so far break that trust which was râ—posed in them as to 〈◊〉 â—ake their â—ears in Parliament some of them as was râ—poâ—ted invited by Letters from the King and others of their own accord At the revolt of so many members from the Parliament the Kingdom in general began to fear and all that loved the Nations Peace were in an high measure dismayed among whom nothing was to be heard in all meetings and discourses but sad presages of misery to the Kingdom if Almighty God did not in a miraculous way prevent it They concluded that no other way could have been â—ound out to endanger the overthrow of that Parliament which many open attempts and secret conspiracies could not doâ— That as the ruine of England could not in probability be wrought but by it self so the Parliament could not be broken a Prologue to the other but by her own Members and that sentence verified Perditio tua ex te Though the opinions of men differed concerning the censure of those Members while some condemned others in some degree excused them according as affection and private interests did lead them yet concerning the Effects which that Revolt in all probability must produce all rational men concurred in opinion that nothing but Calamity and Ruine could flow from it What else said they can this Revolt do but nourish and increase the King's disaffection to the Parliament What but encourage his distance from it and attempts against it What but secure the Irish Rebels and endanger the losse of that Kingdom cherish Papists obstruct Justice and give impunity to all Delinquents Nothing else had power to undermine and shake the dignity and reverence belonging to that high Court whilst not onely the People by that diminution of their number were perswaded to esteem of it as an imperfect Parliament but the King might take that advantage of it which proved true in his succeeding Declarations and Writings what he never did before as to call them a Faction or pretended Parliament and such like In censuring those Lords and Commons who deserted the Parliament the People as was said before did much differ Some considering how great the number was that many of them were of whole estates of good reputation and able parts began to to think or at least to say that the Parliament was not free enough that those Members which was also their own excuse were curbed by a prevalent faction in the Houses and over-awed by tumults from the City of London Upon that occasion they called to minde in what manner the names of nine and fifty Members of the House of Commons had been posted up at the Exchange for dissenting from the rest about condemning of the Earl of Strafford besides what menacing speeches had been given by rude people to some Lords whom they thought ill-affected Others answered that although such things had been rashly and foolishly done by some unadvised persons yet it could not be feared that any tumults from the Citie would ever violate a Parliament sitting and that the tumultuous appearance of such multitudes from the Citie was rather intended for encouragement and security of the Parliament against such invasions as might be made upon them to aw their just freedom and treacherous Conspiracies which by report were made against them by people disaffected to that high Court which that Plot of bringing the Army against them formerly and late resorts of armed persons about White-hall gave them cause to fear That no fears of danger could be pretended from the House it self against any Member but such as that Member was bound to undergo and suffer rather then betray so great a trust of the people That it was to be presumed no Member of Parliament who was well-affected to his Country could suffer any thing from the house it self whose ends and counsels must needs be supposed to tend to the publike good or else our Ancestours who constituted that Frame of Government were much deceived That it was very improbable the Liberty of Subjects should be violated by that Court which is the onely defence and conserver of it and without which it had always suffered from Princes yea such Princes as were not very wicked They alleadged that it was very dishonourable for those Lords being the greater number to pretend fear for deserting the Parliament for if it were upon a true dislike of any proceedings there they were enow to haved stayed and perchance have cured those inconveniences and too many to have suffered in a good Cause though Honour would command one man alone lawfully called to it to maintain a truth with any hazard On the other side they were too many to flee to encourage the King against his Parliament and thereby soment that dissention which could produce no good effect It was alleadged by many men that some of those Lords were Noble-men of honourable and vertuous repute Though that were not denied nor could any certain signe from the former dâ—meanours of the Lords in general arise to distinguish who were likely to adhere to the Parliament and who to desert it for they