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A62103 A vindication of King Charles: or, A loyal subjects duty Manifested in vindicating his soveraigne from those aspersions cast upon him by certaine persons, in a scandalous libel, entituled, The Kings cabinet opened: and published (as they say) by authority of Parliament. Whereunto is added, a true parallel betwixt the sufferings of our Saviour and our soveraign, in divers particulars, &c. By Edw: Symmons, a minister, not of the late confused new, but of the ancient, orderly, and true Church of England. Symmons, Edward.; Symmons, Edward. True parallel betwixt the sufferings of our Saviour and our Soveraign, in divers particulars. 1648 (1648) Wing S6350A; ESTC R204509 281,464 363

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Accusers in so close obscurity that his sparkes if he had any in him to this purpose could not possibly flie abroad But let me ask a question did not the wisemen of the Kingdome quench these fire-brands to prevent the flame how came it then to break forth after they were extinguished had they lived been both at liberty and afforded their full concurrence could possibly the flame have been more great and detrimentall Againe why was not the imputation proved at least against Canterbury who lived almost three years after the war was begun when they wanted matter to put him to death Surely the Law hath so well provided in a case of this Nature that if there had been any such matter His Enemies should not have needed to solicite for the peoples Votes and Hands to get him dispatched But it was Canterburyes Honour to drink of his Masters cup The voices of the people and of the Priests prevailed And indeed these quenched fire-brands were so farre from kindling this fire that we apprehend rather they were quenched to this end lest they should have hindred it from being kindled When Charles was King and Strafford Deputy of Ireland and Canterbury Metropolitan of this Church we had no warres in England Straffords bloud we grant was a fire-brand which we with the King beleeve still burnes upon us his Prayers at his death to the contrary could not stop the cry of it from pulling downe of vengeance And Canterburyes bloud we feare will cry louder yet against the people of this Land who by giving their Votes where the Law gives none to take away his life have cryed out against themselves His bloud be upon us and upon our Children But say these men who never slandred any but their betters Strafford and Canterbury were two evill Councellours and yet Strafford and Canterbury dyed like two Christian Martyrs and might the latter end of their Accusers be but like theirs it would be their happinesse in one kinde and ours in another They chiefly incensed the King against the Scots but they did not stir up the Scots against the King in provoking them to an insurrection nor did they hinder the Kings Act of mercy and pardon towards them afterwards much lesse did they after that Act of Pacification with that Nation send for those Scots into England and hire them with English money to cut the throats of English men Had they been Councellours in such matters they had been ill Councellours indeed But say they Strafford and Canterbury endeavoured to submit all these three Kingdomes to a new Arbritrary Government and were duely executed for attempting that subversion of Law which the King hath perfected since It was wel they did but endeavour a new Arbritrary Government not erect it they did but attempt a subversion of Law not effect it but some others since their times have gone further and turned all Law into Vote and all Justice and Reason into Violence and Will For if there be this day in Europe a more Arbritrary cruel and butcherly Government then hath been exercised in England by some since Strafford and Canterbury were set aside from having to doe in the world my reading failes me if to take away lands estates goods good name and lives from men without any allegation of Law or reason but only the Parliament judgeeth so or the People will have it so if this be not Arbritrary Government I know not what is therefore if Strafford and Canterbury were justly executed as these say for attempting let all men judge how deservedly ought these others to be executed for accomplishing such designes But these men tell us further that the King hath since perfected that subversion of Law which those his ill Councellours had formerly attempted 'T is too well known that the customary way of these mens Honouring the King is by casting on him the scandall of their owne doings The Law we confesse is subverted and overthrown but the King can no more be said to have done the same then David could be said to have killedd Abner and Amasa because he was the Soveraigne to those sons of Zeruiah who did the deed and were so subtile and strong that he could neither restrain them from it nor bring them to condigne punishment for it And let all modest and ingenuous men observe how desperate and bold these men are in their aspersions against the King they affirme He hath subverted Law and walked in the Councell of the ungodly to the ruine almost of 3. whole Kingdomes They could have said no more if when the Militia and Power were in his sole hands things had been as now they are But we and themselves too can all witnesse that when the Parliament met no drop of bloud was yet spilt in Ireland no Commotions were stirring in Scotland for the King by his Grace and Goodnesse had allayed all nor was there any complaining of Souldiers nor plundering in the streets of England all the three Kingdomes were in peace and to continue them therein the King calls a Parliament and gives power to the Members thereof and encouragement withall to settle all things both in Church and Common-wealth for the Subjects benefit even as firmly as themselves who were intrusted and chosen by their fellow Subjects for that purpose could possibly devise He denyes them nothing in pursuance thereof suffers them to call all suspected officers and persons to account not excepting Strafford or Canterbury and further to assure His people of His strong desires to continue their happinesse He settles a Trienniall Parliament as the most speciall mean to prevent ill Councellours in after-times yet these Accusers tax the King of perverting the Law and speak as if the three Kingdomes had been at the very brim of destruction and quite ruined ere this if the power had not been taken out of His Hands by those who by their meeknesse wisdome and frugality have put all the said Kingdomes into a more hopefull condition of preservation as it must be beleeved though against all sense and experience then they were in before Indeed had those undertakers done that work for which they were summoned and called together the Kings good Subjects in all His Kingdomes might have had cause of mentioning their names with perpetuall Honour but they as it seemeth envying that happiness which their fellow Subjects were likely to enjoy by those new enacted Lawes and especially by the Trienniall Parliament fairly pretending other matters did get the same Act presently made uselesse by another for the continuation of this which hath created themselves as they suppose and intend perpetuall dictators and all their fellow Subjects perpetuall slaves For let these perpetuall great Councellours approve themselves never so evill and detrimentall to-Church and State yet the poore Subject must be forced by the Militia which they have got into their hands to beleeve them unerring for He shall have no benefit by the Trienniall Parliament to examine their doings
to that purpose A serious expostulation with them about the same and of their maintaining a base fellow to deride and scoffe at their Soveraigne in his affliction pag. I. Sect. II. Of the pretended end of publishing the Libell the true end thereof hinted Their blasphemy against God noted How these Letters of the King might have been made use of as Evidences of truth and Loyaltie Of what stock and lineage the Authors of the Libell discovered themselves to be Of their subtilty and of that spirit and meeknesse which they boast of How aptly for themselves they alleadge the Example mentioned by S. Jude pag. II. Sect. III. The Kings great and true affection to his people Evidenced How farre divers of them that call themselves His Great Councell are from proving themselves his good Counsellors The ten Rules or Precepts whereby they have proceeded Of the Language and Titles which they complaine of and how truly the name Rebell belongs unto them The true cause of their great grief and sorrow so often mentioned An impudent Charge against the King propounded by the Libellers pag. 23. Sect. IV. The Nature of their Charge opened Their villanous and bloudy Scope therein clearly Evidenced and proved How perfectly in their Tenents they hold with the Jesuites in the points of King-killing and King-deposing fully declared pag. 34. Sect. V. The falsity and injustice of the said Charge against the King manifested in all the particulars Who they are that sit in the Scorners Chair The Enemies reasons and ends of Charging the King with their own Conditions pag. 49. Sect. VI. Of the Kings Errour in following evill Councellours and who they were His Majesty scorned at by the Libellers for his tendernesse of Conscience and hopes in Gods Justice The folly and falshood of the Libellers Charge against Strafford and Canterbury The Enemies acquit the King of having a voluntary hand in Straffords death They hint the right Reason of his withdrawing from Westminster pag. 56. Sect. VII What that Liberty is which the pretended Parliament doe maintaine And what that Religion may be which they are about to set up Reasons to prove it may be the Popish Reasons to shew it may be the Turkish Six Arguments to prove it cannot be the Christian Protestant pag. 67. Sect. VIII Of the feigned Combination against the Parliament Our Judgement of the Papists and of their assisting the King Our abhorment of the Cruelties of the Irish. How they are out-gone by the English Rebels our Opinion of the Court-faction of what Flock we professe our selves to be How the Libellers and their side call themselves the more beleeving sort of people pag. 77. Sect. IX The slander laied upon us to be Enemies to Parliaments and Reformation Confuted Of pretended Miracles Revelations and new Lights The taking the Kings Cabinet in Battaile no Miracle The Libellers Argument to prove an impossibility of forgery in their Parliament pag. 85. Sect. X. Of that perspecuity and Modesty which the Libellers boast to be in their owne Annotations Their pretty confident way of perswading all men to be of their Opinions Their Reasons why they did not Publish all they had against the King pag. 94. Sect. XI Censuring Superiours unlawfull Why the Enemies must continue to slander the King How easie a thing it is for wicked men to deprave the best writings Of the Kings integrity and goodnesse And of Englands happinesse under him The maine Particulars of offence under his Government nominated No just matter of blame from them can now be objected to His Majesty pag. 102. Sect. XII The Adversaries industry to finde things unbeseeming the King in his Letters The Letters freed from any such thing Certaine Christian considerations propounded to the Readers to Evidence the same Of the Rebels pertinacy in their Rebellious way their endeavours that the Kings promises might neither be beleeved nor performed pag. 111. Sect. XIII Of their 3. Propositions at Uxbridge 4. Pretences for their Abolition of Episcopacy 4. True Reasons of that their impious requests pag. 123. Sect. XIV Their unreasonablenesse in desiring the Militia to be in their sole disposall 4. Vain pretences for it 4. True grounds of this their demand How sinfull and dangerous it might be for the King to grant it pag. 135. Sect. XV. Of their Vindicating the Irish Rebels how fully they have done it already in one sence and how glad we should be if themselves would go and do it in the other their true intent in that demand opened pag 157. Sect. XVI Of the Enemies late sufferings of their strange patience of their extraordinary great successe the true grounds thereof Successe no argument of a good cause The wicked have been alway wont to use that argument pag. 156. Sect. XVII Another charge against the King confuted of clandestine proceedings The Kings condemning all that be Protestants at Oxford a most impudent and malicious slander His Toleration of Idolatry another The occasion of the Kings promising liberty of conscience to Papists The reasonablenesse of that promise at that time and upon that occasion The objection of the Kings former resolution to the contrary answered as also his promise not to abolish the laws against them pag. 174. Sect. XVIII The King granting indemnity to the murderous Irish another slander The necessity reasons of making peace with the Irish at that time The conditions upon which that peace was to be made this Act not contradictive to any of his former expressions against their detestable doings The vanity of their charge against the King for going in a close trading way Two sufficient evidences of his Majesties sincere and constant affection to the Protestant Religion The whole charge against the King most truely retorted upon the objecters pag. 185. Sect. XIX Of the enemies malicious devises to scandalize the King with favouring the Irish Rebellion detected confuted The Kings requiring secresie of the Queen and Ormond in the matters writ to them justified The Rebels blasphemy against Gods Providence and in asking Gods blessing upon their Libell noted pag. 193. Sect. XX. What good use might have been made of the Kings letters Of the faults laid to the Queens charge specially in loving her Husband pag. 198. Sect. XXI Of the Kings fault for loving his wife The manifest and m●●cious falsifications and perversions of divers of the Kings e●pressio●s to his Queen noted pag. 207. Sect. XXII Of the Kings fault in labouring or indevouring to uphold Monarchy His Majesties soliciting the King of Denmarke to this purpose no whit contradictive to his former resolutions of not calling in forraigne aide pag. 214. Sect. XXIII The Libellers Cavils at the word Mongrill Parliament at the Commissioners at the Treaty at Uxbridge and at the Kings pawning his Jewels answered His Majesties affection and goodnesse to his subjects for want of other matters objected as a fault against him by these Libellers pag. 220. Sect. XXIV The story of the Rebels unchristian behaviour towards
