Phanippus during whose Regency they obtained the Victory of Marathon Aristides is Registred Of all his Vertues the Vulgar were most affected with his Justice because of its continual and common use Whence being a Person of mean fortune and Birth he possessed himself of the most Kingly and divine Appellation of Just Which no King or Tyrant ever sought after who have taken delight to be surnamed Overcomers of Cities Thunderers Conquerours and some Eagles and Hawks Affecting it seems the Reputation which proceeds from Power and Violence rather than that of Vertue Although the Divinity to whom they desire to compare and assimilate themselves excels in three things Immortality Power and Vertue but the most venerable and Divine is Vertue For the Elements and Vacuum have Immortality Earthquakes Thunders Storms and Torrents have great power but as for Justice and Equity nothing participates thereof except what is Divine by the means of Sapience and Ratiocination Wherefore there being three ways the Vulgar stand affected towards the Deity an esteem of his happiness a fear and honour of him they seem to think him blest and happy for his want of Death and Corruption to fear and reverence him for his Power and Dominion But to love honour and adore him for his Justice Nevertheless being thus disposed they covet that Immortality which our Nature is not capable of and that Power the greatest part of which is at the disposal of Fortune but foolishly postpone the onely Divine good in us Vertue For as much as Justice makes such as are in Prosperty Power and Authority to lead the life of a God the contrary that of a Beast Aristides therefore had at first the fortune to be belov'd for this surname but at length envied Especially when Themistocles spread a Rumour amongst the people that by determining and judging all matters by himself having destroyed the Courts of Judicature he secretly made way for a Monarchy in his own person without the assistance of Guards Now the spirits of the people grown high and set on great matters by reason of their late Victory were offended at all of eminent Fame and Reputation Coming together therefore from all parts into the City they banished Aristides by the Ostracism giving their Envy to his Reputation the Name of Fear of Tyranny For it was not the punishment of any flagitious Act but speciously term'd the Depression and Restraint of exceeding Greatness and Power It was a gentle mitigation of Envy determining its malice to work Injuries in no intolerable thing only a 10 years Banishment But after the People began to subject base and villanous Fellows hereunto they desisted from it Hyperbolus being the last whom they banished by the Ostracism The cause of Hyperbolus his banishmenâ— is said to be this Alcibiades and Nieias Men that bore the greatest sway in the City were of different factions As the people therefore were about to Vote the Ostracism and apparently to decree it against one of them consulting together and uniting their Parties they contrived the Banishment of Hyperbolus Whereupon the people being offended as if some Contempâ— or Affront was put upon the thing lest off and quite abolished it It was performed to be short in this manner Every one taking the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Shell and writing upon it the Citizen's Name he would have banished carried it to a certain part of the Market-place surrounded with wooden Rails First the Magistrates numbered all the Shells in gross for if there were less than six hundred the Ostracism was imperfect then laying every Name by it self they pronounced him whose Name was written by the major part banished for ten Years enjoying his Estate As therefore they were Inscribing their Shells it is reported that a very illiterate clownish Fellow giving Aristides his Shelâ— as to one of the Mobile entreated him to write Aristides upon it but he being amazed and asking if Aristides had ever done him any injury None at all said he neither know I the man but am troubled to bear him spoken of every where as a just Person Aristides hearing this is said to have made no Reply but returned the Shell with the Inscription of his own Name At his departure from the City lifting up his Hands to Heaven he prayed as appears contrary to Achilles that the Athenians might never have any occasion which should constrain them to remember Aristides Nevertheless three Years after when Xerxes marched through Thessaly and Baeotia into the Countrey of Attica Repealing the Law they Decreed the return of the Banished chiefly fearing Aristides lest joyning himself to the Enemy he should corrupt and bring over many of his Fellow Citizens to the party of the Barbarians being mistaken in the Man who even before the Decree was continually exciting and encouraging the Grecians to the defence of their Liberty And afterwards when Themistocles was General of the Athenians he assisted him in all things both of Action and Council rendring the greatest Enemy he had the most glorious of men in consideration of the common security For when Eurybiades was deliberating to desert the Isle of Salamis and the Gallies of the Barbarians putting out by Nighâ— to Sea surrounded and beset the narroâ— passage and Islands no body knowing hoâ— they were environed Aristides undauntedly sailed from Aegina through the Enemies Fleet and coming by Night to Themistocleâ— his Pavilion and calling him out by himself If we are Wise said he Themistocleâ— laying aside at this time our vain aad childisâ— contention let us enter upon a safe and honourable dispute contending with each other foâ— the preservation of Greece you in the Rulinâ— and Commanding I in the Executive and Advising part For as much as I now understanâ— that you alone adhere to the best Advice in counselling without any delay to engage in thâ— Streights And though our own party opposeâ— yet the Enemy seems to assist you herein Foâ— the Sea behind and all around us is covered with their Fleet so that we are under a necessity of approving our selves men of Couragâ— and Fighting whether we will or no foâ— there is no room left us for flight To which Themistocles answered I would not willingly Aristides be overcome by you on this occasion and shall endeavour in emulation 〈◊〉 this commendable beginning to go beyond thâ— same in my Actions Also relating to hiâ— the Stratagem he had framed against thâ— Barbarians he entreated him to persuade Eurytiades and shew him how it was impossible they should save themselves without an Engagement For he gave more to him Whence in the Council of War Cleocritus the Corinthian telling Themistocles that Aristides did not like his Advice for he was present and said nothing Aristides â—nswered That he should not hold his peace if Themistocles did not speak that which was â—ost expedient but that he was now silent not â—ut of any good will to the person but in apâ—robation of his
