath Fill'd their Seminaries and plagued us with domestick Schismaticks In the mean time that we suffer with patience the spoiling of our Goods I think may rather deserve any Mans pity then blame But for the Spoylers themselves I shall as little plead for them as any Son of the Church of Rome And I wish there were not too many who are still Gaping after and Work all their Wits in contriving how they may seize the poor Remainder But however the Catholicks as they call themselves ought to be extreamly wary how they accuse or point out the guilty Persons in this had Cafe lest they Condemn themselves For if some such Parable as Nathas put to David were offered to the Romanist it would be said in the Conclusion Thou art the Man For let them deal fairly and ingenioufly with us and the most Considerable Persons who made such a squander of the Churches Rights will be found to be Men who died in the Roman Communion XXXV And upon this Account it seems strange to Me why they should so strictly enquire into and so nicely insist upon Matters done by Henry the Eighth and his Clergy for if it be with a design to Charge us with them it is much the same thing as when a Villain cuts anothers Throat and as soon as he hath done slips the bloody Knife into an innocent Mans pocket For who were they that yielded up or seized their Monasteries and made such havock of Church Lands Who were they that first set up Henry the Eighth's Sâ—â—remacy and Wrote in defence of it Who was it that Maintained the Supremacy beyond the Seas in so gross a sense that even Calvin Himself thought his Prerogative invaded and was out of patience at it These Men all lived and died in the Roman Communion And if they were not Roman-Catholicks what were they Henry the Eighth after the Affiâ—ming the Supremacy was judged so good a Catholick even by the Pope Himself that he could find no Fitter a Person â—o Recommend for a Pattern to the Emperour What Heresie soever there might be in detaining the Peter-pence or setting up his own power it seems he was Catholick enough in his Proceedings upon the Six Articles Any thing they imagine to be ill must be Ours But make Enquiry after the Authors and they are all their own Methinks it should concern them to Acquit themselves before they fall foul upon us Nay if we proceed forward so far as to the Reign of Queen Mary the Persons who had the greatest Influence on those Revolutions will be found Men of their own Persuasion for except some few whose Proceedings were more easily Answered with Fagots then Arguments thofe on our part will not be very Considerable throughout the Reigns of Henry the Eighth and Edward the Sixth Searce any two Persons seem to be deeper dipt in Sacrilege then the Vicar-General Cromwell and Dudley Duke of Northumberland yet how profound Hypocrites soever they might live our Oxford Church-Governour will have them both Roman-Catholicks at their Death Others if they think it worth their while may Contest it with him But for Me he may take them both and make his best of them Only I think it a Reasonable Request that since he will needs have their Persons he would be pleased to take their faults along with them and not accuse us for the Crimes of his Brethren XXXVI But let particular Persons whether theirs or ours Answer for their own demerits I can be heartily sorrowful for the Men but never will be an Advocate for their Mis-deeds The only Matters of any moment for which we can be concerned I conceive must be either Doctrine Discipline Worship or Government Now though the Pope might think himself obliged to stickle for his profits and above all for his Supremacy yet the Roman Catholicks themselves did not think the Changes in Religion of such Weight that upon that Account they should make a perfect Schism For till Felton â—ixed the Bull of Pius the Fifth upon the Bishop of Londons Palace Gate the Roman Catholicks freely frequented our Churches and joyned in Communion with us And this was no small time for this was not done till the eleventh or twelsth year of Queen Elizabeth So that a small matter would have made her Catholick if she could have digested the Roman Supremacy And though the Romanists so far as concerned Religion thought themselves bound to obey the Pope yet the discreeter sort of them were not a little offended that they were thus thrust headlong into so dangerous a Schism For this we have the Testimony of Mr. Cambden a Person beyond Exception not only as he was a Man of Singular Judgement and Learning and a faithful and prudent Historian But as being personally Acquainted with the
Transactions of those times His Words are these Caeterùm hanc Bullam Pontificii plerique moderatiores tacitè improbabant quòd nulla ex jure admâ—nitio praecesserit praevidentes molem malorum inde sâ—bi impendere qui priùs privatim sua sacra intra parietes satis securè coluerunt vel recâ—pta in Ecclesiâ Anglicanâ sacra sine Conscientiae Scrupulo adire non Recusârunt Annal. Eliz. ad Ann Dom ' 1570 So that the Reformation was indeed made on our part for which we wanted neither good Cause nor sufficient Authority But the Separation was made by the Pope For had not He Excommunicated Queen Elizabeth for what Reason the Romanists held Communion with us till such Excommunication for the same it might have continued to this day and no Schism made But if this Excommunication had neither lawful Authority nor just cause then will the Pope be not only the Author but cause of the Schism and draw the whole guilt of it on him and his party The proof of this in particular I will not insist on here because it will be â—bundantly done in the progress of the Work especially in the second and â—â—ird part if it shall please God that I live to Finish them Only here I will leave this Choak-pear which I desire my Adversary to swallow before 〈◊〉 â—ttaqae me That whosoever undertakes the Defenee of that Bull beâ—â—des all other Extravagancies which he shall be obliged to maintain must in the first place fairly Confess himself to be a Rebel and a Traytor as to Principles of Civil Government and obliged in Conscience actually to be so 〈◊〉 often as the Pope requires and of this the Pope to be the sole and unconsroulable Judge XXXVII Having here slipt into the mention of Queen Elizabeth it may not be altogether impertinent to Acquit Her of one dishonourable Scandal wherewith some foul Mouth'd Romanists endeavour to Blast her Memory â—f Henry the Eighth belonged to any he was certainly theirs not ours Yet Handling the Reformation they spare not to charge Him with all the â—â—decencies true or false which they can Rake together But nothing 〈◊〉 more exagitated then his two First Marriages and that oâ—ten in such 〈◊〉 and obscene Language as is not a little offensive to chast Eares The Deâ—â—gn of all this is that they might invalidate Queen Elizabeths Title to 〈◊〉 Crown upon which score some ruder Romanists will at this day as faâ—iliarly and confidently call Her Bastard as if she had been found in the â—â—eets laid at some door in a Basket It is well known that she was a Perâ—â—â— so excellently qualified for Government that even living she struck Envy â—â—mb and made those who most implacably hated Her to Admire