both which neither submit to Reason nor Danger and hate to measure themselves by their Abilities Wherefore the Prince ought to weigh well what his Sword is able to strike what his Shield to defend always remembring this that his Crown is a finite and limited Circle King Ferdinand the Catholick in all his Undertakings never failed to consider every Circumstance of them their Cause Disposition Time Means and End He who attempts nothing but what he can effect will pass for Invincible whereas one that aspires to a Thing impossible or too difficult discovers the Bounds of his Power and the frustrated Designs are as 't were publick Records of his Weakness There is no Monarchy so Potent but it is upheld more by Opinion than Reality by Reputation than Strength Desire of Glory and Sovereignty hurry us on so that all things seem easie but in the end we meet with Difficulties unobserved before Almost all Wars might be avoided were their Means and End throughly examined at first It is therefore incumbent on the Prince before he engage in them perfectly to know his Forces as well Offensive as Defensive the State of his Malitia and what Officers he has to Command them the Substance of his Coffers what Contributions he may expect from his Subjects and whether they be like to continue Loyal in Adversity also by Study Reading and Conversation to instruct himself in the Disposition and Situation of Countries in the Customs of Nations the Natures of his Enemies their Wealth Auxiliaries and Allies Let him measure every one's Sword and examine wherein his Strength consists Henry King of Castile notwithstanding his Sickness never neglected this but sent several Embassadors as far as Asia to inform him of the Manners and Customs of those Parts The same did Moses before the Israelites entred the Promised Land 1 See the land what it is and the People that dwell therein whether they be strong or weak few or many Numb 13. 18. And lest the Prince we frame by these Emblems should want this Matter also I shall here in general touch upon some Points of it with what brevity the present Design requires Nature willing to shew her Beauty and Power by the variety of her Productions has stampt a Difference not only upon the Faces but also on the Minds of Men there being a vast Disagreement between the Tempers and Morals of Nations To this end she has variously disposed the Causes themselves which either jointly all operate in some Places or separately in these some in those others Geographers have divided the Globe of the Earth into divers Climates each of which is subject to a particular Planet as to the principal Cause and Fountain of that Diversity And because the First Climate which is drawn through Meroe an Island of the River Nile is subject to Saturn they say its Inhabitants are Black Barbarous Rough Suspicious Treacherous and Cannibals That those of the Second which is attributed to Iupiter and passes through Siene a City of Egypt are Religious Grave Honest and Prudent Those of the Third which is subject to Mars and reaches through Alexandria are Restless and Warlike Those of the Fourth which is under the Sun and is stretch'd through the Isle of Rhodes and the Midst of Greece are Men of Learning Orators Poets and Ingenious Artists Those of the Fifth which passes through Rome dividing Italy from Savoy and is ascribed to Venus are Effeminate Lovers of Musick and Luxury Those of the Sixth govern'd by Mercury and passing through France are Fickle Inconstant and addicted to Sciences Lastly Those of the Seventh where the Moon presides and which is extended through Germany the Low-Countries and England are Flegmatick Lovers of Good-Fellowship Fishing and Trading Nevertheless this one Cause seems not to be always uniform nor sufficient For under the same Parallel or Climate with the same Elevation of the Pole and an equal Rising and Setting of the Stars we see opposite Effects particularly in the Climates of the Lower Hemisphere In Aethiopia for Instance the Sun's Beams scorch and blacken Mens Bodies but in Brasil which has the same Latitude their Skins are White and the Air Temperate and Agreeable The Ancients held the Torrid Zone for its excessive Heat to be uninhabitable yet in Armenia it is very Temperate and well Peopled And though those Eternal Luminaries of Heaven have some energy yet the Disposition of the Earth contributes more for we find the Effects of their Rays to be greater or varied according to the various Situation of Hills and Valleys and temper'd even by Rivers and Lakes This is undeniable That Nature is wonderful in her Works and that she sometimes seems to swerve from the ordinary Laws of Causes and from Reason as it were on purpose to baffle Humane Curiosity Who can account for what we see happen in the Country of Malabar where Calecut is Vast high Mountains which touch the very Clouds and end in a Promontory call'd anciently Corus now Cape Comorin divide this Country into two Parts and altho' both have the same Elevation of the Pole yet when on this side the Mountains Winter begins and Neptune's Billows rage and swell on the other side the Fields and Towns are burnt up with the scorching Heats of Summer and the Waters continually calm This Diversity then which is in Climates in the Situation of Places the Temperature of the Air and Food variously distinguishes Mens Complexions and these again their very Natures For the Manners of the Mind follow the Temperament and Disposition of the Body The Northerns by reason of the Sun's Remoteness and the Coldness of their Countries are Sanguine Robust and Valiant whence they have almost ever had Dominion over the Southern Nations 2 Homines qui frigida hâ—â— Europamque habitant sunt illi quidem 〈◊〉 Arist. l. 7. Pol. c. 7. the Assyrians over the Chaldaeans the Medes over the Assyrians the Parthians over the Greeks the Turks over the Arabians the Goths over the Germans the Romans over the Africans over the French the English and over these the Scotch They love Liberty as those also do who inhabit Mountains as the Switzers Grisons and Biscayners their Temperament being not much unlike the Constitution of the Northerns In Nations very near the Sun Excess of Heat quite dries up the Blood which makes the Inhabitants Melancholy and Profound in the Penetration of Nature's Secrets whence all other Northerly Nations have received the Mysteries of Sciences from the Egyptians and Arabians Those Countries which lie between the two Torrid Zones enjoy a favourable Air and there Religion Justice and Prudence Flourish 3 Graecorum autem genus ut locorum medium tenet sic ex utrâ—qâ—â— naturâ praeditum quippe animo simul intelligentia valet Arist. l. 7. Pol. c. 7. But because every Nation differs from others in many Particulars although they are all situate under one Climate I shall here set down what I have by long
of Empire is such that the people may take it away without being ruin'd by too much Licence or render'd obstinate by too much Rigour In Government we ought not to consider what should be but what may be 16 Non â—nim solum respublica quae optima sit considerari debet sed etiam quae constitui possit praetereà quae facilior cunctis civitatibus communior habeatur Arist. lib. 4 Pol. 6. c. 2. Even God adapts himself to human Frailty Between these Extremes also the body of the Common-wealth should be constituted care being taken that there mayn't be too great difference in the conditions of the Citizens for excess or inequality of Riches or Nobility if it be much creates in some Pride and in others Envy and from thence proceed Enmity and Seditions 17 Praeterea seditiones 〈◊〉 modo propter fortunarum sed etiam propter honorum inaequalitatem existunt Arist. lib. 2. c. 5. For there can be no Friendship or civil Agreement among them who are so unequal in their Conditions and Fortunes for all hate equality and covet more either to govern as Lords or obey as Slaves 18 Sed jam haec consuetudo in civitatibus invaluit ut homines aequalitatem odio habâ—ant malint aut imperio potiri aut si victi fuerint imperio subesse Arist. lib. 4. Pol. c. 11. Some too haughty contemn the Laws and despise Obedience Others too servile know not how to bear it and have neither Fear of Infamy nor Punishment hence there would become a Community of Lords and Slaves but without respect between themselves since neither would know how to measure themselves by their own condition Those of the lowest quality pretend to be as those of higher Those who are equal or superiour in one thing think they are in all Those who have the advantage in all can't contain themselves and despising every one would proudly lord it over them without Obedience to him who commands or adapting themselves to the Constitutions and Customs of the State whence proceeds its ruin and conversion into other Forms 19 Nam qui virtute praestant iniquo animo sibi indigniores aequari paterentur quamobrem sapè conspiraâ—e seditioâ—es commovere notantur Arist. Pol. 2. c. 5. for all sigh and are uneasie under it And though it be impossible intirely to remedy this contention in States because of the difference of condition of the parts of which they consist yet are they preserv'd if it be moderate and ruin'd if excessive As it happens in the four Humours of the Body though the Blood be the most noble and the Choler the most potent yet do they mutually preserve one another while there is no great Inequality between them so that State will continue long which consists of moderate parts and not much unequal between themselves 'T was the extravagant Riches of some of the Citizens which caus'd the ruin of the State of Florence and is at present the cause of the troubles of Genoua Because in Venice they are better divided it has continued so many Ages and if there happen any danger or inconvenience in the Government 't is through the too great poverty of some of its Magistrates If any Republick has been preserv'd for all these disorders and excess of its parts 't is through the Prudence and Industry of the Governour who keeps it in its Devoir by the fear of the Laws and other discreet means such as not to wrong any one nor violate the Privileges and Conveniencies of the Poor to employ the great ones in the Administration and in Offices in fine not to oppress but rather to encourage the hope of those who are of an high and enterprising Spirit But this will continue no longer than it has prudent Governours and because States can't be sufficiently provided for by these temporal Remedies which depend upon chance 't is necessary in their first Institution to provide means to correct these Excesses before they happen EMBLEM XLII I Am indebted for the body of this Emblem to the Civility of the present Pope Urban the VIIIth his Holiness having been pleas'd to shew me upon a precious Stone engraven in the time of the Romans two Bees drawing a Plough which was found in his time a Presage of the rise of his noble and ancient Family his Arms being joyn'd to the triumphant Yoak of the Church Which upon Reflection put me in mind of a Prodigy of King Wambâ— when being anointed by the Archbishop of Toledo there was seen to spring from his head a Bee which flew streight towards Heaven prognosticating the sweetness of his Government from whence I infer that the Ancients would shew by this Emblem how necessary 't was to mingle Profit with Pleasure the art of making Honey with that of Agricultura For a Motto to which I thought the beginning of that Verse of Horace would not be amiss Omne tuâ—it punctum qui miscuit utile dulci. Hor. Who mixes gain with Sport gains er'y point In this consists the main art of Government this was the first piece of Policy in the world this the ancient Philosophy taught us â—eigning that Orpheus made Beasts follow him and that the very Stones danc'd to Amphion's Harp with which he built the Walls of the City of Thebes to signifie that the mild instruction of those great persons were sufficient to reduce men not less savage than Brutes and more insensible than Stones to the Harmony of the Laws and civil Society †Silvestâ—es homines sacer interpresque Deorum Cadibus foedo victu deterruit Orpheus Dictus ab hoc lenire Tigres c. These Arts all States have used to instruct the people mingling Instruction with Sport and publick Games All Greece flock'd to Mount Olympus to be present at the Olympian Pythian Nemaean and Isthmian Games some out of curiosity to see them others to obtain the propos'd Rewards and upon this occasion they exercis'd their Strength sacrific'd to the Gods and treated of the most important affairs of the Government of those Provinces Comedies and Tragedies were also invented to purge the Affections The Gladiators of the Romans and the Bull-fights of the Spaniards who also are diverted with terrible and desperate Enterprizes were to confirm the Mind that it might not be daunted at the sight neither of Blood nor Death Wrestling Tilting Horse-races * Juego de las Cannas and other such Sports are so many Schools in which Arts military are learn'd and the Mind at the same time recreated and diverted The people must be drawn by Flattery and Mildness to the Conveniencies and Designs of the Prince they are like a Horse which being gently stroak'd into Temper takes the Bitt and afterwards submits to Burthens and the Lash They can't bear too much Rigour or too much Gentleness Excess of Liberty is as dangerous to them as Excess of Slavery 1 Imperaturus es hominibus qui nec totam
ill Consequence is it less inconvenient not to declare his mind at all for so that Counsel which seems best may with more Secrecy be executed Henry King of Portugal proposed matters with so much Discretion in his Council that it could not be discover'd either by his Words or Looks which way he inclined whence came the Custom of Presidents and Vice-Roys not giving their Votes in Council which is an anciâ—nt Practice and was used by the Etolians But in a matter in which the Prince desires rather their Approbation than Advice he may open his mind and declare his Opinion for he will find they will generally â—ide with him either through a desire to please or because we naturally incline to follow our Superior In Affairs of War especially when the Prince is involv'â— therein his Presence in Council is of more importance 〈◊〉 well for the above-mentioned Reasons as that he thereby animates them and that their prudent Resolves may be puâ— in speedy Execution and least while they are brought to him the opportunity be slipt He must know that some Minisâ—ers desire to be thought vigorous and active ratheâ— than discreet and so in the Princes Presence oâ—tâ—n are the Authors of rash Counsel not that they would be thâ— persons that should execute them nay they have a particular aversion to all Danger as it was with those who advis'd Vitellius to take up Arms 18 Sed quod in cjusmodi rebus accidit consiliâ—m ab omnibus datâ—â— est periculum pauci sensere 'T is a common Question among Politicians whether 〈◊〉 no a Prince himself should not assist in the Courts of Justice 't is a too weighty Employ and would take up 〈◊〉 much of that time which is necessary for Affairs of State and the Administration of the Government Though Tibâ—rius after he had assisted in the Senate went to the Courtâ— of Judicature 19 Nec patrum cognitionibus satiatus Iudiciis adsidebat in coâ—nu tribunalis Tac. 1. ann King Ferdinand the Holy was ofteâ— present in those Courts where he heard and defended the Poor and protected the weak from the strong K. Alphonâ—â— the Wise ordain'd that the King himself should undertake the Causes of Widows and Orphans For tho' says he he is oblig'd in general to defend his Subjects yet ought he particularly to assist them because they are more helpless than others * L. 20. tit 23. p. 3. Solomon's great Judgment in the Decision of Causes got him the general Esteem of all 20 And all Israel hâ—ard of the Judgment which the King had judged and they feared the King for they saw that the Wisdom of God was in him to do â—udgment 1 Kin. 3. 28 the Israelites desired a King who as in other Nations might be Judge over them 21 Now make us a King to judge us like all the Nations 1 Sam. 8. 5. the Presence of the King makes Judges just and his Power only can defend the poor 22 A King that sitteth in the Throne of Judgment scaâ—â—ereth away all evil with his Eyes Prov. 20. 8. the chief Reason why God chose David King was because he who had freed his Flocks from the jaws of the Lion 23 Psalm 9. 14. best knew how to protect the Impotent from the powerful 24 1 Sam. 17. 31. so grateful and acceptable is this Care to God that for that only he promises to blot out all the rest of his Sins and make them as white as Snow 25 Isa. 1. 17. Wherefore I can't deny that this is the main part of a Prince's Duty yet I think he fulfils it if he chooses Persons of Integrity for his Ministers of Justice and takes Care that they justly and uprightly perform their Offices 'T will suffice sometimes in the most important Cases I mean such as may be oppress'd by Power to be present at their giving their Opinions so as to make the Judges always in fear least he should be in some corner of the Court and hear all that is said and done For which Reason all the Judges live in the Royal Palace at Madrid and in the Courts where they sit there are windows from whence his Majesty uses to hear all that passes The same is usual in the Turks Divan where when the Bassa's meet to treat about Affairs he hears them when he pleases from a window cover'd with Sarcenet And this Harmony of the Clock and the mutual Agreement between the Wheels and the Hand which points the hours is evidentlâ— visible in the Government of the Kingdom of Spain which is so well constituted that those Kingdoms and Provinces which Nature has dis-joyn'd she unites by the prudence of her Government Each has its particular Court at Madrid Câ—stile Arragon Pâ—rtugal Italy the Netherlands and the Indies to which there is but one President they take Cognizance of all Affairs whether of Justice or Rewards belonging to any of these Kingdoms or Provinces And their Debates are brought to the King who orders what he thinks fit so that the Councils are as 't were the Wheels and his Majesty the Index or they the Optick Nerves by which visible Species are transmitted to the Prince and the King the common Sense which discerns and Judges them The Affairs of the Kingdom being so dispos'd and presented to his Majesty all 's manag'd with that ease and prudence that for above a hundred years since it began to flourish there has happened no considerable mis-carriage which is almost incredible in such a dis-united Body The Roman Empire was more succinct and yet it almost continually felt Convulsions and Disorders an undeniable Proof that ours is better founded than their's and govern'd by Men of greater Judgment Prudence and Integrity Since then the Summ of all Affairs should be reduc'd to the Prince he should not only be a Father to the Republick in Love but Economy too nor should he think it sufficient to have Counsellours and Ministers to manage his Affairs but he should also keep by him a certain private Memoir of them by which he should be guided in all things as Merchants keep their Accounts in a particular Book for that purpose such a Book as this the Emperour Augustâ—s kept In which he took an account of the Revenue of the number of the Citizens and Auxiliaries in his Service also oâ— the Fleets Kingdoms Provinces Tributes Taxes and Gratuities all which he wrote with his own hand 26 Opes publicae continebantur quantum civium sociorumque in â—â—mis quot Classes Regna Provinciae Tributa Necessitates ac Largitiâ—nes quae cuncta sua manu perscripserat Augustus Tac. 1. ann the Memory is the Treasury of Experience but is very short and weak without the assistance of the Pen to strengthen and perpetuate it upon Paper He 'll find a great advantage who for Memory's sake takes an account of all Actions good or ill in his Book which Diligence if your Royal Highness when