depart and thank Fortune that fought for him at Plateae for hitherto in reverence to that the Grecians did not inflict condign punishment upon him In the end they revolted to the Athenians And here the magnanimity of the Lacedaemonians was wondâ—rful For when they perceived that their Generals were corrupted by the greatness of their Authority they voluntarily laid down the chief Command and left off sending any more of them to the Wars choosing rather to have Citizens of Moderation and perseverance in their Customs and Manners than to possess the Dominion of all Greece Now even during the Command of the Lacedaemonians the Grecians paid a certain Contribution towards the maintenance of the War and being desirous to have all particular Persons Town by Town rated their due proportion they desired Aristides of the Athenians and gave him Command surveying the Countrey and Revenue to Sesse every one according to their ability and what they were worth But he being so largely impowered Greece as it were permitting all her Affairs to his sole management went out Poor and returned Poorer laying the Tax not onely without corruption and injustice but with the good liking and convenience of all For as the Ancients câ—lebrated the age of Saturn so did the Confederates of Athens Aristides his Taxation terming it the happy Time of Greece and that more especially the same being in a short time doubled and soon after trebled For the Assessment which Aristides made was four hundred and sixty Talents But to this Pericles added very near one third part more for Thucydides saith that in the beginning of the Peloponnesian War the Athenians had coming in from their Confederates six hundred Talents But after Pericles his death the Demagogues encreasing by little and little raised it to the sum of thirteen hundred Talents not through the Wars being so expensive and chargeable either in the length or ill success thereof as by their exciting the people to Largesses Play-House-expences and the erecting of Statues and Temples Aristides therefore acquiring a wonderful and great Reputation by his levying the Tribute Themistocles is said to deride him as if this were not the commendation of a Man but a Money-bag making a dislike return to the free speech of Aristides For he when Themistocles once was saying that he thought the chiefest Vertue of a General was to understand and foreknow the Measures the Enemy would take replied This indeed Themistocles is necessary but abstinence from bribes is an excellent thing and truly worthy a General Moreover Aristides made all the people of Greece swear to keep the League and himself took the Oath in the name of the Athenians flinging Wedges of red hot Iron into the Sea after Curses pronounced against them that should make breach of their Vow But afterwards it seems when things were at such a pass as constrained them to govern with a stronger hand he advised the Athenians throwing the Perjury upon him to manage Affairs as their convenience required Upon the whole matter Theophrastus tells us this Person was in his own private affairs and those of his fellow Citizens nicely just but that in publick matters he did many things according to the state and condition of his Countrey as frequently requiring acts of injustice It is reported of him that he should say to one who was in debate whether he should convey the Treasure from Delos to Athens contrary to the League at the perswasion of the Samians that the thing indeed was not just but expedient In fine having established the Dominion of his City over so many people he himself remained indigent and always delighted as much in the glory of being Poor as in that of his Trophies And it is evident from this Callias the Torch-bearer 〈◊〉 related to him This Person his Enemiâ—â— prosecuting in a Capital cause when they had slightly argued the matters whereof they indicted him thus nothing to the point bespoke the Judges You know said they Aristides the Son of Lysimachus who is the Admiration of all Greece In what 〈◊〉 condition do you think his Family is in at his House when you see him appear in publick in such a threadbare Cloak Is it not probable therefore that not keeping the cold from him abroad he wants food and other necessaries at home yet this Man though his Cousin-German doth Callias the most wealthy of the Athenians take no care for being with his Wife and Children in a necessitous condition having made use of him in many cases and often reaped advantage by his Interest with you But Callias perceiving the Judges were moved hereby and exasperated against him Subpoena'd Aristides requiring him to testifie that when he frequently offered him divers presents and entreated him to accept them he refused answering that it became him better to be proud of his Poverty than Callias of his Wealth for there are many to be seen that make a good and bad use of Riches but it is hard to meet with one who bravely suffers Poverty but that they should be ashamed of it who sustained it against their Wills. Aristides deposing these things in favour of Callias there was none who heard them that went not away desirous rather to be Poor like Aristides than Rich as Callias Thus Aeschines the follower of Socrates writes But Plato of all the great and renowned Men in the City of Athens declares this person only worthy of consideration for Themistoles Cimon and Pericles filled the City with Porticoes Treasure and many other vain things but Aristides squared his Actions by the Rule of Justice Great were the manifestations of his Moderation even towards Themistocles himself For though he was his Adversary in all his undertakings and the cause of his Banishment when he afforded an opportunity of Revenge being accused to the City he bore him no malice but Alcmaeon Cimon and many others Prosecuting and Impeaching him Aristides only neither did nor said any ill against him nor insulted over his Enemy in his Adversity as he never envied him his Prosperity Some say Aristides died in Pontus going by Sea upon the Affairs of the Public Others that he died of Old Age at Athens being in great Honour and Veneration amongst his fellow Citizens But Craterus the Lacedoemonian speaks of his Death in this manner After the Banishment of Themistocles he saith the people growing insolent there arose a great number of Evidences who impeaching the Nobility and principal men in the City subjected them to the Envy of the multitude swelled with their good fortune and Power Amongst which Aristides was condemned of Bribery upon the Accusation of Diophantus of Amphitrope for taking Money from the Ionians when he was Collector of the Tribute But of this Craterus bringeth no written proof neither the Sentence of his Condemnation nor the decree of the People though he is wont fairly to set down such things and citeâ— his Authors almost all others who have discoursed of the miscarriages of the
gave him a Blow with his Fist and went away Another Schoolmaster telling him that he had Homer corrected by himself How said Alcibiades and do you imploy your time in teaching Children to read You who are able to amend Homer may well undertake to instruct Men. Being once desirous to speak with Pericles he went to his House and was told there that he was not at leisure but busied in considering how to give up his Accompts to the Athenians Alcibiades as he went away said It were better for him to consider how he might avoid giving up any Accompts at all Whilst he was very young he was a Souldier in the Expedition against Potidaea where Socrates lodg'd in the same Tent with him and seconded him in all Encounters Once there happen'd a sharp skirmish wherein they both behav'd themselves with much Bravery but Alcibiades receiving a Wound there Socrates threw himself before him to defend him and most manifestly sav'd him and his Arms from the Enemy and therefore in all Justice might have challeng'd the Prize of Valour But the Generals appearing earnest to adjudge the Honour to Alcibiades because of his Quality Socrates who desir'd to increase his Thirst after Glory was the first who gave Evidence for him and press'd them to Crown him and to decree to him the compleat Suit of Armour Afterwards in the Battel of Delium when the Athenians were routed and Socrates with a few others was retreating on Foot Alcibiades who was on Horse-back observing