were deceived on both sides in some particulars yet certainly it was averred that those Lords whom the people had most especially trusted in as true Patriots proved to be part of those who continued in the House and those whom the people in general distasted or distrusted happened to be among those who upon this occasion forsook the Parliament It was likewise frequently spoken that those Members of the House of Commons who deserted it were men generally of as able parts as any that continued there It was no wonder replied others but very probable that they were such men and such as had or thought they had good parts enough to be looked upon by a Prince for those men though we should esteem them all of equal honesty were likeliest to fall off There is a difference between Wisdom and good Parts such as we count Eloquence Wit polite Learning and the like and that Wisdom which is least adorned with such dresses as these is usually at such times most safe in it self and freest from being corrupted as that Beauty is which is set off with the least witchery of Attire for that Beauty which is curiously decked as it is most subject to be tempted by others so it is most apt to be proud of it self and by consequence to betray it self to such a temptation as is great enough So it hath been often seen in this case as was observed by an old Parliament-man that those Gentlemen of fine parts when other men of a plainer wisedom have had the honour in a constant way to do excellent service for the Common-wealth have been won from their Countrey 's cause as soon as Majestie hath at all vouchsafed to tempt them or that perchance their opinion of themselves hath made them meet or seek such a temptation Besides that danger of invitation from a King it hath been too often known
to summon a Parliament within some short and convenient time whereby the causes of these and other great grievances which the people lye under may be taken away and the Authors and Counsellors of them may be brought to legall tryall and condigne punishment And that this War may be composed without blood in such manner as may conduce to the honour and safety of his Majesty the comfort of the people and uniting of both Kingdomes against the Common Enemy of the Reformed Religion Subscribed by almost twenty Earles and Barons The King receiving this Message from the Peeres of England by his Proclamation ordained a day which was upon 24. of September for all the Lords to meet at Yorke to whom he declared that of his owne free accord he had determined to call a Parliament in England to begin as soone as possibly could be allowing the usuall time for issuing out of Writs which was upon the third of November ensuing 1640. But he desired first to consult with them what answer to returne to the Scots demands and how with his honour he might deale with them who had so boldly invaded England And to make them understand the whole state of the businesse he commanded the Earle of TRAQUARE who had beene his Commissioner there to relate all occurrences since the beginning He desired likewise their advice how his Army might be payed before supplies of Parliament could come After many debates and different opinions in point of honour and convenience it was at last agreed by the greater part of Peeres and so conluded that sixteene Lords should be chosen to treat with the Scots and agree upon what Conditions they thought fit Eight Earles were named BEDFORD ESSEX HARTFORT SALISBURY WARWICK HOLLAND BRISTOLL and BARKSHIRE as likewise eight Barons WHARTON PAGET KIMâ—OLTON BROOKE PAWLET HOWARD SAVILE and DUNSMORE The Scots were required to send as many with full Commission to whom Letters of safe Conduct in the amplest manner were granted When the matter came to debate the Earle of Bristoll for the most part was Prolocutour to the English and the Earle of LOWDEN to the Scots After many demands on both sides and expostulations upon sleighter matters which were easily reconciled there was one point which seemed too hard a case in the eyes of the English Peeres that the Scottish Army should be payed by the English whilest their owne Army was in great distresse by reason of Arreares But in conclusion those honest Lords who understood the condition of that unhappy Warre were content upon any termes to make an end of it and in conclusion an agreement was made upon these termes 1. A Truce or Cessation of Armes for two Moneths till the 16. of December 2. That 850. l. a day should be paid to the Scots during that Truce 3. That if it were not payed the Scots might force it from the Counties of Northumberland Cumberland Westmerland and Durham 4. That those Counties should be allowed the Scots for their winter Quarters 5. No new preparations for Warre to be made 6. That private injuries should not breake the Truce so satisfaction were made upon complaint 7. That Merchants might freely traffique in either Kingdome without Letters of safe Conduct but Souldiers without leave might not passe their limits