King is his People when they are well defended according to a saying of the Emperor Iustinian that the Kingdom was always rich and the Exchequer full when the Subjects were wealthy and the Land plentiful * Lib. 15. tit 5. p. 2. When therefore a Prince raises Taxes with this Moderation the Subjects ought chearfully to pay them nor can they without a sort of Rebellion refuse them for Sovereignty has no other Portion nor publick necessity any other Assistance there is no Peace without Soldiers no Soldier without Pay no Pay without Taxes 6 Neque quies gentium sine armis neque arma sine stipendiis neque stipendia sine tributis haberi queunt Tac. 4. Hist. For this Reason when Nero would have remitted the Taxes the Roman Senate oppos'd him saying that without them the Empire would be ruin'd 7 Dissâ—lutionâ—m Imperii docendo si fructus quibus Resp. sustinetur 〈◊〉 Tac. 13. ann Taxes are the Prince of Peace but if they are too heavy and the People not well satisfied of their necessity they soon rebel against their Prince 'T was for no other Reason that King Alphonso Sirnamed the Great grew so odious to the People that after many Troubles and Vexations he was oblig'd to quit his Crown for the same also Garcios King of Galicia lost both his Kingdom and Life too †Mar. Hist. Hisp. lib. 9. cap. 8. K. Henry III. consider'd this Danger when being advised by some to raise new Taxes to defray the Expence of War he answer'd I fear the Discontent of my People more than my Enemies Money collected from unjust Taxes is mingled with the Subjects Blood as was seen to drop from that piece which St. Francis of Padua broke in the Presence of Ferdinand King of Naples and this ever crys for Vengeance against the Prince Great Taxes therefore ought not to be rais'd till the People be well convinced of the Necessity oâ— them for when they are satisfied of that and of the Justice of the Cause they patiently bear the heaviest Impositions as we see in those which were rais'd by K. Ferdinand IVth and in the Grant which the Parliament of Toledo made of a Million in the times of Henry III. permitting him also to raise more of his own accord to carry on the Wars against the Moors For though 't is not for private Persons to examine into the Justice of Taxes though they cannot often apprehend the Causes of Expences nor can they be communicated to them without evident Danger 8 Tibi summum rerum judicium dii dedere nobis obsâ—quii glâ—â—ia relictâ— est Tac. 6. ann yet are there some general Reasons which they may without Damage be inform'd of and though Natural and Divine Reason do allow the Power of levying Impositions to the Prince without the Subjects Consent when they are just and necessary as King Alphonso us'd to say yet will a prudent Prince so manage the matter and dispose the Minds of his Subjects that it may seem to be done with their Approbation Taxes are according to the Scripture the Bridle of the People 9 2 Sam. 8. 1. Vide. they keep them in Obedience and uphold the Prince's Authority Those who are free from all Taxes are ungovernable yet this Bridle should be so easie as not to gall them too much as King Flavius Herwegiâ—s prudently consider'd in the Thirteenth Council of Toledo saying That that Government was best which neither oppress'd the People with too great Taxes nor made them remiss and negligent by too little * Ut nec incauta exactio populos gravet nec indiscreta râ—missio statum gentis fociat deperire Concil Tol xiii The Command which Princes have over the Lives of their Subjects is executed without Danger it being done by Law which punishes some as Examples to the rest but not so that Command which they have over their Goods and Estates for that comprehendâ— all in general and People are more sensible in what concerns their Estates than their Bodies especially when they are got by Sweat and Blood and are to be imployed to supply the Prince's Luxury In which that remarkable Action of K. David ought to be consider'd when he refus'd to drink the water which his three Soldiers brought him from amidst the Enemies Camp least he should seem to drink the Blood of those Men 10 2 Sam. 23. 17. 'T is no good Policy to impoverish the People by Taxes the better to keep them in Obedience for though Poverty whether Original or Accidental debases our Spirits which always rise and fall with our Condition yet does Oppression provoke our Minds and urge us to Rebellion 11 Ferocissimo quoque adsumpto aut quibus ob egestatem ac metum ex Flagitiis maxima peccandi necessitudo Tac. 3. ann All the Israelites that were in Distress and every one that was in Debt and every one that was discontented joyn'd David against Saul 12 1 Sam. 22. 2. The People are always most obedient when they are richest The plenty of Egypt made the People of God though very severely us'd forget their Liberty but afterwards when they came to want in the Wilderness they complain'd heavily of their Slavery and Bondage When a Kingdom is given upon Condition that no Taxes shall be levy'd without its Consent or if this be afterwards provided by some general Decree as was in the Parliament of Madrid in the time of King Alphonso XIth or when it has acquired this Privilege by long Prescription as in Spain and France in such Cases the Prince must wait the Consent of the Parliament least he should expose himself to the same Danger as Charles VIIth of France did formerly when he went to raise a certain Tax without communicating it to his Council 'T is also of great advantage to a Prince to be so well esâ—eem'd of his People that from their Opinion of his Zeal for their Good they may think whatever Taxes he imposes upon them are just and reasonable and blindly agree to whatever he proposes committing themselves wholly to his Prudence and Management as the Egyptians did to Ioseph's when he exacted the fifth part of their Estates 13 Gen. 47. 25. When the People have once this Confidence in the Prince he ought diligently to take Care not to burthen them without sufficient Cause and mature Deliberation But if necessity does require it let him at least take Care that the Taxes be well expended for the People take nothing more hainously than to see no advantage from their Oppressions and to see their Estates squander'd away to no purpose They are also very uneasie to see Taxes continued when the Occasion for which they were rais'd is over As 't was in Vespasian's time when the Taxes rais'd for the necessity of War were continued in time of Peace 14 Necissitate armâ—rum excusorta etiam in pace mauâ—erâ— Tac. 2. ann For afterwards Subjects dread them and grudge to pay
mind as those to the Body It will suffice therefore for a Prince to tast the Arts and Sciences as 't were en passant some practical knowledge of them will be more for his advantage particularly those which relate to the Affairs of Peace and War taking as much out of them as will suffice to illustrate his understanding and regulate his Judgment leaving the honour of being excellent in them to his Inferiours let him pass only his leisure hours in this Noble Exercise as Tacitus says Helvidius Priscus used to do 15 Ingenium illustre altioribus studiis juvenis admodum dedit non ut plerique ut nomine magnifico orium velaret sed quo firmior adversuâ— foâ—tuita Rempub â—apesseret Taâ— lib 4. Hist. This granted those are not always to be esteem'd the best Tutors for Princes who are most eminent for Learning and Knowledge for they are generally too great Lovers of Retirement and studious Idleness Strangers to conversation Men of no Resolution and very unfit for the management of weighty Affairs But those rather who are Learned and Experienced Politicians who besides the Sciences can teach a Prince the Art of Government The first thing to be instilled into a Prince is the fear of the Lord which is the beginning of wisedom 16 Psal. 100. 10. He who adheres to God is very near the fountain of all Sciences To know what is human only is Ignorance the daughter of Malice which is the ruine of Princes and Commonwealths Another necessary qualification in a Prince is Eloquence that pleasing Tyrant over the Passions that sweetly allures Mens Wills to a Submission to its Commands That great Prophet Moses knew of what Consequence this was and therefore when he was sent into Egypt to conduct the Children of Israel thence made this excuse to God that he was slow of speech and of a slow Tongue 17 O my Lord I am not eloquent neither heretofore nor since thou hast spoken to thy Servant I am but slow of speech and of a slow tongue Exod 4. 10. And God took this for a reason and accordingly to encourage him promised to assist his Lips and put into his Mouth the Words he should speak to Pharaoh 18 I will be in thy mouâ—h anâ— teach thee what thou shalt say Exod. 4. 12. What did not Solomon promise himself from his Eloquence I shall be admired says he in the sight of great men When I hold my Tongue they shall bide my Leisure and when I speak they shall give good Ear unto me if I talk much they shall lay their hands upon their mouth 19 Wisd. 8. 12. And certainly if naked eloquence has power so strangely to captivate an audience what can't it do if armed with Regal Power or cloathed with Purple a Prince who can't speak his Mind without the assistance of another a fault Nero was first observed to be guilty of 20 Primus ex iis qui rerum poâ—iti essent Neronem alienae facundiâ— eguisse Tac. 1. Ann. is rather a dumb statue and deserves not the Name of a Prince History is the Mistriss of Political truth 21 Verissmam disciplinam â—â—ercitationemque ad politicas actiones Historiam esse Polyb. lib. 1. than which nothing can better instruct a Prince how to rule his Subjects For in that as in a clear Mirrour appears the Experience of former governments the prudence of Predecessours and the Souls of many Men collected into one 22 Hominum multorum mâ—ns in unum collecta Greg. Naz. ad Nicom History is like a faithful Counsellor always ready and at hand Of Law the Prince need only study that part which relates to Government turning over such Laws and Constitutions of his Kingdom as were by right Reason dictated or by Custom approved Let him not spend much time in the study of divinity for how dangerous that knowledge and power in conjunction is England has experienced in K. Iames 't is enough for a Prince to persevere himself in the faith and have about him devout and Learned Men able to defend it Lastly Judicial Astrology has been the ruine of many Princes for that desire of knowing future events is in all Men vehement especially in Princes for they promising to themselves great Authority if they can be looked upon as equal to the Gods or do any thing above the common reach of Mankind follow these superstitious and odious Arts nay sometimes arrive to that degree of madness to ascribe all thingâ— to second causes and utterly destroy divine providence by imputing all to chance and divination whence it happens that while they attribute more to Chance and Fortune than human Prudence or Industry they are too remiss in their Designs and Actions and oftner advise with Astrologers than their Counsellours EMBLEM V. THE Sciences have bitter Roots though the Fruit be sweet for this reason our Nature at first has an Aversion for them and no labour appears so harsh as what must be employed on their first Rudiments What Pains and Anxiety do they cost Youth Upon which account and because Studies require assiduous Application a thing very injurious to Health and which the Business and Diversions of the Court don't permit the Master should be industrious in inventing several means to qualify this troublesome Institution by disguising it under some pleasant Game that the Prince's mind may imbibe what he is to learn insensibly For instance to teach him to read he may use this contrivance let there be made four and twenty small Dice on each of them be engraven a Letter of the Alphabet then let some Children play and he win who at one Cast throws most Syllables or an entire Word These little Victories and Entertainments will take off much of the difficulty of this Task for 't is far more hard to play at Cards which however Children presently learn Now to teach the Prince to Write in a way as short I would have the Letters engraven of a thin Plate this put upon Paper and him to go over these Tracts of Characters as so many little Furrows with his Hand and Pen especially exercising himself in those Letters of which the rest are framed Thus while he Attributes to his own Wit and Industry what is only the effect of this artificial Plate he will by degrees be more pleased with those Labours Nor is skill in Languages less necessary for a Prince for always to use an Interpreter or read only Transactions is a thing too liable to deceit or at least the truth thereby loses much of its Force and Energy Not to mention that it can't but be very hard for a Subject not to be understood by him from whom he is to expect Comfort in his Afflictions to have his Miseries relieved and to be gratified for his Services This moved the Patriarch Ioseph when he was made Commander over Egypt before all things to apply himself to learn the Languages most in use there and which
Pluâ—arch Let your Highness I say compare your own Actions to those of your Ancestors and you will easily see the difference between yours and theirs that you may either give a true Colour to their Actions or rejoyce in the Worth of your own if in any thing you happen to have out-done your Predecessors Let your Royal Highness therefore please to consider whether you Equal your Father in Courage your Grandfather in Piety Philip the Second in Prudence Charles the Fifth in Greatness of Spirit Philip the First in Affability Ferdinand the Catholick in Policy in Liberality that Alphonso who was Nick-named from his broken Hands in Justice King Alphonso the Eleventh and lastly King Ferdinand the Holy in Religion And that moreover your Highness would be stir'd up by a generous Emulation to a glorious Desire of imitating these Great Men. Quintus Maximus and Publius Scipio were used to say that when e're they beheld the Images of their Ancestors their Souls were fired and excited on to Virtue Not that they were moved by the meer Wax or Stone but that comparing their own Actions to those of others they could not rest till they equall'd them in Glory and Renown Elogies inscribed on Tombs speak not to the Dead but to the Living They are certain Summaries which for Memory's sake the Virtue of the Predecessor leaves to the Successor Mattathias said That by calling to mind the Actions of their Ancestors his Sons should acquire present Glory and eternal Renown 2 Call to remembrance what Acts our Fathers did in their time so shall ye receive great Honour and an everlasting Name 1 Macc. 2. 52. For which Cause also the High Priests who were Princes of the People wore upon their Breasts the Virtues of the Twelve Patriarchs their Predecessors engraven upon as many Stones 3 And in the four Rows of Stones was the Glory of the Fathers graven Wisd. 8. 