Her it might therefore justly move Indignation in any Generous Spirit to see â—â—ery Ass spurn at a dead Lion But if this were as rrue as it is false yet if 〈◊〉 would deal ingeniously they must confess that this could no way effect 〈◊〉 Church as to that Power Conferred on it by God and that Authority which doth always distinctly and entirely remain in it self Only it may 〈◊〉 the Church destitute of any Legal Civil Sanction during her time â—nd if for that they will Condemn us they may as well Condemn the Chriâ—tian Churches of the first three Hundred Yeares and then we shall not be â—uch afraid in so good Company But there is nothing but Malice or Igâ—orance in the thing it self and the Romanists of all Men ought to be cautious in this Matter because whilest they Fence with this Two-Edged Sword intending to Cut Queen Elizabeth they as deeply Wound Queen Mary Neither will the Sickly Salvo of the Popes Dispensation stand them in any stead for it is not only we who deny that his Power reached to it but the greatest part of their own Universities gave it under their Hands and Seals And indeed this was at that time so generally the Opinion of the Romanists That the Author of Church-Government freely Acknowledgeth though little to the Credit of his Cause that when Mary was Offered in Marriage First to the Emperour Charles the Fifth and after to Francis King of France She was Refused by both on this Account because they doubted of the Lawfulness of Henry's Marriage with her Mother part 5. cap. 2. But for my part I am not of their Humour who take a pleasure in bespattering Princes and to do it by our own can be no Honour to our selves I do not see that any thing Alledged can be any real Prejudice either to Mary or Elizabeth for the Succession to our Crown depends neither upon Canons nor Councels much less upon Popes Bulls and Decretals but upon the Constitutions of our Kingdom And it was nevâ—r yet doubted but that King Henry was Married as well to Katherine as Anue Bolen And if the Marriage was Soleâ—nized the Children are Legitimate by our Laws which abhor all thoughts of any such thing as Bastards in Matrimony 'T is true our Laws permit and Authorize Ecclesiasticks to divorce such Persons who Marry within the degrees prohibited but yet suffer no prejudice to be done to their Issue And if the Parents though too near of Kin were Legally Married their Châ—ldren shall succeed to their Estates and Rights in the same manner that other Persons Childâ—en â—o where the Marriage was without Exception And it is very hard Measure to deprive a King of that privilege which belongs to the meanest of his Subjects especially in this Case which may endanger to involve a Nation in Confusion and Ruine Let King Henry therefore Answer for his own faults what iniquity soever there might be in his Marrages yet being Married his Issue are Legitimated And I doubt not but that Mary and Elizabeth were both in their Turns our Lawful Sovereigns I will therefore prosecute this no further save with a Request to the Romanists that henceforward they would cease to set the Childrens Teeth on Edge with the soure Grapes the Father Eat and be as ready to AcknowIedge Queen Elizabeth a Lawful Sovereign as we are Queen Mary XXXVIII I did once Intend to have thoroughly Examined the Matter of the Reformation but I find that it would oblige Me rather to Write a Volume then a Chapter And after all perhaps I should be accused of needless pains for it hath been often and sufficiently done already And all Answers contain only the Crambe centies cocta or some bold Fictions or tedious Triflings Nor do I think that I can be Constrained to Answer for all that went before me In this Church I was Born Baptized and Bred I had no Hand in the Making Modelling or Altering it Gods Providence cast Me into it and I take it as I found it And if as such it be defensible I need concern my self no further And therefore without troubling my self to Rake the Dead out of their Graves I shall Consider our Church under her present Constitution for if that
Christo Christus à Deo suscepit Roliquam vero omnem doctrinam de 〈◊〉 praejudicandum quae sapiat contra Veritatem Ecclesiarum Apostolorum Câ—risti Dei. And again speaking of Hereticks in general Ipsa enim 〈◊〉 corum cum Apostolicà comparata ex diversitate contrâ—rietate sua Pronunâ—â—â—it neque Apostoli alicujus Aâ—toris esse neque Apostolici And then shewing how 〈◊〉 Churches or such which should at any time after be Constituted â—ight defend themselves against Hereticks He saith thus Ad hanc itaque 〈◊〉 Provocabuntur ab illis Ecclesiis quae livâ—â—â—â—ullum ex Apostolis vel Apostolicis 〈◊〉 suam proferant ut multò Posteriores quae denique quotidie instituuntur 〈◊〉 in eâdem fide Conspirantos non minùs Apostolicae deputantur pro Consanâ—â—â—itate doctrinae de Praescrip Now let this be the Test and in our Deâ—â—nce we say with Tertullian Posterior nostrares non est immò omnibus Prior est Hoc erit Testimonium Veritatis ubique occupantis Principatum de Praescrip Now let them Charge us if they can with Maintaining any Doctrine as of necessity to Salvation which came not from Christ or his Apostles and when they can prove that all these did they shall make Me believe any thing Only by the Way I cannot but take Notice of the difference between this good Old Father and the present Romanists in their Resolution of Faith or in the last Result Standaâ—d and Trial of Faith The One Refers us to what our Saviour taught by Commission from the Father and the Apostles by Authority from Him and to Examine Matters by their Agreement herewith The other without more ado Resolves all into the Authority of the present Roman Church The One saith It is the Way of Truth because the same that Christ and his Apostles Taught The Other saith We cannot be deceived because the Present Roman Church Voucheth it to be Right Now though for my own part I Adhere to the Opinion of the Father and therein of the Ancient Church yet I must Confess that the Romanists whether right or wrong have laid their Plot well for if they can once bring a Man to swallow this Proposition That the Roman Church is the only certain Rule and Judge of Truth Or That all thinge must give Way to their Determinations Then as for Particulars his Work is done and he is bound with an implicit Faith to swallow them all without aâ—y scruple or the least Examination Now this is sure and quick Work but too quick for Me who as a Christian lying under an Obligation upon occasion to Render a Reason of the Faith that is in Me would be willing to know a Reason that I may be able to dâ— so That the Roman Church saith so will be no Reason till she produce a better Charter for her Authority then she hath yet done And till I and Others can be satisfied by good Reason or Evidence of such Authority For if a Reason be Required of Me my Answer that Others say so will be none unless I can convince them by good Evidence that their Say-so is of sufficient Authority and indubitable the Plea indeed of Indefectibility were good if it were true But they rather urge that because it serves their Turns then that they have any good Evidence of it And the Father who directs us to trace Truth to the