Upon such termes was this unnaturall Warre although the Armies could not as yet be disbanded brought to a Cessation and both Nations rested in assured confidence that a peace must needs follow since the whole matter was now to be debated in the English Parliament which was to begin about a fortnight after for it was likely that a Parliament should put a period to that Warre which could never have been begun but for want of a Parliament They were also confident that that freedome which the fundamentall Lawes and Constitutions of the Kingdome of England allow to Parliaments could not be denyed to this though to many others it had long been as being that Parliament to which the King was necessitated and the onely way which was now left him to tread after so many deviations unfortunately tried and upon which the people had set up their utmost hope whom it seemed not safe after so long suffering to provoke any further In what a desperate condition the Kingdome of England was at that time what necessity there was of a present cure with how much difficulty that cure was to be wrought and with what warinesse and wisdome it concerned both King and people to play their parts a judicious Reader may partly conjecture by the former passages already related But further to enlighten the Reader for in this plaine Relation I shall be sparing to use any descants of my owne I will referre him to Speeches which at the beginning of this Parliament were made by judicious Gentlemen and those of greatest moderation labouring as much as they could possibly to spare the King and touch tenderly upon his Honour which I shall mention anon According to the reason of the Parliament and Kingdome went along the sence of Courtiers themselves as was expressed in an ingenuous Treatise found in the privy Chamber concerning the condition in which the King and Kingdome of England were in when this so much expected Parliament was to begin CHAP. VII The beginning of the English Parliament Grievances examined Sufferers relieved Delinquents questioned The Archbishop of Canterbury committed to the Tower The flight of Secretary WINDEBANKE and of the Lord Keeper FINCH ON the third of November 1640. the Parliament began where the King expressed himselfe very well in a Speech gracious and acceptable to both Houses who did not expect from him any such acknowledgement of former errours as might seeme too low for the Majestie of his Person but onely desired to gaine his affection for the future Very pleasing to them all was that gracious expression that He did now cleerly and freely put himselfe upon the love and affections of his English Subjects desiring them to consider the best way for the Safety and Security of the Kingdome of England and in order to it for satisfaction of their just grievances wherein he would so heartily concur that the world might see his intentions were to make it a glorious and flourishing Kingdome In which businesse he did freely and willingly leave it to them where to beginne He desired also that all Jealousies and Suspitions might be layed aside by them which he promised to doe on his part And withall to give some reasonable colour to his former Warre whether to excuse or justifie the Proceedings of it hee seemed as yet much distasted with the boldnesse of the Scots who had entred England with an Army against his will calling them by the name of Rebels and that it concerned the honour of him and England to drive them out againe And in his second Speech two daies after I told you said he that the Rebels must be put out of this Kingdome it is true I must needs call them so so
effect of that verball Skirmish which immediately followed the great and bloody Battell of Keynton CHAP. II. The Parliament send to the King concerning an Accommodation A fight at Branford Another Treaty with the King begun and broken off Reading besieged by the Lord Generall ESSEX and surrendred to him A Conspiracy to betray Bristoll A treacherous Plot against the Parliament and City of London discovered and prevented AT the famous Battell of Edgehill the great cause of English Liberty with a vast expence of blood and Treasure was tryed but not decided which did therefore prove unhappy even to that side which seemed victorious the Parliament Army For though the Kings Forces were much broken by it yet his strength grew accidentally greater and more formidable then before to whom it proved a kinde of victory not to be easily or totally overthrowne For the greatest Gentlemen of divers Counties began then to consider of the King as one that in possibility might prove a Conquerour against the Parliament and many of them who before as Neuters had stood at gaze in hope that one quick blow might cleare the doubt and save them the danger of declaring themselves came now in and readily adhered to that side where there seemed to be least feares and greatest hopes which was the Kings Party for on the Parliament side the incouragements were onely publike and nothing promised but