24. In effect it becomes a Prince to vie with his Ancestors in Glory not with his Inferiors for 't is no praise to excel them and to be out-done by them the greatest Scandal The Emperor Tiberius observed as Law all the Sayings and Exploits of Augustus 4 Qui omnia facta dictaquâ— ejus vice legis observem Tac. 4. Ann. Moreover let your Highness compare the Purple you wear at present to that you wore formerly for we are oftentimes desirous to forget what we have been for fear of upbraiding our selves with what we are Let your Highness consider whether you are grown better or worse for we find it often happens that at the beginning of their Reigns Princes minds are gloriously bent upon the Execution of their Office in which afterwards they grow more remiss Almost all begin their Reigns with Great and Glorious Spirits but at last by degrees either they sink under the Weight of Affairs or grow Effeminate by Luxury and Ease with which they easily suffer themselves to be taken forgetting they are obliged to keep and preserve their once gotten Glory This very thing Tacitus remarks in the Emperor Tiberius that at last after a long Experience in Affairs he was altered and ruined by the mere force of Government 5 An cum Tiberius pâ—st tantam â—erum experientâ—am vi dominationis convulsus 〈◊〉 sit Tac. 6. Ann. A long Reign creates Pride and Pride the hatred of the People as the same Author observes in King Vannius 6 Prima Imperii aetate clarus acceptusque popularibus mox diuturniâ—atem in superbiam mutans odio accolarum sâ—â—al 〈…〉 circumventis Tac. 12. Ann. Many begin their Reigns with extraordinary Modesty and Justice but few continue so because their Ministers are Flatterers by whom they are taught to Act boldly and unjustly As it happened to Vespasian who in the beginning of his Reign was not so much bent upon Injustice until by the Indulgence of Fortune and Advice of Evil Counsellors he learnt it 7 Ipso Vespasiano inter initia Imperii ad obtinendas iniquitates hanâ— perinde obstinato donec indulgentia fortunae praâ—is Magistris didicit ansusque est Tac. 2. Hist. Let your Highness compare not only your own Virtues and Actions but those of your Ancestors with one another by confronting the Purple of some stain'd with Vices to that of others glossy and shining with great and noble Actions For Examples never move us more than when they are confronted one with another Let your Highness compare the Royal Robe of King †Marian. Hist. Hisp. Hermenigildus with that of Peter the Second King of Arragon one glittering with Stars and died with Blood which he had gloriously spilt in the War against Leuvigildus his Father who was infected with the Arrian Heresy the other trampled under the Feet of Horses in a Battle at Girone when he brought Succours to the Albigensians in France Let your Highness cast your Eyes back upon past Ages and you will find Spain ruined by the licentious Lives of the Kings Witiza and Roderick but recovered again by the Piety and Courage of Pelagius You 'll see Peter deposed and killed for his Cruelty and his Brother Henry the Second advanced to the Crown for his singular Mildness You 'll see the Glorious Infant Ferdinand blessed by Heaven with many Kingdoms for that he would not accept of that of his Grandson King Iohn the Second although there were those who freely offered it him On t'other side the Infant Sancho accused by his own Father of Disobedience and Ingratude before Pope Martin the Fourth for that he would have usurped the Throne in his life-time This Comparison your Highness may follow as a sure Guide in the Management of your Affairs for though by Discourse and Conversation you may know the Lustre and Brightness of Heroick Exploits as also the Baseness and Infamy of Ill Actions yet all these move us not so much considered in themselves as in those Persons whom they have made Glorious in the World or Despicable EMBLEM XVII A Tree bedeck'd with Trophies is still a Trunk as afore those which were an Honour to others are but a burthen to it So truly the glorious Exploits of Ancestors are but a Shame and Disgrace to the Successor unless he imitates the same Nor does he inherit their Glory but their Actions only by an Imitation of which he will obtain the other Just as light is reflected from a Diamond because it finds substance but quickly pierces Glass which is thin and transparent so if the Successor be Stout and Brave the Glory of his Predecessors adds yet a greater Lustre and Brightness to him but if like thin and paultry Glass he can't withstand the Lustre it serves only to discover his vile and abject Soul The Actions of Ancestors which are only Examples to others are Laws to the Successor for the whole Esteem and Prerogative of Nobility is grounded upon this Supposition that the Descendants will imitate the Actions of their Forefathers He who
for his Mind not to remember his Love towards them 12 Facilius quippe est ut oculis ejus â—ultâ—â— absentis quam animo charitas excidat Plin. in Paneg. Yet this advice for absent Ministers to repair sometimes to Court ought not to be effected by desiring to be dismist from their Offices but still retaining them by giving several Reasons to get leave of the Prince to be sometimes with him for so they may obtain what they desire still retaining that which if they should quit might be confer'd upon another Many either dissatisfied with their present Station or Ambitious of greater resign it and afterwards repent finding their Hopes and Expectations frustrated for the Prince looks upon it as a Slighting and Contempt of his Favour Let no man presume so much upon his own Person and Parts as to think the Prince can't Live without him For Princes never want Ministers and being once Slighted they often forget their Chiefest This I speak to those who canvass for publick Employs not those who knowing the Vanity of them choose to live Solitarily and Retir'd Only let them consider that great Souls formâ—d for Business don't always find in retirement that Ease and Tranquâ—lity of Mind which they propose and being once ingag'd therein without being able to change their Resolutions they live and die miserable Modesty in receiving Rewards and Gratuities is of great use together with such a prudent Carriage as may make them appear Obligations to farther Services not to drain the Prince's Liberality for this obliges him yet more As God when Solomon ask'd for nothing but an understanding Heart not only gave him that but also Riches and Glory 13 And I have also given thee that which thou hast not ask'd both Riches and Honour so that there shall not be any among the â—ings like unto thee in thy days 1 Kings 3. 13. They ought not to be demanded as a Debt for Virtue is to it self a fair and large Reward and though some acknowledgement be due yet does it depend upon the Prince's Favour And all had rather it should be receiv'd as their Bounty not a just Debt to desert Whence Princes are more inclin'd to Reward liberally small Services but great ones more sparingly for they think they shall receive more acknowledgments from the one than the other Whence he who has receiv'd many favours may expect to receive more for Bounty once bestow'd causes farther Benefits For a Prince had rather another should acknowledge himself his Debtor than he his the first being the more honourable Lewis the Eleventh King of France used to say That he had more regard for one who for small Services had been well rewarded than for others who for great Services had receiv'd but small Reward The Emperor Theodorick owning this failure confess'd That 't was from Ambition that Rewards sprouted out without the least care of him who planted them and that it provoked him to give more to those whom he had once began to favour 14 Amamu◠〈◊〉 beneficia germinare nec semel praestaâ— largitulis collatae fastidium maâ—â—sque nos provocant ad frequens praemium qui initia nostrae gratiae suscipere â—â—ruerunt novis enim judicium impenditur favor autem semel placitis â—xhibetur Cas. lib. 2. Epist. 2. This is visible in Favourites towards whom Princes Favour and Liberality seem a kind of Obstinacy EMBLEM XXIV THough as we have said before Justice arm'd with the Laws and Rewards and Punishments are the Pillars which support the Structure of the State yeâ— will these Pillars be in the Air unless founded upon the Basis of Religion which is the Bond of the Laws for the Jurisdiction of Justice comprehends only external Acts legitimately approv'd of but donâ—t extend to privaâ—e and internal ones It has Authority only over tâ—e Body not the Mind so that Wickedneâ—â— would little heed Punishment when it could privately commit Injuries Adulteries and Rapine nay he would make a jest of the Laws were there not another inviâ—sibâ—e one menacing within So necessary is this 〈◊〉 in a Government that some Atheistical Persons esteeâ— Religion but a meer Politick Invention who without â—t would be content with his Poverty and present Condition What Trust in Bonds and Covenants What Integrity in the Administration of Goods What Fideâ—ity in Offices and Employments What Security of Life Few would be entic'd by Rewards if they could obtain the same thing by private Injustice few would be charm'd with the Beauty of Virtue if through hopes of a more lasting Garland than one of Palm they did not confine themselves to the strict Rules of Continency Vices would soon confound the Order of Government without the principal end of Happiness which consists in Virtue and in this Foundation and Bulwark of Religion which sustains and defends the Civil Power if the People did not think that there was another Supream Tribunal to Judge the Thoughts and Imaginations whose Rewards and Punishments will be Eternal The hope and fear of this being born in the most barbarous and impious Sinners do regulate and compose their Actions Caligula scoff'd at and ridiculed the Gods yet when it Thundered he was forc'd to own a Supream Hand which had Power to punish him This Hand all acknowledge for there is no Heart which is not touch'd with that Divine Magnet And as the Mariners Needle from a certain natural Sympathy is in perpetual Motion till it stops aâ— the Light of that fix'd North Star about which all the Coelestial Orbs are turned so we can't live quietly till we acknowledge and adore that increated North in which is true rest and from whence proceeds the Motion of all things Who ought to observe this more than a Prince who is the Pilot of the State upon whose care it depends to bring the Sâ—ip safe into Port Nor is it enough for him to seem to look at that while he keeps his Eyes upon other dark and obscure ones for so he would lose his Course and run the Vessel upon Sands and Rocks and so make a Wreck The People will be divided in Opinions and thence into Factions from whence arise Plots and Seditions and from them changes in States and Empires * Mar. Hist. of Spain More Princes are ruined by Dissention in Religion than by Arms. For which reason the Sixth Council of Toledo prudently enacted †Concil Tolet. cap. 3. That no Prince should come to the Crown before he had first taken an Oath not to tolerate any one in his Realm who was not a Christian. Spain could never be at quiet till 〈◊〉 rejected the Errors of Arius and wholly embrac'd the Catholick Religion since which the People have liv'd so happily that when King Weterick afterwards endeavour'd to introduce that Sect he was killâ—d in his very Palace but notwithstanding many like Examples there are some who dare impiously teach Princes to dissemble and counterfeit Religion He who dissembles it does not believe
Danger obliged them to enter the Enemy had already cut off his Head and hung it upon their Walls 4 Ibid. Thus it generally happens the Prince first discovers Faults when there 's either no Remedy for them or at least it cannot be applied without great Difficulty His Ministers perswade him all things succeed well which makes him negligently lose all Experience and the Instructions of Necessity the best Mistress of Prudence For although Prosperity proceed from Prudence this does not from Prosperity The principal Office of Prudence in Princes or others concerned with them is to teach them to know expeâ—imentally all Mens Humours which are discernible from the Dress the Looks the Motions of the Eyes and Actions and lastly from the Speech Marks which God Almighty thought so necessary to Human Commerce that he has wrote them visibly upon every one's Forehead 5 Eccl. 19. 26. Without them neither the Prince would know how to Govern nor Men of Affairs obtain their Ends. Mens Minds are as various as their Faces 6 Eccl. 19. 27. and although Reason be in its self one and the same the ways reasoning takeâ— in the research of it are widely different and the Delusions of the Imagination usually are so great that some Men appear as irrational as the very Brutes Wherefore all are not to be treated with in the same Method but this must be varied suitably to the Person 's Nature as they change the Bit according to the Horse's Mouth Some Tempers are generous and exalted with these Reputation and Honour are most prevaising Others mean and abject which are wholly lead by private Interest and Advantage Some are bold and enterprizing these are to be gently turned from the Precipice Others slothful and timorous which should be so lead by Business that they may see the Vanity of Danger Some are naturally servile these Threats and Fear of Punishment has more Influence on than Intreaties Others arrâ—gant and are tamed by Authority being by compliance ruined One is full of Fire and so quick at Business that with the same Expedition he dispatches it he immediately repents this Man 't is hard giving Counsel to Another is slow and irresolute whom time must teach at his own cost Some are ignorant and stupid these are not to be convinced by subtle and refined Arguments but palpable Demonstrations Others sceptically dispute every thing and are guilty of an Excess of Subtilty these must be abandoned to themselves to fly as Hawks till they be â—ired then called to the Lure of Reason and the Busâ—ness in hand Some refuse all Mens Counsel are wholly guided by their own to these you are not to give any but so point as it were to them and give such Hints in a large Discourse upon the Matter that they may of themselves light on them which will make them approved as their own Off-spring and acâ—ordingly executed others know neither how to act nor resolve without Counsel with such as these all the Persuasion in the World is to no purpose so the Business which should have passed through their hands may be better transacted with their Counsellors The same Variety which is visible in Dispositions is found also in Affairs some are easy at first but afterwards increase as Rivers by the Affluence of Rivuleâ—s as it were of divers Inconveniencies and Difficulties these are overcome by Expedition in not giving time to their Increase Others on the contrary like the Winds rise in Storms but end calmly which require Paâ—ience and Constancy The Enterprize of some is full of Uncertainty and Danger in that when one least thinks the Depth of Difficulties appears here one must proceed with Caution and Courage with Care and a Mind provided to encounter any Accident Some require Secrecy these are to be carried on by Mines that the happy Success may break out before one can perceive it Others can't be obtained but at certain Times in these you ought to have all the Means ready immediately to hoist Sail upon the first favourable Blast of Wind. Some take Root gradually and demand Time to come to Maturity here the Seed of Diligence is to be Sowed and the Fruit waited for Others except they succeed presently never do at all which must be taken by Assault by employing all Methods at once Some are so delicate and brittle that like Glasses they are with a Blast formed and broken these are to be tenderly handled the Difficulty of others is inhanced by being too much desired and pursued here the Arts of Lovers are useful whose Passions are inflamed by Slight and Disdain In a word the Management of a few Affairs demands Precipitation in more Force prevails in many Patience and in almost all Reason and Interest Importunity has spoil'd abundance of Affairs but it has also furthered many as St. Ierome said of the Woman of Canaan 7 Quod precibus non potuit tâ—dio impetravit D. Hieron Men are no less weary of refusing than granting Opportunity is the thing contributes most to the good Management of Affairs he who knows how to use this shall scarce ever Miscarry The Husbandman that is well acquainted with the Nature of his Soil and knows the proper Seed-time may expect a plentiful Harvest There 's a time when all things are granted another wherein all are denied according as the Mind shall be disposed in which you may easily see the Increase and Decrease of Business for being lopped like Treâ—s in a proper Month they sprout out the more Some Address in proposing and persuading by Honesty Profit and Ease Prudence in the Choice of Means and some other natural Endowments infinitely conduce to the Succefs of Affairs provided those Gifts of Nature be accompanied with a discreet kind of Complaisance and natural Grace that captivates the Mind for some Mens Looks and Behaviour are so disagreeable and ungenteel that they even shew one how to refuse their Petitions but although these Means â—oyned with good Judgment and Industry have a strange Effect on Business yet too much Confidence ought not to be put in them not yet should they be despaired of Light Affairs sometimes breed great Difficulties and on the other side the lightest Causes often obstruct the most weighty The greatest Prudence is sometimes blind in a Matter as clear as the Sun Divine Providence that has already long ago determined in his eternal Decree what shall become of every thing being thus pleased to sport with Humane Affairs From this Variety of Capacities and Affairs appears of how much Concern it is to the Prince to make Choice of Ministers fit to manage them each Man being no more capable of all manner of Business than every Instrument useful for all Works Persons of a violent Temper the Cowardly and Difâ—ident the Rough and Unpleasant in Conversatioâ— who can never serve the times nor adapt themselves to others Natures and Customs rather spoil Affairs than compose them are readier at making than