the Scripture which these Dreamers have alleadged out of S. Jude it being the sole and onely one produced for their own Justification in these their Commentaries upon the Kings letters we must give them their due praise and yeeld it was very sutable for the purpose They goe on and tell us of something to be seen also saying They may see here in these his private letters what Affection the King beares to his people what Language and Titles he bestowes upon his great Councell SECT III. 1. The Kings great and true affection to his people Evidenced 2. How far divers of them that call themselves His Great Councell are from proving themselves his good Councellors The ten Rules or Precepts whereby they have proceeded 3. Of the Language and Titles which they complain of and how truly the name Rebell belongs unto them 4. The true cause of that great grief and sorrow so often mentioned An impudent Charge against the King propounded by the Libellers THe unlearned saith S. Peter do pervert many things in S. Pauls Epistles to their own destruction through the ignorance that is in them and if so then much rather may the malicious make perverse constructions upon the Kings Letters to the hurt of others through the bitterness that is in them Truly we do imagine that our subtile and suspected Brethren have even so done and malum being sui diffusivum they would fain season us with the same liquor which infecteth them to which end they would have us look with such Eyes as they doe and to judge with such hearts for thereby in time we may perhaps be brought to speak with such tongues and to act with such hands too And peradventure if we cannot read with their Spectacles or relish their interpretations they wil conclude us to be stark blinde and strongly Seduced But if they do we are of S. Pauls minde and passe not much to be judged by them our Judge is Christ whose Gospell hath taught us to interpret better These Letters we acknowledge have been read and as proceeding from their hands too together with their corrupt glosse upon them and we wish from our soules we had seen no more disloyalty in the one then we doe disaffection in the other no worse language in their notes against the best of Kings then we doe in his letters against the worst of Subjects we see his tender care to preserve in being his Protestant people in the Kingdome of Ireland he being made unable at the present to restore them to their former wel-being Pap. 16 and 17. we see also how desirous he is to settle a peace among his unkinde and unnaturall people of this Kingdome though with the diminution of his own undoubted rights and the lending away to his own great losse and prejudice his most just Prerogative Pap. 25. we see moreover how his spirit is grieved in him at the Stubbornnesse and perversnesse of the English Rebells that they hindred his hopes of an Accomodation by way of Treaty Pap. 6. which in the judgement of all that love their Country would be the best for the people of this land as the case now standeth we see in his Letters what resolution he hath to adhere to his Clergy the Messengers and Servants of the great God who were wont to be reckoned among the better sort of his people though now with these new and vile Reformers they are the most contemptible Pap. 1. Indeed his private directions for his Commissioners at Uxbridge do alone speake sufficiently his fatherly and Pious Affection to his people His words as his very Enemies record them are these Paper 25. I cannot yeeld to the change of the Government by Bishops not onely as I fully concur with the most Generall opinion of Christians in all Ages as being the best But likewise I hold my self particularly bound by the Oath I took at my Coronation not to alter the Government of this Church from what I found it And as for the Churches Patirmony I cannot suffer any diminution or alienation of it being without peradventure Sacriledge and likewise contrary to my Coronation Oath But whatever shall be offered for rectifying of abuses if any have crept in or for the ease of tender Consciences so as it endamage not the foundation I am content to heare and will be content to give a gratious answer thereunto Had any of the Kings Predecessours but offered thus much half thus much to the strictest non-Conformists in former times they would have cryed it up for a token of the greatest affection that ever King did shew unto his people But the men of our times unlesse their Soveraigne will commit perjury and break his Oath to God as they have done theirs both to God and him to please their Humours unless he will commit Sacriledge as they do destroy his own Conscience and damne his own soul to satisfie their lusts they are resolved to raile upon him for one that beares no Affections to his people But in these his Instructions to the same Commissioners we may and do observe more of his Affection yet to his own dammage and wrong unto his people his words are these by the testimony also of his own deadly enemies The Militia is certainly the fittest subject for a Kings quarrell for without it the Kingly power is but a shadow who can deny this and therefore upon no meanes to be acquitted but maintained according to the Ancient known lawes of the Land no otherwise doth the King desire to have it defended and upheld Yet because to attain to this so much wished peace by all good men it is in a manner necessary Scil. in regard of the guilty Consciences of the Rebells that a sufficient and reall security be given even to them to take away if possible their suspition for the performance of what shall be agreed upon I permit you either by leaving strong Towns or other Military forces in the Rebells possession untill Articles be performed to give such assurance for performance of conditions as you shall judge necessary to conclude a firm Peace Provided alwayes that you take as great a care by sufficient security that Conditions be performed to me good reason and to make sure that the peace once settled all things shall return to their ancient Channell Now behold and wonder O all ye Nations of the word and judge I beseech you betwixt this King and his Accusers Could any Christian deny himself more Did ever Prince deny himselfe so much Can the desires of any man be more equal and just then these are Doe you perceive in these his secret instructions that he covets any more power or Prerogative then is allowed or approved by the Ancient and known Lawes of the Land Can any innocent disposition upon the earth possibly give more satisfaction to a perverse froward and guilty Enemy then is here offered to these men by a most Gracious and Honest King onely to procure
clandestine proceedings against us here c. SECT XVI 1. Of the Enemies late sufferings 2. Of their strange Patience 3. Of their extraordinary great successe and the true grounds of it 4. Successe no Argument of a good cause 5. The worst men have alway made most use of it HEre is much remarkable stuffe in these few words which I shal endevour to discover First say they Were our cause altered as it is not or we worse Rebels then formerly as none can affirm c. We granted them before that their cause is stil the same in specie as it was at first and so are they themselves no whit altered from what they were but only a malo in pejus from bad to worse and the Moralists account this an Alteration And let any one that hath the use of sense and reason judge whether Age doth not make some difference in sinful men as wel as it doth in Satan himself who in the beginning of the world was a Serpent as these at the beginning of the war were Rebels and it is true he is but a Serpent stil but he is come to be now an old Serpent so called Rev. 12. and that is aliquid amplius Antiquity in evil speaks both a further ability to evil and a larger measure of iniquity and in this respect he may be called a worse Devil then at the first and so may they worse Rebels But I wil not with Arguments either prevent or assist those proofs too sufficiently given of themselves by their own actions I had rather spend time to pray them better But they tel us of Notice to be taken of late sufferings which they have undergon and of some strange Patience which it seems as they say hath manifested it self of late to be in them Yea even now since the discovery of these Papers Truly we must confess our errour we have not hitherto observed any such thing but we are resolved upon this intimation to make inquiry first after their late Sufferings and then after their strange Patience These Sufferings of theirs we find upon Consideration began about the year 1642. some certain months before the ●●rth of those 19. Propositions about the time of the Kings first removal North-ward which as we imagine and remember was Lent time and therfore most accursed doth that superstitious season deserve to be and for ever to be blotted out of John Bookers Almanack as wel as Christmas day because therin did begin their late great Sufferings Then O then most sadly they fel into the same Condition that Richard the third was in when alas ful sore against his wil the whole care and burden of the Kingdom was cast upon his shoulders then alas and from thenceforth wo and alas they were forced out of meer Necessity to begin to seize upon the Kings Magazines His Forts Towns and Castles His Navy of Ships Houses and all he had to their great discomfort and displeasure And how hath all their very Senses since that time bin continually troubled and molested their Ears O lamentable have bin loaden with the most offensive acclamations and Honourings of the people their Gust and Smel hath bin tormented daily with the perfumes and feastings of the City their Eies and Touch have bin most vexatiously tortured with those so loathed heaps of Plate and Monies which from all parts of the Kingdom have come trowling in unto them While the King in the mean time hath bin in great prosperity wandring up and down in Fields and Mountains Cold and Wet Weak and Weary Faint and Hungry with few friends and little mony Yea while he hath had time and opportunity to get himself a Stomack they good souls have bin wel nigh surfeited with good cheer and done to death with abundance Yea poor creatures they have bin constrained to sit warm and to lie soft to be served in state to drink Wine in bowles to be behonoured be worshipped to be crouched and kneeled unto and so forth Wherfore if that Pope of Rome when he lay beaking himself in the midst of his Luxuries had cause to cry out Heu quantum patimur pro Christo then great reason have these Complainants to cry out also of their late great Sufferings Yea and besides all these corporal calamities their very spirits have bin also distracted many times with most frightful fears and Jelousies as of Plots strange Plots under ground Regiments great Regiments of Subterranean Horses lay in wait for them Conspiracies dangerous conspiracies were contrived against their corporal welfare as that honest Tailour that sate close in Moor-fields can abundantly witness which doleful matters have oft-times put them into as pittiful a plight as that good Alderman of London their friend was in when he thought himself to be shot in the breeches Nor is here all yet these fears of theirs have bin followed with increase of cares also to provide plenty of Prisons and strong holds to hamper and restrain the Ministers of God those great enemies to their undertaking to devise means how to destroy both them and their doctrine and all that with them adhere fast to the testimony of Jesus concerning obedience to God and Caesar. These and such like have bin the late sufferings and great troubles of these men And they are indeed as we now confess the more remarkable because sufferings of this kind are seldom the portion of Gods children as these call themselves nor had we apprehended that this kind of life which they have lived had bin a suffering if themselves had not so called it and put us in mind so to account of it Indeed some of the Brethren of the Independent faction as M. Edwards that free-spoken Presbyterian in his Book detecting their late manner of living in Holland doth inform the world did call such a kind of life themselves living it a Persecution and a suffering otherwise we have not heard that appellation given unto it before But indeed these are new times and many other things have new names Loyalty is called Treason and Treason Loyalty Obedience Rebellion and Rebellion Obedience Truth Falshood and Falshood Truth and why may not as wel a pleasant life be called a life of sufferings and a suffering life a life of pleasure if it please the new Omnipotency now above-board so to ordain and establish No man must move the lip open the mouth or so much as peep against it And thus at last they may see we have taken notice of their late sufferings and confess them rare Now we shal view their patience too which themselves call strange specially that which they have shewn even now after the discovery of these Papers Indeed their publication of them together with their Preface and Notes upon them after their discovery is testimony sufficient of the strangeness of their patience And yet we must tel them that we conceive by the effects of this their patience that we have read of such a like patience before now in