the free injoyment of their native Liberty no particular honours preferments or Estates of Enemies and on the other side no such totall ruine could be threatned from a victorious Parliament being a body as it were of themselves as from an incensed Prince and such hungry followers as usually go along with Princes in those waies And how much private interest will oversway publike nations Books of History rather then Philosophy will truly informe you for concerning humane actions and dispositions there is nothing under the Sunne which is absolutely new Looke upon the Discourse of one Historian in that subject DION CASSIUS a Writer of as little bias in the opinion of all Criticks as any among the Antients when he relates the last Warre about Roman Liberty after which as himselfe speaks that People never againe looked back toward it Which was the Warre of BRUTUS and CASSIUS against CAESAR and ANTONY Etsi ante hanc pugnam civilibus bellis c. Although saith DION before this War they had many Civill Wars yet in others they fought who should oppresse the Roman Liberty in this War one side fought to vindicate Liberty the other to bring in Tyranny yet the side of Tyranny prevailed and drew most to it Of what quality they were the same Historian speaks also The Armies of BRUTUS and CASSIUS that stood for Liberty consisted of the lower sort of people and Ex subditis Romanorum the other that stood for Tyranny consisted saith he Ex Romanis Nobilibus Fortibus BRUTUS and CASSIUS two chiefe Souldiers before the Battell making Orations incouraged them to fight for their ancient freedome and Roman Laws CAESAR and ANTONY promised to their Souldiers the Estates of their Enemies Et imperium in omnes Gentiles suos and power to rule over their owne Countrymen which proved it seemes better Oratory then the other and more perswasive BRUTUS and CASSIUS delayed the Battell as loath to waste so much blood if by any other stratagem they might have subdued because they were saith DION good men and pittyed their Countrymen loving the safety and striving for the Liberty even of those men who fought against them to overthrow that Liberty Yet that delay proved ill and many Noblemen in that time forsooke them and turned to the other side whither their private hopes or feares led them Whether the parrallel will in some measure fit this occasion or not I leave it to the Reader and returne to the Narration The Earle of Essex the next day after Keynton Battell marched with his Army toward Warwick to which Towne he arrived safe disposing of the Prisoners Waggons and Ordnance which he had taken into that Castle with resolution after some short refreshment of his men there to march neerer to the King But the King returned toward Oxford seizing by the way upon Banbury from whence he tooke 1500. Armes and turned out the Parliament Souldiers that were quartered there His Army consisting especially of Horse was divided into severall Bodyes and Prince RUPERT with part of it visited the Towns neere adjacent as Abingdon Henley and other places from whence he returned with great booty Within few daies he made a neerer approach toward London but with a flying Army resting in no place sometimes as farre as Stanes and Egham which made the City of London carefull to provide for their safety against sudden incursions and send Forces to possesse and fortifie Windsor Castle In the meane time to secure London and free those parts from greater feares the Earle of Essex had marched with his Army neerer to that City and on the seventh day of November came himselfe to Westminster his Army being billitted about Acton and other neere places and was welcomed by both Houses of Parliament who presented him with a gift of 5000 l. as an acknowledgement of their thanks in behalfe of the Kingdome for his care paines and valour in the actions already passed But before the Earle of Essex departed from London another bloody tragedy was acted and the scene no farther then Brainford about eight miles distance the King himselfe being there or not farre off in Person The manner and occasion of it shall be in briefe related The Parliament expressing great griefe for this unnaturall Warre and bloodshed that this indangered Kingdome might be saved from ruine and the better meanes made to recover Ireland had agreed upon a Petition for Accommodation to be presented to the King then at Colebrooke by the Earles of Northumberland and Pembrooke with foure Commons the Lord WAINMAN Master PERPOINT Sir JOHN EVELIN and Sir JOHN IPSLEY Sir PETER KILLIGREW was sent before to procure a safe Conduct But the King refused to admit of Sir JOHN EVELYN because he was one whom himselfe had named Traytor the day before Which exception of the Kings was extremely distasted by the Parliament yet so great was their desire of Accommodation that although this excepting of Sir JOHN EVELIN were voted by them a breach of Priviledge and a flat denyall from the King the Petition was sent by the five forenamed Lords and Gentlemen Sir JOHN EVELIN being very willing to be left out The King being then at Colebrooke fifteene miles distant seemed to receive the Petition with great willingnesse and returned them a faire Answer calling God to witnesse in many Protestations that he was tenderly compassionate of his bleeding people and more desirous of nothing then a speedy peace to which purpose he was most willing at any place where he should reside not farre from London to receive such Propositions of Peace as they should send