it would not pass on but stay'd to shelter him from the danger and brought him safe off tho' the Enemy press'd hard upon them and cut off many of the Party But this happened some time after He gave a Box on the Ear to Hipponicus the Father of Callias whose Birth and Wealth made him a Person of great Power and Esteem And this he did unprovok'd by any Passion or Quarrel between them but only because in a Frolick he had agreed with his Companions to do it All men were justly offended at this Insolence when it was known through the City But early the next Morning Alcibiades went to his House and knock'd at the Door and being admitted to him stripp'd off his Garment and presenting his naked Body desir'd him to beat and chastize him as he pleas'd Upon this Hipponicus forgot all his Resentment and not only pardon'd him but soon after gave him his Daughter Hipparete in Marriage Some say that it was not Hipponicus but his Son Callias who gave Hipparete to Alcibiades together with a Portion of 10 Talents and that after when she had a Child Alcibiades forc'd him to give 10 Talents more upon pretence that such was the Agreement if she brought him any Children And yet after Callias for fear of being assassinated by him in a full Assembly of the People did declare that if he should happen to die without Children Alcibiades should inherit his House and all his Goods Hipparete was a vertuous Lady and fond of her Husband but at last growing impatient of the injuries done to her Marriage-bed by his continual entertaining of Curtezans as well Strangers as Athenians she departed from him and retir'd to her Brother's House Alcibiades seem'd not at all concern'd at it and liv'd on still in the same Luxury but the Law requiring that she should deliver to the Archon in Person and not by Proxy the Instrument whereby she sought a Divorce when in obedience to the Law she presented her self before him to perform this Alcibiades came in and took her away by force and carried her home through the Market-place no one all this while daring to oppose him nor to take her from him And she continu'd with him till her death which happened not long after when Alcibiades made his Voyage to Ephesus Nor was this Violence to be thought so very enormous or unmanly For the Law in making her who desires to be divorc'd appear in pubblick seems to design to give her Husband an opportunity of discoursing with her and of endeavouring to retain her Alcibiades had a Dog which cost him 70 Mina and was a very great one and very handsom his Tail which was his principal Ornament he caus'd to be cut off and his Acquaintance childing him for it and telling him that all Athens was sorry for the Dog and cried out upon him for this Action he laugh'd and said It is then come to pass as I desir'd for I would have the Athenians entertain themselves with the Discourse of this lest they should be talking something worse of me It is said that the first time he came into the Assembly was upon occasion of a Largess of Money which he made to the People This was not done by Design but as he pass'd along he heard a Shout and enquiring the Cause and having learn'd that there was a Donative made to the People he went in amongst them and gave Money also The Multitude thereupon applauding him and shouting he was sotransported at it that he forgot a Quail which he had under his Robe and the Bird being frighted with noise fled from him Thereupon the People made louder Acclamations than before and many of them rose up to pursue the Bird but one Antiochus a Pilot caught it and restor'd it to him for which he was ever after very dear to Alcibiades He had great Advantages to introduce himself into the Management of Affairs His noble Birth his Riches the personal Courage he had shewn in divers Battels and the multitude of his Friends and Dependents But above all the rest he chose to make himself Considerable to the People by his Eloquence That he was a Master in the Art of Speaking the Comick Poets bear him witness and Demosthenes the most eloquent of men in his Oration against Midias does allow that Alcibiades among other Perfections was a most exact Orator And if we give Credit to Theophrastus who of all Philosophers was the most curious Enquirer and the most faithful Relator he says that Alcibiades was very happy at inventing Things proper to be said upon the Occasion Nor did he consider the Things only which ought to be said but also what Words and what Expressions were to be us'd and when those did not readily occur he would often pause in the middle of his Discourse for want of apt words and would be silent and stop till he could recollect himself and had consider'd what to say His Expences in Horses kept for the publick Games and in the number of his Chariots were very magnificent for never any one besides himself either private Person or King sent seven Chariots to the Olympick Games He carried away at once the first the second and the fourth Prize as Thucydides says or the third as Euripides relates it wherein he surpass'd all that ever pretended in that kind Euripides celebrates his success in this manner Thee lovely Son of Clinias will I sing Thy Triumphs
at his Feet and so did his Wife and Children upon which Marcius crying out O Mother what is it you have done to me and whither am I reduc'd by it rais'd her up from the ground and pressing her right Hand with more than ordinary vehemence You have gain'd a Victory says he over me that is fortunate enough for the Romans but destructive to my self for I am preparing to depart hence as vanquish'd and driven away by you only After which and a little private Conference with his Mother and his Wife he sent them back again to Rome as they desir'd of him The next Morning he discamp'd and led the Volscians homeward who were variously affected with what was done nor did they all testifie a like Concern at it for some of them did both complain of the man and condemn the action while others inclining to reconciliation and a peaceable composure of things did blame neither and there was a third sort which very much dislik'd his proceedings yet they could not look upon Marcius as a treacherous person but thought it pardonable in him to be thus shaken and broke and forc'd to surrender at last through the stress and pressure of so many violent assaults and redoubled applications however none were so hardy as to contradict his orders but they did all obediently follow him mov'd rather by the admiration of his Vertue then any regard they now had to his Authority As for the Roman people they did more effectually discover how much fear and danger they had been iâ— while the War lasted by the manner oâ— their deportment after they were freed froâ— it for those that guarded the Walls had â—â— sooner given notice that the Volscians were dislodg'd and drawn off but they set opeâ— all their Temples in a moment and begaâ— to Crown themselves with Flowers and prepare for Sacrifice as they were woâ—â— to do upon Tidings brought of any signaâ— Victory But the joy and transport of the whole City became chiefly remarkablâ— from that honour and courtship of the Women which was joyntly paid them 〈◊〉 well by the Senate as the Vulgar every one declaring it his Opinion that they were evidently the Causes and Instrumentâ— of their publick safety and the Senate having past a Decree that whatsoever they would ask by way of Recompence as a Memorial and acknowledgment of their Fame and Merit should be allow'd and done foâ— them by the Magistrates they demandeâ— nothing else but that a Temple might bâ— erected to Female Fortune all the Expence whereof they did offer