Apostolical Churches supposes that particular Churches may fall from it Sicut saith he Apostoli non diversa inter se dâ—cuiffent ita Apostolicâ— non contrarià Apostolis edidissent nisi illi qui ab Apostolis desciâ—erant aliter praedicaverunt de Praescrip The Pomanists indeed lay their 〈◊〉 wisely they understand well enough what would do their Business and accordingly fail not to plead what must do it with those who Admit theiâ— Plea without proof The Consequence or Building would be good if thâ— Antecedent or Foundation were sound But you must not narrowly Examine that lest a Rotten Bottom tumâ—â—e all the stately Pageant down again If the Roman Church be indefectible by Vertue of any Promise made tâ— St. Peter then other Churches may use the same Arguments and lay Claiâ—â— to the same Privileges as well as they And our own Church as much aâ— any For their own Authors and particularly our Sworn Enemy Fatheâ— Parsons say that St. Peter Preached the Gospel in Britany so that here we are equal unless it make any thing for their Advantage that he was so well used here as to Go off safely hence But after his Return was Martyred there And so Rome may Value her self for that which our Blessed Saviour â—pbraids Jerusalem for Killing the Prophets and Stoning those that were sent unto â—er Matt. 23. 37. XLI This Matter will fall hereafter under a more particular Consideâ—ation And therefore to Return to Doctrine it may be Considered either as Positive or Negative It is true that all Doctrine Resolves it self into positive Truth That we Maintain any thing in the Negative is Accidental and Ariseth from the Difference and Quarrels amongst Men for when Parties cannot Agree if One Affirm the Other of course denies In this Case the Matter in Controversie being either Falshood or Wrong if any Man Aâ—â—ert that which is contrary either to Truth or Justice we are forced to go somthing the further about in defending them by first denying and rejesting what is either false or unjust but then this will terminate in something positive which is the Foundation and Summary of all As for Example if in Opposition to the Practices or Affirmations of Others I deny That Divine Worship can be Given either to Angels or Saints The Reason â—nd Ground of that Denial must be this or the like positive Assertion That Divine Worship is Gods Propriety and to Him only to be directed And therefore that we Maintain some things in the Negative is not our but their fault in Asserting that which is either false or unlawful And whether they do so or not must be Tried by Particulars which I shall come to â—â—reafter XLII As to positive Doctrines perhaps the Difference is not very great the Quarrel lies more in what we do not hold then in what we do It is â—ot to be denied that we have much Truth but not enough as they think And we are afraid of more lest it should make us have less for many Matters which they would thrust upon us for Truth are far remote from it And should we receive them it were the way to corrupt the Truth we have There was a time when some of their Priests set themselves to Reconcile and without Allowance and Encouragement they durst not have Attempted such a thing the very Articles of our Religion to a Catholick Sense as they call it though many of â—hem were purposely framed in opposition to several of their Opinions and Practices The Author of Church-Government Part 5. page 206. hath discovered a Sense wherein that great Grievance
stand seized of as good Authority to interpret Scripture as any they can justly pretend to And that we use it more duely and rightlâ— may appear hence That we not only diligently use all lawful Means to come to the Knowledge of Truth but Condemn all those ill Arts which obscure or corrupt it We have no Index Expurgatorius to Expunge or Alter any Passages in the primitive Fathers or any other honest Authors if they do not please us yet by this one base unpaidonable Aâ—tifice the Romanists whilst they have been undermining the sufficiency of the Scriptures have shaken the Authority and weakned the Evidence of Tradition and so difarmed the Church of her best Weapons of Defence for certainly a Tradition is best proved by those who lived in or near those times when it was delivered But how shall we believe their Testimony when their Writings are daily Curtail'd Changed and Falsified at pleasure And had not that God who takes Care of his Church caused the Chear to be discovered it would have done more Mischief then all the diligence and pains of all the Romanists in the World could ever have made a just satisfaction for But this it is for a particular Church to set up for Infallibility which is a point that can never be gained without putting out the Eyes of all at present living and stopping the Mouths of all that went before them For though I beleeve that God will never deâ—ert his Church in all parts of it in Matters necessary to Salvation yet he has not given her any Power over the Faith but She is Tied to that and that alone which was at first delivered to the Saints And if the Roman or any other Church or an Angel from Heaven should teach any other doctrine then what we have received they ought to be so far from being regarded that if we follow St. Paul they ought to be Accursed That we Adhere to the Scriptures thâ— Romanists cannot justly blame us because they themselves Acknowledge their divine Authority For see the Council of Trent doth Sess 4. decret de Can ' Script ' but they accuse us as too strict Scripturists upon two Accounts First because we Admit not Tradition to be of equal Authority with the Holy Scriptures Secondly because we receive not several Books as Canonical or of unquestionable divine Authority which they have thrust into the Canon As for Tradition and its Authority I shall Treat of it more distinctly in the next Paragraph and there answer this Accusation As for the Canon of Scripture we own the very same and no other which the Church of God hath Handed down to us after the Canon of Scripture was Compleated As for those Books Called Apocrypha which the Council of Tâ—ent first made Canonical it is Apparent That we do not by that Title utterly Condemn them but rather Repute them of an Inferiour or Ecclesiastical Authority because we Read them in our Churches for Instruction of Manners and inciting to good Living And sometimes use them for the Illustration of Doctrine but never to Introduce or Found any Doctrine upon and this is as much as the Ancients allowed them The Jewish Church was the Keeper and Preserver of the Canon of the Old Testament as much as the Christian is of the Old and New now But they had none of those Books in their Canon And therefore if any Assert that those Books do belong to the Canon the Consequence will be That the Jewish Church did not preserve the Canon of Scripture entire and true and for the same Reason any one may suspect the Christian and so render the Authority of the whose dubious So injurious are the Romanists to the Faith it self whilâ—st they set up their own Authority against the whole Church of God Besides if they will not own that we received the entire Canon of the Old Testament from the Jewish Church they ought to