Expression seems only to be this viz. that if the Holy Spirit is not God he cannot sanctifie Men which Gregory styles elsewhere to make Men Gods Some learned Men conjecture that about the same time Gregory made the Panegyrick of St. Athanasius which is his One and twentieth Oration He displays in it not only the Vertues of the Bishop of Alexandria but also relates at large the Persecutions he suffered and the Troubles that happen'd during his life He praises him especially for his Orthodoxy and Constancy in the defence of the Truth All those says * Pag. 394. he who profest our Doctrine were divided into Three Parties-Some did not think well of the Son and worse yet of the Holy Spirit Those who had a sound Belief in those two Points were very few He was the first and only Man who durst openly publish the Truth or at least he was seconded by very few People Gregory gives also St. Athanasius †Pag. 395. the Glory of having brought to an Agreement the Eastern and Western Churches which disputing only about Words yet look'd upon one another as Hereticks We said agreeably to the Doctrine of Godliness that there is One Essence and Three Existences Hypostases the Former relating to the Nature of the Deity and the Second to the Properties of the Three The Bishops of Italy apprehended it so but because of the scantiness of their Tongue they could not distinguish the Hypostasis from the Essence because the Latin Churches ‖ Hieron in Ep. ad Damas T. 2. p. 13. Ed. Gryph render'd the word Hypostasis Substance and they introduced the word Person lest it should seem they acknowledge Three Essences What followed from it Something ridiculous or rather that deserves Pity A meer Dispute about Words was look'd upon as a Dispute concerning the Faith Those who said that there are Three Persons were suspected in the East of Sabellianism and those who mention'd Three Hypostases were suspected in the West of Arianism Such was the effect of those Disputes c. St. Athanasius remedied it by mildly conversing with every Party and carefully examining the sences of the words which they used and as soon as he perceived that the Eastern and Western Bishops were of the same Opinion as to the thing and differed only in Expressions he allowed the use of different Terms and re-united them as to the Substance of the Doctrine To return * Carm. de Vit. p. 14 c. to Maximus his Party grew stronger by the arrival of his Country-men in the Year 379 and the better to engage the Bishops of that Country to serve him he sent to them considerable Presents Wherefore he borrowed some Money of a Priest who was lately come from Thassus an Island of the Archipelago with Orders to buy at Constantinnple some Marble and other Materials for a Church which they design'd to build in that Island Not long after that Gregory being indisposed went out of Constantinople to take the Air and so gave occasion to the Bishops to go very early to his Church and to place Maximus upon the Episcopal See They could not make an end of the Ceremony of that Cynicks Ordination before it was noised about in the City Whereupon the Magistrates of Constantinople the Clergy and the People without excepting the Arians themselves went in a Crowd to the Anastasis and turned those Bishops out of the Church They retired into a Play-house that was hard by where they cut his Hair and Consecrated him Which did but exasperate the People who gave Maximus all sort of ill Language and blamed Gregory for having too kindly received that wicked Man into his House Gregory having notice of what past returned presently to Constantinople and made that Oration which is the Twenty-eighth in order wherein he says that he was gone out of Town with some repugnancy and that the little time he had been absent had but encreased his Love for his Flock He doth again shew the Perfidiousness of Maximus and those of his Party to which he adds a Description of a true Christian Philosopher He excuses himself for his having been deceived by Maximus because Good Men being not Suspicious he could not suspect that that Philosopher would deceive him Lastly He says that he is ready to leave the Episcopal See and that he never desired it He mixes several general Reflexions in that Discourse and seems to prepare himself to Patience by the Consideration of the Miseries of this Life It appears that he was an Old Man because he says that Maximus * Pag. 483. would perhaps upbraid him with his Old Age and want of Health which is contrary to the Opinon of those who believe that Gregory was born about the time of the Council of Nice Indeed Gregory's Return got him the People on his side and obliged Maximus to leave the City but not to give over his Design It seems that he wrote to the †Ep. Ambros Epp. Italiae ad Theod. Imp. Conc. T. 2. col 1007. Bishops of the Italick Diocess met in a Synod at Aquileia to whom he imparted the News of his Election which had been approved by the Communicatory Letters of Peter of Alexandria which he sent to them to be read in their Council He confest he had been Ordained in a Private House but he said it was because the Arians had seized all the Churches and that he was forced to give way to their Violence The Council who knew not the Circumstances approved his Ordination thinking that Gregory's Promotion was not according to the Canons because a Bishop was not allowed to leave one Church and settle himself in another Their Approbation of Maximus's Ordination was also the reason why they refused since to Communicate with Nectarius his Successor and wrote to the Emperor to desire him to have an eye to it and to restore Maximus or to call a General Council at Rome to examine that Business Damasus Bishop of Rome disappaoved also Gregory's Election who according to the Canons should have stay'd at Sasime since it was not lawful for a Bishop * In Collect Rom. Holsten p. 37. to leave the People committed to his Charge to remove to another out of Ambition which breeds Quarrels and Schisms Thus he speaks of it in a Letter written to some Bishops of Egypt wherein he also blames Mavimus's Election as being contrary to the Canons He wrote †Ibid. p. 43. further to Acholius Bishop of Thessalonica against the same and exhorted him to endeavour to get a Catholick Bishop established at Constantinople It appears from thence that Gregory's leaving Sasime had offended several People and perhaps he was somewhat too Nice for one who was so little addicted to the World as he himself says he was Besides his resolving to go to Constantinople after he had despised Sasime was a thing that might raise Suspicions in the Mind of ill-affected Persons 'T is not to be doubted
but Maximus did maliciously make use of all that to ruine Gregory's Reputation and this perhaps emboldened him to go to Thessalonica to desire Theodosius to restore him by an Edict But he was so far from obtaining what he desired that the Emperor ordered him with Threatnings to give over his Pursuits Being enraged at his having missed his aim he went to Alexandria where having drawn some People to his Party he threatned Peter Bishop of that City to deprive him of his Place if he he did not help him to invade the Bishoprick of Constantinople The Governor of Alexandria having had notice of this Insolence and being afraid that the Cynick would cause some Disturbance banish'd him out of the City and History doth not tell us what became of him afterwards Gregory being thus got rid of Maximus was now exposed to the Arian Faction which endeavoured to cry him down by ridiculing his Countrey and Relations Besides they accused him of ill Humour Carelesness and other like Defects But because those Reproaches were either ill grounded or inconsiderable he easily justified himself as may be seen in his Twenty-fifth Oration That which did him the greatest Prejudice is that though he was great Orator according to the manner of the Age he lived in yet he was not really fit to do a thousand other things necessary to maintain himself against the Arians He should have made his Interest at Court and got the Favour of the Grandee's to promote the Interest of his Church But this he was not capable of having spent the greatest part of his Life in Study and Quiet Hence it is that that Priest who had favoured Maximus as I have said drew several Catholicks to himself who began to say