to defray out of their own Stock if the City woulâ— be at the cost of Sacrifices and furnisâ— them with other things which appertain to the due Honour of the Gods out of their common Treasury The Senate then very much commending the Forwardness and Bounty of their Minds caus'd the Temple to be built and a Statue to be set up therein at the publick Charge nevertheless they would needs make a Purse among themselves for another Image of Fortune which as the Romans say at the time of Dedication and placing of it spoke to this purpose O ye Ladies great is your Piety and Devotion in the Present you have made of me And they fabulously report that the same words were repeated a second time endeavouring to make us believe things that were never done and so like Impossibilities that it is very hard to credit them For I think it possible enough that Statues may seem both to sweat and to run with Tears yea and stand with certain dewy drops of a sanguine Dye for Timber and Stones are frequently seen to contract a kind of Scurf and Rottenness that does produce moisture and they do not only send forth many different Colours of themselves but receive variety of Tinctures from the ambient Air by which it is not absurd to imagine that the Deity may advertise and forewarn us of several things It may happen also that these Images and Statues shall sometimes make a noise not unlike that of a Squeak or Groan through a rupture at the bottom or the violent separation of their inward Parts but that articulate Voice and such express words and so clear and accurate and even Language should be thus formed by inanimate beings is in my judgment a thing utterly unfeasible seeing it was never known that either the Soul of Man or even God himself did utter vocal Sounds and Discourse alone without an organiz'd Body and Instruments fitted for Elocution But where History does in a manner force our Assent by the Concurrences of many credible Witnesses in this Case we are to conclude that an Impression not unlike that which does affect Sense falling then upon the Fancy draws in the Imaginative part to comply therewith and take it for a true Sensation just as it happens to us when we are fast asleep our Eyes and Ears seem to be entertain'd with those things which we neither see nor hear As for those Persons who out of good will towards God and their friendly inclination for him and a great Tenderness as to all religious Matters are so over-fond and passionate herein that they cannot easily perswade themselves to despisâ— or reject any thing of this kind they have thâ— admirable efficiency of divine Power which surpasses our Comprehension as a mighty Motive and Support to the belief thereof For God has no manner of Resemblance either as to his Nature or his Motion or his Skill or his Ability with what is humane and therefore it is no wonder at all if he should devise and perform that which cannot be contriv'd or accomplish'd by any Mortal and though he differs from and does infinitely excel us in all things else yet the dissimilitude and distance betwixt Him and Men appears no where so much as in the Prodigiousness of his Working and the strange Effects of his Omnipotence however a considerable part of the Divine Operations as Heraclitus affirms do pass by unobserv'd and escape our Knowledge because we are Infidels in the Point and have not Faith enough to believe them But let us now look after Marcius and enquire how he was treated upon his Return to Antium where we shall find Tullus a Man that did perfectly hate him and could not longer endure one he was so much afraid of consulting how he might immediately dispatch him who if he did escape at present was never like to afford him such another Advantage for that purpose Having therefore got together and suborn'd several Partisans against him he requir'd Marcius to resign his Charge and give the Volscians an account of his Administration of Affairs who apprehending the danger of a private Condition if Tullus should be made Commander in Chief that of all others had the greatest Power and Interest with those of Antium made Answer That he was ready to lay down his Commission whenever the Volscian States from whose common Authority he had receiv'd it should think fit to command him
observation of Auguries In his Aedility by a certain mischance he was brought to a necessity of commencing a Suit and bringing an impeachment into the Senate He had a Son named Marcus both of excellent beauty in the flower of his Age and of such sweet manners and rare Erudition that the Citizens admired him This Youth one Capitolinus a lascivious and audacious man Marcellus his Collegue vehemently loved and attempted Whose temptation the Lad at first by himself rejected but when the other again sollicited him he discover'd the thing to his Father Marcellus highly offended with the indignity accuses the man in the Senate Who having appeal'd to the Tribunes of the people endeavoured by various shifts and various exceptions to elude the impeachment and the Tribunes not receiving the appeal by flat denial rejected the charge But because there was no witness of the fact Capitolinus having attempted the Youth privately and alone therefore the Senate thought fit to call the Youth himself before them Whose blushing and tears and bashfulness mix'd with highest indignation when the Fathers observed seeking no farther evidence of the Crime they condemn Capitolinus and set a fine upon him according to the estimation of the injury of the money of which mulct Marcellus caused to be made a Silver Table which he dedicated to the Gods. But after the end of the first Punic War that lasted one and twenty years the Seeds of the Gallic tumults sprang up and began again to trouble Rome The Iberes a people inhabiting the Subalpine region of Italy strong in their own forces raised out of the rest of the Gauls aids of mercenary Souldiers which are called Goesatoe from the heavy Darts or Javelins used by them in Fights And it was a miracle and the good fortune of Rome that the Gallic War was not coincident with the Punic but that they had with fidelity stood quiet as Spectators while the Punic war continued that they might with their whole power set upon the Conquerour and deferr'd their invasion till the Romans were at leisure to resist them Yet the Neighbourhood and ancient renown of the Gauls struck no little fear into the minds of the Romans who were about to undertake a War so near home and upon their own borders For that they fear'd more than any other Nation the Gauls because they had once taken their City is apparent From which time it was by a special Law provided that the High Priest should enjoy an exemption from all military Offices except onely in Gallic insurrections The great preparations made by the Romans for War for it is not reported that the people of Rome ever had at one time so many Legions in Arms either before or since and their extraordinary Sacrifices were plain arguments of their fear at that time For though they were most averse from the Institutions and Rites of barbarous and cruel Nations and above all had with the Grecians pious and reverent Sentiments of the Gods yet when this year was coming upon them they then from some Prophesies in the Sibyls Books put alive under ground a pair of Greeks one male the other female and likewise two Gauls one of each Sex in the Market call'd the Beast-market continuing even to this day the same secret and abominable Sacrifices of Greeks and Gauls in the month of November In the beginning of this War when the Romans sometimes obtain'd remarkable Victories sometimes were shamefully