away what ere he had to defend himself they made a shift to beat him with his own Weapons after four long years pursuit of him and what extraordinary matter is there in all this Nay some say too they had not prevailed then neither but that they plowed with the Kings Heifer as they also did in their taking those Townes and Castles which since they entred upon Had not some whom the King trusted been perfidious these great Conquerours had not been so prosperous Wherefore the case being rightly stated it was not altogether Victorious Sir Thomas Fairfax but partly also victorious treachery and victorious money which was the procurer of such their late extraordinary great successe And yet perhaps Sir Thomas Fairfax may be a right valiant man in his way as many other Commanders on that side are worthy all to be engaged in a more noble and righteous quarrell and I wish with my Soul for their Soules sake and for the honour of the English Nation that either the cause which they strive to maintaine were better or that their industry wherewith they maintaine it were not so good But that none may think that the extraordinary successe which these perverters of Order these underminers of Government have had and which these troubles of Israel these over-turners of Christianity do boast of is to be attributed to any goodnesse in their cause or to any Celestiall or Divine benediction upon it I shall desire them to consider of the true Grounds and Reasons of it I shall name only those that are most visible amongst which I might mention private divisions between our Chieftaines who to revenge themselves of one another seemed not to care what advantage they gave to the common foe nor what detriment to the King but this hath been too sufficiently yea too shamefully visible without further notice I might mention also the Indiscretion or inability of those who have undertaken to manage the Kings Affaires The greatest talkers sayes the Proverb are not always the wisest men He that can make a witty speech is not alwayes meetest to sway a Councell nor are men of quickest gust or relish always men of the best and sagest spirit 't is one thing to give directions for dressing of a good Dinner and another thing to give orders for the governing of a great Army Beside the Genius of some men is neither publick nor noble enough either to gaine or keep the Hearts of people who by a certaine instinct from above are most regardfull in troublesome times of those whom they apprehend to be most neglectfull of themselves Assuredly the King and his Cause both have received the greatest wounds from the hands of Friends I might also mention mens dishonesty in falsifying the trust imposed in them when they have by their oppression and violence beggered the people committed to their care by their excess and harshness weakened their hearts and loosened the joynts of Loyalty in them and made the places strong and fensible as if they had been there set only to enrich themselves and to make preparation for the Enemy and this being done their work were done they have delivered up all into the adversaries hand and so departed But to omit these and many more particulars which might be named which have occasioned that great success so gloried in I shall mention only three viz. Remisnesse in the best of ours Prophanenesse in the worst and Popular fury 1. Remisness The best on our side in generall being not armed or quickned with such stings of Hatred as they on their side are have been more heavy and dull in their opposite desires and inferiour to them in their attempts and practises They by tumbling and tossing like heaps of snow rowled up and down have grown great and mighty and we by our frosty coldness have given them leave to harden Whereby they are encreased to that stupendious heap we see though 't is possible yet that a thaw may come for rota fortunae is in gyro notwithstanding their present bigness they may be sensible of a diminution might but the glorious Sun-shine of Gods Countenance return again upon our Soveraign And yet perhaps this Remisness which I seeme to tax in these of ours hath been more from others restraint then their owne sluggishness for alas the chiefest care of too many amongst us hath been to damp the endevours of good men in such places where they might have been most serviceable yea to prevent if possible their being trusted or imployed at all for fear I think the Kings Affaires should thrive too well if such had had the managing of them many of the Kings friends as they have been called have been so faithfull to Him that they would neither do their own duties nor suffer others to do theirs having themselves deserved ill they could not abide that others should deserve better it hath been one of the hardest things for a known honest man to obtain leave of them since the Kings troubles began to doe His Majesty faithfull service yea I have heard it often said that the surest and speediest way for one to bring himselfe to ruine among many of the Kings men was to be more active and honest then others in doing the Kings worke Nay if a Minister of Christ hath but laboured earnestly and zealously in his proper way according to his Office in the behalf of God his Soveraigne and his Country He hath growne remarkable on the suddaine and been noted by many that should have encouraged him for an unsufferable fellow fit for nothing but for slaughter unless presently silenced and dismissed for they have cryed He will spoile the Kings Cause if let alone and make all the Souldiers stark Puritanes rank Round-heads or else stirre up all the people against us and all this but for his faithfull and true dislike of that which spoiled it Remissenesse therefore in good men is granted a mean to preserve their own safeties but withall t is undoubtedly one of the special things that hath damnified the Kings Cause and advanced that of the Enemy 2. As Remisnesse in some so prophanesse and high impiety in some others of our side hath weakned us and aided them t is a true saying A divine blessing doth alwayes accompany good causes where wickednesse and wilfull witlessenesse doth not bar against it but when either of these oppose the blessing is obstructed and alas Hinc dolor Hinc lacrymae hence also is the source of our sorrows and of our enemies good successe Sir Edwin Sands in his Europae speculum tells us that the Jewes in their speculations of the causes of the strange successe of worldly affaires doe assigne the reason of the Turkes prevailing against the Christians to their Blasphemies and horrid Oathes which doe wound the eares of the very Heavens and cry to the throne of Justice for Divine vengeance whereas the Turkes hate prophanation and will not suffer Christ to be
Minister of the Protestant Church of France that they of their Religion never lived so safely and so comfortably before as they have done since they were disarmed of their weapons which they were at the end of their last warre which he called a Rebellion But with you all the strength and promises of God it seemes are nothing unlesse you have somewhat that is sensible to trust unto O if you knew God and were religious indeed you would be of another mind for they that know thy Name will trust in thee sayes the Psalmist Nay we read in Scripture of haters of God that should come in the last times who should have a form of Godlinesse notwithstanding we feare you are rather of that number and that you hate God for his word sake because therein he so plainly opposeth those waies of Rebellion cruelty oppression and injustice which you walke in and commandeth so strictly those things which as it appears you have resolved against and for his sake you hate all that belongs unto him his Church which you have destroyed his Prophets whom you have persecuted his Service which you have abolished his Temples which you have defiled and his Annoynted whom you have vilified because in meeknesse gentlenesse mercy patience and goodnesse he is so like unto him and are these markes of true Piety not they that commend themselves but whom their works commend and whom God commends are and shall be the onely approved persons I dare boldly affirm and I call your own Consciences to witnesse it with me that Kingly Majesty was never so blasphemed and exposed to vulgar contempt as it hath been since you sate nor was the dignity of Parliament which next to the Kings honour ought by all true Englishmen to be held as sacred so abused as it hath been by you who have used its venerable name to countenance all your evill and illegall actions against your Soveraign and his Subjects and have made that High and Supreme Court as the Pharisees of old did Gods House no better then a very den of Thieves and I am confident if Jesus Christ my Master were here he would tell you so to your faces and bestow as many woes upon you as he did upon your Brethren in those dayes who like you did pretend so much to Piety when they had so little of it You take to your selves the Title of the Lords Worthies forfooth but good names doe not alwayes prove good men Titles without truth serve but to enhance and disexcuse damnation you call the warre on your side Sacrum so was the Pope wont to call his though it be both against Law and Religion your League and Covenant you stile Holy as was that in France when time was though like that it be to root out Protestant Profession and the King your Armies you intitle the Armies of God as the disobedient Barons in King Johns time did theirs and your worke you call opus Domini the Lords work and the Lords cause though such as the Lord abhorreth and detesteth thus bold are you with the Almighty as if he were such another as your selves but is this true Godlinesse it will not be so found at the great day you talk much of Conscience but doth this alone prove you have any do not many men use to plead Conscience when through passion or opinion they pursue a cause with greater heat then themselves can give or others discern a reason for your Consciences scruple as you would have us think at a gesture or a Garment in Gods Service but they are secure in Actions of killing robbing rebelling and breaking all Lawes of private interest and Soveraign Power we see you are resolute in bloud and rapine and can even scorn at those that make Conscience at such crimes you talk of mens having Authority from Gods word for what they doe and yet practice your selves things above measure sinfull as if they were necessary duties and are able to shew no Scripture at all for the same we are posed we confesse at your Pietie we can see no dram of goodnesse in your doings and therefore must conclude there is as little in your selves Policy we confesse we see great store in you even such as was in Jeroboam that sonne of Nebat who made Israel to sinne for to prevent the peoples return to their Loyaltie whom himselfe had drawn into Rebellion he altered the established way and manner of worshipping God which he knew would have reduced them to their right obedience ver 27. Jeroboam said in his heart if this people go up to doe sacrifice in the house of the Lord at Jerusalem then shall the hearts of this people turn againe unto their Lord even unto Rehoboam King of Judah and they shall kill me And hereupon he sets forth a Directory or new way of serving God and perswades the people that other places were as fit for that purpose as the Temple or Church it selfe yea and vers 31. He made Priests of the lowest of the people which were not of the Sonnes of Levi and Chap. 13. 33 34. Whosoever would he consecrated him and he became one of their Priests which thing saith the Text became sinne to the house of Jeroboam even to cut it from off the face of the earth Truly Sirs 't is too evident to all men that your Piety hath runne in the very same Channell after Jeroboams example you have made England to sinne looke you to the consequent We confesse also you have as much Religion and Pietie as Absalom had enough to vizard over for the while your cursed Design till you had supplanted your Soveraign stole away the hearts of his people from him insinuated into them a suspition of his truth and justice perswaded them to accept of you to be Judges in his place wherein you have received as many complaints and relieved as few as ever Absalom did In briefe such hath been your godlinesse and humilitie that you have declared the King to have failed in his Trust and Voted the Royall Power to be in your selves yea a power more then Royall even to subvert all Lawes which because the King approves not of you have drawne his own sword against him and pursued him as eagerly on all advantages as ever Absalom did his Father while he in the meane time David-like hath pitied you and was unwilling to spill your bloud surely if there were nothing else then your unnaturall violence against your Soveraign in all your wayes opposed to his mercy towards you in the height of injury it were abundantly sufficient to discover to all the world that little true Pietie that is in you But if to this we adde also the consideration of that superlative crueltie towards your brethren we are confident that no tongue touched with Christianitie will dare to speak one word in your commendations Your proceedings against them speak you to be of the Tyrant Maxentius mind that the bloud