that Gregory was not capable of well performing the Episcopal Duties which required no less Experience and Skill in Affairs than Eloquence and Learning Gregory was so weary of the Complaints and Crosses of those Men that one day * De Vita sua p. 17 18. he undertook to take his leave of his People But he had no sooner said that he would go than that the whole Assembly did so earnestly desire him not to leave them and not to suffer the Orthodox Doctrine to perish by the Arians Endeavours after his departure that at last he was persuaded to stay till the Eastern Bishops who were to meet shortly as 't was reported would chuse another to fill up the Episcopal See of Constantinople Such was the state of Affairs until the arrival of Theodosius at Constantinple the 22d of * Vid. Pagt ad hunc Ann. n. 7. November 380. That Emperor had been lately Baptized at Thessalonica by Acholius an Orthodox Bishop who had inspired him with the Design of restoring the Nicene Faith He had already ordered being at Thessalonica †C. Th. l. 16. T. 1. c. 2. by an Edict bearing date the 27th of February That all his Subjects should have such a Belief concerning the Holy Trinity as they had at Rome and Alexandria That those who would profess it should be called Catholicks and the others Hereticks That the Assemblies of the latter should not be called Churches and That they should be liable to Civil Punishments as well as to the Divine Vengeance Being at Constantinople and having observed the great multitude of Heterodox of which that City was full he published yet a more severe Edict ‖ Ibid. T. 5. l. 6. the 10th of January in the Year 381 whereby he annuls all those which might have allowed the Hereticks some liberty and takes from them all the Churches they had in the Towns ordering them to restore 'em to those who followed the Nicene Faith Afterwads he sent word * Soâ— at l. â— c. â— Soâ—â—â— 7. c. â— to Demophilus an Arian Bishop to subscribe to the Council of Nice or to resolve to leave the Churches of Constantinople Demophilus did the latter without any Hesitation and told the People that the next day they should meet out of the City Thus the Arians were deprived of the Publick Churches which they had kept Forty Years * De Vita sua p. 20 c. Notwithstanding Theodosius was accused of want of Zeal and they would would have him use Violence to reduce the Arians as Gregory says though he doth not approve the Heat of those who found fault with Theodosius's Conduct upon that account and declares himself against those who pretend to force the Conscience The Emperor having sent for Gregory received him very kindly and told him he was going to put him in possession of the Cathedral of Constantinople Lest the People the greatest part whereof followed the Opinions of Arius should rise up Theodosius sent some Soldiers to seize the Church of the Apostles and sent Gregory to it attended with some others through the midst of the People who cried on every side and were as much afflicted as if Constantinople had been taken which could not be a pleasant Spectacle to a wise and moderate Bishop Though the Sun was up it was so clouded that one would have thought it was Night but the Sun shone all of a sudden when Gregory came to Church That Circumstance should not deserve to be taken notice of were it not that our Bishop relates it as an extraordinary thing having said * Carm. de Vita sua p. 22. That though he is one of those who are most opposite to such Thoughts yet he believes 't is better to believe all things than to refuse to believe what is said As soon as they came to Church all the People that were in it cried out they would have Gregory to be their Bishop He silenced them getting a Priest to tell them that they ought not to cry but to give Thanks to God As for the rest he was threatned with no danger except that one Man only drew his Sword which he presently put up into its Scabboard But though the Arians had yielded their Churches yet they murmured about it among themselves and were angry because they had been turned out Gregory believed with great reason that the Heterodox might be wrought upon by Mildness which he more willingly used than the Emperor's Authority He complains That a Company of wretched Young men call'd Mildness Cowardice gave to Fury the name of Courage and would have the Arians to be exasperated and inflamed with Anger The Moderation of Gregory was not unpleasant to Theodosius who sometimes sent for him †Carm. 10. T. 2. p. 80. and made him eat at his Table Notwithstanding our Bishop went seldom to Court * Carm. de Vita sua p. 23. though the others were constantly there to be in the Emperor's or his Officers Favour and made use of Piety as a pretence to raise themselves and ruine their Enemies Forasmuch as he was Old and of a Weak Constitution he was often indisposed which his Enemies ascribed to too great a Delicacy As he was once in his Bed
appear'd remote in upholding the Arguments which seem'd to him weak and in giving Praises to such who seem'd to speak well Eusebius of Caesarea long held out against the Use which they * Socrat. l. 1. c. 8. Theod. l. 1. c. 12. would make of the word Consubstantial He offer'd another Confession of Faith wherein it was omitted and wherein he call'd the Son barely God born of God Light of Light Life of Life Only Son First-born of all Creatures Begotten of his Father before all Worlds The Emperor approv'd this Confession of Faith and exhorted the Fathers of the Synod to follow it in adding thereto only the word Consubstantial Afterwards the Confession was read which had been drawn up with this Word the Terms of which have been already recited Anathema's were join'd thereto against those who should use on this Occasion other Terms than those of the Holy Scripture which must be understood with an Exception of those which the Council thought fit to Consecrate This Proposition was particularly condemn'd That the Son existed not before he was begotten Eusebius and others requested That the Terms of the Symbol and Anathema's might be explained 1. It was said That the word Begotten and not Made was used because this last word expresses the Production of Creatures to which the Son has no likeness being of a Substance far more excellent than they begotten by the Father in an incomprehensible manner 2. As for the word Consubstantial it is proper to the Son not in the sence wherein it is taken when we speak of Bodies or Mortal Animals the Son being Consubstantial with the Father neither by a Division of the Divine Substance of which he possesses a part nor by any change of this same Substance The meaning of which is only this That the Son has no Resemblance with the Creatures which he has made but that he is in all things like to his Father by whom he has been begotten or That he is not of another Hypostasis or Substance but of that of the Father 3. Those were condemn'd who said That the Son was not before he was born seeing that he existed before his Corporal Birth and even before his Divine Generation according to Constantine's Argument * These words of Eusebius's Letter are not to be found but in Theodorit Socrates having retrenched them For before said he that he was actually Begotten he was in Power in his Father in a manner Unbegotten the Father having been always Father as he is always King and Saviour and all things in Power being eternally in the same Condition It will perhaps seem that this is pure Arianism and that this is to deny the Eternity of the Son But we must observe that in the style of that time to Exist before the World and to be Eternal is the same thing seeing that to prove his Eternity this Passage is cited * Vid. Ep. Alexandri Ep. Al. supra laudatam In the Beginning was the Word And it sufficed to shew that he was Begotten before there was any Time So that we must not reject these words as Supposititions meerly for this reason And it is so ordinary to find hard Expressions in those who attempt to explain in any sort this incomprehensible Mystery that if one might hence judge of them one would be apt to declare them all Hereticks which is to say to anathemamize the greatest part of the Ancients Besides this †* De. Deret Nicaen Tom. 1. pag. 251. St. Athanasius who openly treats Eusebius as an Arian makes allusion to one part of this Passage and draws thence a Consequence