ESSEX his Army was so much wasted by sicknesse and other distresses that he could not at all straiten Oxford nor hinder any Forces from issuing thence under the conduct of the Lord VVILMOT was utterly defeated scattered and ruined as was before mentioned He himselfe for security at the present retired into the City of Bristoll from whence within few daies he rode accompanied with some Gentlemen toward London and was there received with great affection and many promises of their best indeavour to set him forth with another Army The Kings Forces seemed now to have done the greatest part of their worke being in a manner sole Masters of the VVest and most Northerne Counties of England and having ruined the Lord FAIRFAX and Sir WILLIAM WALLERS Armies Yet in all Counties the fortune was not alike in many places those Gentlemen which adhered to the Parliament were able not onely to guard themselves but get ground upon their enemies though those actions were for the most part performed in skirmishes between small parties in preserving their owne strengths or taking Townes from the other side such as had been in Cheshire Lancashire Staffordshire Derby Leicester Notingham and other places which I shall briefly touch anon after I have related in how contrary a condition to the North and West which had beene the seat of a fierce warre and a prey to the greatest and most potent Armies of either side and how much happier then those other Counties which had beene alwayes molested with Alarms and Skirmishes and suffered by pillaging on both Parties the Easterne Counties of England had remained all the foregoing VVinter and continued so during the whole progresse of this bloody VVarre which were the Counties of Suffolke Norfolke Cambridge Essex Hartford Huntingdon c. who never were made the seat of any part of this civill VVarre These parts of the Kingdome had joyned themselves in an Association by Authority of Parliament with power to defened each other and leavy Forces against all enemies to that cause this great happinesse of peace and quiet that they enjoyed may be supposed to flow from the unanimity of their affections which carried them all the same way and true it is that there was as much unanimity of opinion and affection in those Counties among the people in generall as was to be found in any part of England but it was especially among the common people for a great and considerable number of the Gentry and those of highest ranke among them were dis-affected to the Parliament and were not sparing in their utmost indeavours to promote the Kings Cause and assist his Force against it which might have throwne those Countries if not wholly carried them to the other side into as much distraction and sad calamity as any other part of the Land had felt nor could that Association have been possibly made if those Gentlemen had not been curbed and suppressed by that timely care which the Parliament tooke and more particularly by the successfull services of one Gentleman Master OLIVER CROMWEL of Huntington a Member of the House of Commons whose wisdome valour and vigilancy was no lesse availeable in this important businesse then remarkable afterwards in the highest services and greatest battels of the whole Warre Of this mans Actions because it pleased God to raise him afterward into the greatest commands and prosper in so high a measure all his undertakings that he became within few yeares one of the chiefe props on which the Parliament leaned and greatest scourges of the other sid let it not seeme amisse if I discourse in a continued Serâ—es during those Moneths that intervened the Battell of Keynton and that low ebbe of the Parliament which preceded the siege of Gloucester The first Action that CROMWELL undertooke was to secure the Towne of Cambridge for the Parliament about the middle of January Universities were of all places most apt to adhere to the Kings party esteeming Parliaments and especially this the greatest depressors of that Ecclesiasticall Dignity in hope of which they are there nurtured Upon which reason they were packing up a large quantity of the Plate that belonged to all the Coledges to send it away to the King which would have made a considerable summe This was foreseene by CROMWELL who by a Commission from the Parliament and Lord Generall Essex had raised a Troope of Horse and came downe into that Country with authority to raise more Forces as occasion served he came to Cambridge soone enough to seize upon that plate which