afterwards his great Soul to be broken by the contrary Success though he saw his States ruined and the King of Sweden and Frederick Count Palatine in his Palace of Monaca a Fabrick worthy so great a Prince and tho' he found the Duke of Frizeland as much his Enemy as the other two Let Envy and the fickleness of Times divide and dash into never so many pieces the Glass of tates yet in every of them however small Majesty will remain entire Whoever is born to a Scepter ought not to be chang'd at any Event or Accident whatever nor think any so grievous and insupportable as for it to abâ—â—don himself and dissemble the Person he bears King Peter even when he fell into the Hands of his Brother and deadly Enemy conceal'd not who he was may when it was question'd if it were he or not he cried out aloud It is I it is I. This very Constancy in preserving a Grandeur and Majesty in misfortunes 〈◊〉 sometimes the best and only Remedy against them as it was with Porus King of the Indies who being taken Prisoner by Alexander the Great and demanded how he would be treated Made answer Like a King And when Alexander ask'd him whether he desired nothing more He replied That Word comprehends all Which Heroick Answer so affected Alexander that he not only restored his Kingdom but gave him other Countries besides To yield to Adversity is as it were to side with it Valour in the Conquered pleases the Victor either because it renders his Triumph more glorious or because such is the intrinsick Energy of Virtue The Mind is not subject to Violence nor has Fortune any Power over it The Emperor Charles the Fifth used severe Threats to Iohn Frederick Duke of Saxony to oblige him to Surrender the Dutchy of Wirtemburg To which his Answer was His Imperial Majesty may indeed do what he pleases with my Body 〈◊〉 shall never be able to strike fear into this Breast Which he really shew'd on another occasion of much greater Danger for it happened as he was playing at Chess with Ernest Duke of Brunswick he heard Senâ—â—nce of Death was pass'd upon him which he receiv'd with no more Trouble than if the News had not concern'd him but chearfully bid the Duke play on which generous Carriage wiped off in some measure the Infamy of Rebellion and procured him Glory One great Action even upon a forced Death leaves a Luster and Repute to Life As has in our own time â—appned Rodrigo Calderon Marquiss de Sieviglâ—sias or â—â—ven Churches whose truly Christian Valour and Heâ—â—ick Constancy were the whole World's Admiration in so much as to turn Envy and Hatred things comâ—â—on to one of his Fortune into Pity and Commendaâ—â—â— None are delivered from violent Casualties by Timorousness nor does Confusion any way lessen Danger whereas Resolution either overcomes or at least renders it illustrious The People gather what Peril they are in from the Princes Countenance as Mariners do the danger of the Tempest from that of their Pilot. For that Reason ought he to appear equally serene in Prosperity and Adversity least Fear dash or Pride exalt him and others be able to judge of the State of Affairs This made Tiberius take so much care to hide every unsuccessful Accident 5 Haec audita quanquam abstrusum tristissima quoque maxiâ—â— occultantem Tiberium pertuleâ—unt Tac. 1. Ann. All is in Disorder and Confusion when in the Princes Face as that of Heaven the Tempests which threaten the Commons are discernible To change Colour at every Breath of Fortune betrays a light Judgment and mean Spirit Constancy and an even Look inspire Subjects with Courage strike Enemies with Admiration All Men fix their Eyes upon the Prince and if they see Fear there they fear Thus 't was with those who were at Otho's Table 6 Simul Othâ—â— vultum intnâ—eri atque eveâ—t inclinatis ad suspicionem mentibus cum tiâ—â— ret Otho timebatur Tac. 1. Hist. Besides there can be no Fidelity where Fear and Distrust find Entertainment 7 Fides metu infracta Tac. 3. 〈◊〉 Which however I would have understood of those Cases wherein it is convenient to dissemble Dangers and conceal Calamities for in others to join in publick Expressions of Sadness don't ill become the Prince as that which manifests his Love to his Subjects and engages their Hearts The Emperor Charles the Fifth put himself in Mourning and express'd his Sorrow for the Sacking of Rome David upon the news of the Death of Saul and Ionathan took hold of his Cloaths and rent them 8 2 Sam. 1. 11. The same did Ioshua for the loss received by the Men of Ai And he fell to the Earth before the Ark of the Lord 9 Jos. 7. 6. And indeed what can be more just than in a common Calamity thus to submit to God 't is a kind of Rebellion willingly to receive Good only at God's Hands and not Evil also 10 Job 2. 10. He that is humble under Correction moves to Pardon Here it may be disputed whether this Steddiness of Mind be commendable in an Inferior when he needs the Aid of the more Potent the Solution of which Doubt requires a peculiar Distinction He who is under Oppression and craves anothers Assistance should not do it with too much Cringing and Solicitude least he make his Fortune desperate there being no Prince who out of pure Compassion will reach his Hand to a Man fallen or undertake the Defence of one that has already abandon'd all hopes of himself and his Affairs Pompey's Cause lost not a little in the Opinion of Ptolomy when he saw so much Submission in his Ambassadors The King of the Cherusci shewed much more Courage when upon the loss of his Kingdom thinking it his Interest to procure the Favour of Tiberius He wrote to him not like a Fugitive or Beggar but as one who remembred his former Fortune 11 Non ut profugus aut supplex sed ex memoria prioris fortunae Tac. 2. Ann. Nor is the Example of Mithridates les Illustrious who being overthrown by Eunon is said with a Resolution truly Royal to have thus bespoke him Mithriâ—ates so many Years sought by the Romans by Sea and Land here voluntarily Surrenders himself do what you please with the Off-spring of the great Achemenes the only thing my Enemies cannot deprive me of 12 Mithridates terra marique per tot annos Romanis quaesitis sponte adsum utere ut voles prole magni Achemeis quod mihi solum hostes non abstulerunt Tac. 12. Ann. Which Words prevailed with Eunon to intercede with the Emperor Claudius in his behalf 13 Mâ—taâ—â—â—e rerum prece haud degenerare permotus Tac. 12. Ann. Let him who hath faithfully served his Prince speak boldly if he find himself injured as Herman Cortez did to Charles the Fifth and Segestes to Germanicus 14 Simul Segestes ipse ingens
of its head the Chamber of the Senses all of which we have need of in hearing least our ears should deceive us Let a Prince therefore take great care thereof for when the ears are once free from affections and reason sits there as judge every thing is well examin'd all things relating to Government depend upon the relation of others therefore what Aristotle said of Bees seems improbable that is that they are deaf for that would be a great inconveniency for that prudent and politick little Animal since those two Senses Hearing and Seeing are the Instruments through which we draw Wisdom and Experience both these we have need of to prevent our being deceiv'd by Passion Nature or Inclination The prepossess'd Moabites thought the Waters upon which the Sun shone were Blood 17 And they rose up early in the Morning and the Sun shone upon the Waters and the Moabites saw the water on the other side as red as Blood 2 Kings 3. 22. The same noise of the people to the Ears of Warlike Ioshua seem'd their Shoots to Battle and to those of gentle Moses a Harmony of Musick 18 And Ioshuâ— heard the noise of the people as they shouted he said unto Moses There is a noise of war in the camp And he said it is not the voice of them that shout for Mastery neither is it the voice of them that cry for being overcome but the noise of them that sing do I hear Exod. 32. 17 18. For which cause God though omniscient would verifie with his Eyes what he had heard of Sodom and Gomorrha 19 I will go down now and see whether they have done altogether according to the cry of it which is come unto me and if not I will know Gen. 18. 21. When therefore a Prince shall have seen heard and felt things he can't be deceiv'd or if he be 't will not be his fault From all which we may see how ill contriv'd was that image of the Thebans by which they express'd the qualifications of their Princes for it had ears but no Eyes these being full as necessary as those the Ears to know things and the Eyes to believe them in which the Eyes are most trusty for truth is no farther distant from a Lye than the Eyes from the Ears Nor has a Prince need of less diligence and attention in discussing the Counsels and Proposals of his Ministers before he puts them in execution such as concern raising Money regulating the Government and other matters relating to Peace and War for their usual aim is their own particular interest and effects don 't always correspond to our expectations Ingenuity often approves Counsels which Experience afterwards rejects Yet is it imprudence wholly to slight them for the success of one only makes amends for the vanity of the rest Spain had never obtain'd the Empire of the new world if their Catholick Majesties had not gave more credit to Columbus than other Princes Yet to be over credulous or confident to act whatever is propos'd is either Levity or Folly First The condition of the Proposer is to be consider'd his Experience in the matter what end he may have in deceiving what interest if he succeeds also the means and time by which he thinks to accomplish it Nero for want of these considerations was much disappointed about a Treasure which one told him he had found in Africk 20 Non authoris non ipsius negotii side satis spectata nec missis visoribus per quos nosceret an vera assâ—rerentur Tac. 16. ann Many Projects at first seem considerable which prove at last vain and useless Many seem light and frivolous from whence result great advantages Many which have been successfully experienc'd in small matters in affairs of greater moment succeed not Many seem easie to reason which are difficult in the operation Many are prejudicial at first and advantageous afterwards and so on the contrary and many have different effects from what were at first propos'd The lazy and blind Vulgar don't know truth unless they light on it by chance for they foolishly form opinions of things before Reason foresees the inconveniences and promise themselves a more certain knowledge from the success the guide of the ignorant and so if any one should go about to argue these people out of their opinions he would lose his time and pains There are no better means than to make them see and feel their Errors so startling Horses use to be whip'd and spur'd to make them go forwards to see the vanity of the shadow which frightned them This means Pacuvius us'd to appease the people of Capua who rose against the Senate he first shut all the Senators by their own consent into a certain Hall then calls the people together tells them that if they have a mind to take off or punish the Senators now is their time for they are lock'd up without Arms but withal tells them it would be necessary to take them one by one and immediately to elect another in the room of him whom they took off for that without those heads the State could not subsist a Moment He puts all their Names in a Pot draws out one and asks the people what they would have done with him they all cry out let him die then he advises them to elect another this confounds them and they don't know who to propose and so a second and third time they could not agree upon their choice At last their confusion taught them that 't was better to bear with an ill already experienc'd than to attempt a remedy and so they immediately commanded the Senators to be releas'd The people is very furious in its opinions and 't is often especially upon any imminent danger a piece of great management in a Prince to govern it with his own hand keeping pace with it in its ignorance The people are often reduc'd to their duty by laying before them the incoveniences which have hapned in the like cases for they are more mov'd by Example than Reason 21 Plebeiâ— ingenia exemplis â—agis quam ratione capiuntur Macrob. EMBLEM XLVII EVEN Vertues have their Dangers they should be always in a Prince's Mind but not always in exercise Publick interest ought to dictate when and where to use them Us'd without Prudence they either become Vices or are not less hurtfull than them In a private person they respect only him in a Prince both him and the State too They ought to suit with the common interest of all not with that of particular persons Civil Science prescribes certain limits to the Vertue of him who commands and him who obeys Justice is not in the power of the Minister but ought always to be directed by the Laws In the Prince who is the Soul thereof it has certain considerations which respect the Government in common In the Subject Commiseration can never be excessive in a Prince 't is often dangerous
a kind of Slavery For he who obliges another makes himself his superiour which is inconsistent with the Sovereignty of a Prince whose power is diminished if it be not greater than the obligation and Princes being oppress'd with the weight of Gratitude and Obligation become notoriously ungratefull that they may discharge themselves from them 12 Quidam quo plus debâ—nt magis oderunt Leve as alienum debitâ—rem facit grave inimicum Sen. Ep. 19. The Emperour Adrian put Titian to death who had been his Tutor from a Boy and to whom he ow'd his Empire Not to mention that the fatigues of many years are effac'd by one oversight Princes being more apt to punish a slight offence than to reward signal Services If they are honourable they create Emulation and Envy in the Prince himself for whose Service they are perform'd for some are more angry with those who have serv'd them successfully and gloriously than with those who have been more remiss and less successfull of this humour was Philip of Macedon 13 Quem ita gloriae cupidum esse dicunt familiares ut omnia clara â—acinora sua esse videri cupit magis indignatur Ducibus Praefectis qui prospere laudabilitèr aliquid gesserint quam iis qui infelicitèr ignave Demost. a Vice which his Son Alexander inherited 14 Suae demptum gloriae existimans quicquid cessisset alienâ— Curt. and was visible in Iames the First of Arragon who when Don Blasco de Alagon had taken Morella he thought he had gotten more Glory than he in that Expedition and therefore took from him that City and gave him in exchange that of Sagasto The Victories of Agricola made Domitian jealous seeing that the fame of a private man exceeded his 15 Id sibi maxime formidolosum privati hominis nomen supra Principis attolli Tac. in vit Agric. So that in the most glorious and successfull Exploits there is the greatest danger If favour springs from the prompt obedience of the Favourite to the Will of the Prince it makes the Government incur the above mention'd inconveniencies of Flattery and soon ruins both the Prince and Favourite Obedience is as dangerous as disobedience for if the command succeeds 't is ascrib'd to the Prince if not to the Favourite If this command be not obey'd 't is then the reason why it succeeded not If it be unjust he dares not make that his excuse lest he offend the Prince if he obey the â—ault is all laid upon him and the Prince that he mayn't seem the Author of the mischief permits him to suffer either in the opinion of the People or in the hands of the Judge Thus Tiberius serv'd Piso after he had by his command poison'd Germanicus whose cause he referr'd to the Senate 16 Integram causam ad Senatum remisit Tac. 6. ann and coming to Rome he behav'd himself as if he knew nothing of the matter leaving him confounded to see him so unconcern'd and reserv'd without either pity or anger 17 Nullo magis exterritus est quam quod Tiberium sine miseratione sine ira obstinatum clausumque vidit ne quo affectu perrumperetur Tac. 3. ann If this favour falls upon a man of small Qualifications and Merit he will sink under the weight of affairs for without a brave and vigorous mind without a quick and piercing Wit the favour of Princes cannot be long maintain'd If it proceeds from a resemblance and conformity of Vertues when the Prince bids adieu to them the other is at an end For he will hate the Favourite as one who accuses his change 18 Wisd 2. 15. and whom he can't make use of in the prosecution of his Vices If a Prince loves a Favourite for that he makes use of him as an instrument to execute his vicious designs and inclinations with what-ever ills do thence arise either to the King's Person or to the Government all fall upon him and the Prince with ease clears himself by disgracing him or else hates him as a witness of his Vices whose presence does as it were upbraid him with his crimes For the same reason Nero disgrac'd Anicetus the Murtherer of Agrippina 19 Levi post admissâ—m scelus gratia dein graviore odio quia malorum facinorum ministri quasi exprobrantes aspiciuntur Tac. 14. ann so Tiberius discharg'd those Ministers who had assisted his Cruelty and made use of others 20 Qui scelerum ministros ut perverti ab aliis nolebat ita plerumque satiatus oblatis in eandem operam recentibus veteres praegraves adflâ—xit Tac. 4 ann The Odium of the Death and the favour of him who commands it end both with the execution and the Prince thinks he sufficiently clears himself in punishing the crime as Plancina found 21 Ut odium gratia desiere juâ— valuit Tac. 6. ann If this favour proceed from the communication of important Secrets he is in danger from them for they are Vipers in the breast of the Favourite which gnaw his Entrails till they eat their way out for either levity or ambition of seeming a man in favour reveals them or they are discover'd by another or by discourse which are equally pernicious to the Favourite But though this should not happen the Prince will be willing to free himself from the care of having entrusted them by tearing open the bag in which they are hid as many Secrets so many dangers 22 Isa. 24. 16. vid. lat vers Nor is the danger less if this favour proceeds from the Favourites being conscious of the Prince's Cowardice and Baseness for such favour is rather fear than inclination nor will a Prince indure that his honour should depend upon another's silence or that there should be one who inwardly should despise him If this favour be but small it can't resist the fury of Envy but is blown down by every blast like a tree not firmly rooted If it be great it creates Envy and Fear in the Prince himself and so makes him carefull to free himself from it as when we have pil'd Stones upon Stones we at last fear lest the heap which we have rais'd should fall upon our own heads and so push them over th' other way The Prince sees the Statue which he erected shades his own Grandure and so pulls it down again I may venture to say that Princes seem to delight to shew their power as well in pulling down those images as in erecting them for their power being limited can't seem immense unless it return to the center from which it proceeded or keep in a circle These are the rocks against which if the ship of favour strike 't is lost so much the surer by how much the more sail it makes But if any one scape 't is either because it recover'd port in time or that it ran first upon the shore of Eternity Is there then any Pilot so skilfull