which Eusebius without doubt would not have owned which is That the Arians believed that the Divinity of Jesus Christ did not exist before his Corporal Birth After these Explications Eusebius subscribed as he himself testifies in the Letter above recited ‖ Athanas ibid. although he had refused it the day before The long and formal Opposition which he had made against the word Consubstantial caused it to be suspected that there was want of Sincerity in this Subscription In fine Arius and his Party were anathematized and all their Books condemned and particularly a Poem which Arius had entituled Thalia Most of the Arian Bishops subscribed after Eusebius his Example to this Confession of Faith and the Anathema's after the Explication above-mentioned Yet there were some of 'em who refused at first to sign * Socr. l. 1. c. 1. the principal of which were Eusebius of Nicomedia Theognis of Nice Maris of Calcedon Theonas of Marmarica and Secondus of Ptolemais They were immediately Excommunicated by the Council and were to be sent afterwards as well as Arius into Exile by Constantine The Council wrote a Circular Letter †Ib. Socr. l. 1. c. 9. to the Churches of Egypt denoting to 'em in what sort they had carried themselves in the business of Arius and what had been ordered touching Melece the Schismatical Bishop and the Observation of Easter Constantine wrote also to the Church of Alexandria to assure it that after a full and mature Examination Arius had been condemned by the common Consent He greatly vaunted of the Moderation and Learning of the Bishops making no mention of their Quarrels according to the Custom observed in Publick Acts and such like Occasions where every thing is supprest which may give an ill Opinion of the Decrees of these kinds of Assemblies In another Letter directed to the Bishops and Churches he enjoins the Name of Porphyrus to be given to Arius and his Followers to be called Porphyrians This Porphyry was a famous Platonist who had written against the Christian Religion and whose Books Constantine had caus'd to be burnt Lucas Holstenius has written his Life which is to be found at the end of the Book Of the Abstinence of Animals Constantine design'd to declare hereby Arius an Enemy to the Christian Religion and not in any manner reproach him with being a Platonist touching the Trinity seeing Constantine did not disapprove as we have seen the Sentiments of Plato It 's true the Arians have been upbraided with their too great application to the reading of this Philosopher and other Heathen Authors Revera de Platonis Aristophanis says * Advers Lucif T. 2. p. 142. Ed. Gryph St. Jerom in episcopatum allegentur Quotus enim quisque est qui non apprime in his eruditus sit Accedit ad hoc quod Ariana hoeresis magis cum sapientia seculi facit argumentationum rivos de Aristotelis fontibus mutuatur Thus the Orthodox and Hereticks equally approved the Sentiments of Plato each of them apparently explaining them according to his Hypothesis Constantine further ordered in the same Letter to burn all Arius's Books to the end that not only his pernicious Doctrine be destroyed but that there remain no monument of it to Posterity He likewise declared That if any one concealed any of his Books and did not bring
them to be burnt he should be put to death after it had been proved upon him There is moreover another Letter of this Emperer wherein he enjoins all Churches to celebrate Easter according to the Canons of the Council Eusebius and Theognis either actually believing that the Creed of the Council might admit an Arian fence * Socrat. l. 1. c. 14. or affrighted by the Emperor's Severity offer'd to sign the Creed but refused to anathematize Arius affirming that Opinions were attributed to him which he had not Eusebius so ordered by the means of his Friends about the Emperor †Ex. Epist Const ad Nicomed ap Theod. l. 1. c. 20. that what he desired was granted him which is to say that they were contented with his subscription to the Creed Theognis and Maris did as much and the Letter of the Council to the Churches of Egypt mentions only Theonas and Secondus who had absolutely stood out Philostorgus likewise acknowledges * L. 1. c. 8 9. that all the Arian Bishops subscribed except two and reproaches the rest with their insincerity in that they had explain'd after the Arian fashion the Terms of the Council by the Advice of Constantia the Emperor's Sister He adds That Secondus setting out to go into Exile said to Eusebius You have subscribed Eusebius that you might not be banisht but for my part I believe what God has revealed to me which is that you shall be carried into Exile before the year comes about Arius if we believe the Orthodox had not the Courage to resolve on Banishment with Secondus and Theonas He pretended a desire to be better instructed and sought an occasion of conferring with Athanasius Deacon of Alexandria †Athanas T. 1. p. 111. whose Acts are still extant If this Relation be true one may conjecture that Arius designedly defended himself but ill the better to yield to his Adversaries Reasons as he did to obtain his Grace He acknowledges at the end of this Conference the Equality and Consubstantiality of the Son with the Father after which he shews himself entirely reclaim'd from his Error The Fathers of the Council receiv'd him as a Penitent without setling him in his Employ and the Emperor only forbad him to go to Alexandria Euzoius and Achillas Colleagues of Arius were also pardoned and * In Lucif p. 145. T. 2. St. Jerom adds to them eight Bishops of which he names but three and one Priest Eusebius of Nicomedia Theognis of Nice Saras Priest of Lybia and Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea It appears from the sequel of the Dialogue that the Arians denied that the Bishops of their Party were reconciled at Nice but St. Jerom grounds himself on the Acts and Subscriptions of this Council which yet he had not then at hand excusing himself from naming the four other reconciled Bishops by a Rhetorical Figure reliqui quos enumerare longum est There needed not so much time for to set down four Names but without doubt he did not remember them The first who sign'd the Council among the Orthodox was Hosius Bishop of Cordova afterwards Vitonius and Vincent Roman Priests sent by Sylvester after them the Bishops of Alexandria Antioch and Jerusalem and in fine the other Bishops Those who favour the Pretensions of the Church of Rome say that Hosius sign'd in Quality of Legate from the Bishop of that City but the most ancient Historians have not a word of it The Council ending the 25th of August Constantine took his farewel of them in a very fine Harangue * Eusch in Vit. ejus c. 21. wherein he exhorted the Fathers to thoughts of Peace and to a mutual Forbearance but which was of little effect as will appear by the sequel Thus ended this famous Council the Circumstances of which would be better known to us if the fear of offending great Persons the Zeal of some the Passion of others and the Respect which Posterity has had for the Decisions of so famous an Assembly had not hinder'd contemporary Authors from writing the History with the Exactness and Impartiality remarkable in good Historians and retain'd those who have liv'd since from saying what they knew perhaps that was disadvantagious St. Athanasius in a little Treatise already cited and where he seems at first to be willing to enter on this History transported by the Zeal of which he was full falls on Controversie and Invectives when one might expect him ready to relate Circumstances Sozomen says That he did not dare to relate the Creed of Nice †L. 1. c. 10. because some of his pious and learned Friends in this Matter advised him to suppress the things which the Initiates and the Priests alone should understand and that according to their Council he had conceal'd what was to be kept silent A while after the * Sozom. l. 1. c. 25. Emperor being to celebrate the Feast of his Vicennales which is to say of the Twentieth Year of his Empire invited the Bishops to Byzantia which he thought of re-establishing in giving it the new Name of Constantinople where he magnificently treated them and made each of 'em a-part a Present after which they return'd to their Bishopricks It seems that it was about this time that he wrote very obliging