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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A65019	The travels of Sig. Pietro della Valle, a noble Roman, into East-India and Arabia Deserta in which, the several countries, together with the customs, manners, traffique, and rites both religious and civil, of those oriental princes and nations, are faithfully described, in familiar letters to his friend Signior Mario Schipano : whereunto is added a relation of Sir Thomas Roe's Voyage into the East-Indies.; Viaggi. Parte 3. English	Della Valle, Pietro, 1586-1652.; Havers, G. (George); Roe, Thomas, Sir, 1581?-1644.; Terry, Edward, 1590-1660. Relation of Sir Thomas Roe's voyage.	1665 (1665)	Wing V48; ESTC R10032	493,750	487

held wholly desperate although to encourage others to the expedition he still kept up the report The same Ship brought news how Ruy Freira whilst he was at the Siege of Ormùz with his few Ships sent two to the streight of Mecha to see whether they could get any booty which might serve to support his forces another to Sindi to fetch provisions and advertise the Mogul's Ministers there not to send any Ships into Persia otherwise he should take them yet neither those of Mecha nor this of Sindi ever return'd to him neither did this Captain send him any thing from Maschàt so that he was constrain'd to remove his quarters Besides during his being before Ormùz he had sent some other Ships to fall upon the Country of those Arabians whom they call Nactrilù living upon the Coasts of Persia in the gulf above Mogostàn and that this enterprize succeeded well enough they having made great destruction and taken much spoil but afterwards the Captains of the same Ships being greedy of prey contrary to the order of Ruy Freira and against the judgment of one of them who was the head of all the rest little obedience is an ordinary thing among the Portugals and causes infinite disorders design'd to set upon another place whose Governour who was an Arabian Sceich at first attempted to make them forbear with good words saying that he was their Vassal c. but when he saw that courtesie prevail'd not against their rapacity he got his men together and made head against them so that assaulting them in a convenient place as they were out of order he defeated them killing many and amongst those divers Captains and Soldiers of valour which was no small loss It was further related that during the Siege of Ormùz the besieg'd being in great streights for all other things and which was most important of water also which within fail'd them and was corrupted yet Ruy Freira could not hinder them from ferching plenty of very good water as often as they pleas'd at a place of the Island without the Garrison which they call Trumbàk where not through want of Soldiers for he might have had Arabians enough and others of those Countries but for want of money to pay and support them he could never place a guard to prevent the enemies from fetching as much water as they pleas'd They said lastly that Ruy Freira was at Massàt soliciting for aid and preparing to return to Ormùz as soon as he should be provided of what was needful By the same Ship a Jew came from Sindi who had lately dwelt in Ormùz and came to Sindi by sea from Guadèl which is a Port of the Kingdom of Kic and Macran and was come to Guadal by land from Sphahàn He was a sagacious person and affirmed to me for certain that the Prince of Kic and Macran was a friend and obedient to the Persians and that there passed through his Country infinite Cafila's of Merchandize which came from India to Guadèl by Sea and from thence were transported into Persia upon Camels and that this way was not only frequented since the taking of Ormùz which was declined during that War but was also very secure and afforded much profit to the said Prince of Macran because at Guadèl he received divers Customs of the abovesaid Merchandizes and before this pass was open he had no profit at all Yet this Jew could not tell me whether this friendship and obedience of the Macranite to the Persian was because the Prince who raigned there was dead and succeeded by his younger Brother who many years ago had fled into Persia to this Sciàh as I have elsewhere mentioned in this Diary or else because the two Brothers ne'r agreed together and that he who raigned still either for his own interest upon account of the said pass of the Cafila's or through fear since the taking of Ormùz or perhaps forced by War or other like Accidents had disposed himself to be friendly and obedient to the Persian Ianuary the twenty fifth The Jesuits of the Colledge of Saint Paul this day being the Feast of their Colledge began to make part of their Solemnities which were to be made for joy of the Canonization of their Saints Ignatio and Sciavier the Celebration of which was deferred till now that more time might be allotted for preparation They came forth with a Cavalcade of all their Collegians divided into three Squadrons under three Banners one of which represented the Asiaticks one the Africans and another the Europaeans those of each Squadron being clothed after the manner of their respective Countries Before the Cavalcade went a Chariot of Clouds with Fame on the top who sounding her Trumpet with the adjunction of Musick published the News of the said Canonization Two other Chariots accompany'd the Cavalcade the hindermost of which represented Faith or the Church the other in the middle was a Mount Parnassus with Apollo and the Muses representing the Sciences professed in the said Colledge both which Chariots were also full of very