words Times are not now as they have been Many of the Presbyterian faction in whom the spirit of cruelty is most naturall and who ruled the Rost when most of these villanies were acted which your Book reproveth are either runne away or turned the other way for the Militia now most in the others hands hath proved a stronger Argument with their Consciences then their Covenant therefore there is no cause to fear persecution for a discharge of duty And besides these are times wherein every one may speak and practice as himself pleaseth nor can any be imagined so vile as to permit all that will to write against that King whom God hath commanded to Honour and that Church which baptized and taught us all the knowledge of God we have and be offended onely at those that write in their behalf Shall we think that men have leave in these Reforming times to be any thing but true Protestants and to do any thing but their duties away away with all Panick fears To this I Answer 1. There is a Leaven of that proud and sower Faction yet remaining 2. There is a Generation of Apostate Priests too much in favour with men of Power and these are mischievous men who having themselves betrayed the Truth cannot abide that any should appear for it they have hitherto been the chief movers to persecution for those Greater persons would never doubtlesse have defiled themselves with such actions as casting Gods Ministers out of their Possessions if some of these little Satans had not stood at their right hands to tempt them provoke them Now these persons specially those of mine old acquaintance do cry nothing but hanging hanging against me for I believe their sight of me puts them in mind of their own Apostacy from that way of Christ wherein formerly they walked with me they have confidently said it that the Parliament would hang me And why Because I was one among many others that had proved this unnaturall Warre to be unlawfull by Gods Word and had Vindicated sacred Scripture from those false and perverse glosses which for ill purposes were put upon it And these Prophets that in this particular at least themselves may appear true will do their best I beleeve with the Members of both Houses to make good the word which they have spoken for those Lords and Gentlemen whom they relate unto if they can prevaile with them shall be all conditioned like Dionisius the Tirant of Siracuse who sent Philoxenus to the gallows because he would not flatter him But as the Prophet said so say I As for me behold I am in their hands let them do with me as seemeth meet good unto them c. It hath been mine endeavour this seaven years day and my usuall Prayer that I may be able to conclude as M. Bradford the Martyr did concerning those that had power over him viz. If they shall imprison me I le thanke them If they shall burn me I le thank them If they shall banish me I le thanke them but if they shall give me leave to preach the Gospell I le thank them more and I promise them withall by Gods grace to be a daily Petitioner for their Conversion and for the pardon of their sins And for my kind Brethren I will in requitall remember them of their destiny they may reade it themselves in Isay 9. 15. The Prophet that teacheth lies is the tail So in Mal. 2. 8. 9. The Lord speaking to some of their stamp saith Because ye have departed out of the way and caused my people to stumble therefore I le make you the most vile base contemptible among them Yea I doubt not e'relong but by most men they 'l be so reputed however of late they have been honoured and justly indeed do they merit to be the tail of the people for making themselves to be the tayl of the Dragon which they have manifestly done by their casting down the Stars from Heaven the Orthodox Ministers out of Christs Church But when this their day of contempt is come and they are assaulted as that Popish Doctor Bourn was in Queen Maries dayes even in the Pulpit from whence they have vented their lies and blasphemies as to this it will come I hope if I live to see it I shall have grace to approve my selfe to them as Master Bradford did to him and help to conduct them away in safety from vulgar rage perswade the people to rest quiet for thus it becomes the true Gospel No disaffection have I now as God knows unto their persons though I professe my selfe a perfect enemy to their courses But now good Readers to leave them there remains onely two requests which I make to you The first is this That you would not think amisse of the most High and Honourable Court of Parliament for those evils that are done in these daies under its name and if any suggest that such or such passages in this my Book are against the same believe them not for I professe unto you I neither do nor dare think the supreme Court of Justice in this Kingdome to be all one with sinne or that Oppression Sacriledge Rebellion Popery and those other Evils which I inveigh against are the Actions of that when God shall please to restore unto us a true Parliament you shall see all these things amended and the Authours of them severely punished Have still therefore a Reverend esteem of Parliaments Secondly I desire that you would not conceive any bitternesse in me or in my Book against the persons of those men that now are called the Parliament as perhaps some may fancy because my usage hath not been good for I professe here also unto you that I do not apprehend my self in respect of my self to have any true cause of hate towards them I thank God I can say to them as the Apostle to his Galathians You have not hurt me at all Nay rather I hope they have been the means to make me in some sort a better Christian. The Causes of my sufferings as I learned at first from some of themselves were these foure I hinted them indeed to the world before in my Loyall Subjects Belief and referre them now to your judgements whether they may not occasion comfort and rejoycing in me yea and love too towards them rather then hatred or ill affections The first was as I was then told because I was an honest man and thereby did more hurt to their Cause being opposite to it in the Country where I was known then an hundred knaves what greater Honour could they do me then by affording this Testimony of me This reason I confesse from their mouths was apprehended by me as a timely intimation and call from God to doe their cause from thence forth what hurt I could which by his power I have since endeavoured and by his grace shall continue so to doe unto my lives end The second
His Merits are Beleeve it Sir unlesse some speedy course be taken with Him Caesar in whom the Supreame power is now seated and whose servants the people now are will be wronged and the whole Church and Kingdome wasted and destroyed and this we will boldly say who ever doth not joyn with us against bim is neither a friend to Caesar nor to the Common-wealth we are all for the Publick good and to preserve that we desire that this our King or rather this man that says he is our King may be crucified To this purpose was the Pharisees accusation against our Saviour of this disposition were their Spirits against the Son of God as Scripture teacheth notwithstanding their Religious pretences and that opinion of holinesse which the world had of them it need not therefore be thought an impossible thing that there should be men of a like spirit and of a like esteem in these days and that they should endeavour a like mischief against their Soveraigne Nothing but the Heart bloud of Christ would satisfie those his Enemies and can it be any thing but the very heart bloud of the King which these men thirst after indeed they do not lay any worse things to the Kings charge for I will do them no wrong then those others did to the charge of Christ And this for the first There is no impossibility in the matter 2. The truth of my interpretation of their meaning is Evident from the Tenents which they mention as proper to themselves at least as differing from ours Wee say they in our Tenents do annex no Infallibility to the seat of a King in Parliament as the Romanists doe to the Papall Chaire since all men are subject to errours These men desire as we learned by their Pulpit Doctrines of us that people should beleeve that those who are for the King do think of him as the Romanists do of the Pope that he cannot Erre which opinion by these their words they would have the world know that they disclaim and truly so do we as much as they for we never did nor yet ever dare we give the King so undue an Attribute nor would His Majesty suffer the same were any of us so sinfully disposed For we boldly affirm that never King was more Christian then He in yeelding himselfe culpable even in some matters wherein others could see no errour that so if possible he might give his Enemies satisfaction and purchase peace unto his people But whether it be so or no they conceive and report that to be our Tenent and we on the other side apprehended theirs to be that infallibility is rather in the Parliament without a King then in the Seat of a King in Parliament And our Reason is there hath been more Infallibility professed in Parliament since the Kings absence from Westminster then ever was before when either himself or any of His Predecessours have been there And though the Parliament hath been erroneous and faulty herefore by reason of the Kings faction mixt therein for by that name are modest and Loyal Gentlemen now called yet that being now purged away and driven from thence Errour also is vanished with it and Infallibility hath taken up its dwelling there ita praedicant ita clamitant And yet by the way we must tell the world we beleeve the King hath some friends still within the wals at Westminster even as Christ had at the Jews Councell Table although like Nicodemus and Joseph of Arimathea they are over-powred and reviled when they speak truth and Conscience But to the matter We must tell these men that Scripture affords us better Testimony for the Kings not Erring then it doth them for theirs Solomon saies The Kings Heart is in Gods Hand and a Divine sentence is in His Lips His mouth transgresseth not in judgment We finde not the like expressions in behalf of an headlesse Parliament but because Solomon was a King himselfe He spake they say in his own case and therefore not much to be regarded but we will not contest with them at this time about his Authority we rather yeeld because all men are subject to Errour that a King may Erre and we adde further that a Parliament consisting of men may erre too and this Combination of Conspirators which to the high disgrace of the Supreamest Court some call the Parliament doth Erre most abominably both from Gods Law and the Law of the Land and this in very deed is our Tenent And let them deal ingenuously with us say whether they do not so hold of the Parliament though not of the King as the Romanists doe of the Pope whether by their Tenents the Parliament hath not the same power over Kings and Kingdomes as the Pope hath by the Tenent of the Jesuits The Jesuites hold that the Pope may dispose of Princes and Crownes for the service of God the good of the Church and salvation of Souls And do not these hold that the Parliament may both order the King and dispose of His Kingdome as they shall think meet for the advancement of their Cause which they call Gods pro salute populi Romanas Episcopus Zacharias Regem Franciscorum non tam pro suis iniquitatibus quam pro eo quod tantae potestati erat inutilis à regno deposuit c. By vertue of which Canon say the Jesuits the Pope hath power to depose Kings be they Hereticall or Catholick of vicious or vertuous lives if in his judgment he findes them unfit and some others more capable of Government And do not these men beleeve the Authority of Parliament to be as irresistable as that of the Pope and their Votes to be as ful of vertue as his Canons and altogether as Authentick even to the deposing of Kings and disposing of their Kingdomes Eudaemon Johannes in his Apologie for Henry Garnet teacheth that Subjects may be loosed from their Oath of Allegeance and then they cannot as Emanuel Sa affirmeth be held guilty of Treason though they conspire the Kings death because He against whom they conspire is not their Master or Lord they being formerly absolved from his obedience And hath not the same Doctrine been both taught and practised by these our opposers Have not they loosened people from their Oath of Allegeance to the King and then put them in Armes perswading them that 't is no Rebellion to fight against Him The Jesuits in their Chamber of Meditation taught as John Chastell who gave Hen. the 4. of France a stab in the mouth confessed upon examination that it was lawfull to kill that King and that He was now member of the Church nor ought to be obeyed or held for King untill he had received approbation from the Pope And one of them in his Apology for the said Chastell hath these words vulnerando Henricum Burbonium non voluerit laedere ant occidere Regem etiamsi se talem dicebat in quo praeter imaginem