Letters to †Socrat. l. 1. c. 9. Eusebius of Caesarea in giving him order to procure him fifty Copies fairly written of the Holy Scripture As to Eusebius of Nicomedia and Theognis his Friend they were no sooner return'd into their Bishopricks but they began again to preach Arianism publickly * Ex. Epi. Const ad Nicom l. and receiv'd into their Communion some Persons of Alexandria who had been thence expelled for this Opinion Constantine advertised of this sent them into Exile three Months after the Council and establish'd at Nicomedia one Amphion for Bishop and Chrestus at Nice Thus was Secondus's Prediction accomplish'd and Insincerity punished Two Months after Alexander Bishop of Alexandria died which occasioned great Disturbances in that City The †Sozom. II. 17. Philost III. II. Orthodox say that Athanasius Deacon of this Church whom Alexander had brought along with him to Nice by reason of his Knowledge had been denoted several times by this Bishop for his Successor but that he had hid himself a little before his death for fear of being Elected and that having been found he was chosen by a Plurality of Voices The Heterodox affirm on the contrary that the Meletians being re-united to the Catholicks after the death of Alexander fifty four Bishops of Egypt took an Oath to elect by common Consent his Successor but that seven among them broke their Oaths and chose Athanasius without the Participation of the rest Some even assure that the Voices were divided and the Election not being made quick enough Athanasius shut himself up with two Bishops into St. Denys's Church and caused himself to be Consecrated maugre the other Bishops who made the Church-doors
third of Greek Words and Phrases either worthy of Observation or such as that Author hath used in a particular Sence If those Index's were Compleat and Correct they would be undoubtedly very useful but they are neither There is a great many Faults in the Numbers and the Sence of Clemens is often mis-represented in them That Passage of Job There is none but is polluted is referred to the 25th Chapter of his Book whereas 't is in the 14th There is in the Index Peccato originali infectae omnium animae corpora 468. d. On the contrary Clemens confutes that Opinion in that place but Sylburgus or another who made that Index in all probability thought of what Clemens should have said in his judgment rather than what he did really say There is besides a Fourth Index before the Book which contains a Catalogue of the Authors cited by Clemens but the Pages in which they are cited being not marked 't is altogether useless 'T were to be wisht for the Common-wealth of Learning not only that Kings were Philosophers or Philosophers Kings but also that Printers were Learned Men or Learned Men Printers and that we might see again the Age of the Manutius's and Stephens to give us good Editions of the Writings of the Antients and make that Study more Easie which is Difficult enough of it self without encreasing the Difficulties by our own Negligence The Life OF EUSEBIUS Bishop of Caesarea THE same Reason that induced me to give the Publick the Life of Clemens Alexandrinus obliges me to give an Account of that of Eusebius of Caesarea It will be so much the more Curious to those who cannot consult the Originals because there happened more Remarkable Things in Eusebius his time than in Clemens's and because the former was in a Higher Station than the latter Eusebius was born in Palestine and perhaps at Caesarea at least * Ap. Socrat l. 5. c. 8. he seems to intimate in the beginning of his Letter to the Christians of that City That he was Instructed in the Christian Faith and Baptized there He was Born towards the End of the Third Century though we cannot find exactly the Year of his Birth He began early to apply himself to Learning especially to Divinity as it sufficiently appears in his Writings wherein may be seen that he had carefully read all sorts of Profane Authors and that all the Writings of the Christians who wrote in Greek and those of the Latin that were translated into that Tongue were known to him He had the advantage of the curious Library which the Martyr Pamphilius his particular Friend had collected at Caesarea It s affirm'd * Hieron Epist ad Chron. Heliod Antipater Bostrencis in Concil Nicaen II. Act. 5. That being become Bishop of this City he entreated Constantine who passed through it and who had bid him ask some Favour in behalf of his Church that he would permit him to make a search into all the Publick Registers to extract the Names of all the Martyrs and the Time of their Death However he has committed Faults enough in Chronology as Joseph Scaliger and a great many other Learned Men have observed and especially in relation to Martyrs as Mr. Dodwel has lately shewn in his Dissertation de Paucitate Martyrum But it was no easie Matter to escape these kind of Faults in such a Work as his Ecclesiastical History which was the first of that sort that was ever undertaken the Primitive Christians taking no care of the History of their Times Eusebius is commonly call'd the Son of Pamphilius Whether he was really his Son as some affirm or his Nephew according to the Opinion of others or in fine as most believe by reason of the great Friendship between them This Pamphilius was of Beryte in Phoenicia and Priest of Caesarea he held Origen's Opinions for whom he wrote an Apology of which there remains to us but a part of it in Latin among the Works of Origen and St. Jerome He made it in Prison where he was put in the Year 307 under the Emperor Decius and where Eusebius did not forsake him He could write only the five first Books having been hinder'd from finishing * Phot. Cod. CXVIII this Work by the Death which he sustered for the Gospel two years after he had been thrown into Prison But Eusebius finish'd it in adding thereto a sixth Book and publish'd it after his Death Pamphilius had for Master †Id. Cod. CXIX Pierius Priest of Alexandria who likewise suffer'd Martyrdom and was also of Origen's Opinion whose Assiduity and Eloquence he imitated which got him the Name of Second Origen It 's not amiss here to relate the Judgment which Photius makes of his Works He advances several things says he remote from those which are at present establish'd in the Church perhaps according to the Custom of the Antients Yet he speaks after a pious manner of the Father and the Son excepting that he assures us that they have Two Essences 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Two Natures 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 using the words Essence and Nature as it appears by what precedes and follows in this Passage for that of Hypostasis and not in the sence of the Arians But he speaks of the Holy Spirit in a dangerous and impious manner for he attributes to him a Glory inferiour to that of the Father and the Son Yet he was Catechist of Alexandria under the Patriarch Theonas who was Consecrated in the Year 282. Pamphilius being dead as has been said Eusebius retired to Paulinus Bishop of Tyre his Friend where he was Witness as he tells us * L. 8. c. 6. himself of several Martyrdoms the History of which he has left us in his Book of the Martyrs of Palestine From thence he went into Egypt where he found the Persecution yet more violent and where he was thrown into Prison But this Persecution having ceased he was set at liberty and a while after elected Bishop of Caesarea after the Death of Agapius It 's not certainly known in what Year this Election was made but at least he was already Bishop when Paulinus dedicated a stately Church in the City of Tyre which he had built there which was in the Year 316 in the 10th of Year Constantine's Reign for it was the Custom of the Christians * Ant. Pagi Diss Hypat par 2. c. 3. n. 12 13. as well as of the Pagans to Consecrate their Churches in the time of the Decennales of the Emperors or of any other Solemnity Eusebius recites a fine Oration spoken at this Dedication †L. 10. c. 4. and though he does not say that it was he himself that spoke it yet the Stile of this Oration and the modest Manner after which he mentions him that made it gives one reason to believe that he has supprest his Name only through Modesty One might imagine that he was then but Priest were it