was going to Oxford but before his arrivall there he performed by the way another service Sir THOMAS CONESBY lately made High Sheriffe of Hartfordshire had received a Proclamation from the King to proclaime the Earle of Essex and all his adherents Traytors and was then at St. Albons upon a Market day proclaiming of the same CROMWELL with his Troope seized upon him and sent him up to the Parliament Not long after he collected in convenient time the Forces of that County and invited the neighbour Counties of Essex Suffolke and Norfolke to their assistance against an invasion of the Lord CAPELL who should have been seconded by Prince RUPERT also to invade that place and hinder the Association which had been done if that timely prevention had not been used This made them forbeare their intended invasion and retire to other parts About the beginning of March CROMWELL having raised a Regiment of Horse consisting of 1000. marched into Suffolke with much celerity upon intelligence of a great and considerable confederacy held among those Gentlemen which adhered to the Kings Party at a Towne in that County called Lowerstost a place of great consequence He surprized them unawares gained the Towne with small difficulty and no shot at all In which he tooke Prisoners Sir THOMAS BARKER and his Brother Sir JOHN PETTUS Master THOMAS KNEVET two of the CATLINES Captaine HAMMOND Master COREY Master TURRILL Master PRESTON and about 20. others of quality and substance In that Towne he gained good store of Ammunition Saddles Pistols Powder Shot and severall Engines for Warre enough to have served a considerable Force And certaine it was that if CROMWELL had not surprized them in that nick of time it had proved a matter of great danger to the County for within one day after as many more Knights and Gentlemen that were listed before had met at the same place This was a timely service to the Parliament and a great discouragement to all that Party in Suffolke and Norfolke which adhered to the Kings side But when the Spring grew furâ—her on and it was seasonable to make longer Marches about the beginning of Aprill CROMWELL having well setled the businesses of those Associated Counties for the Parliaments use and not confining his care and services within those parts onely raised a greater Force of such as came freely and heartily in to him with whom he marched along towards Lincolneshire with purpose to assist those of
her own Kingdome by strengthning the hands of Protestants abroad insomuch as she stood at last above the reach of any enemy by open warre and protected by God though often attempted by domestick Treasons and Assasinations till in the end she died in a good old age leaving to her Successor King JAMES the Kingdom of England in an happier condition then ever it was the Kingdome of Ireland wholly subdued and reduced to reap for himselfe the harvest of all her labour and expence and nothing to do for it but to propagate the true Faith in that Kingdome which she prevented by death could not performe and was in probability an easie taske for King JAMES at that time much conducing besides the honour of God to his owne Temporall strength and greatnesse if he had onely gone fairely on in that way which Queene ELIZABETH had made plaine for him The Prosperity of England seemed then at the height or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and it pleases God that States many times shall decline from their happinesse without any apparent signes to us or reasons that we can give as a Heathen complaines Oh faciles dare summa Deos eademque tueri Difficiles Lucan How easie are the Gods to raise States high But not to keepe them so These things have made some high-reaching Writers impute the raising and declination of Kingdomes and Common-wealths to certaine aspects of heavenly Constellations to Conjunctions and Oppositions of Planets and various Ecclipses of Celestiall Luminaries others to an hidden strength and secret efficacy of Numbers themselves and most men to the perpetuall Rotation of fortune but the judgements of God in those things are past our finding out and they are too wise who are not content sometimes to wonder For King JAMES the Successour to Queene ELIZABETH was a wise and learned Prince of disposition mercifull and gracious excellently grounded in that Religion which he professed as the world may finde by his extant writings a Prince of whom England conceived wonderfull hope and received with great joy and Triumph but he did not beginne where his Predecessor left proceeding rather in a contrary way what the reasons of it were I will not at all presume to deliver my opinion though some have beene bold to write and publish of late yeeres that it was feare for his own Person that made him to temporize with Rome considering the boldnesse of Jesuiticall Assasines others more candidly conceived it might be his great desire of peace and union with other Princes though he might erre in the meanes of attaining that end for