beaten nothing was done toward the final determination of the Contest until C. Quintius Flaminius and P. Furius Philo being Consuls brought mighty forces against the Insubres a people of Gallia on the farther side of the River Po. Then they saw the River that runs through the Countrey of Picenum flowing with blood There was a report that three Moons had been seen at once at Ariminum And in the Consular Assembly the Augurs declared that the Consuls had been unduly created The Senate therefore immediately sent Letters to the Camp recalling the Consuls to Rome with all possible speed and commanding them to desist from acting farther against the Enemies and to abdicate themselves from the Consulship on the first opportunity These Letters being brought to Flaminius he defer'd to open them till having defeated and put to flight the Enemies forces he wasted and ravaged their borders Wherefore the people went not forth to meet him returning with huge spoils nay because he had not instantly obeyed the command in the Letters by which he was recalled but slighted and contemned them they wanted not much of denying him the honour of a Triumph Nor was the Triumph sooner pass'd than they deposed him with his Collegue from the Magistracy and reduced them to the state of private Citizens So much did all things at Rome depend upon Religion Though the course of their Affairs were smooth and prosperous yet if their Enterprizes met not with successes happy enough to answer their wishes presently they gave out that the Auspices and ancient Rites were neglected thinking it to be of more importance to the Publick Safety if the Magistrates reverenced the Gods than if they overcame their Enemies And so Tiberius Sempronius whom for his probity and Vertue the Citizens highly esteem'd created Scipio Nafica and Caius Martius Consuls successors to those that had been exauctorated When these were gone into their Provinces he lighted upon books concerning the Religion of the people where he found somewhat he had not known before which was this When the Consul made his solemn Auspice he sate without the City in a house or Tabernacle hired for that occasion but if it hapned that he for any emergent cause return'd into the City having not yet seen any certain signs he was obliged to leave that first Tabernacle and to seek another out of which he might survey the Heaven round about and finish his Contemplation This having as I conceive deceiv'd Tiberius who twice used one and the same Tabernacle he renounced or protested against the Consuls as not legitimately and with due Ceremonies elected And afterwards understanding his errour he referr'd the matter to the Senate nor did the Senate neglect this minute fault but soon wrote expresly of it to Scipio Nasica and C. Martius who leaving their Provinces and without delay returning to Rome laid down their Magistracy But these things followed afterward At the same time the Priesthood was taken away from two men of very great honour Cornelius Cethegus and Q. Sulpitius from the former because he had not rightly held forth the entrails of a Beast slain for Sacrifice from the latter because while he was immolating the little woollen tuft which the Flamens wear on the top of their Cap had faln from his head Minutius the Dictator who had named C. Flaminius Master of the Horse they deposed from his Command because the noise of a gnawing Rat was heard and they put others into their places And yet notwithstanding by observing so anxiously these punctillios and
Counsel In this sort were â—he Grecian Captains busied But Aristides â—erceiving Psyttalia a small Island that lieth â—ithin the streights over against Salamis wholâ— taken up by the Enemy he put aboard â—is Tenders the most forward and couraâ—ious of his Country-men and went ashore â—pon it and joyning Battel with the barâ—arous people slew them all except such â—emarkable Persons as were taken alive Aâ—ongst these were three Children of Canâ—auce the King's Sister whom he immediâ—tely sent away to Themistocles and it is reâ—orted that according to a certain Oracle â—hey were by the Command of Euphrantides â—he Seer sâ—crificed to Bacchus Omestes or â—he Devouâ—er But Aristides surrounding â—he Island with Armed Men lay in wait â—r such as were cast thereon to the intent none of his Friends should perish or any of his Enemies escape For the greatest engagement of the Ships and the main fury of the whole Battel seemeth to have been about this place Wherefore a Trophy was erected in Psyttalia After the fight Themistocles to sound Aristides told him they had performed a good piece of service but there was a better yet to be done the keeping Asia in Europe by sayling forthwith to the Hellespont and cutting in sunder the Bridg. But Aristides exclaiming desired him to let fall the Discourse but to deliberate and Essay as soon as possible to remove the Mede out of Greece lest being inclosed through want of means to escape necessity should convert him to force his way with so great an Army So Themistocles once more dispatched Arnaces the Eunuch his Prisoner giving him in Command privately to advertise the King that he had diverted the Greeks from their intention oâ— setting Sail for the Bridges out of a desire hâ— had to preserve him Xerxes being much terrified herewith immediately speeded tâ— the Hellespont But Mardonius was leâ—â— with the most serviceable part of the Army about three hundred thousand 〈◊〉 and was formidable through 〈◊〉 great confidence he had reposed in his Infantry menacing the Grecians and writing to theâ— in this manner You have overcome by Sea Men accustomed to sight on Land and unskilled at the Oar but now there is in the Champaign Countrey of Thessaly and the Plains of Beeotia convenient for the Valiant either Horse or Foot to contend in But he sent privately to the Athenians both by Letter and word of Mouth from the King promising to re-edifie their City to give them a vast sum of Money and constitute them Lords of all Greece on condition they were not engaged in the War. The Lacedaemonians being advertised hereof and fearing dispatched an Embassy to the Athenians entreating that they would send their Wives and Children to Sparta and receive Alimony from them for their superannuated For being spoiled both of their City and Countrey an extream poverty oppressed the people Having given Audience to the Embassadors they returned an Answer upon the motion of Aristides which was to admiration declaring that they forgave their Enemies if they thought all things â—urchasable by wealth than which they knew noâ—hing of greater value but that they were highâ—y offended at the Lacedaemonians because they â—ad respect onely to their present poverty and â—xigence without any remembrance of their â—alour and Magnanimity when they exâ—ort them to fight in the cause of Greece for the reward of their Bread. Aristides making this Proposal and bringing back the Embassadours into the Assembly charged them to tell the Lacedaemonians that all the Treasure in the whole World was 〈◊〉 of that value with the people of Athens as the liberty of Greece And shewing the Suâ— to those who came from Mardonius as long as that retains the same course so long said he shall the Citizens of Athens wage War with the Persians for that Country which has been wasted and those Temples that have been profaned and burnt by them Moreover he preferred a Decree that the Priests should Anathematize him who sent any Embassageâ— to the Medes or deserted the Alliance of Greece When Mardonius made a second Incursion into the Countrey of Attica they passed over again to the Isle of Salamis