of the Bishops of those times that some were scandaliz'd at the word Consubstantial Examining says he this term with too great application they fell foul on one another and their Quarrels did not ill resemble a Combat in the dark It appears they bespattered one another with Calumnies without knowing wherefore Those who rejected the word Consubstantial thought the others hereby introduced the Opinions of Sabellius and Montanus and treated them as impious as denying the Existence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Son of God On the contrary those who stuck to the word Consubstantial imagining the others would introduce a Plurality of Gods had as great an aversion for it as if they would have re-establish'd Paganism Eustathius Bishop of Antioch accused Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea of corrupting the Nicene Faith Eusebius denied it and charged on the other side Eustathius with Sabellianism Thus the Bishops wrote one against another They all accorded in saying the Son has a particular Existence and that there is only one God in three Hypostases yet they could not agree nor remain quiet This is the effect of equivocal Terms which were introduced into Christianity without well defining them and the bad custom of most of the Antients who never speak calmly of these Matters who have thought of nothing less than the expressing themselves clearly and who seem to prove they spake sincerely when they testified to believe that the Mystery about which they disputed was Incomprehensible by expressing themselves thereon in an unintelligible manner Eustathius Bishop of Antioch * Socrat. l. 1. c. 24. Theod. l. 1. c. 21. Sozom. l. 1. c. 19. accusing of Arianism Eusebius of Caesarea Paulinus of Tyre and Patrophilus of Scythopolis and these Bishops accusing him in their turns of Sabellianism to know who had Reason on their side a Synod was assembled at Antioch in the Year 329 the Conclusions of which were disadvantageous to Eustathius It consisted of Bishops who had sign'd the Nicene Creed only by force among whom were the two Eusebius's Theognis of Nice Theodotus of Laodicea in Syria Narcissus of Neroniada Aetius of Lydda Alphaeus of Apamea and Theodorus of Sidon As soon as ever they arrived at Antioch a Woman of ill Fame presented her self to 'em with a little Child which she said to have had by Eustathius and desired them to do her Right against him as refusing to receive his Child Eustathius made great Protestations of his Innocency but this Woman having been believed upon her Oath he was Deposed * Theod. Sozom. Some Authors affirmed that the Arian Bishops had suborn'd her to have an occasion for the Deposing of Eustathius and that the true cause of his Deposal was his adherence to the Nicene Creed Others say it was the pretended Sabellianism of which he was accused and some have contented themselves with saying there were other Accusations for which he had been deposed Whereupon †Socrates makes this remarkable Reflexion * Loco cit The Bishops are wont to deal thus with all those whom they Depose accusing and declaring them Impious without shewing wherein A Bishop was afterwards to be substituted in Bustathius's Place and the Arian Bishops cast their eyes on Eusebius of Caesarea But there arose a violent Sedition hereupon some willing to retain Eustathius and others accepting Eusebius They had come to Fisticuffs had not the Emperor taken care by sending one of his Officers who appeased the People and made them understand how Eustathius deserv'd to be sent into Exile and in effect he was sent into Thrace However Eusebius did a thing which made him receive very honourable Letters from the Emperor which he has inserted in the Life of this Prince which is that according to the Canons he refused to pass from one Church to another Constantine heap'd up Praises on him by reason of this refusal and wrote to the Council and the Church of Antioch to let him remain where he was So that instead of Eusebius there was elected Euphronius Priest of Cappadocia whom the Emperor had named with George of Arethusa to the end the Council might chuse which they pleased * Soc. 1.27 seq Soz. 2.27 seq Theod. 1.26 seq Having deposed Eustathius the Arian Bishops laboured co procure the return of Arius to Alexandria where Athanasius would not permit him to enter as has been already said They engaged the Emperor to write to this Bishop but Athanasius still defended himself in that he could not receive into the Church those who had forsook the Faith and been excommunicated so that Constantine wrote to him an angry Letter that he should receive into the Church those he ordered him under pain of Banishment The Obstinacy of this Bishop who would part with none of the Advantages which the Council of Nice had granted to his Predecessor against the Meletians had also drawn on him the Enmity of these Schismaticks The Council had ordained that Melece should only retain the Name of Bishop without Exercising the Function of his Office and without ordaining any Successor and that those whom he had Ordained should have no part in Elections However Melece at his death had ordained one John for his Successor and the Meletian Priests would have the same Privileges as others Athanasius could not consent to any thing of this and equally ill treated the Meletians and Arians This Conduct re-united the two Parties who had been till that time opposite The Meletians were of the Nicene Opinion but by conversing with the Arians they soon entred into their Sentiments and join'd together to induce Constantine to accept of several Accusations against Athanasius as having imposed a kind of Tribute on Egypt in ordering it to furnish the Church of Alexandria with a certain number of Linnen Garments in having supplied a certain seditious Person with Money named Philumenus in having caused a Chalice to be broken overthrown the Table of a Church and burnt the Holy Books for having misused several Priests and committed divers Violences in having cut off the Arm of a Meletian Bishop named Arsenius and keeping it to use in Magical Opperations Constantine acknowledged the Innocency of Athanasius in regard of the two first Accusations and for the rest he referr'd it to an Assembly of divers Bishops which was at Caesarea in Palestine where Athanasius not appearing he was cited to a Synod at Tyre in the Year 334 and which consisted of Bishops of Egypt Lybia Asia and Europe Athanasius was in suspence whether he should present himself to this Synod which consisted of his principal Enemies Yet Constantine having threatned him with Banishment if he refused he therefore appeared and justified himself of the Accusation touching the Arm of Arsinius by bringing in this Person into the midst of them and deriding his Accusers It 's said moreover that a Woman being introduced into the Assembly accused him for having dishonoured her after she had entertain'd him in her House although he knew
another Though that Passage is somewhat long yet I shall set it down here because those who have not very well studied those Matters will better understand what was the Opinion of the Orthodox at that time than they have done from the Passage of the XII Oration which I have cited * Pag. 208. Why says he d'ye love Vanity and look after Lyes by giving he speaks to the Arians to the Deity a Nature which is neither One nor Simple but Three Natures which are divided and separated and even contrary by reason of the Proprieties which the one hath and the others want or by establishing One only Nature he speaks to the Sabellians but a narrow and streightened one and which hath not the Propriety of being the Principle of great things either for want of Power or Will It should be either out of Envy or Fear to establish nothing which should equal it in Honour or oppose it But by how much God is more Excellent than the Creatures by so much is it a thing more worthy of the First Cause to be the Principle of a DEITY than of Creatures and not to come to the latter but by a DEITY which is between both than if a Deity * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from whence comes the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 existed according to the Arians because of the Creatures as it seems to those who are too subtle If when we confess the Dignity of the Son and Spirit we acknowledged no Principle of them