visible in him Africk still mourns and shews upon the sooty Faces of its Inhabitants the rashness of Phoebus if we may use the Philosophy and Morality of the Ancients in lending his Chariot to his Son Phaeton an unexperienced Youth and one who did not in the least merit such Promotion and this is the Danger all Elections carry with 'em which are made at a jump and not gradually by which Experience teaches 'em to know the people and to rise by degrees Tiberius though a Tyrant never advanc'd his Nephews without this Caution and particularly Drusus whom he would not make a Tribune till after eight years Experience 5 Neque nunc properè sâ—d per octo annos capto experimento Tac. 3. ann Preferment to an unexperienc'd person is Favour but to one of Experience a just Reward Yet is not Experience in all things as neither all Vertues requisite for every Office but only those who regard each in particular for that which is proper and requisite for one is not always for others Experience of the Sea is useless in Affairs at Land and it does not follow that he who knows how to manage a House or ride a Horse can also marshal an Army 6 Nam unum opus ab uno optimâ— perficitur quod ut fiat munus est Legumlatoris providere nec jubere ut tibia canat quisquam idem Galeâ—â—s conficiâ—t Arist. 2. Pol. cap. 9 In this Lewis Forza Duke of Milan was mistaken when he committed the Conduct of his Army against the King of France to Galeaze St. Severin who was very dexterous in managing Horses but understood little of Affairs of War Mottathias made a more prudent Choice when seeing himself near his End he chose for General Iudas Macchabee a robust Man and well vers'd in Arms and for his Counsellor his Brother Simeon a Man of Judgment and Experience 7 1 Macch. a 65. In this we have seen great Errors in changing the reins and administration of Governments These are different in Kingdoms and Common-wealths Some respect Justice others Plenty some War others Peace yet though they are so different in themselves there is nevertheless a certain Faculty or civil Vertue which unites 'em and makes them all tend one way to the Preservation of the State each aiming at this by means proportion'd to the Office he is in This civil Vertue is different according to the several Forms of Government which differ according to the means and methods of governing for which reason a Man may be a good Citizen but not a good Minister for 't is not sufficient that he be endu'd with several moral Vertues unless he has also civil ones and this natural Disposition so proper to Administration and Government 'T is therefore necessary for a Prince to know the Nature and Inclinations of his Subjects that he may better know how to employ 'em for upon this good Choice all the Actions of his Government depend The Genius of Herman Cortez was particularly proper for the Conquest of India that of Gonzalez Fernandez of Cordova for the War of Noples and if they had been exchang'd and the first sent against the French and the latter against the Indians doubtless they had not been so successful Nature has not given Man a like Qualifications for all things but only one excellence for one Office whether it be Frugality or Prudence and 't is certain Instruments do most Service when they are made use of by one not by many For this reason Aristotle blam'd the Carthagians for that among them one person officiated in many places there being no Man fit for all 8 Sic enim optimè instrument a proficiâ—nt si eorum singula non inultis sed uni deserviant Arist. lib. 1. Pol. cap. 1. Nor is it possible as the Emperour Iustinian remark'd 9 Nec sit concessum cuiquam duobus assistere Magistratibus utriusque Iudicii curam peragere nec facile creâ—endum duabus necessariis rebus unum suffâ—cere L. F. de Asses to mind two without forgetting one or t' other A Nation is much better govern'd when in that as in a Ship every Man knows his Birth for though perhaps a Man may be found capable of all Affairs it do's not follow that they shall be all assign'd him That great Copper Vessel for Sacrifices called for its largeness a Sea and supported by 12 Oxen before the Altar of the Temple of Solomon 10 â— Chron. c. 4. 5. contain'd 3000 measures yet they never put in above 2000 11 1 Kings 7. 26. 'T is by no means convenient to accumulate all Offices and Preferments upon one person to the Envy and Dissatisfaction of all but whether for want of Knowledge of persons or for that they won't take the pains to look for fit Men it usually happens that Princes imploy one or at most a very few of those who are about them In all Affairs whence Promotions and Rewards are scarce and so Emulation grows cold and all things move slowly For the same Reason 't is not good for two persons to be employed about the same Affair for that makes it confus'd like a Picture drawn by two hands the methods of Painters being always different one is quick the t' other slow one loves Lights the t' other is more for Shades Besides this 't is impossible two should agree in the same Conditions Counsels and Methods or that they should not disagree to the great Detriment of the Negotiation and Prince too These second Causes have each their distinct Office and separate Operations For my part I think it more adviseable to commit an Office to one person less capable than to two though more sufficient since therefore the good Election is a thing so necessary and its Success so difficult 't is not adviseable for Princes to relie too much upon their own Judgments Pope Paul the III. and King Ferdinand the Catholick first consulted the people suffering it as if carelesly to be published before they made their Choice the Emperour Alexander Severus proposed his Choice to all that each person as if he were interested in it might freely declare his thoughts of his Capacity or Incapacity 12 Ubi aliquos voluisset vel Rectores Provinciis dare vel Praepositos facere vel Procuratâ—res id est rationales ordinare nomina eorum proponebat Lamp in vit Alex. Sev. Though the peoples Approbation is not always to be depended on Sometimes 't is in the right sometimes 't is in the wrong 13 Haud semper errat famae aliquando eligit Tac. in vit Agr. 't is oft deceived in Mens Natures and hidden Vices Moreover Industry Self-interest or Malice and Emulation spread this Report among the Mob either in their Favour or otherwise Nor is a Ministers behaving himself well in small Offices sufficient to recommend him to greater for Preferment makes some more vigorous and active others careless and lazy
use indirect means to gain 'em which is beneath the Dignity of a Prince * L. 4. tit 3. p. 2. the Holy Writ compares a covetous Prince who unjustly usurps his Subjects Estates to a roaring Lyon and a hungry Bear 6 Prov. 28. 15. and his Actions to a Spiders Web which perishes with it or to a Vineyard-Keeper's Arbour which lasts but a little while 7 Job 27. 18. that which is ill got is soon spent How like Spiders are some Princes who spin their Web from their own Bowels griping and draining their Subjects to make their own fortune from the Rock and weave Nets which soon break and deceive their hopes 8 Job 8. 14. There are several Remedies against this Vice the best are those which prevent it for if once Nature is tainted with it 't is very Difficulty cured 't is our last shift If Princes are naturally Lovers of Money they should be kept from seeing or feeling it as much as possible for Avarice like Love enters at the Eyes and 't is more easie to order a Payment than to make it ones self The Ministers of the Treasury too should be generous and not prompt the Prince to enrich himself by sordid and unworthy Methods to prevent also Avarice in the Ministers Care should be taken that Offices and Places be not bought and sold as the Emperour Commodus observ'd for he who buys 'em sells 'em too this the Emperour Severus knew as also Lewis XII of France who used this Remedy but has been since ill observ'd by his Successours It seems to be the Law of Nations that a Province the Command of which is bought should be plunder'd and that Judgment should be given to the highest bidder at the Court of Justice which is not to be approached but by Golden steps 9 Provincias spoliari nummarium tribunal audita utrinque licitatione alteri addici non mirum quando quae emerit vendere gentium jus est Sen. lib. 1. c. 9. de ben Castile to this Day finds the misfortune of these Methods in the Governments of their Cities because they are all sold against a Statute made by common Consent in the time of Don John II. that they should be for Life and given to none but whom the Kings should nominate 'T is necessary besides to settle a competent Salary upon each Office such as the incumbent may live handsomely upon this was the Method of Don Alonso IX giving sufficient Salaries to his Judges and severely punishing those whom he found guilty of Bribery The same was practis'd by their Catholick Majesties Ferdinand and Isabella who reduced Lawyers Fees to a certainty * Mar. Hist. Hisp. Magistrates should not be suffer'd to Traffick or Merchandize 10 Sed caput est in omni Rep. ut legibus omni alia ratione provisum sit ne quâ—â— facultas quaestus faciendi Magistratibus relinquâ—tur Arist. Pol. 5. c. â— for they 'll never give good Counsel which they see is against their Gain Besides the people is better satisfied with the Honour and Preferment which are conferr'd on others provided they have the Gain and Profit but they are incens'd and apt to rebel when they see themselves rob'd of both 11 Tunc utrumque ei molestum est quod nec honorum particeps sitâ— quod à quaestibus submoveatur Ibid. And to this Cause the Feuds between the Nobility and Commonalty of Genoua may be attributed Offices ought not to be given to poor and needy Persons for their Poverty exposes 'em too much to Corruption and Bribery In an Election in the Roman Senate for a Governour of Spain the Dispute lay between Sulpicius Galba and Aurelius Cotta Scipio being asked his Opinion reply'd He lik'd neither one for having nothing and t'other for that he had never enough The Athenians always Elected rich Magistrates and Aristotle gives this Reason for it that 't is impossible for a poor one to govern justly or peaceably 12 Quasi impossibile â—it qui egenus existat eum benè Magistratum gerere aut quietem optare Arist. Pol. 2. c. 9. 'T is true in Spain we have had several able States-men who came poor into Office and went poor out Ministers who have a great Family are very burthensome to their Provinces for though they are Men of Integrity themselves yet their Retinue mayn't be so the Roman Senate for this Reason would not suffer them to carry their Wives into their Governments 13 Haud enim frustra placitum olim ne foeminae in Sâ—cios aut gentes externas traherentur Tac. 3. ann and the Kings of Persia generally prefer'd Eunuchs to the greatest places of Trust 14 Hest. 1. 11. because being free from the trouble of Wives and Cares of providing for Children they might be more careful of and less chargeable to the Publick Those who are too much addicted to Self-interest and a desire of raising their Fortunes are very dangerous in publick Offices For though some do strive to raise themselves by Merit and Renown yet they generally think it the surest way to do it by Riches without waiting Rewards and Gratuities from the Prince who is usually most sparing to him who deserves most Lucullus the Consul whom Want made covetous and Avarice cruel brought an unjust War upon Spain only to enrich himself Residents in Courts after Imployments are over is a very effectual Remedy because of the fear not only of losing this ill gotten Wealth but also of Punishment in the Severity of which there should be no Favour nor should it be bought off by resounding as Sergius Galba the Praetor did at Rome when he was accused of Treachery to the Portugueze If all the Chairs of Justice were cover'd with the Skins of corrupt Judges as Cambyses King of Persia order'd and since him Roger of Sicily certainly Justice and Integrity would be more strictly observed EMBLEM LIV. LIBERTY is natural to Men obedience forced that is Arbitrary this guided by Reason these are Contraries and continually jarring against one another whence proceed Rebellions and Treasons against the Prince and as no Government can consist unless some commanded and others obeyed 1 Naturam duas necessarias res easdem salutares humanâ— generi comparasse ut alii cum Imperio essent alâ—i ei subjicerentur nihilque quod citra haec nec 〈◊〉 quidem queat spatio perdurare Dion lib. 14. every one would be Head and depend on none but himself which being impossible he imagines his Liberty consists in changing the form of Government and this is the greatest misfortune that can befall States and is often the chief Cause of their Ruine wherefore 't is highly necessary to use such methods as that this Lust after Liberty and this humane Ambition being removed far from the immediate Administration should be kept under by reason and the force of Government so that this supream Authority which is the Princes Property should
But this Doctrine of Ministers being continued in Offices but for a time must not be understood of those supream Offices of the Princes Counsel or of Justice But on the contrary they ought to be fixt and continued because of the advantage of their Experience and Knowledge of Affairs depending These kinds of Offices are in Governments like the Poles in the Heavens about which the lesser Orbs move so that if they should be chang'd or removed the whole Universe would be endanger'd by the disorder of its natural Motions Solon knew this Inconveniency in the four hundred Senatours which were yearly Elected by Lot at Athens and therefore he established a Senate of Sixty worthy Men who were called Areopagites and while this continu'd the Republick flourished 'T is moreover very dangerous to commit the Government of Kingdoms during the Minority to persons who have any Pretentioâ—s thereto though never so unjust so it fell out in Arragon by the Imprudence of those who committed the Government to Sancho Duke of Roussillon until King Iames I. came to age Those Persons who have no manner of Pretention to the Crown either by Birth or any other Cause often thirst after it how much more then those who in Pictures and Images see their Ancestours brows incircled with it This Age as well as the pass'd gives us many deplorable Examples of Relations who have treacherously usurped Kingdoms which they were entrusted with Those of the Royal Blood are more prone to Tyranny in that they never want means to accomplish their Designs Few can be perswad'd of the Justice of that Law which prefers Birth to Vertue and every one thinks he better deserves a Crown than another and if this Reason should be of force in any one he is in danger from his Favourites who hoping to participate of his Grandeur strive to procure it by violent means and to raise Jealousies amongst his Relations If King Philip had any Jealousie of Don John of Austria they flow'd from this Spring A glorious Example of this Policy we find in the Infant Ferdinand refusing the Crown which was the Right of his Nephew Don John II. by which generous Recusance of that Crown on Earth he merited many more in Heaven The generous Loyalty which the Infants of that Name have paid the Kings of their Race is of an ancient Date Nor do we find less in this present Infant towards the present King whose Respect and Obedience is more like that of a Subject than of a Brother The heavenly Spheres pay not a more ready Obedience to the first mover than his Highness does to his Majestys Will. O truly Noble Prince whose glorious Birth though the greatest in the World is yet the least of his Excellencies the Effect of Divine Providence that in a time of such troublesome and tedious Wars which strain'd the very Axle-tree and Poles of the Government to raise us up an Atlas to support it by his Valour Conduct and Prudence EMBLEM LV. ARISTOTLE the better to instruct Alexander the Great in the Qualities of Counsellours compared them to Eyes which comparison Don Alonso the Wise makes use of in his Books of Laws Nor is this thought new for the Kings of Persia and Babylon call'd 'em their Eyes their Ears and their Hands according to the Offices in which they officiated The seven Spirits God's Ministers sent all over the Earth were the Eyes of a Lamb without spot or blemish 1 Apoc. 5. 6. A Prince who ought to see and comprehend so many Affairs should be all Eyes and all Ears 2 Superior debet esse totus mens c totus oculus S. Antioc Hom. 5. and because he can't be so he must make use of the Eyes and Ears of other Whence there is no Prince though never so prudent and intelligent but haâ— occasion for Ministers and to make use of them as his Eyes Ears and Hands 3 Nam Principes ac Reges nunc quoque multos sibi oculos multas aâ—res multas item manus atque pedes faciunt Arist. Pol. 5. c. 12 This is not of small advantage to him if he knows how to make a right use on 't for by thiâ— means he sees with every Body's eyes hears with their Ears and takes advise from them all 4 Hâ—â— enim ratione omnium oculis cernet omnium auribus audiet omnium denique consiliis in unum tendentibus consultabit Sines ad Arcad The Aegyptians meanâ— this by the Eye which they placed upon their Scepter for Counsels are the Eyes by which we inspect Futurity 5 Consilium oculus futurorum Arist. lib. 6. de Regim This Ieremiah seem'd to allude to when he said Virgaâ— vigilantem ego video 6 â—erem 1 11. Vid. Version Vulgar For this Reason in this present Emblem you see a Scepter full of Eyes to give the Prince to understand that he ought to inspect all Affairs of the Government by his Ministers nor is it to be wonder'd at that we place the Ministers in the Scepter for formerly their Names were engrave on the Crowns of the Emperours and Kings of Spain nor without Reason for they shine brighter than the Diadems themselves This Emblem of Eyes sufficiently shews the Qualifications that a Minister ought to be endued with For as the Sight extends to all things far and near so should the active Spirit of the Counsellour inspect all things present past and future that he may make a right Judgment of things and give a true Opinion of all Affairs which can't be done without much Reading great Experience and a continual Commerce with foreign Countries For if the Counsellours ben't perfectly versed in the Princes Nature and the Manners and Genius of the people they 'll ruine both themselves and the Government 7 Morum animorâ—mque Provincie nisi sâ—â—gneri qui de ea consulant perdant se Râ—mpub Cicero And to know this requires use for the Eyes don't know things which they have never seen he who has had Experience and Knowledge of things will readily find Expedients and Remedies 8 Eccles 3. 4. There is such a correspondence between the Eyes and Heart that the Affections of the one immediately strikes the other when this is sad they weep when this glad they smile if the Counsellour has not a particular Esteem for his Prince he will take but little care of his Affairs and is therefore very little to be trusted so said King Alphonso the Wise * L. 5. tit 9. p. 2. That Councellours ought to be the Princes true Friends otherwise he would be in great Danger for those who hate a Person will never advise him cordially The Eye won't suffer the Finger to touch its inside but upon its approach immediately sculks within the Lids how wise and learn'd soever the Minister is in his Counsels if he is easie and free of his Secerts if he suffers his Finger to probe his Heart he