tell us from whom â—e did receive it and to whose Custody it was Committed till the time of Christ and his Apostles But whoever will be at the pains to read the Scholastical History of the Canon of Scripture Written by our Learned Dr. Cosins Bishop of Duresâ—ne will be abundantly satisfied that the Tridentines under pretence of Tradition have Enlarged the Canon of Scripture contrary to the Tradition of the Church of God in all Ages even to their own time Thus when Modern Mens bare word must be allowed a sufficient Authority to Vouch a Tradition a Pretence of Tradition is set up against the truth of it and so Tradition it self rendred doubtful or useless And therefore I shall not trouble my self to pursue those many particular sâ—uffling pleas which they use to Justify themselves in offering violence to the Sacred Canon But if you would know the true Reason which it was their Business to Conceal I believe Spalato hath Hit on it Suas non poterant Nâ—nias ex Sacrâ Scripturâ verè Canonicâ probare ideoque noluerunt permittaere us 〈◊〉 aliae Scripturae etiam non Canonicae eriperentur quo suas qualescunque â—aberent â—â—â—retras unde spicula desumerent ac praeterea viderent ac praeterea ne viderentur â—ein aliquâ Protestantibus cedere aâ—t consentire maluerunt etiam falsa tueri 〈◊〉 de Repub. Ecc. lib. 7. cap. 1 Num. 28. XLIV He that doth believe the Scriptures to be the Word of God must of course believe their Sufficiency or that they contain all Matters necessary to Salvation for they give this Testimony to themselves And he that believes them to be the Word of God must believe the Testimony they give either of themselves or others St. Paul saith They are able to make Man wise to Salvaâ—ion 2 Tim. 3. 15. 16. But that cannot be so unIess they contain at least all things necessary thereto But though the Scriptures be thus sufficient and contain a certain Sense in themselves yet by reason of the distance of time when they were Wrote through Unskilfulness in Oriental Customes and Phrases where they were Wrote through Ignorance of some particular Tenets which some Argumentative part of Scripture is Levelled against and â—uch like Causes But above all through the Perverseness of evil Men and Seducers it so falls out That those Scriptures which are of a certain Sense yea plain in themselves are made obscure to us and we either become doubtful of their Meaning or follow a wrong Meaning For what is or can there be so plain and easie which some wiâ—ked Men have not or cannot render intricate and perplexed especially to weak Judgements and faciIe Tempers Now for the Discovery of the true Sense of Scripture in this Case true and genuine Tradition is possibly the best Help and surest Refuge and to Wrest the Scriptures out of the Hands of Hereticks and Restore the Rule to its true Force right Use and proper Meaning perhaps there is not a surer nor more effectual way for our Blessed Saviour Himself Wrote
nothing or at least nothing which he designed to be a perpetual Standard and Rule to all his Followers It is said indeed John 8. 6. That He Wrote with his Finger on the Ground But what that was no Body can tell Eusebius indeed Records an Epistle of his to Agbarus but if the Story be true and I have no mind to derogate from the Reputation of so Learned and Industrious an Historian yet it was to a particular Person in Answer to a particular Request And the principal Contents are a Promise That after his Death one of his Disciples should come and both Cure and Instruct Him Nor was it ever Accounted as any part of Canonical Scripture The Apostles indeed being Led by the Spirit into all Truth not only taught it to the then present Age but Committed it to Writing for the benefit of Posterity But then they Wrote nothing contrary or disagreeing with what they preach'd and taught both before and after they wrote And there is no doubt but that those Doctrines which they Comprized summarily in the Scripture were expounded more fully in their daily Conversation and continued discharge of their Ministerial Function If therefore any doubt or Controversie did Arise concerning the Meaning of Scripture there could be no better way to determine it then by enquiring in what Sense those Churches understood it which the Apostles had planted where upon all Occasions they at large Explained themselves for it is certain That the Apostles best knew their own Meaning And when they were no longer living to tell it let witty or wicked Men make never such a Bustle or fair Shew it will be very difficult to perswade any sober Men but that those must needs best know their Meaning to whom the Apostles themselves most amply discovered it Now it being the great Business of Hereticks to corrupt the Scriptures and wrest them to a wrong sense that they might seem to have a sufficient Authority patronizing their Errours When it so Hapned the Ancient Church usually declined the Nice Way of Cavilling and Captious Disputes and fell to enquire what was the Doctrine and Sense of the Apostolick Churches for it could not be but that those to whom the Apostles had preached all their days must better understand their Meaning then any Upstarts who followed their own Imaginations and were fond of New and pâ—stilent Notions And by this means they not only Silenced Hereticks but wrung the Scriptures and the Interpretations of Them out of their Hands and then turned them against them And whilst Apostolical Men were living this was a sure Way And so far as such Tradition can be proved to have been preserved genuine and true it is still a good Way And when the Romanists have endeavoured to bring the Cause to this Issue I think they have had no great Cause to boast of their Gains Witness to avoid Naming many the Controversie Managed by Bishop Jewel and Harâ—ing But then as to Tradition these Cautions would be observed 1. That this is no prejudice to the Scriptures being the only sufficient Rule of Faith for though the Apostles wrote and taught the same things and so both were alike a Rule to the then living Persons yet when those things were put in Writing it was for this very Reason That a Sure and Certain Rule might be Preserved for Posterity For Tradition might in time be mistaken forgotten or corrupted But the Scriptures would remain unalterable So that the Scriptures are the Rule to us though there are many Helps to lead us to their true Meaning of which perhaps genuine Tradition is none of the worst But this makes nothing against the perfection and sufficiency of the Scriptures which contain all things necessary to Salvation though they do not find us Eyes to see nor Ears to hear nor Brains to Consider though God doth all this and all other Helps abundantly All Arts and Sciences are supposed to be Complete in themselves and to contain Rules sufficient to instruct a Man in them And yet some of the Noblest of them can never be thoroughly Attained unless a Man be first Instructed in the Rudiments of some other Arts or Sciences preliminary and preparatory to them But the Scriptures being the most perfect Rule as proceeding from the All-wise God and leading to the Noblest End why should not Others or rather all be subservient to them yet this is so far