in regard of their abuses of him I may say then they can beleeve him to be It was the saying of a good Subject since these wars begun O that the people of England did but know their King they would love him they would beleeve him they would not abuse him But we must not wonder to see a good King in Gods condition We proceed therefore to their next particular where they Charge the King to have settled himself in the seat of the Scornful and we will see their truth in that The Psalmist informes us that those onely that are at ease have leasure to take up a sitting in that place and not those that are in an afflicted condition Did the King live the life of the men of Westminster and had all the wealth and pleasures of this Kingdome at his command and were he withall of their disposition indued with their spirits to act their parts there might be some probability of truth in this particular but it being cleane contrary with them there is no likelyhood at all in it 1. Had He been a Subject and by good fortune chosen Burgesse of some Corporation or Knight of some Shire and sate in the House of Commons amongst them at this present and had concurred first in pretending to settle Religion to make a glorious Church to advance Christ and then afterward in consulting how to take away the Churches maintenance to slight the places of Gods Worship that they might be of no more esteem then common Houses Alehouses Barns and Stables in persecuting banishing and imprisoning the Fathers of the Church and Ministers of Jesus those in special who have been the greatest opposers of Antichristianity and Popery and in giving liberty to all Sects and Religions save only to the true one which commands Humility Loyalty and Obedience had he I say been such a man and thus imployed then he might justly indeed have been said to sit in the Chaire of the scornfull and to have exercised his scoffes and scorns against God himselfe Or 2. had he been one of those that under pretence of advancing the Liberty and Happinesse of the Subject should vote away the Subjects right to his own goods sometimes a twentieth part sometime a fifth part sometime all under a pretence of taking away Monopolies and Illegall payments should bring in such new toles and taxations as the Nation was never acquainted with excize upon bread beere butter cheese flesh and all Commodities that are used for the life of man under pretence of being one of the good Patriots and preservers of their country should raise Wars cause desolations burne houses hire strange Nations with their Countries money to come to kill their Country-men under pretence of keeping tender Consciences from unnecessary matters should force upon them unlawfull Oathes ungodly Covenants even to the taking up of Armes against their Soveraigne to whom they have sworne Allegeance to the damnation of their souls for ever without deep Humiliation and Repentance Had the King I say beene one of these men and done thus He might deservedly have been said to have sate in the Scorners Chaire and to have laughed to scorne a whole Nation Or 3. had He been one of that number who talke of making the King a glorious Monarchie and yet take from Him all His Power Authority not suffer Him to have so much as the choice of His own Servants the Rule of His own Family the disposall of His own Children the society of His own Wife That promise to make Him the richest Prince in Christendome yet rob Him of all His Goods and Revenews and not allow Him so much if they can help it as shall buy Him bread to eat or cloathes to wear that call themselves His most Humble and obedient Subjects yet obey Him in nothing but study to vex and crosse Him in every thing hire fellowes to hunt Him to shoot at Him and if they can to kill Him that avouch great love and affection to Him desires to advance His Honour and yet Authorize Libells and base Bookes to defame slander and reproach Him If the King were one of this Generation and should concurre in such Actions He might be said to sit in the seat of the Scornfull indeed and to bestow His Scornes before all the world upon His Soveraigne Or lastly were He one of them that partly by fraud partly by violence having stripp'd their Soveraigne of all His Weapons Castles Ships and Townes and of the Hearts of many of His People and scarce left Him a place to hide His Head in in three Kingdomes should maintaine a cursed villaine to proclaime up and down the world that He is runne away very Majestically to set up a new Monarchy in the I le of Anglesey this indeed were to sit in and to fill up the Seat of the Scornfull for this is right Hail King of the Jewes which was plaine scorning in the Hall at Jerusalem according to Scripture and so doubtlesse if Scripture might be Judge it is in the Hall at Westminster We doe confesse and beleeve that were the King in this sort qualified conditioned and exercised then that imputation of theirs might be laid upon him But it being with him as it is we see no reason above-board why they should entitle him to the scorners Chaire unlesse his Magnanimity and Christian Courage bearing his burden of affliction be taken to be a contemning and scorning at their malice But yet they have a reason doubtlesse and ends too for this their charging the King though they think it fit for to conceale them I am one appointed of God to detect the devices of Satan and to unkennell the thoughts of the wicked and I dare be bolder with them then they for their own Credit sake dare be with themselves and therefore I shall discover them First their Reason I apprehead is this they know themselves worthy to be both abhorred and scorned of all men and doe beleeve they are so in the Hearts of all the wise for their most abominable and grosse hypocrisie yea they know in their Consciences that God scornes at them they being exercised as those are whom Scripture affirmeth God holdeth in derision and therefore they speake of the Kings scorne at them from the guilt of their own merits and deservings Then their Ends I conceive are these first to make His Majesty appeare abhominable unto the world which is the main scope of all their endeavours for t is said the Scorner is an abhomination unto men And secondly that the blinde and seduced vulgar might not think them to be guilty of that sinne which with so much boldnesse and bitternesse they doe first of all charge upon the King It is the knowne policy of a wicked harlot to call her honest neighbour whore first and of a pick-purse pursued to cry stop the Theef that himself might not be suspected to be the man You take too much
upon you Moses and Aaron cryed those Grand Rebells when themselves onely did so And one who had sold himselfe to work wickednesse layed it to the charge of good Elias that he troubled Israel because his guilty Conscience told him that the Prophet and all other honest men beside had cause to accuse him for so doing and this is the very case of these men who as we see have done nothing in this particular without President and example though we confesse in respect of the Circumstances these men are more bitterly scornfull then ever any were that we read of in Scripture or elsewhere It was bitterly done of the Philistimes when they had weakned Sampson and brought him into an afflicted condition to mock and scorne at him in his misery yet they did not in those their mocks charge him with scorning them And the Persecutors of our Saviour did deal bitterly with him when in derision they Crown'd him with Thornes put a Reed into his hand in stead of a Scepter called him King bowed the knee to Him and then advanced him upon a Crosse instead of a Throne yet they did not at that time in their scoffing and flouting expressions say that His Crosse was the Chair of the Scornfull and that he being fastened to that did sit in the Scorners seat and scorne at them But these men are pleased even thus to deale with their King and Soveraigne as all the world may see by their Language so that the King hath cause to complain in the words of the Psalme Our soule is exceedingly filled with the scornings of them that be at ease and with the contempt of the proud And we his Subjects will pray in his behalfe as the Psalmist in another place Let the lying lips be put to silence O Lord which thus cruelly thus disdainfully and thus despightfully speake against the Righteous And we are confident as the Wiseman sayes that the High and Holy God scorneth at these scorners and hath prepared heavy judgements for them SECT VI. First of the Kings Errour in following evill Councellours and who they were His Majesty scorn'd at by the Libellers for his tendernesse of Conscience and hopes in Gods Justice 2. The folly and falshood of the Libellers Charge against Strafford and Canterbury 3. The Enemies acquit the King of having a voluntary hand in Straffords death 4. They hint the right Reason of his withdrawing from Westminster THe next particular which these honest and good men as they would be accounted doe charge their King withall is that He hath walked in the Councells of the ungodly to the ruine almost of three Kingdomes Indeed it cannot be denyed the King hath been exceeding unhappy in his Councellours and himselfe doth intimate that his walking after their advise hath been a main cause of Gods judgment upon this Kingdome His words to this purpose are these Paper 22. Nothing can be more Evident then that Straffords Innocent bloud hath been one of the great causes of Gods Judgement upon this Nation by a furious Civill Warre both sides being hitherto almost equally punished as being in a manner equally guilty but now this last crying bloud being totally theirs I beleeve it is no presumption hereafter to hope that his hand of Justice must be heavier upon them and lighter upon us looking now upon our Cause having passed by our faults This Christian and pious ackowledgement of the King these men scoff at in their Notes upon it and deride at that remorse of Conscience which his Majesty discovers for his permitting the shedding of Straffords bloud He left him say they to the Block against Conscience as is now alleadged and again Remorse of Conscience suggesteth to the King c. Yea and they doe seem to glory in what themselves did do to the spilling of it and to rejoyce that none but themselves had a hand in the death of Canterbury Yea and further how slightfully if not scoffingly doe they speak of the Kings mentioning Gods Hand of Justice in the businesse Their words are these Pag. 49. The King in his Letter of Jan. 14. takes it as evident that Straffords innocent bloud has brought the Judgement of this Civill warre equally upon both sides both being equally guilty thereof His meaning is that he and his side was as guilty in permitting as the Parliament was in prosecuting But now for Canterburies bloud that being totally put upon the Parliaments score he doubts not but the Hand of Justice will from henceforth totally lay the weight of this guilt upon the Parliaments side Yet the Kings words are I beleeve it is no presumption hereafter to hope that his hand of Justice must be heavier upon them Considering the time when this their scornfull Comment upon the Kings expressions came forth viz. immediately after their Victory at Nazeby field by their Victorious Sir Thomas Fairfax for so they call him we understand their sence to be this The King talks of Gods Hand of Justice and doubts not but the same will from the time of Canterburies death lay the weight of the guilt of bloud totally upon our side Victorious Sir Thomas Fairfax hath answered him sufficiently in that particular and declared to the world what his hopes in Gods Justice are come to well let him please himselfe still in those fancies so long as we have the ●●nd of Victorius Sir Thomas Fairfax on our side we will give him leave to flatter himself in that Hand of Justice he speaks of c. And yet let these scoffers of these last times that say Where is the promise of his comming for since the father fell a sleepe all things continue as succesfull as they did before let them I say know that Gods Justice may awaken soon enough to their Confusion Quod defertur non aufertur the longer the blow is in comming the heavier will its fall be Fortuna belli semper ancipiti in loco est the day of the Lord will come suddenly upon them as a thief in the night Quos dies vidit veniens superbos hos dies vidit fugiens jacentes But they go on in that place and inform us who those ungodly ones were whose Councell in this other place they say the King has followed to the ruine almost of three Kingdomes Their words are these The truth is Strafford and Canterbury were the chief firebrands of this war the two ill Councellours that chiefly incensed the King against the Scots and endeavoured to subject all the three Kingdomes to a new Arbitrary Government and are now justly executed for attempting the subversion of that Law which the King has perfected since Because dead folkes cannot speak for themselves and because it is so Voted therefore Strafford and Canterbury were the chief fire-brands of this war and so for truth it must be taken though one of them was quite extinct a year before this war begun and the other kept by his