good Musick and many people Moreover they remov'd from place to place amongst the Cavalcade five great Pyramids upon wheels drawn by Men on foot well cloth'd after the Indian fashion Upon the first were painted all the Martyrs of the Order of Jesuits upon another all the Doctors and Writers of Books upon another figures of Men of all such Nations in their proper habits where the said Order hath foundations to represent the Languages in which the Fathers of it preach Another had abundance of Devises relating to all the Provinces of the said Religion and lastly another had all the Miracles both of Sant ' Ignatio and San Francesco Sciavier All of these Pyramids had Epitaphs Statues and other Ornaments both at the pedestal and at the top so that passing in this manner through the principal streets of the City they planted and left the said Pyramids in several places one before the See or Archiepiscopal Church one before the profess'd House of Giesù one before the Church of San Paolo where at first they kept the Colledge but by reason of the badness of the Air remov'd it from thence yet the Church remaining to them which was sometimes much frequented and magnificent but at this day is but meanly provided for so that they are still in contest with the City about it who unwillingly consent to this changing of the Colledge The last they left before the new Colledge the Church whereof they are wont to call San Rocco and by the other Name also but the Jesuts resolute to keep their Colledge by reason of the fairness of the place notwithstanding the opposition of the Augustine Fryers who by long and intricate suits use their utmost endeavor to hinder them from it onely to the end not to have them Neighbours under pretext that they deprive them of the fresh Air and the prospect of the Sea The Jesuits I say resolute to abide there prevailing

cause that Venk-tapà Naieka lov'd her always so much the more October the eight and twentieth Vitulà Sinay sent to tell our Ambassador that having sent word of our arrival to the Court the great Ministers had acquainted Venk-tapà Naieka therewith who being still so afflicted for the death of his Wife that he went not forth in publick nor suffer'd himself to be seen when they told him of this matter he stood a while without answering and at length said onely that they might come when they please Whereupon his Courtiers seeing him in this mood would not reply further to him concerning provisions of the journey to be sent to the Ambassador persons to convey his Goods and other such things wherefore Vitulà Sinay said that Sig Gio Fernandez might consider what to do whether to put himself upon the way towards the Court without further waiting or to have him write again and stay for an Answer for he would do which he pleas'd Sig Gio Fernandez as well for the credit of his Embassie as to avoid charges was desirous to have provisions for the journey Men to carry his Goods and other greater conveniences although in publick and with us of his company he did not testifie so much being willing to have it thought that Vitulà Sinay did this Office for him at the Court upon his own motion and not at his request yet I know that in secret he us'd great instance with Vitulà Sinay both by Writing and by Speech by the mediation of an Interpreter that he would write again to the Court and set forth to Venk-tapà how that he was the Ambassador of so great a King the first Monarch of Christians for so I heard him tell the Interpreter though he spoke with a low voice and that it was not seemly for him to go in that manner but that people should be sent to him for his journey and persons to receive him and commands given to Venk-tapà's Ministers that he might pass through his Territories with that conveniency and decency which was requisite that since he was now within two or three days journey of the Court he would stay another week at Onòr and longer if need were till a better Answer came and that if he thought it expedient Vitulà Sinai himself might go before to do this Office as he that might do it best and who ought to arrive at the Court before him the Ambassador who afterwards might come thither alone by easie journeys after he had sent him an Answer The same night the Interpreter return'd with this message to Vitulà Sinay who was lodg'd on the other side of the River in his own King's jurisdiction October the nine and twentieth After we had heard Mass in Saint Antonie's Aegypt Sig Gio Fernandez was minded to go in person to visit Vitulà Sinay and speak to him about the above-mention'd matter wherefore entring with us into one of those boats which they call Mancive going with twenty or four and twenty Oars onely differing from the Almadies in that the Mancive have a large cover'd room in the poop sever'd from the banks of rowers and are greater then the Almadies which have no such room we pass'd out of the Port and thence from the mouth of the River Southward went to land upon the continent where Vitulà Sinay having been advertis'd of our coming expected us under the shade of certain little Hills and Trees of which all this Country is full This was the first time that I set foot in any place of the Gentiles where they bear sway themselves Sig Gio Fernandez spoke a long while and alone with Vitulà Sinay both of them sitting upon a Carpet spread upon the grass and at length the discourse being ended the Ambassador took boat again and return'd to Onòr Upon the way he told us that Vitulà Sinay said that in either case of his writing again or going in person to the Court and waiting for a new Answer many dayes would be