from making them less that it argues their greater Perfection Secondly That nothing be Admitted as a Tradition which hath not some Apparent Foundation in Scripture for that being the undoubted Word of God whatever is not Agreeable thereto much more whatsoever is contrary to it ought never to be admitted But by Reason of our own Weakness or Others Frowardness the Rule in some Cases being not so clear a true primitive Tradition in relation to Matters contained in Scripture may be very useful to lead us to the true Sense as in the Cafe of Infants Baptism the Observation of the Lords Day and some other Matters For all the Churches of God from the first times having Baptized Infants and duely observed the Lords Day it must be supposed That the Apostles did unanimously so teach the first Churches and consequently that those General Precepts concerning Baptism in Scripture are inclusive of the Children of believing Parents And that those Scriptural Instances of the Observation of the Lords Day were intended to direct our Practice Nor let any Man think that the Romanists will be Gainers by this for I will never deny any Truth for fear of giving Advantage to an Adversary Whatever they can prove from Scripture Expounded by such truly primitive Tradition as shall be agreeable to the two foregoing and the following Cautions I shall freely yield to them or any other Party But if the Matter come to this Issue they must lose all the most Considerable things for which they Contend with us I know they make great Flourishes and pretend Scripture back'd with Tradition for Purgatory and some other Fopperies But what can I or any Man help it if they will use the best means for the worst Ends They know good Rules but use them ill For as for such a Notion of Purgatory which they have set up and such a Use for it as they have devised as there is not any Footsteps of it in Scripture so was it utterly unknown to the primitive Church or if it could have been known would have been Abominated And if Men will have the Impudence to pretend without any colour for their Pretences yet I will not forsake a good Course because they abuse it Thirdly that nothing be admitted as a genuine Tradition but what was universâ—lly received and wherein all the primitive Churches were agreed according to that known Rule of Vincentius Lyrinensis Quod ubique quod semper quod ab oinnibus or as he otherwise phraseth it Vniversitaetis Antiquitatis Consensio Nothing can be so plainly spoken but
observed that our own Fasts and Feasts are ill observed among us I grant it to be true but I say it is not our fault Ill Men and ill Times have been and still are too hard for us and not to Complain of the too many Obstructions of Discipline without which no Church can long stand much less flourish which is the Reason that all Parties whatsoever have unanimously combined to hinder the Exercise of our Discipline that by that means they might have opportunity upon all Occasions to make their full blow at the Church it self though our Church hath had the Laws on her side yet she hath ever had the Lawyers without whom the rest could have done nothing her Enemies who have made even the Laws themselves either insignificant or hurtful to Her I speak not of the whole Body of them for there are many Honest and Honourable Persons amongst them But there want not enough who are sworn Enemies of Church Discipline and all Ecclesiastical Authority who lay Trains and Snares for the Governours of the Church if they execute it And if any Man be Constrained â— defend the Sanctions or Rights of the Church they will encourage Parties and make Interests against Him lead him thorough all the Courts in the Kingdom till they have undone him And expose Him as if he were the â—ilest Man living They will neither suffer the Censures of the Church to take place nor her Rights to be gotten Nay more I will be bold to say that partly by quite discharging some Tithes and by Erecting Iewd Modus's and nostart Customes and other Sly Tricks they have deprived the Clergy of one fourth of what the Bare-faced Church-Robbers left And if they bâ— suffered to go on at this Rate they will in some few Generations insensibly â—â—gger all the Livings in the Kingdom Now what can we do against these and many other powerful and inveterate Opponents whâ—m I will not Name Our Constitutions are good We wish and endeavour what we fairly can that they may be kept They must Answer it to God Almighty who will not suffer it But to leave Complaining where we are like to have no Remedy and return to our Matter As to Traditions of Matters â—f Practice distinction must be made between the Matter of the Tradition and the Circumstances of it Tradition as to Circumstances may differ in different places and may be Altered by the Power of the Church Thus as to the Feast of Easter all Agreed in the Tradition that it was to be observed But divers Churches disagreed about the time of its Observation so that whilest some were Fasting and had not Compleated their Lent others had Entred upon the Feast of Easter Here the Church interposed her Authority and to prevent Disorder and Confusion reduced the Observation to a certain time though it did not take place without a great deal of trouble so tenacious are people of Ancient Usages and therefore ought Governouâ—s to be very tender of disturbing them without wâ—ighty Reasons But then as for the Matter of such Traditions which are genuine and truly primitive as of the Observation of Easter and the first day of the Week commonly called The Lords Day c I cannot perswade my self that even the whole Church hatb Power to Alter or Abrogate them What may be done in Plenitudine Potestatis I will not dispute because it is a thing I have no kindness for For when Persons will be judges of the Extent of their own Authority they will be sure to Câ—rve liberaâ—ly for themselves And when they will be Acting to the utmost Bounds of it the odds is ten to one that they go beyond them Lastly other Traditions there may be which relate to Doctrine but this could be nothing but what the Apostles taught and therefore must be fetch'd from those they taught it to And so must be derived from the first primitive Churches If it started up after it was an Innovation not a Tradition though older then Augustine or Ambrosâ— for there could be no Tradition but from the Apostles and wherein the Churches immediately following them unanimously Agree as to their Doctrine It serves well for the Explanation of the Sense of Scripture as hath been shewn But then it becomes not our Rule though it is an excellent Help for a Rule ought to be full obvious and useful He that will pretend it full has doubtless an Aking Tooth at the Holy Scriptures to explode them as Useless and then he will leave us no Rule at all for this pretended Rule is neither obvious nor useful as a Rule For to fetch the Doctrines of the Christian Religion from the unanimous Consent of all the Apostolick Churches is a Work for which not one in a thousand is capable Nay take twenty for one of their own Priests and either they are not able or shall not be suffered to Attempt it And is this Fit to be set up for a Rule in a Matter of the Eternal