for a Prince at the begiâ—ning of his Reign to observe the methods of the last 〈◊〉 king Care to reform it by Degrees with that easiness aâ— moderation that the People shall find themselves on t'otheâ— side without knowing how they got over Tiberius duâ— not at the beginning of his Reign abolish the publick Sportâ— introduc'd by Augustus 13 Sed populum per tot annos mollitèr habiâ— nondum audebat ad duriora vertere Tac. 1. ann Galba reigned but a fâ—â— Months because immediately upon coming to the Thronâ— he began to punish past Crimes to moderate extravagaâ— Donatives and to curb the Licentiousness and Insoleâ— which the People had been so us'd to in Nero's time 14 〈◊〉 veterem disciplinam atque ita quatuordecim annis à Nerone 〈◊〉 ut haud minus vitia Principis amarent quam olim virtutes 〈◊〉 rabantur Tac. Hist. 1. that they as much loved their Princes Vices as former they esteem'd their Vertues The same befel the Emperoâ— Pertinâ—x for designing to reform the Militia enervaâ—â— under the Luxurious Reign of Commodus Lewis XI Kiâ—â— of France fell into the same Errour for that he began 〈◊〉 Reign with the severe Punishment of some of his principâ— Nobility The Excellence of a new Government ought 〈◊〉 be Benignity since too much Rigour and Severity is 〈◊〉 Vice of an old one What dare not old Kings do The softest Chaiâ— Of Kingdoms is in a new Princes Reign To settle a Government is a work of time for 't is troublesome to reform as to new model one 15 Non minus negotii est Remp. 〈◊〉 quam ab initiâ—â—onstituere Arist. 4. Pol. cap. 1. for 〈◊〉 reason David excus'd himself from punishing Ioab for the Murther of Abner as being weak and newly anointed King 16 2 Sâ—m 3. 39. that is he fear'd by too much Severity he should make his new gotten Government odious Rehoboam had never ruined himself had he considered this when by the Counsel of the young Men he answer'd the People of Israel who desir'd he would treat 'em with less Severity than his Father had done My Father made your Yoke heavy and I will add to your Yoke my Father also chastised you with Whips but I will chastise you with Scorpions 17 1 Kings 12. 14. There is nothing more serviceable to a Prince at his entrance upon the Government than to signalize himself by some glorious Exploits for Reputation once got is not immediately lost for which Reason Domitius Corbulo when he was sent into Armenia took particular Care to raise his Reputation 18 Ubi famae inserviret 〈◊〉 in novis câ—ptis validissima est Tac. 13. ann The same Agricola did in his Government of Britain knowing that the Reputation of his first Actions would byass all the rest 19 Non ignarus instandum faâ—â—ae prout prima â—essissent fore universa Tac. in vit Agr. The comparison which the People make between the past and present Administration is always of ill consequence when they don't find in this the same Felicity they did in t'other or don 't perceive the same Parts and Qualifications in the present Prince as in his Predecessor let him therfore take Care as much can be that there be no difference but that the same hand may seem to hold the Reins But if the Prince either cannot or knows not how to adjust his Actions to the Peoples humour as his Predecessour did let him more particularly avoid occasion which may breed Comparisons Which was the reason that Tiberius was never present at publick Shews fearing that his rough melancholy Temper compar'd to the complaisant Gaiety of Augustus would be offensive to the People 20 Cur abstinuerit Spectaculo ipse variè trahebant aliâ— taedio caetus â—â—idâ—m tristitia ingenii metâ— comparationis quia Augustuâ— comiâ—er â—â—â—fuisset Tac. 1. ann Wherefore as soon as a Prince comes to the Helm of Affairs he should diligently enquire what things were distasteful in the past Reign that he may avoid them this was Nero's Maxim at his Accession to the Throne prescribing it as a Plan of his future Government sedulously declining those things which had lately bred Disgust 21 Tum formam futuri Principatus prâ—scripsit ca maximè declinâ—â— querum recens flagrabat invidia Tac. 13. ann Let a Prince also adjust his Actions to the Customs of the Countrey and methods of his Predecessor for even the Vertues of the Successour which are new and such aâ— the Predecessour and the Nation in general were unacquainted with the People look upon as Vices and loath ' em The Parthians demanded Vono for their King a Person endu'd with the Gentile Accomplishments of Rome where he had been as Hostage but those Vertues lost him the Affections of his People who regarded them as nothing but new Vices 22 Sed prompti adius obvia comitas ignotae Parthis Vertutes nova vitia Tac. 2. ann they were disgusted that he did not give his mind to Horses and Hunting as his Predecessors did and on the contrary they all loved Nero because he accommodated himself to their Customs 23 Quod hic prima ab infantia instituta cultum Armeniorum 〈◊〉 latus venatu epulis quae alia barbari celebrant proceres plebemâ—â— juxta devinxerat Tac. 2. ann And if this difference of Manners in the Princes Person produces these Effects how much greater will the Alteration of the Customs and Ways of the People create But if Correction be necessary it must be apply'd with such Moderation as may neither make the Prince seem severe nor remiss but when the negligence of the Predecessour was very great and the People require a Remedy then the Activity and Diligence of the Successour is very opportune as was visible in the first Years of your Royal Highnesses renown'd Father 'T is a generous piece of Justice for a Prince to begin his Reign with pardoning all offences against himself and punishing those committed against others nothing gaiâ—â— People's esteem and respect more than this 24 Novum Imperium inchoantiâ—â— utilis clementia Tac. 4. Hist. As the Emperours Vespâ—siâ— and Titus found as also Charles VII King of France Upon this Consideration Witiza remitted the Banishment of those whom his Father had condemned and caused their Tryals to be burnt by this great means the better to secure the Crown upon his Head Though these Acts are highly requisite yet the main Point is the gaining the Love and Obedience of the Subjects which two Kings of Arragon were absolute Masters of †Mar. Hist. Hisp. One was King Alphonso I who going to take Possession of the Kingdom of Castile for his Wife Terraca behaved himself with great Complaisance and Affability to all he heard Causes and administer'd Justiâ—e himself he protected Widows and Orphans reliev'd the Poor honour'd and reward'd the Nobility according to their Desert prefer'd Vertue and made the Kingdom plentiful
the Inconveniencies and Remedies of which I have set down elsewhere The Court is also a great Cause of the want of People for as a hot Liver draws all the natural Heat to it self leaving other parts of the Body spiritless and faint so the Pomp Ease Delight Profit and hopes of Reward at Court allure the Minds of most especially of the Artificers and Tradesmen who think it a more pleasant and easie Life to serve some Person of Quality than to toil at their own Trade the Nobility also invited by the Prince's Presence or the Charms of the Court leave their Estates in the Countrey for a Court Life whence not being able to look after them but spending their Revenuâ—s upon extravagant and unnecessary Expences their Estates become pooâ— and uninhabited whereas they would have been rich and populous had their Lord resided there The Emperor Iustiâ—â—n prudently reflected upon these Inconveniencies and appointed an Officer on purpose to prevent them 16 Invenimâ—â— enim quia populatim Provinciâ— suis habitatoribus spolrâ—â—â—â— Magno vero haec nostra civitas populosâ— est turbis diversorâ—â—â— hâ—minum maxima Agricolarum suas civitates culturas relinquentiam Auth de Quaest. King Iohn II. also order'd that all the Nobility at his Court should at certain times visit their own Estates as also the Emperor Trojan did before him Birth-right also especially in Spain is very prejudicial to Propagation for the eldest Brother Claims the whole Estate which King Theodorick thought very unjust 17 Iniquum est enim ut de una substantia quâ—bus competit aequa successio alii abundantèr affuant alii paupert atiâ— râ—commâ—dâ—â—â—gemiscunt Cass. lib. 1. Epist 7. so that the youngest not having wherewithal to maintain a Family instead of marrying either shut themselves into Convents or turn Soldiers For this Reason Plato call'd Riches and Poverty the ancient Plagues of Commonwealths knowing that almost all their misfortunes proceeded from an unequal Distribution of Riches If the Citizens had all an equal Dividend State would undoubtedly flourish more But though the advantage redounding from hence wouâ—d be great the Preservation of the Nobility by means of Fieâ—â— would not be less for by that means they would be in a Capacity to serve the Prince and State so that those may be allowed to the ancient Nobility not to the modern by making a Law that all Relations to the fourth Degree should be joynt Heirs if not of the whole yet of the greatest part of the Estate 18 Commodum est etiam 〈…〉 donatiâ—â—e sed jure cognitionis tradantur Arist l. 5. pol. 8 thus the Inconveniencies of Legacies and Gifts would be prevented which are more the Effects of Vanity than a design to serve the Publick as also of that religious Prodigality which observing neither Bounds nor Proximity of Blood gives all to the Church not leaving so much as Subsistence to Brethren or any other Relations whence Families become Extinct the Royal Revenues are exhausted the People impoverish'd and unable to pay Taxes the Power of those who are exempted is increased and the Authority of the Prince diminished This Moses considering 19 Exod. 36. 5â— forbid by Edict any one from offering any more towards the Work of the Sanctuary 20 Exod. 36. 6. though God himself was the Author of those Offerings and thâ—y were offer'd through pure Devotion 21 Exod. 35. 29. the Republick of â—eâ—ice have made very prudent Provisions against this 'T is necessary also that a fit time should be observed in Marriages for if too late the Succession is endanger'd and the Government would be too much expos'd to the Incontinency of Youth And if soon the Children being almost of the same Age with their Fathers would soon forget their Duty and grudge 'em the time they live EMBLEM LXVII THE Policy of our Times presupposes Malice and Fraud in all things and therefore arms it self with greater without any regard to Religion Justice or Honour It thinks nothing disallowable that is advantageous but as these Practices are now common they must need justle and confound one another to the Detriment of the publick Tranquility and without obtaining their propos'd Ends. But let a Prince cautiously avoid such Doctrine and learn rather of Nature the Mistress of true Policy without Malice Fraud or any ill Practice there being none so certain firm and solid as that which she observes in the Government of Vegetables and Animals more especially that which she dictates to every Man by his Reason Particularly to Shepherds and Husbandmen for the Preservation of their Flocks and improvement of their Ground Hence may be 't is that those Kings who have been chosen from the Crook or the Plow have made the best Governours Though the Shepherd whose Office is almost the same of a Prince's 1 Jerem. 23. enjoys the Benefit of the Wool and the Milk of his Flock yet 't is with such moderation that he neither draws Blood from their Duggs nor shears their Skin so close as to leave 'em wholly expos'd to the Inconveniences of cold and heat So a Prince says King Alphonso ought more to value the common Good of his People than his own particular Interest for the common Good and Riches of his Subjects are as it were his own * L. 19. tiâ— 2. p. 3. The Husbandman cuts not down the Body of the Tree for his Domestick occasions but only Lops the Branches and not all of them neither but leaves enough to sprout out and serve his Occasions the next Year but the Farmer is not so careful who is for making the best of his Farm while his Lease continues not caring how much he impoverishes his Ground for his Landlord 2 Alitèr utimur propriis alitèr commodatis Quint. de Orat. This is the difference between a lawful Prince and a Tyrant in respect of Taxes and Impositions This having an unjust Title and fearing soon to be dethron'd makes the best use of his time stocking up all by the Roots fleaing instead of shearing his Flock instead of feeding them he gluts himself 3 Ezek. 34. 2. and instead of defending them leaves them a naked Prey to every Wolf 4 John 10. 12. But a just and lawful Prince in imposing Taxes considers the Justice of the Cause the Quantity Quality and Occasion and also Proportions them to his Subjects Estates and Persons treating his Kingdom not as a Body which is to die with him but to remain to his Posterity knowing that though Princes are Mortal States are Eternal 5 Principes mortales Rempub. aeternam esse Tac. 3. ann and since he expects a new Crop from his Kingdom every Year he preserves it carefully as his best Treasury which he may make use of upon urgent Occasions for as King Alphonso said in one of his Laws borrowing his Thought from a Precept of Aristotle to Alexander the Great The best and most lasting Treasure of a
Foreign Nations did soon after find the same Damage from the Discovery of the Indies from their too great Dependance upon their Riches all things grew dearer with them as with us their Expences surmounted their Revenues In a word they suffer'd all the same Inconveniencies with us which were so much greater to them as being farther Distance from those Provinces and the Remedy of Gold and Silver which is brought us from the Indies and which they must receive from us being more uncertain These are the Inconveniencies which the Discovery of the Indies caused In knowing the Causes of which we know also their Remedies The First is Not to neglect Agriculture upon Hopes of those Riches Those which we receive from the Earth being more natural sure and common to all Wherefore Husbandmen should be encourag'd and exempted from the Oppressions of War and all other Incumbrances The Second is That since all things are restored by the contrary Means to which they were ruin'd and the Expences are greater than the Hopes and Expectation of those Metals the Prince should like a prudent Governor provide as the Senators of Rome advis'd Nero 14 Vt ratio quaestuum necessitas erogationum inter se congruerent Tac. 13. Annal. That the Publick Revenues should rather Exceed than fall short of the Expences That he should moderate those that were superfluous and unnecessary imitating the Emperors Antoninus Pius and Alexander Severus the last of which us'd to say That 't was the Part of a Tyrant to support them with the Intrails of his State Such a Reform would only Disgust some few not the whole Nation And if Abuse or Imprudence has rais'd the Salaries of Offices and Charges in Peace and War and if they are only introduc'd by Vanity under the title of Grandeur Why should they not be corrected and reform'd by Prudence And as the greater the Kingdoms are those Abuses will be greater so also will be the Effects of this Remedy Frugality is the best Revenue Gold once spent returns not By damming up the Streams the Fountain-Head rises And the way to keep Silver is to fix the Mercury of it that being the True and Approv'd Philosopher's Stone Wherefore I am satisfy'd that if a Prince be inform'd by his Ministers of all superfluous Expences by Sea and Land and would resolve to moderate them he would soon find himself enabled to pay his Debts lessen his Taxes and fill his Treasury As King Henry III. who finding the Crown much in Debt consulted with his Parliament how to remedy it And they could not find a better Expedient than what we have here propos'd that is To Reduce Salaries and Pensions and Regulate Superfluous Expences The Treasurers also and other Officers in the Treasury and Exchequer should be reduc'd to a less number as also the Collectors of Taxes who all like the thirsty Sands of Africk soak and drink up all the Streams of the Revenue which pass by them The Great Emperor of the Turks though he has immense Revenues has but two Treasurers one in Asia and 'tother in Europe Henry IV. of France not less a Statesman than a Soldier was satisfy'd of the Inconveniency of this and therefore reduc'd the Ministers of his Revenue to a less yet sufficient number The Third Remedy is That since Princes are by Importunity often forced to grant those Things which are not in their Power all such Grants Privileges Immunities and Rewards as are prejudicial to the Crown should be revok'd especially when the same Causes concurr as mov'd Their Catholick Majesties to repeal those of King Henry IV. For said they in another Law A Princes Liberality should not be so great as to ruine him and the Immunities granted to Subjects should be such as may not prejudice the Crown But if a Prince through Negligence or Necessity has not consider'd this it must be remedy'd afterwards As was after the Abdication of Ramirez King of Arragon at which time all Grants that had weakned the Crown were made void King Henry the Liberal and Queen Isabella did the same thing And King Iohn II. repeal'd the Privileges and Immunities which himself and his Predecessors had granted 'T is with Princes as 't was with the Idols of Babylon from whose Crowns according to Ieremiah the People took the Gold and Silver and apply'd it to their own Use 15 Baruch 6. 