notice there-from how the Court hath been Cajold that 's the Authentick word now among our Cabalisticall adversaries by the Papists and we the more beleeving sort of Protestants by the Court The Reader may be abundantly satisfied by these Letters of His Majesties longing desires to see Peace restored to His poor Subjects throughout His three Kingdomes And he may also be abundantly satisfied by their printing of these Letters of that abundance of bitternesse spight and malice which is in the hearts of the Publishers of them against their Soveraigne but for satisfaction in any other matters the Reader if he be rightly affected and lookes onely with his owne eye he must seeke it some where else for here it is not to be found What they intend by Cajold and whom by Cabalisticall Adversaries I stand not to argue for the words are shelly Nec de verbis est disputandum only I cannot but observe the Title which these Wisemen give themselves and their owne Faction We say they the more beleeving sort of Protestants Faith it seemes they have and in their owne opinion great Plenty more then others like them John 9. they say they see and like him Luke 18. they think themselves better then other men they are not like us Publicans who confess our selves to be weak and sinful and to have need to cry daily unto the Lord for mercy and increase of Faith they are past their Creed already and can tel God Lord we believe whereas we are yet but at our Pater noster help our unbelief But in whom or in what is it that they do believe Surely in themselves and their own fictions because they have renounced the Truth of God which they have been taught and are turned persecutors of it God hath given them up first to make and then to believe lies in which respect they are indeed the best believers and in that sense they speak not amiss in calling themselves the most believing sort of Protestants though in another sense they are the most unbelieving for they wil not believe the King in any thing let him promise profess and protest never so oft and solemnly unto them their Tongues Pens and actions proclaim publickly their unbelief yea they glory in their not believing and do all they can that others might be Infidels also in the same respect as wel as they their malicious notes upon his Letters are to this very purpose let them deny it if they can And as for God they believe him as little as they do the King for they dare not trust him for protection they have more confidence in the Militia a great deal and stand more upon it Beside if they did believe God they would also fear him Faith and Fear go together they would regard his word more and not so oppose it in all their ways or endevour to make it of none effect by their sinful Ordinances and traditions Besides faith in God discovers it self by doing the works of God and they are not Hatred Strife Sedition Rebellion Murder Lying Slandring and speaking evil of dignities which these men traffick solely in S. James tels us of Nudifidians who say they have Faith and boast that they have more then others sure these are the very men for they call themselves the more believing sort of Protestants the bare believing sort of Protestants perhaps they are they account good works but marks of Popery We confess our selves no such Protestants for we are of the Apostles mind As the body without the Spirit is dead so Faith without good works is dead also But they tel the Reader further and say If thou art an Enemy to Parliaments and Reformation and made wilfull in thine enmity above the help of miracles or such Revelations as these are then t is to be expected that thou wilt either deny these Papers to have been written by the Kings own Hand or else that we make just constructions and inferences out of them or lastly thou wilt deny that though they be the Kings owne and beare such a sense as we understand them in yet that they are blameable or unjustifiable against such Rebells as we are SECT IX 1. The slander laid upon us to be Enemies to Parliaments and Reformation Confuted 2. Of pretended Miracles Revelations and new Lights the taking the Kings Cabinet in Battle no Miracle 3. The Libellers weak Argument to prove an impossibility of forgery in their Parliament IT seems t is voted and decreed that if a man be not well affected to that cause which the men above board do maintaine He is then no lesse then an enemy to all Parliaments and Reformation yea past all hope of recovery wilfull in enmity beyond the help of miracles For it must be understood that all men being divided into two ranks Elect and Reprobate and the Elect being all on the Parliament side or well affected at least to their cause the rest must needs be all damned creatures enemies to Parliaments i. e. to the Common-wealth and all good Lawes yea and enemies to Reformation too that is to God and all true Religion and therefore away with such fellowes from the earth t is not fitting they should live they that cannot erre have so concluded Here by the way we may see a ground of all these bloody warres which many hitherto are ignorant of a reason of all these cruel declarations and injunctions to kill slay and destroy the forces raised by or adhering to the King why they are all Reprobates men hardned in Enmity against Parliaments and Reformation past all hope of recovery and therefore to be sent to Hell in all haste as to their proper place that so the earth the sole inheritance of Gods Elect ones may be wholly left to the free possession of its proper owners and fully cleared from those Enemies of God and Parliaments Well what we are Heaven knows for their Censures we passe not any more then Saint Paul did to be censured by the Corinthians we say with him He that Judgeth us is the Lord and whom the Lord condemneth shall be the onely condemned men at the great day and our Saviour tells us that then the first may be last and the last first the first in mens esteem the last in Gods and so è contra But let us a little reason the particular with them that thus fiercely charge upon us Must we of necessity be enemies to Parliaments and Reformation because we are not affected to their cause Doth this Parliament contain in it all other Parliaments that ever have been and as they hope ever shall be May not a man possibly dislike the proceedings of this and yet approve of the being of another May not a man wish the dissoultion of this and yet withall desire the convention of another May not the same man obhorre evill and love good hate vice and imbrace vertue May not a man affirme this no Parliament at all
that truth and Loyalty which themselves also once professed and we stil maintain truly we have had such an ample experience already of their goodness in our preservation that we publickly profess to all the world we daily find in England what our poor captive Brethren do feel at Argier that there is no such cruel Turk as the Renegado Christian. When the sole power of the Sword or Militia was in the Kings Hand the poor Country-men as wel as the rich and Noble lived in peace slept securely under his own roof and without any fear did eat his bread with gladness he could say that what he had bought and payed for was his own and if any did injure or oppress him the Law was open to do him right But since these new Preservatours as they call themselves are risen up those Golden days are vanished and Iron times are come upon us Judgment is turned away backward and Justice standeth a far off Truth is fallen in the street and equity cannot enter Yea truth faileth and he that departeth from evil maketh himself a prey Esay 59. 14. 15. Our Nobles and Gentry are debased our Rich-men are beggered and many thousands of all sorts are killed or starved the whole Commonalty of the Kingdom in the General are in the same Condition with the Asses of France thought fit for nothing but blows and burdens no man can now command the use of his proper goods or the service of his own Children we hear daily of rapes and robberies burning of houses depopulation of Towns violence and oppression reigns in all places and confusion is poured out in ful measure among us insomuch that our wel-ordered Common-wealth that was is translated into a very Conjuration of Tyrannies by the means of these men whose aims and endevours are only to keep us in perpetual slavery Militari Jure by the Militia which yet forsooth they desire may be setled in their good hands for the peoples security and preservation 'T is true the people at first chose them and now they feel them and have cause to know them and to confess of them that they are very Scorpions to them and that their little finger is ten times heavier then the Kings Loynes The people chose them to be Arbytratours on their side against their King to comprimize as it were on their behalf some matter between the King and them for under that notion do the people commonly chuse their Parliament men and such shal only be carried on their shoulders whom they apprehend wil be most stiffe against their Soveraign as if he were the only great Enemy to their welfare and prosperity But by this time the greatest part of them we believe are otherwise instructed and as some of them have confessed their apprehensions of the King and Parliament as they stand now in the tearms contradistinct and opposite is like that which the Heathens have of God and the Devil as those adore the Devil with gifts and sacrifices for fear of mischief from him so do these the Parliament but God say the Heathens is good and wil do us no harm so say these is the King and therfore they neglect to do him service And doubtless might people have but liberty now to speak their minds freely they would utterly renounce the preservation of those their Arbitratours and desire again the Kings protection after the manner of former times And wheras these new Governours desire to have the Militia of three Kingdoms setled in their own hands for our greater security we must needs apprehend from the proof they have given us of what they promised us that this their pretence is but one of those bitter flouts which in scorn at our simplicities for thinking them to be honest men they cast upon us Sed Deus vindex God shal one day sit in judgment on them 4. They have said It would be to the Kings great glory to let them have the whole and perpetual managing of the Militia for then they should be fully able to make him the most glorious Prince in Christendome which thing they have a long time promised purposed and endevoured and all this fighting must be bel●eved to be to that very end for had the King but tamely at first delivered up into their hands what God committed into his trusted them for ever with that Power and Authority wherwith God hath trusted him Had he but for their sakes denied God to be the only Ruler of Princes and acknowledged them his Governours and Guardians Had he but resigned unto them what King John his Predecessour once did unto the Pope they would have made the Pope their President in this as wel as they do in many other things and have returned it back again to him as he did to King John and so the King holding his Kingdom from thenceforth immediately of them they would have done more for him I that they would then ever his old Land-lord God Almighty either did or meant to do For wheras God made him King but only of England Scotland and Ireland they would have given him moreover all the Kingdoms of the World and the glory of them so that had not the King stood in his own light they had Conquered for him long ere this the Kingdoms of France and Spain and the Empire of Germany yea and the last year they had pulled out old Antichrist by the ears and burnt the whore Babylon with fire together with all of her Trinkets and at this very instant they had bin stepping over unto Constantinople for to ding down the great Turk and in the next half year the Mogull of Persia had bin taught to submit himself and then also the King of China had bin summoned to an account for his usurping the Title of Filius Coeli which is proper to no man living but only to those of their faction and by that time the Grand Chams of Tartary would have learned so much wit as to forbear calling themselves Domini Dominantium and to leave that stile wholly unto these superlative Abamocchoes And now who wil not say it had bin a Glorious thing to the King for the world to take notice that so great a brood of such mighty Alexanders should like that Cadmeyan Progeny start up on the sodain at one time in his Kingdom But it seems the King wanted faith and thought such great Acts might be sooner purposed then performed or else was jealous of these his Worthies that in their subduing of these Kingdoms they would not have dealt with him as Joab did with David at the taking of Rabbah and yeilded to him the glory of the Conquest Now whether the King were too blame or no in so thinking let wise men judge But let me reason a little with these men about this their reason Suppose the King should settle as they would have him the Militia of the Kingdom in their hands and then they should chance to Vote Bonum est