or if we referred them to a Principle of another nature one might have some reason to fear that we dishonour the Deity or introduce some Gods contrary one to another A little lower he says That the Unity moved it self because of its Riches and that the Number of Two was encreased because the Deity is above Matter and Form which are the Two Principles which Bodies are made of That the Trinity is bounded because of its Perfecton and surpasses the Conjunction of Two so that the Deity is neither too much streight'ned nor enlarged to Infinity The former as he goes on hath somewhat that 's mean and the latter would breed a Confusion The former is altogether Jewish and the latter Heathenish The word to move one's self here is a Platonick term * Vid. Plotin Ennead v. l. 1. c. 6 7. which those Philosophers use when they speak of the Productions of the Deity And Gregory means that the Divine Nature was multiplied to Three Hypostases or Three Idividuum's which is opposite to Judaism which acknowledges but One Supreme Nature and to Paganism which admits of too many Gods The Platonicks disputed about this among themselves some maintained That the Supreme Deity had multiplied it self only to Three Gods * Vid. Cyryl viii cont Julian Plotin Ennead v. l. 8. c. 12. and that whatever is beyond it is not of a like Nature and others extended it to a greater number of Deities Plato and †Porphyry were of the former Opinion and Plotinus of the latter Julian being come to the Throne in the Year 361 sought for all manner of ways to ruine the Christians and perceiving that they made a great use of the Pagan Authors either to fit themselves for Eloquence or to take from them some Reasons fit to defend the Christian Religion and attack Paganism he undertook to hinder the Christians from applying themselves to the study of Humane Learning Some Antients say that he forbad 'em * Vid. Pagi ad An. 362. not only to keep Schools to teach it but also to go to those of the Pagan Grammarians and Orators others seem only to say that the Christians were forbidden to keep Schools Julian himself says in express †Ep. xlii words in one of his Letters that the Children of Christians should not be forbidden to go to the Schools of Pagans however without forcing them to 't because those who sin only for want of Understanding ought to be taught not punished Gregory Nazianzen mentions that Prohibition of Julian in his Third Oration But as a ‖ Pagi ad Ann. 362. Modern Author judiciously observes forasmuch as he speaks there more like an Orator than an Historian t is a difficult thing to find out what he means 'T is an ill effect of the continual Rhetorick of most of the Antients They are so Eloquent that they can't be understood 'T is likely that Julian did not forbid the Children of Christians to go to the Schools of Pagan Teachers either because he himself says so or because it was a good way to seduce ' em Hence it is that some learned Men amongst the Christians as both Apollinaris's and Gregory put the Scripture and Doctrines of Religion in Greek Verses or fine Prose Those Writings might supply the room of those of the Ancient Pagans and the Youth needed no Grammarians to understand ' em Parents might easily be instead of Tutors to their Children to explain those Christian Verses to them after they had read the Holy Scripture However that Prohibition made the Christians very angry who could not abide that their Grammarians Rhetors and Philosophers should have been sent back to the Churches of the Galileans these are Julian's words to explain there Matthew and Luke Had they never done any thing else they would not have introduced so many new words nor handled the Doctrines then in question with so many Subtilties nor would the Platonick Philosophy have had so great a share in their Decisions About that time Caesarius Gregory's Brother who was returned as hath been said to Constantinople was made Julian's Chief Physician and because of his Learning he was admitted into the number of the Friends of that Emperor who loved learned Men. Whereupon Gregory wrote to him a very sharp * Ep. xvii Letter wherein he tells him That he had made all his Family ashamed by reason of his Conduct That every body wonder'd that a Bishop's Son should follow the Court and endeavour to get Honours and Riches among the Pagans That he made his Father's Life unpleasant to him who could not blame in others what his Son did That they were obliged to conceal his Conduct from his Mother lest she should die with Grief That he had enough to live handsomly without exposing himself to so great danger Lastly That if he went on in the same manner of life he must be rank't among those Christians who least deserve that Name If Caesarius was not persuaded by that Letter to return to his Parents 't is likely however that it strengthened him against Julian's Endeavours to induce him to renounce Christianity which his Brother mentions in * Orat. x. p. 167 168. one of his Orations He says that Caesarius having answer'd all his Reasons protested to him that he was a Christian and would be so all his life-time and that Julian in the presence of many Persons of his Court cried out thinking of the Bishop of Nazianzum and
his two Sons O Happy Father O Vnhappy Children Caesarius being either weary of Julian's Solicitations or moved with his Brother's Advice returned to Nazianzum when Julian set out to go against the Persians It seems that about the same time Julian sent a Captain with some Archers †Orat. xix p. 308. to Nazianzum to take possession of the Church of the Christians But he was so far from being able to perform what he desired that if he had not speedily made his escape by the Bishop's or some other's Advice he must have retired with broken Legs * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pedibus laceâ—â—tis so great was the Ardour of that Priest's Gregory the Father Anger and Zeal for that Church Those are the very words of his Son Which shews that those good Men did not always preach up Passive Obedience In the Year 363 Julian was killed in his Retreat before the Persian Army †Ibid. An effect if we believe charitable Gregory of the Prayers of the same Bishop and People who designed to break the Legs of the Captain of the Archers whom I mentioned just now At that time Gregory composed his two Invectives against Julian wherein he omits nothing that can make him odious to all Posterity Those two Orations are as full of Resentment and Passion as can be imagined against a Man who abating of his Paganism had been one of the Greatest Emperors that ever were in the Roman Empire A learned Man believed that those two Orations were made publick whilst Julian was alive but 't is a Mistake Gregory mentions his Death in both of them The same ‖ P. Cunaeus Praef. in Caesares Juliani Author observes not without reason That we are extremely deceived by the Authority of some of those who have been formerly illustrious in the Church when we come to judge after them of some Princes of their time Prejudices are so strong as he goes on that most Men examine nothing but are drawn by the Holiness of those great Men. The Vulgar fancies that 't is a great Sin to believe that the Piety of those Men was not always attended with a great Candour For my part as I am persuaded that they had great Vertue so I do believe that they have committed some Faults out of Passion and I remember that they are very sharp To say nothing of others those who had some Reputation in Greece were apt according to the ill Custom of their Nation to fall into Extreams c. They cast into Hell those with whom they were angry although their Vertue had raised them to Heaven And on the contrary they have so much extolled those whom they undertook to Praise that Posterity admires now-a-days their Vertue which was scarce of the second Order Those who will judge soundly of the Panegyricks and Invectives of the Christian Antiquity ought necessarily to remember that Genius of the Greeks 1. Gregory begins his * Orat. iii. p. 49. First Invective with opprobious Words against Julian to the hearing of which he invites Heaven and Earth He addresses himself particularly to the Soul of Constans who made Julian Caesar speaking to him he adds these words * Pag. 50. If the Dead perceive any thing From whence it appears that he doubted whether