9. King Henry III. perceiving the same Abuse Imprison'd several of his Nobility and made 'em refund what they had purloin'd from the Crown by which and a just Administration of his Revenues he amass'd a prodigious Treasure in the Castle of Madrid The Last Remedy which should have been the First is That a Prince should first regulate the Expences of his own Family if he would reform those of his People For their Reformation as King Theodatus said 16 A domesticis volumus inchoare disciplinam ut reliquos pudeaâ— errare quando nostris cognoscimur excedendi licentiam non praebere Cas. lib. 10. ep 5. must be begun by the Prince that it may be effectual St. Lewis King of France advised his Son Philip to take care that his Expences were moderate and reasonable 17 Da operam ut impensae tâ—ae moderatâ— sint rationi consentaneae Bell. in Vit. S. Lud. 'T is a Misfortune that Princes think it becomes their Grandeur to be Careless and keep no Accompts and take Extravagance to be Liberality not considering how contemptible they are when poor and that true Greatness does not consist in Shews and gaudy Ostentation but in Castles strong Garrisons and Armies The Emperor Charles V. in the Parliament of Valladolid moderated the Expences of his Houshold The true Greatness of Princes consists in being liberal to others and moderate and sparing to themselves For which Reason Sisenand King of Spain and France so stiled by the Fourth Council of Toledo us'd to say That Kings should be Mais Escasos que Gastadores that is Rather Rich than Lavish I well know the Difficulty of these Remedies but as Petrarch said in the like case I do my Duty And though all that is requisite cannot be executed it ought to be represented to accomplish the Design of this Book 18 Multa scribo non tam ut saeculo meo prosim cujus jam desperaâ—â— miseria est quà m ut meipsum conceptis exonerem animum scriptâ—â— soler Petrarch I dare hardly say any thing about the Remedies of Money it being the Apple of the Eye of the State which you cannot touch without hurting so that 't is better to let it alone than to alter the ancient Method The acutest Judgment cannot foresee all the Inconveniencies which attend every Alteration thereof until they are discover'd by Experience For it being as it were the Rule and Measure of Contracts every one feels the least Variation of it Commerce is disturb'd and the whole State disorder'd Wherefore after King Peter II. had Abdicated the Throne it was
Abilities and that they penetrate all things report to the Prince for Certainty not that which is but that which they fansie may be they are too prone to Suspicions which they form from the least Shadow and then give credit to them whence proceed great Equivocations and Errors and is the chief cause of Quarrels and Wars among Princes for no Minister but has Power to promote Broils and Discord 2 In turbâ—s discordiâ—s pessâ—mo cuique plurima vis Tac. 4. Hist. Let Princes therefore be cautious of giving Credit to the first Relations of their Ministers but compare them first with those they receive from others And to form a more certain Judgment of what is written to them let them be perfectly acquainted with their Humour and Genius and with their Method of Conceiving Things whether they act by private Interest and Passion for it happens sometimes that the Minister is taken with a Love for the Country or Prince with whom he Treats and thinks all things Right and Just and sometimes suffers himself to be oblig'd by their Favours and Civilities and being naturally Grateful is of their Side and acts their Cause Sometimes is deluded by plain Appearances and by contrary Reports cunningly spread and so easily deceives his Prince for there is none more apt to deceive others than one who has been impos'd upon before Many Ministers are mov'd by slight Reasons or by some Passion or private Aversion which disturbs their Judgments and turn every thing to ill There are some also naturally enclin'd to Misconstrue all Actions and Designs whereas others are so Frank and Generous that they think nothing ill design'd Both the one and the other are dangerous and these last not less so than the others Sometimes the Minister thinking it part of his Duty to discover to the Prince his Enemies and that by that means he shall gain the Character of a Zealous and Understanding Person becomes so nicely suspicious that no one is safe from his Tongue and Pen and to make his Surmises and Apprehensions sure gives occasion by his Distrust to Friends to become Enemies to the great Detriment of the Prince to whom it were much better to have a good Confidence in all or for the Minister to apply Remedies to cure not to infect the Minds and Wills of the Subject Ministers also weary of Embassies that they may retire to enjoy the Conveniencies and Ease of a Domestick Life stick not to promote a Rupture between the Princes they assist or at least to suggest Counsels not less pernicious Princes are much deceived who think their Ministers act always as Ministers and not as Men. If it were so they would be much better served and find less Inconveniencies But they are Men and their Office does not strip 'em of their Inclination to Ease and to the Pleasures of Love Anger Revenge and other Affections and Passions which Zeal nor Duty are not always capable to correct But let Princes be apprized that those who can't seduce Good and Loyal Ministers for that they fathom their Artifices and Counsels and know what is their Prince's Interest what not they traduce them as Distrustful Passionate Perverse and Obstinate and therefore endeavour to remove them from the Management of Affairs and to introduce others less Knowing or to treat immediately with the Prince himself tendring him specious Propositions which oblige him to Resolves more prejudicial He must not give the least grounds to any one to think that he can't change the course of Affairs or displace Ministers for if such Thoughts take place the Prince will be ill served For such Confidence causes Disdain and Disobedience in the Accuser and the Fear of it discourages the Minister The Errors of these are less dangerous than those to admit the Accusations against them especially if they are Foreigners And were they true yet 't is more Prudence to deferr the Remedy till he from whom they came can't ascribe it to himself EMBLEM LXXVII THE farther those two Luminaries of Day and Night are distant from each other the greater their Influence and Light is Below But when they are in Conjunction their being Brethren does not prevent the one from obscuring the other's Rays and such Eclipse creates Shadows and Inconveniencies to the Earth Princes by the benefit of their Ministers and Letters maintain and uphold mutual Correspondence with each other But if they should Conferr Personally with one another their Interview would create shadows of Suspicion and Jealousie which would put all their States in Confusion for that they never find in one another what they promis'd to themselves and that neither measures himself by his own Rule but pretends always to much more than his Due An Interview of two Princes is almost like a Duel in which they fight with Ceremonies each endeavouring to conquer t'other The Families of each assist at the Engagement like two Hostile Troops each being zealous for his Prince's Triumph over the other in Personal Accomplishments or Grandeur and as in such a number all can't be Men of Prudence some light Expression or slight Affront causes Dissatisfaction in the rest So it happen'd in the Interview between King Henry and Lewis XI of France in which the Spaniards exceeding them in Pomp and Greatness and scouting the Meanness and Slovenliness of the French those two Nations departed Enemies who had till then maintain'd a good Correspondence together * Mar. Hist. Hisp. The Hatred between Germanicus and Piso was private till they saw one another 1 Discesserâ—ntque opertis Odiis Tac. 2. Anâ—al The Interview between Ferdinand IV. of Castile and Dionysius his Father-in-Law King of Portugal caused great Disorders as did that of King Philip I. and King Ferdinand And though the Meeting of Iames I. and King Alphonso produced very good Effects yet is it the safest way for Princes to manage their Affairs by Embassadors Sometimes Favourites sow Discord between the Prince and those of the Blood-Royal as we have before observ'd of which there are many Examples in our Histories Don Lopez de Haro procured a Separation between King Sancho the Strong and the Queen his Consort The Domesticks of Queen Catharine Mother to King Iohn II. incens'd her against the Infant Don Ferdinand Don Alvarez de Lara endeavoured thereby to keep the Government in his own Hands to persuade King Henry I. that his Sister Queen Berenguela design'd to poison him Those who were interested in the Quarrels between the Infant Sancho and King Alphonso the Wise his Father took what care they cou'd to prevent their Meeting and Agreement The Grandees of Castile hindred the Reconcilement of King Iohn II. to his Son Henry Don Alvarez de Luna that of King Iohn of Navarre to his Son Prince Carlos of Viana The Favourites of King Philip I. dissuaded him from an Interview with King Ferdinand Such Artifices we have seen us'd in France in these Times to the Detriment of that Kingdom and
to Dissemble or Punish with Rigour The prudentest Counsel certainly in the World For the Common People can never keep a Medium between two Extremes but always exceed in the one or the other 5 Alâ—i fortioribus remediis agendum nihil in vulgo modicum terrere ni paveam ubi pertimuerint impunè contemni Tac. 1. Annal. If the Matter require Expedition it is certain Ruine not to venture enough or not to use sufficient Precaution as it happened to Valens who wavering between the Counsels that were given him could not come to any determinate Resolution 6 Mox utrumque consilium aspernatur quod inter ancipitia deterrimum est dum media se quitur nec ausus est satis nec providit Id. l. 3. Hist. In Affairs of War Fear would sometimes appear prudent and to that end suggests Moderate Resolutions which serve but to encourage the Enemy and give him Time to look about him As King Iohn I. found who pretending the Crown of Portugal was devolved on him by the Death of Ferdinand his Father-in-Law resolved to enter that Kingdom alone and to have his Army follow whence the Portuguese gained Time to take up Arms in the interim which had never been done had he immediately fell upon them but he to avoid War left his Right to the Decision of Justice Threats signifie little if the Hand lifted up have no Weapon in it and do not sometimes punish Disobedience in earnest The Hastiness of the French makes them regard neither the past nor present Time and through the Heat of their Minds they are too adventurous and too precipitous in their Resolutions However this very thing oftentimes gives Success to them for by this means they avoid Luke-warmness and dispatch every thing in a trice The Spaniards on the other side are Dilatory that they may by long and much Consideration proceed with more Caution and out of an Affectation of Prudence use to Hesitate nay while they take Time to Consult lose the Opportunity of Execution The Italians know better how to make their Advantage both of the one and the other using the Opportunities as they present themselves Not like the Germans who are slow in Resolving lazy in Executing and consult only the present Time without any regard to the past or future Their Minds change with Events which is the reason they have so little advanced their Fortune it being otherwise a Nation which considering its innate Courage might extend its Dominions far and near To the same Cause may be ascribed the long Continuance of the Civil Wars the Empire is harrass'd with at this day which undoubtedly by resolute Counsel and Expedition might have been laid asleep long ago whereas by slow Counsels which yet pass'd for Prudent we have seen vast Armies upon the Rhine which might have made way even into France and forced it to an Universal Peace a thing has done them more prejudice than if they had lost several Battels For there can be no greater Overthrow than for an Army insensibly to waste and perish within it self It is this has made Havock of their own Country and the Places adjacent through which War ought to be carried when now its Seat is in the very Heart of Germany In all other Affairs of Civil Government Middle-Counsels may have place because of the Danger of Extremes and because it is of great Importance ever to take away from which you may afterwards in case of Necessity come to any one of the two with the less inconvenience Between these two Extremes the Ancients placed Prudence represented by the flight of Daedalus who came neither too near the Sun nor too near the Sea lest the excessive Heat of the one should melt or the Moisture of the other wet his Wings Iâ— Countries whose Inhabitants are not of a Servile Nature but of a Polite Genius and Generous Spirit the Reins of the People ought to be govern'd with so much Caution and Address that neither too much Indulgence shall breed Arrogance nor too much Rigour Aversion It is equally dangerous to curb them with Bits and Barnacles and turn them loose without a Bridle for they can neither endure all Liberty nor all Slavery as Galba told Piso of the 7 Neque enim hic aut in caeteris gentibus quae regnantur certa Dominorum Domus caeteri servi sed imâ—eraturus es hominibus qui neâ—â—otam servitutem pati possunt nec totam libertatem Tac. l. 1. Hist. Romans Always to execute Power is to wear out the Chain of Servitude 'T is a kind of Tyranny to go about to reduce Subjects to the model of an absolute Perfect State in that the Condition of Humane Nature admits not of it It is not necessary for a Government to be such as it ought to be but as it is capable of being for all things that are expedient are not possible to Humane Infirmity It is an Absurdity to wish there may be no Defect at all in a Common-wealth There will be Vices as long as there be Men. Excess of Zeal is the Spring of many Mistakes in Governors in not knowing how to conform to Prudence The same is Ambition when Princes affect to pass for Severe and imagining their Reputation consists in Ruling their Subjects so that they shall never in the least degree swerve from Reason and the Laws 'T is a dangerous Strictness which consults not the ordinary Passions of the Vulgar Open Address prevails more than Power Example and Complacency than Inhuman Severity Let the Prince therefore rather make believe he finds his Subjects good than value himself upon making them so which Tacitus commends Agricola for in his Government of Britain 8 Maluit videri invenisse bonos quam fecisse Tacit. in Vit. Agric. Let him not suffer himself to be deceived in the past Times so as to wish he could see those Good Manners he fancies were in those Days For Malice was ever the same in all Times but 't is a fault of our corrupt Nature always to like the Past better than the Present 9 Laudamus veteres praesentes carpimus annos Besides granting that Severity and Obedience were greater formerly yet this Age will not bear it if those Ancient Manners are alter'd in it This Mistake cost Galba both his Life and Empire 10 Nocuit antiquâ—s rigor nimia severitas cui pares non sumus Tac. l. 1. Hist. EMBLEM LXXXVI MAN's Mind has not been satisfy'd with the Speculation of Terrestrial Things but impatient that the Knowledge of the Heavens should be deferred so long as till after Death has broke the Prison of the Body and soar'd above the very Elements to find out by Reasoning what it could not by Touching Sight and Hearing and to this end hath form'd in Imagination an Idea of that most Beautiful Fabrick contriving a Sphere with such various Circles Equations and Epicycles as aptly represent the several Motions of the Planets