Salvation of all Men which the most cannot and many if they could must not use This and some other Reason I could give make me suspect that the Tridentines in defining the Scriptures and Tradition to be Received Pari Pietatis affectu ac reverentiâ had this in their Eye that under the pretended Authority of Tradition they might foist in those Corruptions which they knew the Holy Scriptures would by no means patronize But to leave this Matter and draw a Conclusion from the Premisses if according to our Constitutions for we are not to Answer for the Miscarriages of any particular Persons both our Doctrine and Discipline our Government and Worship are good and justifiable then we cannot be Hereticks If the Roman Patriarchate extended not to these Isles then the Maintaining or Re-assuming our just Liberties cannot make us guilty of Schism as to his Patriarchship but the first is proved therefore the latter must be true XLV I should now have done with this Matter were there not one Trifle in my Way Men who are Resolved not to be Couvinced will be sure to say any thing rather then be put to Silence And so the Romanist when driven from all his Posts Cryes out You were once of the Roman Communion anâ did Pay Obedisnce to the Bishop of Rome There was a Câ—â—â—ition and therefore there must be a Schism Now though the Answer of this is plain from what hath been said yet some Men must be particularly Answered in every Impertinence or else they will Cry up their Triflings for unanswerable Arguments Whoever denied there was a Schism Do not we bewail it and heartily wish that Peace were Restored to the House of Israel That all Churches held a sweet Correspondence and all Christians might Communicate in all Churches wheresoever they came without any Scruple of Conscience as in the primitive times But our Enquiry is Who are in the fault And that the Romanists are the guilty Party I have in some Meafuâ—e proved and
such Churches If there be no Prospect of another General Councel near at Hand a Provincial Councel of their own who understand their state and necessities may Relieve them by making other Orders more Fit and Practicable sor them but always with Honour and Observance of those Constitutions where they do take place and without any Contempt or disrespect where they are laid aside To this Effect is that Answer of our Learned Dr. Beveridge to his fâ—oward Observator Nemo nescit Synodos Posteriores saepe alia nonnunquam contraria câ—nstituisse ac quae prioribus constituta fuerant idque licèt Priores illae aecuenenicae siâ—e Vniversales Posteriores singularium tantummodò Provinciarum Synodi â—ssent quod sexcentis sinecâ—sse esset exemplis demonstrare licet Cod. Can. Ecc. â—â—i lib. 1. cap. 3. In these things if I mistake not consists the greatest anâ— most direct Power of Councels for these things are to be received and observed by vertue of their own Authority And hence it is Observable That in most ancient Councels the greatest Part of their Canons relate to Discipline and Government And they never Cared to meddle with Matter of Doctrine â—â—less the Troubles of the Church and unquietness of Hereticks constrained them to it And though in this Case not only Men in inferiour Orders but even prudent Laymen may be Consulted with and have liberty â—o Advise and freely spâ—ak their Thoughts that the state of the Church may be the better known yet the decisive Voice is in the Bishop And that the Contrary Asserted by Spalato is a great Mistake I shall happily have Occasion to prove when I come to speak of the Nature Power and Rights of Episcopacy in opposition to the Roman See whose Usurpations have not only diminished but in a manner destroyed that Order to the irreparable damage of Gods Church and without the Restoration of which to its just Rights I see not how the Church can hope for either Unity or Peace V. But though in Relation to Government and Discipline the Power of Bishops in Councel is very great yet in Matters of Doctrine it is by no means the same For he that Committed to their Trust the Government of his Church gave them no Power over the Faith Rules for Discipline may alter as Cases alter But the Gospel of Christ Jesus must be yesterday and to day and the same for ever No Monckish Evangelium aeternum nor Fanatick Evangelium armatum must be suffered to thrust this out of doors What Christ and his Apostles delivered to the Saints at first must be the Rule to the last And therefore here the Business of Councels is not to Appoint but Enquire Not to Constitute but declare They have no Authority to make us a New Gospel or any New Article of Faith but to discover the Old And therefore here their Authority goes equal pace with their Sincerity Diligence and Skill And if these Qualifications be truly in them and duely used It is all the Reason in the World that we should Acquiesce in their Determinations and that not only because we cannot have any better or more able Body of Men to decide the Controversie But also because we have good Grounds to believe that God will Afford them his Assistance sor the Promise made to the Disciples of being with them always to the End of the World is not capable of any other Construction but of his Affording not only to them but to their Successors sufficient Aid and Assistance to preserve discover teach and declare that Truth and Doctrine which our Blessed Saviour and his Apostles taught and left with them to be taught to the End of the World for the Salvation of Souls And though even Laymen as being all Concerned in the Common Salvation may Challenge a Right to Appear in Councel in oâ—deâ—ly Manner and Number yet certainly the greatest Authority lies in them to whom God hath Committed the Care of all the Churches and who must Answer sor others Soâ—â—s as well as their own Where therefore the Pastors of the Church are Met together about Matters relating to the Necessâ—ties of the Church and are Honest Industrious and able I doubt not but that in Matters of Religion their Authority is the greatest of any Men on Earth God I think would not suffer such Men so qualified to decâ—ive us in any thing of necessity to Salvation and therefore they are not lightly to be regarded And if these things could be truly said for the Councel of Tâ—â—nt I should have a better esteem â—or it then I am like to have in haste But on the other Hand if any Pastors of the Church how many soever though never so able and industrious Meet together and be not Honest and Sincere but at least by the prevailing Number for base Interest labour by subtile and unworthy Arts not to Amend but Establish gross Errours Abuses and Corruptions These Men not only Offer the greatest Affront to God and his Christ but Attempt to put the most pernicious Cheat upon the Christian World And in stead of Assistance from God they may rather expect that in Judgement he should give them over to strong delusions to believe a Lye And these are to be Abominated and with as great indignation Rejected as good and lawful Councels are with Reverence to be received and followed And in which of these Rancks the Councel of Trent ought to stand I shâ—ll now Enquire VI. And in the first place it may not be Amiss to Consider