some others beside themselves as for example in a certain Dragon Rev. 12. 15. who when he had persecuted a woman there mentioned whom some interpret to be the Church of Christ and driven her into a wilderness i. e. into a low and desperate condition his patience provoked him to cast out of his mouth after her waters as a flood which as Expositors say were multitudes of slanders reproachful speeches scandalous reports and lies hoping therby to drown her honour and reputation for ever for they would be more easily believed of her in her affliction and to carry her away so far that she should never appear in any credible or comfortable condition more Nor did his patience end here but the Text tels us vers 17. that he went farther in the heat therof to make war with the remnant of her seed that keep the Commandment of God and have the testimony of Jesus We are sure this was such a patience which these men are seasoned withal and which they have shewn since their discovery of these Papers and do stil exercise towards their Soveraign and all that remain faithful and loyal to him Nay and farther too we must tel these men that this humour which they call patience in themselves though the name which they give it be somthing new yet for the nature of it 't is no whit strange or singular for many men before these times have bin infected with it Cain was when he kill'd his brother because his own works were evil and his brothers good and so was Nimrod that mighty Hunter before the Lord and oppressour of his neighbours Saul in the Old Testament was ful of this patience when the Evil Spirit was upon him and made him throw his Javelin against David at one time and against Jonathan at another and so was that Saul in the new Testament too at such time as he went panting up and down like a bloud-hound breathing forth threatnings against the People of God Shimei also was brim-ful to the very mouth of it when with his revilings and execrations he saluted David in the depth of his affliction and Achitophel did overflow therwith when in all haste he would have pursued his Soveraign while he was faint and weary This Patience was in Haman too when to be revenged for Mordecai's stifness he endevoured the ruine of the whole Jewish Nation it was in Nebuchadnez●ar also and made the form of his visage change against Sedrach Mesach and Abednego when in scruple of Conscience they refused to submit to an Ordinance of his almost as damnable as the Parliament Covenant And in the Scribes and Pharisees it was most plentifully abounding as appears by all their dealings with Christ and his Apostles Thus I say this condition which these men commend in themselves for the matter of it is not so new and strange though I confess the Name by which they call it seems so to be for it was wont to be tearmed Rage Cruelty Wrath and Fury and not Patience Yet I remember Master Fox tels us that Bishop Bonner and those of his bloudy Consistory in Queen Maries days who having with as much rage and passion as can be imagined handled and oppressed the Martyrs when they came to read the definitive sentence and to give them up to the secular power to be put to death were wont to make proclamation as these men here do to the whole world of their great meeknesse and strange Patience which they had used towards those obstinate Hereticks as they called them So that we see this Patience here mentioned is not only by Bishop Bonners Authority a strange Patience but also such a Patience as Master Fox himself doth make mention of in the Book of Martyrs But the poor Church of Christ hath felt enough and too much of this their Patience therefore at this time I wil speak no more of it onely I conclude in the words of the Prophet Micha The best of them is as a Bryer the most upright of them is sharper then the thorne Hedge The next thing they mention wherein they Triumph indeed and glory is their late extraordinary success in the field some perhaps may wonder how these three can accord together great sufferings strange Patience and extraordinary good success and all of late but they must remember that their Sufferings and Patience being of that kind as was shewed before may wel stand with extraordinary good success yea in such men as they are such sufferings and such patience are the natural fruits and dependants of prosperity and Extraordinary good Successe But by the way take notice of their end in yoaking these three together Prosperity and good successe which of old went currant onely among the Papists for a Note of the true Church is now admitted also by these men to be a speciall marke of the goodnesse of their cause but in regard our Religion hath hitherto taught that sufferings and patience were rather the marks of Christs true flock then extraordinary successe in the world therefore Euphoniae gratia for sound sake the name of sufferings and patience are still retained and joyned together here with extraordinary good successe Alteratio non fit in instanti if the Change from one extreame unto another should not be by degrees it would be too grosse and palpable but by that time the three Propositions be granted to them Extraordinary good successe will be able to stan alone and to go currant among all their Proselites for an unquestionable note of the true Church or cause it will not need the countenance of these two names of Suffering and Patience which shall from thenceforth be rejected and wholly disclaimed as infallible marks of Loyalty and Malignancy Indeed successe is the best Argument they have to win and hold people to themselves and to their Cause wherefore t is requisite that for further discovery I shew the invalidity and weaknesse of this their Argument But first for our better progresse therein we shall consider what this extraordinary successe is which they so brag and boast of and what are the true grounds and causes of it Their Successe I confesse to narrow Capacities and low braines may seeme as they call it extraordinary but to those that consider the causes of things together with the meanes and manner of their proceedings it appeareth nothing so T is well known how by fraud and policy they seized at unawares upon the Kings Militia and Navy How they ingrossed into their hands most of his Townes Castles Rents Revenues and all he had leaving him nothing of his owne to subsist on How they rooked to themselves all the Plate and Money of the Kingdome and how by the service of false Teachers they poysoned the hearts of his Subjects drew them from their Allegeance and armed them against him And having done all this they were able to get a Victory against him at Nazeby-field after they had taken
intelligence with the Cardinall Mazarine Though I will not swear saies he that Lenthall says true yet I am sure 't is fit for thee to know Pap. 1. Here was another Clandestine businesse And further he doth consult with her about supplies of Men Monies and Powder for defence of his life against them of Westminster Pap. 3. and gives her direction for the conveyance of it in some other Papers a businesse Clandestine and shrewd too And in Paper 6. he assures her in private that Hertogen the Irish Agent was an arrant Knave a particular which might concerne the men of Westminster and touch them more close then perhaps every body will yet beleeve Besides in most of these Letters we shall finde the King and his Queen comforting and supporting each other under their heavy burdens with mutuall intimation of perfect love and patheticall expressions of conjugall affection All which are notable proceedings indeed against them at Westminster and great obstructions to their endevours which are to breake the Hearts of both and sinke them to their graves presently And thus we see the nature and danger of the first particular in the Charge concerning Clandestine proceedings which are so evident that we can say nothing against it The 2. followes the proof whereof is more and obscure and that is condemning all that are in any degree Protestants in Oxford by which they would have it beleeved that the King is so great an Enemy to Protestant Religion that his very friends at Oxford who have forsaken all they had for his sake are hated by him for their Religion sake so many of them as are Protestants in any degree But how this is manifest in these his Papers we are to seek for though these men have forehead enough to affirme it yet their fortune is not good enough to prove it Indeed we find the King in his Letters to Ormond Paper 16. and in his Directions to his Commissioners at Uxbridge taking great care and giving strict Charge for the preservation of his Protestant Subjects in Ireland but in no place can we see so much as a sillable tending to the condemnation of Protestant Religion But these men cannot leave their old trade of Taxing the King with their own Conditions Heaven and Earth can witnesse that never was there in England greater enemies to Protestant Religion then themselves have been never was there so much Protestant Bloud spilt in this Nation since the beginning of the world as hath been by their meanes within these foure years Never was London so full of Prisons never the Prisons so full of Protestant Divines Protestant Nobles Gentry and Christians of all sorts as they have been since these good men kept Court at Westminster Besides how they have Countenanced and brought into the Church all kinde of Sects and Heresies to the ruine of Protestantisme which the King for the Honour and Health thereof was alwayes carefull to suppresse and keep out How have they maintained and preached Doctrines of Devills scil of strife murder of Brethren Rebellion against Princes oppression of neighbours and practised the same which are all directly opposite to the Religion of the Protestants How have they abolished the Book of Common-Prayer established by Parliament to be the Protestants publick forme of Worshiping and serving God in this Kingdome Had the King done but any one of these things or were he not himselfe a most constant and zealous Professour of Protestant Religion in his daily practice these men might happily have had some Colour for this their confident Charge against him and so to have created suspitions of him But seeing all things are so cleare contrary we learne onely thus much from this particular on their charge that they are men whose hearts are not overspiced with honesty They passe not what they say nor with what face so they say no truth The third particular which they load their King withall is Tolleration of Idolatry to Papists which they speak as if Idolatry sub eo nomine were already allowed and set up by the Kings Authority in contempt of God and true Religion and so doubtlesse they would have it apprehended Reasonable men will yeild that there is a difference betwixt Idolatry and the Penalty thereof the penalty may be suspended altered or taken away for the time and yet the sinne it selfe not tollerated or allowed These doubty Champions will not yeild that their Parlia have granted a tolleration to Adultery though they have abrogated the penal Lawes against that sin and so taken away the meanes to punish it Nor can they prove that the King hath promised any more to Papists then the Parliament hath already granted to fornicatours In their after-notes where they make repetition of this matter they referre the Reader to Paper the 8. for their ground of it In which we finde the King relating to His Queen how the English Rebells had transmitted the Commands of Ireland from the Crowne of England to the Scots an expression worthy by the way to be observed by all Englishmen that regard the honour of their Nation considering that the King Himself is a Scot and that the men of Westminster intend if they cannot kill Him to thrust Him and His Children as some of their Hang-bies have whispered to His Ancient Inheritance in Scotland when they have made use of His People of that Nation to help to destroy His Kingly Power here not one Scot of them all shall have any footing or any more to doe in this Kingdome I say considering this every true Englishman hath cause most highly to reverence the King for His Justice unto and His care of the dignity of the English Crown But to proceed the King tells His Queen that by that Act that base and ignoble act He found Reformation of the Church not to be as they pretended the end of this Rebellion and concludes it would be no piety but presumption rather in Himselfe not to use all lawfull meanes to maintaine His righteous Cause And as one mean to that purpose not thought of before He gives His Queen leave to promise in His Name that all penall Lawes in England against Roman Catholicks shall be taken away as soone sayes He as God shall inable me to doe it upon this Conditiion so as by their meanes I may have so powerfull assistance as may deserve so great a favour and inable me to doe it Now how truly from these words that accusation is collected let the Readers Judge Here they see is no absolute grant or tolleration of Idolatry as they pretend but only a conditionary promise of withdrawing the penall Statutes against the Papists His Subjects if by their meanes He may be delivered from this bloudy raging and malicious persecution of the Puritans and settled in His power and throne again And well may the Papists expect as much favour from the King for such a service as Adulterers have had already from the Parliament gratis Nor perhaps