he was by nature a great seeker of Peace and abhorrer of bloodshed according to that Motto which he ever used Beati Pacifici I cannot search into mens thoughts but onely relate the Actions which appeared King JAMES at the beginning of his Reigne made a Peace with Spaine which was brought very low by Queene ELIZABETH and had beene neerer to ruine in all probability had she lived a few yeares longer the Estates of the united Provinces of the Netherlands those usefull Confederates to England began to be despised by the English Court under a vaine shadow in stead of a reason that they were an ill example for a Monarch to cherish Then began secret Treaties to passe betwixt Rome and the Court of England care to be taken about reconciliation of Religions the rigour of Penall Lawes against the Papists notwithstanding that odious plot of the Gunpowder Treason was abated the pompe of Prelacy and multitude of Ceremonies encreased daily in the Church of England and according to that were all Civill Affaires managed both at home and abroad Neither was it easie for the King to turne himselfe out of that way when he was once entred into it so that at last the Papists began by degrees to be admitted neerer to him in service and conversation Exceeding desirous he then was to match the Prince his Sonne to the Infanta of Spaine about which many and long Treaties passed wherein not onely the Spaniard but the Pope made many present advantages of the Kings earnest desires and many waies deluded him as it appeared plainely by his owne Letters to his Ambassadours there since found and published Thus was the King by degrees brought not onely to forsake but to oppose his owne interest both in civill and religious affaires which was most unhappily seene in that cause as the Duke of ROHAN observed wherein besides the interest of all Protestants and the honour of his Nation the estate and livelihood of his owne children were at the height concerned the Palatinate businesse From hence slowed a farther mischiefe for the King being loath perchance that the whole people should take notice of those waies in which he trod grew extremely dis-affected to Parliaments calling them for nothing but to supply his expences dissolving them when they began to meddle with State Affaires and divers times imprisoning the Members for Speeches made in Parliament against the fundamentall priviledges of that high Court Parliaments being thus despised and abused projects against the Lawes were found out to supply the Kings expences which were not small and the King whether to avoid the envy of those things or the trouble of them did in a manner put off all businesse of Government from himselfe into the hands of a young Favourite the Duke of BUCKINGHAM whom he had raised from a Knights fourth Sonne to that great height and entrusted with the chiefe Offices of the Kingdome besides the great power which he had by that extraordinary favour of confering all places and preferments both in Church and State This Duke not long before the death of King JAMES was growne into extraordinary favour and intirenesse with the Prince whom he afterward swayed no lesse then he had before his father like an unhappy vapour exhaled from the earth to so great an height as to cloud not only the rising but the setting Sunne King CHARLES with great hopes and expectation of the people and no lesse high expressions of love and duty from all in generall began his Reigne on the 27 of March 1624. and indeed that love which the people bare to his Person had been before testified whilest he was yet Prince at his returne from Spaine though the journey it selfe had not beene pleasing to the Kingdome for when the people saw him arrived in safety there needed no publike Edict for thanksgiving or joy every society and private family as if the hearts of all had beene in one did voluntarily assemble themselves together praising God with singing of Psalmes with joyfull feasting and charity to the poore insomuch that I suppose the like consent without any interposing authority hath not been often knowne The same affections followed him to his Throne the same hopes and faire presages of his future Government whilest they considered the temperance of his youth how cleare he had lived from personall vice being growne to the age of 23. how untainted of