But Aristides being sent to Lacedaemon reproved in them their delay and neglect as abandoning Athens once more to the Barbarians but demanded their assistance for that parâ— of Greece which was not yet lost The Ephori hearing this made shew of sporting all Day and carelesly keeping Holy-day foâ— they celebrated the Hiacynthia But in thâ— night selecting five thousand persons each oâ— which was attended by seven Ilotes they sent them forth unknown to those oâ— Athens And when Aristides came again to reprehend them they told him in derision that he either doted or dreamed for the Army was already at Oresteum in their march towards the Strangers for so they called the Persians But Aristides said they jested unseasonably deluding their Friends instead of their Enemies Thus says Idomeneus But in the Decree of Aristides not himself but Cimon Xanthippus and Muronides are appointed Embassadors Being chose General of the War he repaired to Plateae with eight thousand Athenians where Pausanias Generalissimo of all Greece joined him with the Spartans and the forces of the other Grecians came in to tâ—em The whole Camp of the Barbarians being extended all along the Bank of the River Asopus their numbers were so great there was no bounding them but their Carriages and most valuable things they surrounded with a square Bulwark each side of which was the length of ten â—urlongs Now Tisamenes of this had prophesied â—o Pausanias and all the Grecians and foreâ—old them the Victory if they made no atâ—empt upon the Enemy but stood on their defence But Aristides sending to Delphos â—he God answer'd that the Athenians should overcome their Enemies in case they made supplication to Jupiter and Juno of Citheron Pan and the Nymphs Sphragitides and sâ—crificed to the Heroes Androcrates 〈◊〉 Pisander Damocrates Hypsion Actaeon and Polyidus and if they fought within their own Territories in the Plain of Ceres Eleusina and Proserpina Aristides was perplexed at the return of this Oracle for the Heroes to whom it commanded him to Sâ—crifice had been Chieftains of the Plataeans and the Cave of the Nymphs Sphragitides was on the top of Mount Citheron on that side which in the Summer season in opposed to the setting Sun In which place as Fame goeth there was formerly an Oracle and many that dweâ—◠〈◊〉 those parts were inspired with it whom tâ—â—y called Nympholepti possessed with thâ— Nymphs But the Plain of Ceres Eleusina and giving Victory to the Athenians if they fought in their own Territories recalled again and transferred the War into the Country of Attica In this Juncture Arimnestuâ— who commanded the Plataeans dreamed that Jupiter the Saviour asking him what the Grecians had resolved upon he answered To morrow Lord we march our Army to Eleusis and there give the Barbarians Battel according to the directions of the Oracle of
People towards their Generals collect together and treat of the Banishment of Themistocles Miltiades his Bonds Pericles his Fine and the death of Paches in the Judgment-Hall who upon receiving Sentence slew himselâ— before the Tribunal with many things oâ— the like nature and they add the Banishment of Aristides but of this his condemnation they make no mention Moreover hâ—â— Monument is to be seen at Phalera whicâ— they say was built him by the City aâ— not leaving enough even to defray Funeral Charges And Story saith that hâ— two Daughters were publickly married oâ— of the Prytaneum or Common Treasurâ— by the City decreeing each of them three hundred Drachma's for her Portion But upon his Son Lysimachus the people bestowed an hundred Minae of Silver and a Plantation of as many Acres of ground and ordered him besides upon the motion of Alcibiades four Drachma's a day Furthermore Lysimachus leaving a Daughter named Policrite â—s Callicrates saith the People Voted her â—lso the same provision of Corn with â—hose that obtained the Victory in the Oâ—ympic Games But Demetrius the Phalerian Hieronymus the Rhodian Aristoxenus the Musician and Aristotle if the Treatise â—f Nobility is to be reckoned among the genuine Pieces of Aristotle say that Myrto Aristides his Grand-Daughter was marryed â—o the wise Socrates having another Wife â—ut taking her as remaining a Widow by â—â—ason of her Indigence and wanting the â—ecessaries of life But Panaetius sufficiently â—onfuteth this in the Books he hath written â—oncerning Socrates And Demetrius the â—halerian in his Socrates saith he knew one â—ysimachus Son to the Daughter of Aristides â—â—treamly necessitated who sitting at a â—ace called the Jaccheum sustained himself â—y a Table to interpret Dreams and that â—e being the Author of the Decree induced â—e People to give his Mother and Aunt â—alf a Drachma a Day Moreover the same Demetrius saith that reviewing the Laws he decreed each of these Women a Drachma a Day And it is not to be wondred at that the People of Athens should take such care of those that live in the City since hearing the Grand-Daughter of Aristogiton was in a low condition in the Isle of Lemnos and so poor no body would marry her they brought her back to Athens and marrying her to a Person of great Quality gave with her a Farm in the Borough of Potam of which Bounty and Humanity this City of Athens even in this our Age giving divers Demonstrations is had in Admiration and celebrated deservedly Labour and paine did Catoes yeares employ The Country gave his youth an honest joy Sometime hee little Villages wou'd see And plead y e poore mans cause w th out a fee THE LIFE OF MARCUS CATO THE CENSOR By Sir John Litcott late Fellow of King's Colledge in Cambridge Volume II. MArcus Cato as it is reported was born at Tusculum though till he betook himself to Civil and Military Affairs he liv'd and was bred up in the Countrey of the Sabines where his Father's Estate lay His Ancestours seeming to almost every one unknown he himself is fain to praise his Father Marcus as a Worthy and Valiant Person and Cato his great Grandfather too as one who had often obtain'd the Military Prizes and who having lost five Horses under him receiv'd on the account of his Valour the Worth of them out of the Publick Exchequer Now it being the custome among the Romans to call those who having no lustre by Birth made themselves Eminent by their own Worth Freshmen or Vpstarts they call'd even Cato himself so and so he confess'd himself to be as to any publick Eminency or Employment but yet asserted that in reference to the Exploits and Virtues of his Ancestours he was very ancient His third name formerly was not Cato but Priscus though afterwards he had the Sir-name of Cato by reason of his great Abilities for the Romans signify'd by Cato a Prudent or Experienc'd Man. He was of a Ruddy complexion and grey ey'd as he hints to us who with no good will made the following Epigram upon him Porcius who snarls at all in every place With goggling grey eyes and his fiâ—ry face Ev'n after Death will not received be By Proserpin th' Infernal Deity He contracted even from his Childhood a very good habit of Body by his Exercises so that he seem'd to have an equal portion both of Health and Strength But he exerted and us'd still his Eloquence through all the Neighbourhood and little Villages it being as requisite as a second Body and a necessary Organ to one who has great business Nor wou'd he ever deny to be Council for those who needed him and he was indeed early reckon'd a good Lawyer and quickly after an Eminent Oratour Hence his Wisdome and depth of Capacity did appear more and more to those who us'd his Conversation which Talents requir'd an Employment in the management of great Affairs and those