lost therefore it seem'd best to him that we should all put our selves upon the way without further waiting and that to carry his the Ambassador's Goods they had appointed ten Men according to his King's Order wherefore Sig Fernandez told us he was resolv'd to go by all means and seeing the ten men allow'd him to carry his Goods were not sufficient they alone requiring twenty five besides those of the rest of his company he would hire the rest at his own charge and rid himself of this perplexity By this change of opinion after this interview I understood that Vitulà Sinay had spoken in such sort that Sig Fernandez perceiv'd that this coldness of sending him greater accommodations for his journey was not so much through the King 's melancholy for his Wife's death and the present confusion of the Court as for some other cause and the alledging loss of time in waiting for a new Answer was but an excuse of Vitulà but in fine the truth could be no other then that they would not give him any greater Provisions or because Venk-tapà was not well pleas'd with this Embassie c. And to confirm this I know that before Sig Fernandez departed from Goa Venk-tapà Naieka writ thither to his Ambassador Vitulà Sinay that if they sent this Embassie to urge the restitution of the State and Fortress of Banghel which he had lately taken from a certain small Indian-Prince neighbour to Mangalòr who liv'd under the Portugal's protection for whose defence two or three years before the Portugals had made warr with Venk-tapà Naieka and receiv'd a notable defeat by him it was in vain and that Sig Gio Fernandez now first known to him might forbear to undertake this journey for that he was fully resolv'd not to restore it nor yet to give seven thousand Pagods yearly to that Prince as he had promis'd upon agreement if he went not to live out of those Territories taken from him either in Goa or in Magalòr or elsewhere he pretending at least a purpose to return to live with that annuity in the lands once his own privately in hopes perhaps to raise some new commotion one day So that Venk-tapà Naieka knowing that one of the principal businesses of this Embassie was that of the Prince of Banghel which little pleas'd him and seeing also that this year the Ships from Portugal were not yet arriv'd which every year fetch Pepper out of his Dominions and bring him in a great sum of mony by agreement made by the Portugals who every year were either to take it or pay for it and neither the Ships nor the money coming this year they could not easily pay him for the Pepper this year nor yet for a great part of that of the last for which by r●ason of the loss of their Ships they still ow'd him And lastly observing the Portugals weakned and low so that they not onely stood in need of him but now in some sort began to submit

Cocin were fain to keep a Fort continually with a great Garrison and at much expence And because he shew'd not much inclination thereunto it was not without cause judg'd that his Treaties were Artifices to hold the Portugals in suspence wherefore the General sent him word That he had express Order from the Vice-Roy not to stay longer at Calecut then twenty four hours and so long he would stay If within that time the Samori took a Resolution sutable to the Vice-Roy's Propositions he would carry his Ambassador with a good will otherwise he intended to depart the next night all the intermediate day being allow'd his Highness to determine With this Reply he re-manded the young Child Cicco honor'd with some small Presents and the other Men that came with him without sending any of his Portugals on purpose or going ashore to refresh himself and visit the Samori as he was by him invited the Vice-Roy having given him secret Instruction not to trust him too far because these Kings Samori had never been very faithful towards the Portugals Nevertheless the General forbad not any Souldiers to land that were so minded so that many of them went ashore some to walk up and down some to buy things and some to do other business as also many people came to the Fleet in little boats partly to sell things and partly out of curiosity to see the Portugals who in regard of their almost continual enmity with the Samori seldom us'd to be seen in Calecut The same day December the two and twentieth whilst we were aboard in the Port of Calecut I took the Sun's Altitude with my Astrolabe and found him to decline at Noon from the Zenith 34 degrees and 50 minutes The Sun was this day in the thirtieth degree of Sagittary whence according to my Canon of Declination which I had from F. Frà Paolo Maria Cittadini he declin'd from the Aequinoctial towards the South 23 degrees and 28 minutes which according to that Canon is the greatest Declination if it be not really so the little that is wanting may be allowed for the anticipation of four hours if not more that the Noon-tide falls sooner at Calecut than in any other Meridian of Europe according to which my Canon of Declination shall be calculated so that if from the 34 degrees 50 minutes in which I found the Sun you substract the 23 dgrees 28′ which I presuppose him to decline from the Aequinoctial towards the South the remainder is 11 degrees 22′ and so much is the Elevation of the North Pole in this place and consequently the City of Calecut lyes 11 degrees 22′ distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North. After dinner I landed also with the Captain of my Ship and some other Souldiers we went to see the Bazar which is near the shore the Houses or rather Cottages are built of Earth and Palm-leav's being very low the