what time was taken to Frame and Mould this Councel to the Popes Mind The Councels of Constance and Basil having Eclipsed the Roman See in the very Height of its Greatness and Glory the Popes ever since have looked with a malignâ— Aspect upon General Councels and the very Naming one was enough to put any of them into a Fit of a Feavour And indeed this made following Councels not only useless but noxious For if the Necessities of the Church seemed at any time to Require a General Councel the Pope would never suffer it to be but in such place that he could Command And always took care that it should Consist of such Persons who at least for the greater Number were at his devotion And yet even then was wofully uneasie till it was Finished so unwilling are Popes to trust themselves with a Councel though themselves have the packing of it But that Spark which first fell through the Clashing of Luther and the Pardonmongers being blown to such a Flame that no Common Help could quench it a General Councel seemed necessary But to Manage it for the Advantage of the Roman See and to hold it in convenient place was a Matter of no small difficulty in such times of Confusion so that it seemed to be as dangerous to the Pope as it was necessary for the Church It was well for the Court of Rome that the greatest Princes of those times were perswaded that it was
the Popes Right though meerly Founded upon Usurpations to Call General Councels For by this means they gained time to Fit Matters for their Turn And yet though the most Refined Politicians in the World it was not a little time did serve their Turn For though tho Popes successively seemed daily willing that so they might stop Mens Mouths and Gratifie their Importunity yet was it not less then Twenty-seven yeares before these perfect Crafts-Masters could Contrive Matters to their Mind and then too they were rather Necessitated then willing and in no small fear that their Wings would be Clipt-Luthers first Appeal to a General Councel which was quickly followed with the desire of all Germany was in the Year 1518. But the Councel of Trent did not open till the 13th of December 1545. So long did this Compassionate Successor of St. Peter suffer the Wounds of the Church to Lye Bleeding and at last only Cured them as Chyrurgions do Gangâ—enes by Cutting off the Members As for the Indictions at Mantua and Vicenza I make no Account of them for as it may Reasonably be suspected that they were only Shams to gain time so had either taken effect it is certain it was a Device to keep the Councel in greater Slavery then it was at Trent though it was so great there that little good could be expected from it as shall presently appear And now after so long Plotting having got something like a Councel in a â—rightful place at a time when Christian Princes were most jealous of each other and the Pope had Leasure and Opportunity to play his Game Let us enquire into its State and Actions And if just Exceptions cannot be brought against it let it take place VII I do not pretend to bring all the just Exceptions which may be Alledged against the Councel of Trent It is sufficient if those few I shall bring or any one of them be so material and to the purpose as to Justâ—fy our Rejecting it Now the first Quarrel I have against them is that the prevailing Part all along carried on a Design to betrary the Liberties of all the Churches and the Power of all Bishops to the Pope and to make him the absolute Moâ—arch of the whole Church And what good can we expect from Men who were Traitors to their own Order But though there could be no greater baseness and falseness then such a Design yet it must be Confessed that never was an Intrigue Managed more Neatly or more Sâ—ily brought about for they never Offer to put his Supremacy to the Vote nor by any express Canon or Decree declare or give it him for that might have Awakeâ—â—d the Sleeping Bishops and Alarm'd the World and perhaps they might not have Carried it Or if they had yet what one Councel gave another might take away At least he must have been beholding to them and held it as their Gift which would not do the Pope's Business But more craftily whilest the Councel was intent upon other Matters they upon all Occasions 〈◊〉 in such words into the Decrees and Canons which though nothing to the purpose as to the Matter to be decided and therefore in all likelihood little Heeded yet might infer the Pope's Supremacy by an Antecedent or Divine Right And thus they insensibly put him out of the Reach of all Councels and did their Work more effectually then if they had spoke never so plainly Those who Heedsully Read over the Canons and Decrees of the Councel of Trent may furnish themselves with plenty of Instances To Avoid Tediousness I shall only mention some few For a Trial how this would glide down the Decree for Reformation is Ushered in with these words Eadem SS Synâ—dus Piis Summorum Pontificum Probatorum Conciltorum Constitutionibus inhaerens Sess 5. cap. 1. Here the Pope is not only put before the Councels but that ye might see by what Right he is Adorned with the Epithet Summus And though the Councels are suffered to wait on him yet it is with a Restriction they must be such as are Probatae Now what those are and who shall have the Approving them any Man may guess without being suspected for a Conjurer For with them the meanest Provincial Councel is as good as a General if Confirmed by the Pope and without his Confirmation the most General is not worth a Rush Thus what shrivelled things are Councels to a Pope But as if all Reformation Consisted in exalting the Pope in the Decree of Reformation Sess 6 cap. 1 He is stiled Ipsius Dei in Terris Vicarius They could hardly have made him greater unless they had stiled Him Our Lord God the Pope And in the latter part of the same Decree they declare him to be Captain'Mend-all with a power to punish at Discretion even the Highest Prelates of the Church And that not by Vertue of any Trust reposed in Him by the Councel but Suae Supreme Sedis Auctoritate This I think is pretty fair they did deserve to be stroked and called his white Boys for it When they come to determine the Matter concerning the Reservation of Cases which extreamly needed Reformation for by that means Persons oft were forced to Travel to Rome from the farthest Countreys at vast Charges and often for meer Trifles in stead of Reforming they Justify it And for fear of losing the booty they seem willing that some other Bishops should have a Share with Subordination to his Holiness But as for thâ— Pope himself they tell us roundly that he may do it Merito pro Supremâ Potestate sibi in Ecclesiâ Vniversâ traditâ Sess 14 cap. 7. This I think drives the Naiâ— home and Clinches it too for if his be the Supreme Power in the Universal Church that Man or Men had need be Back'd with a strange Authority who shall dare to Controul or oppose Him Further the Matter is so Ordered that the Councel frequently gives the Pope the Title of Dominus neâ—er and the Consequence can be no less but that they were or ought to be his Humble Servants Perhaps some will say that this was done in good Manners and by way of Complement But put a Complement upon the Pope and if it serves his Turn he interprets it a Reality And the Decrees and Canons of this Councel are Restrained to his Interpretation that they can only speak what he pleases so that he may make the utmost use of it And we know that Sayings which do not by the hundredth part so much Countenance his Supremacy are Confidently brought in to prove it An endless and needless Labour iâ— would be to pursue all Instances of this kind and therefore I shall Content my self with one more When most Men were Tyred out and grown Sick of the Councel and the Papalins being in fear of the Popes Death were Resolved to Conclude it in a Hurry in the very last Session this Decree passeth Postremo Sancta Synodus omnia singula sub