even of the Roman Commonwealth it self Nor did he onely abstain from taking Fees for his Counsel and Pleading but did not so much as affect the honour which proceeded from such kind of Combats seeming much more desirous to signalize himself in the Camp and in real Fights for being yet but a youth his Breast was full of the scars he received from the Enemy being as he himself says but seventeen years old when he made his first Campagne About which time Hannibal burnt and pillag'd all Italy In Engagements he wou'd use to strike lustily without the least flinching stand firm to his ground with a fierce countenance stare upon his Enemies and with a harsh threatning voice accost them Nor was he out in his Opinion whilst he taught That such a rugged kind of Behaviour sometimes does strike the Enemy more than the Sword it self In his Marches he bore his own Arms on foot whilst one only Servant follow'd to carry the Provisions for his Table with whom he is said never to be angry or hasty whilst he made ready his Dinner or Supper but wou'd sor the most part when he was free from Military Duty assist and help him himself to dress it Moreover when he was with the Army he us'd to drink onely Water but when thirsty he wou'd mingle it with a little Vinegar or if he found his strength fail him take a little Wine The little Countrey-house of Marcus Curius who had been thrice carry'd in Triumph happen'd to be near his Grounds so that going thither often and contemplating the small compass of the Place and littleness of the Dwelling he cou'd not but wonder at the mind of the Person who being one of the greatest of the Romans and having subdu'd the most War-like Nations nay and driven Pyrrhus out of Italy should himself after three Triumphs dig in so small a piece of ground and live in such a kind of Cottage Here it was that the Ambassadours of the Samnites finding him boiling of Turnips in the Chimney-corner offer'd him a good
he Industriously slipt it and struck up a Peace with him leaving Sparta to bewail an undeserved Slavery whether it were that he feared if the War should be protracted Rome would send a new General who might rob him of the Glory of it or that the Emulation and Envy of Philopoemen's wreaths a Man that had signalized himself among the Grecians upon all other occasions but in that War especially had done wonders both for matter of Courage and Counsel one whom the Grecians celebrated in their Theatres and put into the fame Balance of Glory with Titus touch'd him to the Quick. For he scorn'd that an Arcadian a Captain and Leader in a few Rencounters upon the confines of his Country should be look'd on by them with an equal admiration to the Roman Consul who Warr'd on the behalf of all Greece But besides Titus was not without an Apology too for what he did to wit that he put an end to the War onely then when he foresaw that the Tyrant's Destruction must have been attended with a sweeping train of Ruine upon the other Spartans The Achaeans indeed decreed and studied to honour Titus in many things but none seem'd to come up to the height of the Actions that merited them unless it were one Present they made him which affected and pleas'd him beyond all the rest and 't was this The Romans who in the War with Hannibal had the misfortune to be taken Captives were sold about here and there and disperst into Slavery 1200 in number were at that time in Greece That turn of their Fortune always rendred them Objects of Compassion but more particularly then as well it might when some met their Sons some their Brothers some their Acquaintance Slaves Freemen Captives Conquerours Titus though deeply concern'd on their behalf yet took none of them from their Masters by Constraint But the Achaeans redeeming them at five Pounds a Man brought them altogether into one place and made a Present of them to Him as he was just going on Ship-board so that he now Sail'd with a full Gale of Satisfaction His generous Actions procured him as generous Returns worthy of so brave a Man and so intimate a Lover of their Country This seem'd the most Pompous part of all his succeeding Triumph for these Redeemed Romans as 't is the custom for Slaves upon their manumission to shave their Heads and wear a peculiar kind of Caps followed in that Habit Titus's Triumphant Chariot But to add to the Glory of this Shew there were the Grecian Helmets the Macedonian Targets and Javelins and the rest of the Spoils bore along in Pomp and Ostentation before him besides vast Sums of Money for as Itanus relates it there was carried in this Triumph 3713 pounds weight of Massie Gold 43270 of Silver 14514 pieces of coin'd Gold called Philipicks all this over and above the 1000 Talents which Philip owed and which the Romans were afterwards prevail'd upon but chiefly by the agency and mediation of Titus to remit to Philip withal declaring him their Allie and Confederate and sending him home his Hostage-Son After this Antiochus makes an Expedition into Greece attended with a numerous Fleet and powerful Army solliciting the Cities there to Sedition and Rebellion The Aetolians did abet and second him for they of a long time had born a grudge and secret Enmity to the Romans and now suggest to him as matter of manifesto for a cause and pretext of War that he came to bring the Grecians Liberty When alas they never less wanted it for they were free before but for lack of a more smooth and specious Pretence they intrust him to use a word of the nearest and dearest Import The Romans in the interim fearing from them an Insurrection and Revolt and from him the Reputation of his Puissance Dispatch'd away the Consul Manius Attilius to take the charge of the War with regard to Antiochus and Titus as Embassador out of regard to the Grecians some of whom he no sooner saw but he confirm's them in the Roman Interests others who began to falter like a Physician that prescribes Remedies in time before the Disease seize the Vitals he underprop't and kept their affections and good-will they had born to him from warping Some few there were whom the Aetolians were before-hand with and had so wholly tainted and perverted that he could do no good on them yet these howsoever angry and exasperated he was against them before he saved and Protected when the Engagement was over For Antiochus receiving a Defeat at Thermopylae not onely fled the Field but hoisted Sail instantly for Asia Manius the Consul laid Siege himself to some of the Aetolians others he allowed King Philip to ravage and waste at his pleasure for instance the Dolopi and Magnetians on one hand the Athamani and Aperanti on the other were harassed and ransackt by the Macedonians whilst Manius laid Heraclae waste and besieg'd Naupactus then in the Aetolians hands But Titus still with a commiserating care for Greece makes over from Peloponnesus to the Consul at first he falls a chiding him that the Victory should be owing alone to his arms and he to suffer Philip to bear away the Prize and profit of the War he to sit lazily wreaking his anger upon a single Town whilst the Macedonians over-ran several Nations and Kingdoms Titus hapned to stand then in view of the Besieged they no sooner spied him out but they call to him from their Wall they stretch forth their hands they supplicate and intreat him at that time he said not a word more by way of answer to them or otherwise by turning himself above with tears in his Eyes he went his way some little while after he discoursed the matter so effectually with Manius that he wrought him off from his Passion and prevail'd with him to give a Truce and time to the Aetolians to send Deputies to Rome to Petition the Senate for terms of Moderation But the hardest task and that which put Titus to the greatest plunge was to intreat with Manius for the Chalcidians who had incenc'd him on account of a Marriage which Antiochus had made in their City even whilst the War was on Foot A match no-ways suitable for their Age he an ancient man she a very Girl and as little proper for the time for a General to Marry at the Head of an Army and unbend his thoughts to such dalliances in the midst of a War. But deeply smitten and charm'd he was with the Damsel She was the Daughter of Cleoptolemus and none of the young Ladies there were comparable to her for Beauty on this occasion the Chalcidians both embrac'd the King's Interests with zeal and alacrity and yieded him their City for his Retreat and Refuge during the War. Thither therefore he made with all speed when he was routed and fled and shelter'd himself in Chalcis but without making any stay for taking this young Lady and his