Streets also are very narrow but indifferently long the Market was full of all sorts of provision and other things necessary to the livelihood of that people conformable to their Custom for as for Clothing they need little both Men and Women going quite naked saving that they have a piece either of Cotton or Silk hanging down from the girdle to the knees and covering their shame the better sort are wont to wear it either all blew or white strip'd with Azure or Azure and some other colour a dark blew being most esteem'd amongst them Moreover both Men and Women wear their hair long and ty'd about the head the Women with a lock hanging on one side under the ear becommingly enough as almost all Indian-Women do the dressing of whose head is in my opinion the gallantest that I have seen in any other Nation The Men have a lock hanging down from the crown of the head sometimes a little inclin'd on one side some of them use a small colour'd head-band but the Women use none at all Both sexes have their arms full of bracelets their ears of pendants and their necks of jewels the Men commonly go with their naked Swords and Bucklers or other Arms in their hands as I said of those of Balagate The Inhabitants of the Kingdom of Calecut and the In-land parts especially the better sort are all Gentiles of the Race Nairi for the most part by profession Souldiers sufficiently swashing and brave But the Sea-coasts are full of Malabari an adventitious people though of long standing for Marco Polo who writ four hundred years since makes mention of them they live confusedly with the Pagans and speak the same Language but yet are Mahometans in Religion From them all that Country for a long tract together is call'd Malabar famous in India for the continual Robberies committed at Sea by the Malabar Thieves whence in the Bazar of Calecut besides the things above-mention'd we saw sold good store of the Portugals commodities as Swords Arms Books Clothes of Goa and the like Merchandizes taken from Portugal Vessels at Sea which things because stollen and in regard of the Excommunication which lyes upon us in that case are not bought by our Christians Having seen the Bazar and stay'd there till it was late we were minded to see the more inward and noble parts of the City and the out-side of the King's Palace for to see the King at that hour we had no intention nor did we come prepar'd for it but were in the same garb which we wore in the Ship Accordingly we walk'd a good way towards the Palace for the City is great and we found it to consist of plots beset with abundance of high Trees amongst the boughs whereof a great many of wild Monkies and within these close Groves stand the Houses for the most part at a distance from the common Wayes or Streets they appear but little few of their outsides being seen besides the low walls made of a black stone surrounding these plots and dividing them from the Streets which are much better than those of the Bazar but without any ornament of Windows so that he that walks through the City may think that he is rather in the midst of uninhabited Gardens than of an inhabited City Nevertheless it is well peopled and hath many Inhabitants whose being contented with narrow buildings is the cause that it appears but small As we walked in this manner we met one of those Men who had been at Goa with the Vice-Roy and because he saw us many together and imagin'd there was some person of quality amongst us or because he knew our General he invited us to go with him to his King's Palace and going before us as our guide conducted us thither He also sent one before to advertise the King of our coming and told us we must by all means go to see him because his Highness was desirous to see us and talk with us Wherefore not to appear discourteous we were constrein'd to consent to his Request notwithstanding

expected in the sad issue thereof than the loss of all our lives and goods But having a little Parlee with them for the value of three shillings of English money given amongst them they were all quieted and contented and immediately left us wishing us a good journey After this when we had gone forward about twenty dayes journey which daily Remoovs were but short by reason of our heavy carriages and the heat of the weather it hapned that another of our Company a young Gèntleman about twenty years old the Brother of a Baron of England behaved himself so ill as that we feared it would have brought very much mischief on us This young man being very unruly at home and so many others that have been well born when their friends knew not what to do with them have been sent to East-India that so they might make their own Graves in the Sea in their passage thither or else have Graves made for them on the Indian shore when they come there A very cleanly conveyance but how just and honest I leave to others for Parents to be rid of their unruly Children but I never knew any who were thus supposed to be sent thither but they out-lived that Voyage For the young Gentleman I spake of his imployment was to wait upon our Chief Commander in his Cabin who very courteously when he came to Sea turn'd him before the mast amongst the common Saylors a great preferment for a Man of his Birth but for all this he out-liv'd that harsh usage and came safely to East-India and my Lord Ambassadour hearing of him and being well acquainted with his great kindred sent for him up to Court and there entertain'd him as a Companion for a year then giving him all fit accommodations sent him home again as a passenger for England where after he safely arrived But in our way