quibuscunque clausulis verbis quae de Morum Reformatione atque Ecclesiasticâ Disciplinâ tam sub fel. vec Paulo 3tio ac Julio 3tio quèm sub Beatissimo Pio 4to Pontificibus Maximis in hoc Sacro Concilio statuta sâ—nt declarat it a decreta fuisse ut in his Salva semper Auctorità s Sedis Apostolicae sit esse intelligatur cap. 21. Now if they had done any thing as to the Pope before this had undone it all And this with the Help of such a Construction as the Pope may put upon it may enable Him to do what he will He is now left to Carve for Himself and if he want any thing it is his own fault By what Surprize this Decree was obtained the Historian briefly tells us When a Councel was just Shutting up few Men gave their Minds to Heed or stick at any thing and therefore in the Close of the day this is passed as a thing granted though it had never been mentioned in any Congregation Hist C. T. lib. 8 pag. 812 Now what the Authority here deâ—â—gned is you may give a shrewd Guess by the Acclamation in the Shutting â—p of the Councel Beatissimo Pio Papae Domino nostro Sanctae Vniversaliâ— Ecclesiae Pontifici c. What can he desire more It seems the Dispute about Vniversalem Ecclesiam and Vniversas Ecclesias was out of their Heads now VIII As to the Authority of Bishops it was the Contrivance of the Councel all along by all Arts possible to bring it in a manner to nothing 'T is true some were sensible of the Mischief of this and amongst such the Spaniards deserved no mean Commendation especially Gramata then whom there was not a more brave and Magnanimous Prelate in all the Councel 〈◊〉 wanted not much once but that they had out-witted the early Legats bâ—t their honest Plot being discovered they were quickly over-born by the â—â—â—ians and Pensioners who never Consider what is Right but what will â—â—ive the Pope's Turn And to exalt him it was necessary to depress all other â—â—shops for if other Bishops be Christs Vicars as well as the Pope they will 〈◊〉 in danger to be his Fellows but if they be only Vicars or Delegates of Christs Vicar then they must submit to Him as their Head from whom they â—â—ive all their Authority And to bring it to this Pass they used many â—rts though none more effectual then this which shall be the only Instance I shall produce in this place In the Matter of Reformation it was necessary 〈◊〉 seem to do something though God knows their Reformation was much 〈◊〉 Boccaline's in Parnassus which after a mighty Bustle and vast Expectations Amounted to no more then the Moderating the Price of Cabbages and â—ayons Now though in things of greatest Concern the Reformation was lâ—ft to the Pope which was Magno conaâ—â— nihil agere yet all could not be so Referred and the Execution of such things had been always left to the Bishops Now to have Committed them to any other Hands would have been not only to bring themselves under Eternal Infamy but to put the World in a Mutiny On the other Hand to leave it to them would seem to infer a Right if not a Divine Right in prejudice of the Pope One would think here they had been taken in a Noose but they slip the Knot with ease And certainly never any thing was more Neatly taken away in the very giving For when Matters came under debate which did Require the Exercise of Jurisdiction upon the place they then Committed it to the Bishops but with this Restriction As Delegates of the Apostolick See Here indeed the Bishops Received a Power to Exercise some Authority but in the very Accepting it they gave up their Right and placed all Authority Originally in the Pope so that if he pleased at any time to undelegate them he did in effect unbishop them And yet the only Reason which moved the Cardinals St. Clemens and Alexandrinus to persevere in their Opinioe to the last against the Confirmation of the Councel was this That too much Authority had been Given to Bishops in that Councel Hist C. T. lib. 8. p 817. So Jealous is the Roman Court of the Authority of Bishops that they are not willing to Allow them the Shadow of it And indeed they have Reason for it for if every Bird had her own Feather those Jolly Cardinals now Princes Mates would Appear to be only a parcel of bald Cootes For this and some other Reasons the Councel of Trent might have Waited for a Confirmation had not Hugo Buonâ—cmpagno Bishop of Bestice not only clearly Convinced the Pope that he was no Loser by the Councel but also taught Him a Trick how He might make what he pleased of it and become no small Gainer by it Hist C. T. p. 816. To all this the Bigoted sort of Romanists will Return that it is the Pope's Right But if it be not his Right then both He and that Councel are guilty of a World of Wrong done to the Churches of God But that Dispute is not proper in this place but will be fully Handled in the Particular of Supremacy And if they be cast in that they must be so in this IX It hath ever been Held to be one necessary Qualification of a General Councel That it be free And therefore I may Reasonably put in this Exception against that at Trent That it was in manifest Slavery all the time If there were nothing more to be urged but the Decree Proponentibus Legatis that alone were sufficient For by this means the Bishops who best knew the state of their Churches could not offer any thing in Councel how needful soever they knew it to be And what should be debated was wholly left to their pleasure who either could not understand the state of the Churches Or if they did yet did not regard it but made it their whole Business to Advance the Interest of the Court of Rome And though it was Pleaded that this was a New Thing never before done in any Councel though at several times strong Reasons were brought to prove that it Infringed the Libâ—rty of the Councel And from time to time great Intercession was made to take off that Decree yet it could never be obtained And we may Reasonably believe that it was Resolved it never should whatsoever they might pretend For when this Decree with no small Art had passed the Pope was so well pleased with the News that he wrote privately to the Legats That they should Maintain it firmly and put it in Execution without Releâ—ting one jote Hist C. T. lib 6. p. 470. But though this was too much yet this did not satisfie them But they took still a greater Liberty to Enslave all the Rest For when they had proposed any Matter if the debate did not proceed to their Mind they took upon them to interrupt Men in their speaking and to Check