will the King appear so aboundantly culpable in this case as these men would have Him if these 3. following particulars be well considered upon 1. The lawfulnesse of using the ayde of Papists specially being His own Subjects in case of life and extremity of which I have spoaken somewhat before to which I referre the Reader All that the Enemy can object is the Kings Resolution to the contrary at the beginning of this Rebellion His words to this purpose they faile not to alleadge in the end of their observations Pag. 55. where also they tell us that the King made a strict Proclamation for the punishing those of that Religion that should presume to list themselves under Him and that a way by Oath was prescribed for discrimination of them and instructions granted to the Commissioners of Array in all places to dis-arme them All which doth but speak His Majesties full purpose of keeping his Resolution for the King doubtlesse did verily beleeve till experience taught the contrary that Protestant Religion had such a power in the hearts of those that pretended so much unto it that they would never suffer Him their Soveraigne and protectour to stand in need of the help of Papists to defend Him And these men in the same place confesse that at the battle of Edge-hill the Papists were taken into the Kings Army of meere necessity and they alleadge in scorne the excuse as they call it which the King gave for the same namely that by law they were prohibited Armes in time of peace and not in time of Warre which distinction say these bore date long after the Warre begun but that was want of invention only perhaps so for who could have beleeved that men of their pretendings should prove so highly vile and base as they have done in driving their King to such exigents or that the People of our Religion should prove so ingratefull as to leave their Soveraigne and protector so desolate as that contrary to His own Resolution He must be forced in defence of His life to use those of another Religion and be put to excuse Himself by that distinction This makes me remember that in Seneca when Hercules familie was abused Ingrata tellus nemo ad Herculeae Domus auxilia venit vidit hoc tantum nefas defensus Orbis 2. The time when this Letter unto the Queen was writ wherein this promise was made and the occasion moving thereunto The time His accusers confesse was March 5. 1644. immediately after the breaking up of the Treaty at Uxbridge when all hopes of peace by way of an accommodation were frustrate and dissolved when the Kings affaires were very low and the enemy high having newly taken the Town of Shrewsbury one of His Majesties best Garrisons And the particular moving him at that time to think of this meane of procuring assistance from his Subjects of that Religion was as appeares in the Letter His discovery that the English Rebels had so much as in them lay transmitted the command of Ireland from him to the Scots Which might easily perswade him that their purpose was to take that of England unto themselves and so his whole Authority in all his Dominions being totally rent from him and divided amongst them he was like to be but a Sans terrae or a Cipher signifying just nothing in his three Kingdomes which also spake plainly to his Conscience that it was nothing lesse then Reformation of Religion what ever was pretended that the Puritane Rebels aymed at upon which considerations he concluded with himselfe as the Letter infers That it would be no Piety at all but plain Presumption in him to neglect any lawfull meane for defence of himselfe and that authority which God had entrusted him withall or still to stand upon scruples which word the malitious Observatours Pag. 45. would have the people take speciall notice of and truly what is it but a Scruple a needlesse Scruple for any to question whether a Protestant Prince should use the helpe of Papists in case of necessity to defend himself in his naturall rights and Royalties it being not onely lawfull but according to his Office and duty to preserve his Crown and Dignity by the help of his Subjects of what Religion soever they being by the providence of God lotted under his Government as the proper meanes and Instruments for that very purpose Wherefore now at length though the King had not hitherto as himself saies though of this meane scil with intent to use it yet upon this occasion and consideration I give thee leave says he to promise in my name that I will take away c. 3. The thing promised which is the taking away the penall Statutes against the Papists provided that in this his necessity they afford him that powerfull assistance as shall inable him to do it And truely if extraordinary successe be such a full proof of a good cause as these Libellers would now have it and the King by the assistance of his Popish Subjects should obtaine the same against his Puritan Rebells then their cause and Religion must for another while be concluded the best and this Argument being fore-swallowed much wrong should they have in the worlds deeme if at least He whom they have enabled should not suffer them to enjoy the free use of it under his protection And besides if we do but consider the Carriages of the Rebells themselves what allowance they have given and what promises they have made to men of all Sects and Religions for to purchase their assistance in taking from the King his inheritance and Authority What advantages they have made of the Kings fore-mentioned purpose and promise not to use the ayd of Papists How they have sued for that assistance which he resolved against and have entertained many of that Religion into their Armies and what proffers they have made to those whom they could not prevaile with to help them only to sit still and not help him I say if we consider of these things this promise which the King made will not appeare so unreasonable to men of understanding as these would have it But they Accuse the King afterward for offering this to the Queen in behalf of the Papists without either her or their request It may be easily beleeved that they have sued for it heretofore Besides if it be but considered what the fashion of the world is now come to be since the Puritans pricked up their ears Namely to Capitulate and bargain with their King for what they shall have and what he will grant before any duty or service shall be afforded to him and then too if it be remembred what large and unreasonable demands the Kings worst deserving subjects do require at His hands onely for the purchase of life and peace to himselfe and his people No man will wonder if the King do think the Papists will look at least for Liberty of Conscience and Religion under him when by their
of the maine Pillars of this rank faction where in like sort were present some of their Chaplaines and amongst them there was one Scholler who I think truly was an honest man at that present and verily I beleeve doth stil so continue he being like that Disciple which was known to the High Priest well acquainted with the Company and therefore might speak more freely to them and amongst them then another man could be suffered to doe and indeed so did He moved them to this purpose while they were at Supper or sitting at Table Gentlemen you have begun a Civill Warre in this Kingdome and you are come bere into the Country to draw us further to your assistance by requiring us to Associate with you You shall doe well to declare what it is that you doe bottome your Warre upon and what is the cause of this your undertaking that Seeing your Grounds to be lawfull and good we may with the better Conscience concur with you for though we take you to be wise and honest men yet it doth not become us to yeild you our blind obedience in a matter of so High concernment as this is Say therefore I pray for what cause doe you wage this Warre Is it for Religion Can you complaine of any restraint in that Are not the Temples open Have we not Liberty to Preach and professe the whole Truth of God Is true Religion so freely exercised in any Nation under Heaven as here Is not the King himselfe a Protestant ● Hath he not granted you a power to devise for its continuance and a promise of his concurrence with you to establish and settle it as strongly as you please What can you hope to get more by Warre concerning this thing then you may have nay then is offered to you in a way of Peace Wherefore declare I beseech you whether it be for Religion that you fight and if so what Particular in Religion it is that you would have us joyne with you to maintaine and defend One of the Members that thought himselfe the best speaker undertooke to Answer the Schollar for the Chaplaines poor soules were posed they sat stil and said nothing though some of them had been as far as Edge Hill And at length did after some shuffling fairly confesse being thus urged that in very deed it was not Religion they fought for the Doctor asks Why do you then pretend it to be so unto the people His answer was we shall never else win the people to us Well but what is it then replyed the Doctor Is it the Abolition of Episcopacy that you so contest about You know God hath sufficiently manifested his approbation of this Government by his so abundant blessing of this Church and Nation under it none in the world hath thrived better nor so well under any as ours hath done under this you know also that the King hath given you leave to punish or to see punished in a regular way all persons that have miscarried themselves in the execution of that Government without exception of any He hath given you power to see that all abuses in Discipline be removed yea and what ever is liable to exception in our Canons and Lyturgie to be altered for the ease and satisfaction of tender Consciences yea He hath yeilded to you for prevention of injustice afterward the taking away the High Commission and hath left it to you to purge all Ecclesiasticall Courts beside and as a pledge of Assurance against all growing Corruptions he hath enacted a Trienniall Parliament for the calling of ill officers and faulty Church Governours to an examination every three yeares before your selves Now do you think that notwithstanding all these particular Considerations that the Abolition of Episcopacy is a thing of that grand necessity as to imbroile this whole Nation and Kingdome in its own Bloud The Member being convinced also by these Reasons of this particular answered Truely it was not but as the former so this pretence also was to be used to winne and hold the people Why then sayes the Doctor will you tell us what is the cause why you fight The Wiseman answered to bring Delinquents to punishment and so for ought I know the disputation ended for this is all that I heard of it But I would have any of them all to name six Delinquents if they can that were so declared to be when they raised their first Forces some 3. or 4. persons perhaps fled the Kingdome but must the whole Nation bleed for that reason 'T is true indeed they fell afterward to make Delinquents apace and all that would not renounce the Doctrine of Christs Gospell which is a Doctrin of Loyalty and obedience and which they had alwayes been instructed in all that would not abjure their Oath of Allegeance break that Protestation lately imposed by these very men which was to maintaine defend the Kings Person Honour and Estate are looked upon as Delinquents and persecuted as such with fire and sword yea divers of the Members of both Houses who had to speak in these mens owne phrase so much Conscience and goodnesse in them as not to desert their trust in Parliament to their King and Country by giving up themselves to their wills are all become Delinquents too upon the suddaine and to bring all these to punish nent that Justice of Parliament may passe unto them are these Warres said to be undertaken and pursued and when they have by their Votes put all them to death whom they have done wrong unto perhaps they will sit still and be quiet but not before Well fare the good King yet He named six notorious Delinquents whereas these men never named any and when he saw he could not have the Justice of Law against them rather then make any further disturbance he declined their prosecution indeed he is blamed for his so doing by these men as was noted before but O that they had had the grace to have been guilty of such an errour And thus much by way of digression in the case of Delinquency I now return to their Story They tell us that the Answer returned to the foresaid Propositions was That if these things were granted the King should remain but the out-side but the picture but the sign of a King which very Answer they say was the Trumpet of War and the sound of defiance scil in their ears who had a great lust to quarrel now they had got weapons but their misery was the King stil crosses them for He would not permit it to be so owned Stil say they He saies He intends not to fix any disloyal design upon both or either House of Parliament He is rather most confident of the Loyalty good Affections and integrity of that great Bodies good intentions but the malignity of the design He saies hath proceeded from the subtile informations mischievous practices and evil Counsels of ambitious turbulent Spirits not without a