towards that Court it thus happened that this hot-brains being a little behind us commanded him then near him who was the Princes servant before spoken of to hold his horse the man replied that he was none of his servant and would not do it Upon which this most intemperate mad youth who was like Philocles that angry Poet and therefore called Bilis Salsigo Choler and Brine for he was the most hasty and cholerick young man that ever I knew as will appear by his present carriage which was thus first he beat that stranger for refusing to hold his horse with his horse-whip which I must tell you that people cannot endure as if those whips stung worse than Scorpions For of any punishments that carry most disgrace in them as that people think one is to be beaten with that whip wherewithall they strike their beasts the other to be beaten and this they esteem the more disgraceful punishment of the two about the head with shooes But this stranger being whipt as before came up and complained to me but to make him amends that frantick young man mad with rage and he knew not wherefore presently followed him and being come up close to him discharg'd his Pistol laden with a brace of bullets directly at his body which bullets by the special guidance of the hand of God so flew that they did the poor man no great hurt only one of them first tearing his coat bruised all the knuckles of his left hand and the other brake his bow which he carried in the same hand We presently disarmed our young Bedlam till he might return again to his wits But our greatest business was how to pacifie the other man whom he had thus injured I presently gave him a Roopee in our money two shillings and nine pence he thanked me for it and would have taken it with his right but I desired him to take it with his maim'd hand and so he did and could clinch it very well which I was glad of Then we did shew as we had cause all the dislike we could against that desperate act of him from whom he received his hurt telling him that we were all strangers and for our parts had done him no wrong at all and therefore hoped that we should not be made any way to suffer for the faults of another and we further told him that if he would be quiet till we came up to the Court he should have all the satisfaction he could desire He told us that we were good men and had done him no wrong and that he would till then rest contented but he did not so for about two hours after we met with a great man of that Country having a mighty train with him as all the Grandees there have when they travel of whom more afterward He presently went towards him that to him he might make his complaint and so did telling him that he was the Prince's servant why he came to us and how he had been used by us shewing him his hand and his other breaches The great man replied that it was not well done of us but he had nothing to do with it and so departed on his way That night after we came to a strong large Town and placing our selves on the side of it he did what he could as we imagined to raise up that People against us some of them coming about us to view us as we conceived but putting on the best confidence we could and standing then upon our guard and all of us watching that night but in a special manner by the good providence of God who kept us in all our journey we here felt none of that mischief we feared but early in the morning quietly departed without the least molestation After which with a little money and a great many good words we so quieted this man that we never after heard any more complaining from him So that as before I observed we were not at any time in any dangers of suffering by that people but some of our own Nation were the procuring causes of it Before I observed that for the generality of this people they have very low and timorous spirits but there are some I named in my last Section who are stout daring men as the Baloches Patans and Rashboots who as they have the honour above all the rest of the people in those large Provinces to be accounted valiant so as occasion is offered they will shew themselves so to be and therefore they are much hired as Convoys to secure Mens Persons and Goods from place to place For those Provinces they are not without Mountains of prey and Tabernacles of Robbers as David and Iob speak where desperate men keep in some Woods and Deserts which are not far from great road-ways most frequented and used and there like the wild Arabes in Companies meet and spoil and destroy poor Passengers when they expect them not it being the cursed manner of those Spoilers if they prevail against them whom they surprise to kill them before they rifle them and therefore the first thing

into a mortal flux of blood which in few dayes put an end to his life in his City Lahore Neque enim lex justior ulla est Quam necis artifices arte perire sua Achabar Sha thus dead Sultan Coobsurroo his Grand-Child then aged about twenty years took his opportunity at the first bound and ascended the Regal Throne at Lahore where by a general Acclamation of that very great and populous City he was pronounced and acknowledged King His Father the late Mogol was thus acknowledged at Agra Two great Armies were presently levied and met together to decide the Controversie and the generality of the people within that Empire thinking it meet that the Father should be King before the Son clave by far more to him then to his Son by which means Sultan Coobsurroo was defeated and taken Prisoner and a very great many of young Gallants with him whereof his Father immediately after caused to be impaled or put