with a pâ—esence of Mind truly generous It is not now a Time for Deliberation something must be allow'd to Chance 1 Nullum nunc in isâ—a occaaione deliberandi tempus est aliquid 〈◊〉 permittendum Mar. Hist. Hisp. l. 12. c. 19. If after the Success of great Enterprizes we should look back upon all the Dangers that attended them we should scarce venture on them again Iames King of Arragon was so adventurous as to sit down before Valencia with only a Thousand Foot and Three hundred and sixty Horse And though this Undertaking was look'd on by all Men as rash nay impossible yet the Town surrender'd Bold Counsels are commonly judged by the Event if they succeed they are commended for Prudent 2 Fortuna in sapientâ—â—â— cessit Tac de Mor. Germ. and those Persons blamed who gave safer Advice No Judgment can either in Precipitation or when it acts calmly sufficiently provide for it self in that Affairs depend upon Contingencies which are uncertain even to the most wary Foresight Sometimes Rashness comes before Occasion and Moderation follows it sometimes this slides swiftly between them nor has it any Hair behind to be held by All things depend on that Eternal Providence which efficaciously moves us to act when the Disposition of it and the Accomplishing of its Divine Decrees so require and then Fool-hardy Counsels are Prudence and Errors the highest Reason When Providence would pull down the Pride of a Monarchy lest like the Tower of Babel it should attempt to reach Heaven it confounds the Designs and Languages of its Ministers that they may disagree so that if one asks for Lime another either does not understand what he means or else offers him Sand. In the Untimely Death of those who are invested with Supreme Government its end is not to cut their Thread of Life but to throw down that Grandeur The Holy Spirit mentioning David's Victory over Goliah says not that his Body but that his Boasting was beat down with the Stone 3 When he lift up his hand with the stone in his sling and beat down the boasting Goliah Eccles. 47. 4. So if on the other side it has decreed to Exalt a Monarchy it creates in that Age brave Commanders and wise Councellors or causes them to be made choice of and gives them occasion of exerting their Valour and giving Proof of their Wisdom by which two more is done than by the Arm and Sword 4 Pleraque in summa â—â—â—una auspiciis consiliis potius quam telis ac manibus geruntur Tac. Annal. l. 3. Bees then swarm into Helmets and Weapons grow as that Hunting Spear of Romulus did upon Mount Palatine and erected at a Wild Boar. The very missing of the Blow of this Founder of the Roman Monarchy was fortunate being a kind of Prognostick of it Which shews that it is not always Courage or Prudence that raises and supports Monarchies though they are generally the Instruments but that Superior Impulse which moves all Causes together for their Encrease or Preservation and then even Chance directed by that Eternal Mind effects what Prudence could not so much as have imagined before When Germany Revolted and the Roman Affairs were extremely desperate the Fortune of this Nation as it had often upon other Occasions came to its Assistance out of the East 5 Affuit ut saepe alià s fortuna populi Romani 〈◊〉 Oriente Tac. Hist. l. 3. If the Valour and Conduct of any Hero be ordained to these ends no other Person though never so Brave and truly Great can deprive him of the Glory of obtaining them Could there be a finer Soldier than D'Aubigny Yet he was unsuccessful having to deal with the Great Captain who was Destined to Establish the Spanish Monarchy in Italy God so disposing as he did in favour of the 6 Struebat jam fortuna in diversa parte terrarum initia causasque imperio Tac. Hist. l. 2. Roman Empire its Beginnings and Causes by the means chiefly of Ferdinand the Catholick who by his Prudence and Skill in Government laid the Foundations of that Monarchy and by his Valour erected and enlarg'd it being so careful and vigilant to encrease it that he neglected no Occasion which offer'd it self nay of himself found all that Humane Judgment is capable of Lastly so strenuous in the prosecution of them that he was always the first in Danger and Fatigue and as Imitation is abundantly more easie to Mankind than Obedience he made it his business to Command more by his Actions than Orders But because so great a Fabrick required Workmen that Age fertile in Great Persons produced Columbus Herman Cortez the two Brothers Francis and Ferdinand Pizarro Antony de Liba Fabritius and Prosper Colonna Raimond de Cardona the Marquesses of Pescara and Basto and many other Hero 's so illustrious that a whole Age now scarce brings forth one such To that end God then prolonged their Lives whereas now not Mars's Fury but some lingring Fever carries them off before their time Within how few Years has untimely Death depriv'd us of Peter of Toledo Lewis Tajardo Frederick of Toledo the Marquess Spinola Gonsalez of Cordova the Duke de Feria the Marquess d'Aytona the Duke of Lerma John Fajardo the Marquess de Zelada the Count de la Fere and the Marquess de Fuentes all Persons no less considerable for the glorious Actions they did than those which all the World still expected from them How Profound and Inscrutable is the Providence of this Eternal Deity Who would not from hence inferr the Decay of the Spanish Monarchy as in the Emperor Claudius's time the Death of so many Magistrates as a Quaestor Aedile Tribune Praetor and a Consul in a few Month's time was look'd on as a Prodigy portending some Evil 7 Numerabatur inter osfenta diminutu omnium magistratuum numerus Quaestors Aedile Tribuâ—o ac Praetore Consule paucos intra menses defunctis Tac. Annal. l. 12 unless he consider'd that these Instruments are taken away to let all Men see it is by Divine Grace rather than Humane Strength is upheld that Power the Pillar and Support of Christian Commonwealths It is this First Mover of the Universe that disposes these interchangeable Alterations of Things these Revolutions of Empires One Age raises up great Men in a Country improves Arts and makes Arms flourish and the succeeding immediately overturns and confounds all without leaving so much as the Traces of the Vertue and Valour which were an Ornament to those of the past What great what secret Force on Things nay even on Minds is conceal'd in those Second Causes of the Heavenly Spheres It is not by meer Accident that those Superior Lights are so different one from another some having a Fix'd Place others Wandring and since this Disorder and Irregularity gives no additional Beauty it is a sign at least they contribute to Operations and Effects O vast Volume in the Leaves of which God
the Contriver and Maker of all Things yet without laying any Obligation upon his own Power or 8 Etiam merito accidisse videtur casus in culpam transit Velleius Man's Will has wrote their Changes and Vicissitudes in Characters of Light for the Glory of his Eternal Wisdom which past Ages have the present do and those to come will for ever read Greece was heretofore flourishing both in Arms and Arts it left Rome enough to learn but little to invent but now it lies buried in the Depth of Ignorance and Degeneracy The Wits in Augustus's time exceeded even Expectation but under Nero they began to flag so that all the Pains and Industry in the World was not sufficient to save the Arts and Sciences from Destruction Unhappy are those great Genius's who come into the World when Monarchies are declining in that they either are not employed or if they be cannot withstand the weight of their Ruine or perhaps miserably fall with them without Honour or Renown nay sometimes their Fate seems deserved and they are blamed for what was the effect of Chance 9 Cujâ—scunque fortunam mutare constituit consilia corrumpit Velleius God lays no Constraint upon Free-Will but yet either the course of Causes draws it on or for want of that Divine Light it stumbles of it self and its Designs are overthrown or executed too late Princes and Councellors are the Eyes of Kingdoms and when God Almighty determines the overthrow of these he blinds them that they may neither see Dangers nor know their Remedies 10 For the Lord hath poured forth upon you the spirit of deep sleep and hath closed your eyes the prophets and the rulers and the seers hath he covered Isai 29. 10. That which they think to succeed most by leads them most into Miscarriages They see Accidents but do not prevent but rather as much as in them lies forward them A Dangerous Instance of this Truth we have in the Swiss-Cantons ever so prudent and stout in defending their Country and Liberty but now so negligent and supine that themselves are the Cause of the Ruine that threatens them The First Author of Monarchies had situated their Republick between the Outworks of the Alpes and the Rhine and environ'd it with the Countries of Alsace Lorrain and Burgundy against the Power of France and other Princes and when they were farthest from the Fire of War in the Fruition of a happy and desired Peace they of themselves called and encouraged One upon their own Borders standing by and seeing the Ruine of those Provinces redounding afterwards to their own Prejudice they not considering the Danger of a neighbouring Power superiour in Strength and whose Fortune must of necessity be raised out of their Ashes May I be deceived but I fear this Body of the Switzers is already at its full growth and that it will begin to decay when those Spirits and Forces are spent which supported its Reputation and Grandeur Empires 't is certain have their Periods That which has endured longest is nearest its Ruine EMBLEM LXXXVIII WHat strange Force has the Loadstone to produce such Wonderful Effects What so Amorous Correspondence with the Polar Star that although because of its Weight it cannot always gaze on its Beauty yet the Needles it touches should What Resemblance can there be betwixt these two What so great Virtue that is not lost at so wide and remote Distances And why does it encline to that Star or Point of Heaven rather than to any other Were not the Experience common Ignorance would be apt to impute it to Magick as it does all other Extraordinary Effects of Nature when it cannot penetrate the Obscurity of its Operations Nor is the Loadstone less admirable in that other Virtue of Attracting and Lifting up Iron against its Innate Gravity nay even this carried by a kind of Natural Tendency to obey that Superior Power closes with it and does voluntarily what one would think could not but be violent How much were it to be wish'd that the Prince would by this Example learn to know that concourse of Causes which as hath been said sets up or pulls down Empires and how to carry himself therein so as not to encrease their Force by a too obstinate Opposition nor by a too easie Yielding to facilitate their Effects it being with this Series and Connexion of Causes moved by the First Cause as with a River 1 Fluminum instabiliâ— natura simul ostendereâ— omnia 〈◊〉 Tac. Annal. l. 6. which while it streams in its ordinary Current is easily parted into several Branches or by Banks cast up turned this or that way and suffers Bridges to be made over it but when swelled by continual Rains or melting Snows admits of no Resistance and for any one to contend with it does but augment its Force and put it in a condition to carry all before it Hence the Holy Spirit admonishes us not to strive against the Stream 2 Eccles. 4. 32. Patience surmounts that Violence which in a moment loses both its Power and Being Upon which account it was look'd on as an ill Omen to the War of Vitellius in the East that Euphrates overflowed and bubbled into a kind of Frothy Crowns by those who consider'd how Transitory these were When therefore many Causes conspiring together attend the Victories of aâ— Enemy and open an happy Way to his Military Expeditions it will be great Prudence to allow them Time to disperse sensibly of themselves not that they lay any necessity upon the Freedom of the Will but because this Freedom has power only over the Motions of the Mind and Body not over those External Things It may indeed give way to Accidents but cannot avoid being overwhelmed by them Constancy in Expecting is infinitely more valuable than Valour in Fighting This Fabius Maximus well knew and therefore let that Torrent of Hannibal run by till having by long Delays weakened he at length surmounted it and saved the Roman State Successes get strength from one another and by the Reputation Opinion gives them suddenly encrease to that degree that no Power is able to grapple with them The Spanish Monarchy render'd Charles V. Fortunate and Glorious and he by his Prudence Courage and Vigilance made the Empire happy Which eminent Qualities were followed by the general Acclamations and Applause of all Nations All Men joined with his Fortune and the French King Francis I. emulous of so great Splendour striving to eclipse it lost his own Liberty What Terrors does Lightning strike us with when it breaks out of the Clouds Then first exerting its Force when it meets with Resistance without that vanishing into Air. Such was that Thunderbolt raised out of the Exhalations of the North within a few Days it triumphed over the Empire and struck almost the whole World with Terrour And yet one leaden Bullet piercing it made it presently disappear There is nothing so frail and uncertain as the
of Ecclesiasticks and religious Orders should exceed the Laity which should support 'em it would not be of great Detriment even to the Church it self The Council of Lateran in the time of Innocent III. provided a Remedy for this Inconveniency by prohibiting the Introduction of new Religions 3 Ne nimia Religionum diversitas gravâ—m in Ecclesia Dei confusionem iâ—ducat firmiter prohibemus nequis de câ—terâ— novam Religionem invenâ—at c. Conc. Later The Royal Counsel of Castile also perswaded his Majesty to request of the Pope that there might be none admitted into any Convent under the Age of sixteen years and not be ordain'd under twenty but pretended Piety and nice Scruples of Conscience easily pass over these Inconveniencies But this Proportion in those who are design'd for Business or Speculation will be of small use unless the Prince also take Care of the Nurseries of the Commonalty which should produce a sufficient number of well qualified Citizens to succeed in the room of those whom Death daily takes off The Ancients were always very careful of Propagation that each Individual might be succeeded by another Of the necessity of this the Romans in particular were so well satisfied that they not only proposed Rewards for Procreation but also looked upon a single Life as infamous Germanicus the better to oblige the People to revenge his Death among the rest of the Services he had done the Government he urg'd that he had six Children by his Wise 4 Ostendite populo Romano Divi Augusti neptem eandemque conjugeâ—â— meam numerate sex liberos Tac 2. ann Tiberius also told it as a good Omen to the Senate that Drusus's Wife was brought to Bed of Twins 5 Nulli ante Romanoruâ—â— ejusdem fastigii viro gâ—â—inam stirpem editam Tac. 2. ann The Strength of Kingdoms consists in the number of Subjects and he is the greatest Prince whose State is most populous not he whose Territories are largest For they of themselves can neither defend nor offend but by means of their Inhabitantsâ— on whom all their Glory depends The Emperour Adrian us'd to say That he had rather his Empire should abâ—und with Men than Riches and with a great deal of Reason for Riches without Subjects do only invite Wars without being able to defend themselves as on the contrary Subjects without Riches want neither Power to acquire or maintain them 6 Cum ampliari imperium â—ominum addâ—â—â—iionâ— potiùs quam pecuniarum copiâ— malim in the multitude of People is the King's Honour but in the want of People is the Destruction of the Prince 7 Prov. 14. 28. The Wise Alphonso would have a Prince take particular care to People his State and that not only with Commonalty but also with Nobility in which he judg'd with great Prudence for one without the other is like a Body without a Soul the Commonalty being insignificant without the Nobility which are their Life and by whose Example they learn to covet Glory and despise Danger It ought therefore to be a Prince's chief Care to preserve and maintain them As Augustus did who not only caus'd Hortalus to marry but also allowed wherewithall to his Quality that that Noble Family might not be extinct 8 Ne clarissima familia extingueretur Tac. 2. ann The Germans are very circumspect in this Point for which Reason they anciently gave no Portion with their Women 9 Dotem noâ— uxor marito sed uxori maritus affert Tac. de Mor. Germ. and even now give very small ones that their Vertue and Nobility might be their only Dowry and that their Lovers might respect the Endowments of their Minds and Bodies more than their Fortunes that Marriages might be sooner concluded without losing so much time in Fortune-Hunting for which Reason Lycurgus wholly prohibited the giving Dowries to Women and the Emperour Charles V. regulated them 't is said also that Aristotle reprehended the Laâ—edaemonians for giving such large Fortunes to their Daughters 10 Statuit virgines sine dote nubere jussit uxores eligerentur non pecunia Trog lib. 3. King Alphonso also advises that a Prince unless upon extraordinary occasions should not People his State with Foreigners and truly with a great deal of Reason for different Manners and Religions are the worst Domestick Enemies This made the Spaniards drive the Iews and Moors out of Spain Foreigners introduce with them their Vices and Errours and are ready upon every occasion to rise against the Natives 11 Quare qui inquilinos advenas antehac in Civitatem receperunt â—i magna ex parte seditionibus jactati sunt Arist. â— 5. pol. c. 3 But this Inconveniency would not be much to be fear'd if only Labourers and Husbandmen were admitted nay this is sometimes of great Advantage So the Grand Signior Selim sent a vast number of Labourers from Cairo to Constantinople The Poles having Elected Henry Duke of Anjou King among other Articles 't was agreed That he should bring with him several Families of Artificers Nebuchadnezzar upon the taking of Ierusalem carried away all the Men of might even seven thousand and Crafts Men and Smiths a thousand and all that were strong and kept for War even them the King of Babylon brought Captive to Babylon 12 2 Kings 24. 16. But because this method may be too troublesome and chargeable and also because such a Supply may be insufficient I will here set down the usual Causes of want of People in Nations And these are either internal or external External are Wars and Plantations War is a sort of Monster which feeds on humane Blood and since 't is the Interest of each State to maintain it abroad as the Romans did it must necessarily be done at the Expence of the Lives and Estates of the Subjects 13 Fuit proprium Pop. Rom. longe à domâ— bellare propugnaculum imperii sociorum fortunas â—on sua tecta defendere Cic. pro leg Man Neither can Plantations be long maâ—ntain'd without great Supplâ—es of Men as we have found in Spain for which Reason the Romans during the War with Hannibal and for some years after took little Care of planting new Colonies 14 Deiâ—dâ— neque dum Annibal in Italia moraretur nec proximis post excessum ejus annis vacavit Romanis Colonias â—â—ndere cum esset in bello conquirendus potius miles post bellum vires refâ—veâ—dae potius quam spergendae Vell. lib 1. they having more reason to recruit than weaken their Forces Velleius Paterculus esteem'd the planting Colonies out of Italy as very pernicious because being so far distant from the Heart of the Empire they could â—ot assist it upon occasion 15 In legibus Gracchâ— inter perniciosissima numâ—raverim quod extra Italiam Coloniâ—s posuit Vell. lib. â— The other Causes are Internal The principal of which are Taxes want of Husbandry and Trade and too great a number of Holy Days