the Dead know any thing of what passes below Yet he says elsewere †Pag. 63. That he censures him as if Constans was present and heard him although he was with God and enjoyed his Glory Which shews that this was only a meer Rhetorical Apostrophe from which nothing can be concluded 2. He very much wonders that Constans raised Julian to the Dignity of Caesar knowing what he was and at the same time makes the Encomium of the former whose Piety he praises every where ‖ Pag. 65. He defends him against those who accused him of Imprudence for having raised Julian so high after he had put to death his Brother Gallus and says that he hoped to allay the Mind of Julian by his Favours and that trusting altogether to his own strength he did not fear him in the least as one might have seen if Constans had not died In the following Speech against Julian speaking of the same Emperor he excuses him * Orat. iv p. 119. for the Protection he granted to the Arians He says that he was imposed upon out of Simplicity and want of Firmness and that he was deceived by the seeming Zeal he perceived in the Arian Officers of the Court It would be a difficult thing to reconcile that with the Principles of Gregory who look'd upon the Arian Disputes as material ones were it not that 't is well known that the words of an Orator are not to be urged as those of a Mathematician But it would be a hard matter to reconcile him with St. Hilary Bishop of Poitiers who treated Constans much worse than Gregory did Julian Those Great Men acted as others do they spake according to the present Passion they were led by without very much weighing the Figures and Expressions which they used 3. Gregory * Pag. 51. doth justly laugh at Julian who forbad the Christians to teach Profane Learning for the Reasons of the Christians would not have been less strong though they were not propounded with so great Eloquence But he feigneth to despise Eloquence and Politeness which certainly he did not despise and which he displays as much as he can in all his Writings which would be very often clearer if there was not so much Rhetorick in them He doth also upbraid Julian who trusted much his Eloquence with the great desire he shewed of taking from the Christians the Means of acquiring it which says he is the same thing as if a Champion should Hector and play the Couragious Man after he hath forbidden all other Champions to fight with him 4. He assures * Pag. 58. that Constans had taken a particular Care of the Education of Gallus and Julian Sons of one of his Uncles Brother of Canstantine and whose Name was also Constans to shew that he had no hand in the Murther of the latter which was committed when Constans Constantine's Son came to the Throne Nay he designed to impart the Empire to his two Sons who were of a very different Temper if we believe Gregory Though they had been instructed after the same manner and would both be Anagnostes or read the Holy Scripture in the Church it appeared afterwards that one of them was no Christian Besides there was a report and Gregory believed it was true that Gallus and Julian building a Temple at common Costs to the Honour of some Martyrs that which Gallus caused to be built did sensibly encrease but the Earth quaked in the place wherein Julian was building and whatever was raised sunk down There happened many other Miracles besides all different from those of the Gospel which were not wrought so much in the behalf of Unbelievers as
of those whose Disposition made 'em not altogether unworthy of them 'T is true that †Pag. 70. Gregory says that some Lyes had been mixed with the Truth and relates only in a doubtful way what was reported that Julian as he was sacrificing saw a a Crowned Cross in the Bowels of a Victim But he assures as certain some things that are much more incredible in the following Oration * Pag. 71. and in this he says that Julian having called out the Daemons with certain Sacrifices could not forbear being frighted as soon as he heard the Noise and that he saw certain Fires which commonly precede their Apparition and that forasmuch as he had been bred up in the Christian Religion he made the Sign of the Cross which presently drove away all those Spectrum's The Priest who performed the Ceremonies and perceived the trouble Julian was in told him that the Gods abhorred him upon that account not that they were afraid of the Sign of the Cross which he had made 5. Gregory †Pag. 72. derides the Artifices which Julian made use of to persecute the Christians without procuring them the Honour of Martyrdom and without seeming to treat them ill because whatever Pretence he used one might easily see that their greatest Crime was Christianity Persecution upon the account of Religion is so odious of it self even to all those who have still some sense of Humanity left that even those who practice it are ashamed of it when Superstition and Cruelty allow them some time to think somewhat more calmly on what they are doing This is so true that most of those who have suffered themselves to be led by the blind Zeal of Persecution have used the same Artifices We have seen an egregious Example of it in our Age and if what Gregory says here of the pitiful Arts and Cunnings of Julian be compared with what was lately done in a great Kingdom one will find a great Resemblance between both I shall omit it here lest any body should think that I design to insist upon so odious a Parallel 6. Amongst other Reasons which Gregory uses to shew that Julian could not succeed in his Design he describes thus the Power of the Saints which the Christians honoured * Pag. 76 77. Did you not fear those on whom so great an Honour is bestowed and for whom solemn Feasts have been instituted by whom the Daemons are driven away and Diseases cured whose Apparitions and Predictions are known the very Bodies whereof have as much Vertue as their holy Souls whether they be touched or honoured some drops of whose Blood only have the same Vertue with their Bodies It appears from those words and several other places out of Gregory and other Fathers in his time that they had already a great respect for the Relicks of Saints and vented a great many Miracles wrought at their Graves 'T is to be wondered how Gregory who loved Exaggerations said not that the Bodies of the Saints had a greater Vertue after their Death than during their Life for there is no comparison between the multitude of Miracles which are said to have been wrought at the Graves of Martyrs and those which they wrought whilst they were alive Several People believe that the want of Sincerity of some Christians and the Credulity of some others did very much contribute to the keeping up of Paganism 7. Our Author * Pag. 77. makes afterwards an Encomium of the Monks and despises Socrates Plato and all the Heathen Philosophers Gregory upbraids Julian with his not esteeming Vertue in his Enemies but certainly his Zeal made him on this occasion commit somewhat like it and 't is very certain that he had learned more by the reading of Plato and Socrates's Discourses than by his Conversation with all the Monks he had seen As for Manners the continual Seditions of those Pious Hermits and their implacable Temper do plainly enough shew that they were infinitely below those great Patterns of the Pagan Antiquity 8. He †Pag. 80. rightly observes that to design the ruine of the Christian Religion in a time when the Roman Empire was full of Christians was to undertake to ruine the Empire it self When they were but a small number they might have been ill treated without any danger to the State but it could not then be done without causing great Commotions and too great Disorders in it It were to be wished that the Imitators of Julian had well considered that Advertisement of Gregory who despises with great reason whatever might be good in Julian's Government if compared with the mischief which so detestable a Design would have been the cause of if he had been able to execute it Besides one could have wish'd that our Age * Pag. 83 84. had been well acquainted with the horror the Christians had for the Snares which Julian laid for his Officers and Soldiers Gregory says that some Christian Soldiers having on one day wherein Julian was distributing some Liberalities to his Army thrown Incence into the Fire in his presence