upon Stakes that most cruel and tormenting death eight hundred in two several ranks in one day without the City Lahore and then carried his Son most disgracefully through them bidding him to behold the men in whom he trusted His Son told him that he should have serv'd him so and spared the other who did nothing in that action but upon his Command his Father replyed that he could serve him so presently if he so pleased his Son will'd and desired him so to do telling his Father that he had no joy at all to live after the beholding of so many gallant men dead Notwithstanding the King spared his Life casting him into Prison where his Eyes were sealed up by something put before them which might not be taken of for the space of three years after which time that seal was taken away that he might with freedom enjoy the Light though not his Liberty And after his Father had taken him out of Prison he kept him alwayes near about him but with a very strong Guard upon him so that he following the King his Father in his Progresses we sometimes saw him And once he called my Lord Ambassadour to him as we passed by him asking him many Questions as how far distant our Country was from them and what we brought thither and what we carryed thence and how the King his Father had used him since his arrive there whether or no he had not bestowed upon him some great gifts The Ambassadour told him that his business there was to obtain a free Trade for his Nation the English and that being granted him he had reward enough The Prince replyed that this could not be denyed us we coming so far to trade there with him and the Prince further asked him How long he had been there the Ambassadour told him About two years the Prince replyed again that it was a very great shame for the Successor of Tamberlane who had such infinite Riches to suffer a Man of his quality to come so far unto him and to live so long about him and not to give him some Royal Gift and he further added that for himself he was a Prisoner and therefore could do him no good but would pray for him and so he departed For that Prince he was a Gentleman of a very lovely presence and fine carriage so exceedingly beloved of the common people that as Suetonius writes of Titus he was Amor Deliciae c. the very love and delight of them Aged then about thirty and five years He was a Man who contented himself with one Wife which with all love and care accompanied him in all his streights and therefore he would never take any Wife but her self though the Liberty of his Religion did admit of Plurality It was generally believed to be the intent of his Father for he would often presage so to make this Prince his first-born his Successor though for the present out of some jealousie he being so much beloved of the people he denyed him his Libe●ty His Father's Love brings upon him the extream hatred of his Brother Caroom the Mogol's third Son who then lived in very great Pomp and Splendor at that Court aiming at that Empire to which end he put many jealousies into his Father's Head now grown in years concerning his Brother Coobsurroo and that his Father might live more secure and out of all present fear of him if he so pleased upon which insinuations partly by force as I observed before and partly by intreaty of Friends about the King he was by the King put into the Cruel Hand of his Brother Caroom who told his Father that he would have both his Eyes upon him and further so provide that he should never have cause to fear him any more and he was as good as his word for presently after he had gotten possession of him though his Father had given him as great a charge as possibly he could to use him well and to keep him honourably and by no means to hurt him which was all promised by Caroom to be faithfully observed he caused his Second Brother Sultan Parveen to be poysoned and not long after that strangled that most gallant Prince his eldest Brother which did so trouble his Father that the grief thereof as it was strongly believed shortned his dayes who not long after this much against his mind made room for that Murderer to succeed him in that Empire who lay'd the foundation of his high Advancement in the Blood of his Brothers and rather then he would have missed it would certainly have made a way through the Blood of his Father likewise All Laws of honesty and of Nature were by him thrown down trampled under foot forgotten and made void to compass and gain his most unjust ends as if he resolved to practise that Language which Polynices out of the height of Ambition spake in the Tragedy Pro Regno velim Patriam Penates Conjugem flammis dare Imperia Precio quolibet constant bene Sen. Trag. Fire on my Gods Wife Country for a Crown An Empire can the dearest price weigh down I shall add but a few things more to this Relation before I conclude it And one shall be to give my Reader a taste but very briefly SECTION XXIX Of the manner of the style or writing of that Court. WHich I shall here insert and in some measure shew by the Copy of a Letter written by the Great Mogol unto King Iames in the Persian Tongue here faithfully translated which was as follows UNto a King rightly descended from his Ance●tors bred in Military Affairs clothed with Honour and Justice a Commander worthy of all Command strong and constant in the Religion which the great Prophet Christ did teach King Iames whose Love hath bred such an impression in my thoughts as shall never be forgotten but as the smell of Amber or as a Garden of fragrant flowers whose Beauty and Odour is still increasing so be assured my Love shall still grow and increase