made a narrow and severe scrutiny into the Senatours Lives in order to the Purging and Reforming the House and then put Lucius out though he had been once Consul before His Brother looks upon this as a Proceeding that reflected Dishonour upon himself Hereupon both of them come out and appeal to the People in a suppliant submissive manner not without tears in their Eyes requesting barely that Cato might but shew the reason and cause of his fixing such a Stain and Infamy upon so honourable a Family The Citizens thought it a modest and moderate request Cato for all this ne'er shrinks for the matter but out he comes and standing up with his Collegue Interrogates Titus whether he knew the Story of the Treat Titus answering in the Negative Cato gives him a Relation of it conjuring withall his Brother Lucius to say whether every syllable of it were not true Lucius made no reply whereupon the People adjudg'd the disgrace just and suitable to his Demerits and waited upon Cato home from the Tribunal in great State. But Titus still so deeply resented his Brother's degrading that he struck in with those who had born a long grudge to Cato and winning over a major part of the Senate to him he revok'd and made void all the Contracts Leases and Bargains made formerly by Cato relating to the publick Revenues and stirr'd up many and violent actions and accusations against him But how well and how like a good Citizen I know not for a person to reserve an Inveterate hatred against a lawful Magistrate an excellent Common-wealths-man and in the cause of a private man who stood indeed related to him but unworthy to be so and a man that had but his Desert But notwithstanding all this when afterwards a Shew was exhibited to the people in the Theatre the Senatours sitting orderly up above as they were wont Lucius was spied at the lower end set in a mean dishonourable place it made an Impression upon the people nor could they longer endure the sight but set a crying up up up till he was got in among those of Consular Dignity who received him into their Seat. This natural Ambition of Titus was well enough look't upon by the World whilst the Wars we have given a Relation of afforded competent Fuel to feed it for after the expiration of his Consulship he had a command of Military Tribune which no body prest upon him But being now out of all Employ in the Government and advanced in years he stands more condemned that that poor remainder of Life wholly unfit for action should strut and swell with thoughts of Glory and put on such youthful passions which made him not master of himself Some such transport 't is thought set him against Hannibal an action which lost him the love and hearts of many For Hannibal having fled his Country first took Sanctuary with Antiochus but he having been glad to strike up a Peace after the Battel in Phrygia Hannibal was put to shift for himself by a second Flight and after a Ramble through many Countries fixeth at length in Bithynia profering the Service of his Sword to their King Prusias None at Rome but knew where he was but they looked upon him at the same time with contempt for his little Power and great Age one whom Fortune had quite cast off Titus coming Embassadour thither though 't is true he was sent from the Senate to Prusias upon another Errand yet seeing Hannibal resident there it stirr'd up Resentments in him to think that he was yet alive And though Prusias used much Intercession and Intreaties in favour of him as a man of his acquaintance a Friend a Suppliant that cast himself into his arms for refuge Titus was not to be intreated There was an antient Oracle it seems which prophesied thus of Hannibal's End. Libyssan Earth shall Hannibal Inclose He interpreted this to be meant of Libia that is Africk and that he should be Buried in Carthage as if he might yet expect to return and live there again and onely there to Die. But there is a Sandy place in Bithynia bordering on the Sea and near that a little Village call'd Libyssa Hither 't was Hannibal's chance to retire himself and having ever from the beginning had a distrust of the easiness and ductile Nature of Prusias and a fear of the Romans he had long before ordered seven Vaults as so many Outlets to be digg'd in his house leading from his Lodging and running a great way under ground and so many several ways opposite to one another but all undiscernible from without As soon therefore as he heard what Titus had order'd he attempted through these Caves to make his Escape but finding them beset with the King's Guards he resolved upon making away with himself Some say that wrapping his outward Garment about his Neck he commanded his Servant to set his Knee against his Back-parts and not to leave twisting and pulling of it till he had quite strangled and kill'd him But others say he drank Bulls-blood after the Example of Themistocles and Midas Livy writes that he had Poyson in a readiness which he mix't for the purpose and that taking the Cup into his hand Let us ease says he the Romans of their continual dread and care who think it long and tedious to await the Death of an Hated Old man. Yet shall not Titus bear away a Glorious Victory nor worthy of those Ancestours who sent to caution Pyrrhus an Enemy and a Conquerour too against the Poyson prepar'd for him by Traytors Thus various are the Reports of Hannibal's Death but when the News of it came to the Senatours Ears some had an Indignation against Titus for it blaming as well his officiousness as his Cruelty who when there was neither Reason of State nor other Circumstance to oblige it but out of Preposterous affectation of Glory and to raise himself a Name from his dead ashes sent him to his Grave who like a Bird that hangs his Wings or has moulted his Tail through age was let alone to live Tamely Then began they to set out with fresh Eulogies the Clemency the Courage the Gallantry of Scipio Africanus they admire him now more than ever for when he had vanquished in Africa the till then Invincible and Terrible Hannibal he neither banish'd him his Country or exacted it of his Country-men that they should put him into his hands Nay at a Parly just before they joyn'd Battel Scipio embrac'd him and in the Peace made after it he put no hard Article upon him nor insulted over his declin'd Fortune Report goes that they had another meeting again at Ephesus and as they were walking together Hannibal Industriously took the upper hand Africanus let him alone and kept walking on without the least Concern Afterwards they fell to talk of Generals Hannibal affirming that Alexander was the bravest Commander the World had ever seen but next to him