according to an ancient Custom it had been interpreted as if they had incens'd the Idols and having been told of their fault as they were praying to Christ by making the Sign of the Cross after a Meal by some who told 'em that they had renounced him they presently went into the publick Place and cried even in the Emperor's hearing that they had been surprized and were Christians Julian being angry because they had found out that Surprize sent 'em into Banishment 9. Gregory describes * Pag. 87 88. some horrible Cruelties against the Christians which Julian had either commanded or suffered in Egypt and Syria He says that the Inhabitants of Arethusa a Town of Syria after they had exposed some Virgins consecrated to God to a thousand Infamies killed them ate their Liver raw and threw their Bodies to be eaten by Dogs having cover'd them with Barley The same People treated with an abominable Barbarity the Bishop of that Town who notwithstanding seemed to be insensible in the midst of Torments There might be some Exaggerations in this and †Pag. 88. Gregory says that that Bishop had in Constans's time demolished an Habitation of Daemons that is a Pagan Temple according to the Power he had received from the Emperor That Action of Mark of Arethusa drew on him the Hatred of the People as a Heathen would have been detested by the Christians if he had pull'd down one of their Churches Notwithstanding Gregory says ‖ Pag. 97. a little lower not only that the Christians had not treated the Pagans as they were treated by them but he asks them what Liberty the Christians took from them As if it was nothing to pull down their Temples as they did * Sozom. l. 2. c. 5. since the Empire of Constantine They went on with the same Rigour under the following Emperors and to leave nothing that the
Place which was so much envied he went to the Emperor's Palace to desire him to give him leave to retire He obtained it with some difficulty and having obtained it his only Thoughts were to take his leave publickly which he did in the Cathedral in the presence of a Hundred and Fifty Bishops and all the People The Discourse he made is extant still and is the Thirty second in order He describes the bad Condition he found the Orthodox Church of Constantinople in and the Alteration he made in it He makes a Confession of his Belief concerning the Holy Trinity and shews that he had done nothing that deserved to be censured He exhorts the Fathers of the Council to chuse a Person worthy of the See of Constantinople to succeed him and lastly takes his leave of all those who heard him In that * Pag. 523. Oration he complains of his Old Age. And in the Poem concerning his Life †Pag. 30. he says he was then but a Dead Man Animated Which he could not say had he been but Fifty six or Fifty seven years old according to the ordinary Supputation As soon as he had taken his leave the People and generally all those who heard him at Constantinople shewed a great grief for it The Conduct of the Council must needs have appeared to them very inconstant and violent since after they had confirmed Gregory in the See of Constantinople they obliged him to leave it when he was above Fourscore Years old Without doubt so imprudent and Unchristian a Behaviour gave matter of Sport to the Enemies of the Council and lessen'd in a great measure the Authority of their Decisions For how can it be imagined that Bishops as Factious Unjust and Ignorant as Gregory describes them in several Places were able to examine with Deliberation the Doctrines then in question If their Interest made 'em not encline to Orthodoxy 't was a meer Chance which led them into the right way The love of Truth is seldom to be found with so much Vanity and Ignorance Thus Gregory left the Bishoprick of Constantinople some Weeks after he had been setled in it by the Council that turned him out of it He retired into Cappadocia according to Gregory the Priest the Author of his Life and went to live at Arianzum where he was born Among those who were presented to the Emperor some Bishops * Sozom. l. 7. c. 8. put in Nectarius a Senator of Constantinople a Man of an Exemplary Life and good Mien but was not Baptized yet and had scarce any Learning 'T is not known whether Gregory set out for Cappadocia before that Election was made or whether he stay'd at Constantinople till they had named him a Successor However Gregory wrote †Orat. 46. an Instruction for Nectarius wherein he begins with saying That it seems God's Providence which heretofore took care of the Churches had altogether given over the Conduct of the Things of this Life He says that his Private Afflictions though so great that they would seem intollerable to any body else induced him not to speak so He assures that the Condition only the Church was in extorted those words from him Afterwards he describes to Nectarius the Boldness of the Arians and Macedonians who were at least as numerous as the Orthodox and dared to meet publickly A horrible Undertaking after the Decisions of a Council so well regulated as that which was held a little before Gregory could not apprehend how his Holiness and his Gravity so the Bishops were called suffered the Apollinarists to meet He lets him know that Apollinaris asserted That the Body of the Son of God existed before the World That the Divinity supplied the Place of the Soul and That the Body which descended from Heaven and is Essential to the Son did notwithstanding die Gregory fancied I know not why that to suffer those Men to Meet was to allow 'em that their Doctrine was Truer than that of the Council since there cannot be Two Truths As if to suffer some body is to denote that one believes their Opinion to be True Lastly He exhorts Nectarius to tell the Emperor That what he had done in the behalf of the Church would signifie nothing if Hereticks were suffered to Meet Thus good Gregory who whilst the Arians were strongest having the Emperor on their side would not have that practised which was blamed in them exhorted his Successor to forget that good Lecture So difficult a thing it is not to contradict one's self when one doth not take great care to be free from Passion The next Year * Theod. l. 5. c. 8. there was an Assembly of Bishops held at Constantinople to which Gregory was invited But he refused to go and he answered those who invited him to it thus †Ep. 55. If I must write the Truth t' ye I am so affected that I will always avoid any Assembly of Bishops because I never saw any Synod that had good Success or which did not rather encrease the Evil than lessen it Without any Exaggeration the Spirit of Dispute and Ambition is so great in them that it can't be exprest One ought not to think that our Bishop said so without thinking well on 't and in a Fit of Passion He repeats it in his Sixty-fifth Seventy first Seventy second and Seventy fourth Letters and besides he diverted himself by putting in Verses the same Thought in his Poetical Pieces ‖ Carm. 10. p. 80. I 'll never go says he to any Synod because Gregory drew for Example Baronius * Pagi ad an 389. a. 5. or some of his Transcribers into an Error since they believed that when Gregory a short time after the Death of his Brother Caesarius and Sister Gorgonia said that he was an Old Man it was to be understood of a Premature Old Age because the Translator made use of that term in translating the 363 Verse of the Poem entitled Carmen I. de Rebus suis though there is no such thing in the Original As for the Translation of the Works writ in Prose 't is incomparably better and it may be said that the Abbot de Billy was as fit for Prose as he was unfit for Verses 'T is a surprising thing that a Man of his Learning took so much pains to translate into bad Verses what he might have better translated in Prose However one may observe a thing in the Translation both of Gregory's Orations and Letters which shews that one ought always to have recourse to the Original viz. That the Punctuation of the Translation is often altogether different from that which is in the Greek which makes it appear neater This may arise partly from the fault of those who put the Greek over against his Translation for he publish'd it by it self and were not careful enough to correct it and partly from the liberty the Translator took who cut several Periods that were too long and