imprisoned which refused the payment of that Loane Great summes of money were required and raised by privy Scales A Commission for squeezing the Subject by way of Excize Souldiers were billited upon them And a designe laid to inslave the Nation by a force of German Horse with many other things of that nature Those affaires of State which concerned Conâ—ederates abroad had been managed with as much disadvantage and infelicity to them as dishonour to the English Nation and prejudice to the Cause of Religion it selfe Peace was made with Spaine without consent of Parliament by which all hope was utterly lost of re-establishing the Kings neerest kinred in their just Dominion and the Protestant Religion much weakened in Germany What Counsells had then influence upon the Court of England might be the amazement of a wise man to consider and the plaine truth must needs seeme a paradox to posterity as that the Protestant Religion both at home and abroad should suffer much by the Government of two Kings of whom the former in his own person wrote more learnedly in defence of it and the latter in his owne person lived more conformably to the Rules of it then any of their Contemporary Princes in Europe But the Civill Affaires of State were too ill managed to protect or at least to propagate true Religion or else the neglect of Religion was the cause that Civill Affaires were blessed with no more honour and prosperity The right waies of Queen ELIZABETH who advanced both had been long ago forsaken and the deviation grew daily farther and more fatall to the Kingdom Which appeared in a direct contrariety to all particulars of her Reigne Titles of Honour were made more honourable by her in being conferred sparingly and therefore probably upon great desert which afterwards were become of lesse esteem by being not onely too frequently conferred but put to open sale and made too often the purchase of Mechannicks or the reward of vitious persons At the death of that Duke the people were possessed with an unusuall joy which they openly testified by such expressions as indeed were not thought fit nor decent by wise men upon so tragicall and sad an accident which in a christian consideration might move compassion whatsoever the offences of the man were To such people that distick of Seneca might give answer Res est sacra miser noli mea tangere fata Sacrilegae Bustis abstinuere manus Sacred is woe touch not my death with scorne Even sacrilegious hands have Tombs forborne And it may be that God was offended at the excesse of their joy in that he quickly let them see the benefit was not so great to them as they expected by it but his judgements are too high for men to search True it is that the people in generall loving the Kings Person and very unwilling to harbour the least opinion of ill in him looked upon the Duke as the onely hinderance of the Kingdomes happinesse supposing that though other Statesmen might afterwards arise of as bad or worse intentions then the Duke yet none would have so great a power for execution of them nor any other Genius be ever found to have so great a mastery over the Kings Genius But it is certaine that men did much therefore rejoyce at the death of this Duke because they did before much feare what mischiefe might befall a Kingdome where that man who knew himselfe extreamly hated by the people had all the keyes of the Kingdome in his hand as being Lord Admirall and Warden of the Cinque-Ports having the command of all the Souldiers and the onely power to reward and raise them These joyes and hopes of men lasted not long for in the same yeer being the fourth of King CHARLES and after the death of the Duke of BUCKINGHAM another Parliament was dissolved and then the Priviledges of that high Court more broken then ever before Six Members of the House of Commons who had been forward in vindicating the Priviledges of Parliament were committed close Prisoners for many moneths together without the liberty of using books pen inke and paper while they were detained in this condition and not admitted Bayle according to Law They were also vexed with informations in inferiour Courts where they were sentenced and fined for matters done in Parliament and the payment of such Fines extorted from them Some were enforced to put in security of good behaviour before they could be released The rest who refused to be bound were detained divers yeares after in custody of whom one Sir JOHN ELLIOT a Gentleman of able parts that had been forwardest in expression of himselfe for the freedome of his Country and taxing the unjust actions of the Duke of BUCKINGHAM while that Duke lived though the truth be that the 〈◊〉 of his were no other then what carried 〈◊〉 consent in them dyed by the harshnesse of his imprisonment which would admit of no relaxation though for healths sake he petitioned for it often and his Physitian gave in testimony to the same purpose The freedome that Sir JOHN Eâ—â—OT used in Parliament was by the people in generall applauded though much taxed by the Courtiers and censur'd by some of a more politike reserve considering the times in that kind that TACITUS censures THRASEAS POETUS as thinking such freedom a needlesse and therefore a foolish thing where no cure could be hoped by it Sibi periculum nec aliis libertatem After the breaking off this Parliament as the Historian speaketh of Roman liberty after the battell of PHILIPPI nunquam post hoc praelium c. the people of England for many years never looked back to their ancient liberty A Declaration was published by the king wherein aspertions were laid upon some Members but indeed the Court of Parliament it selfe was declared against All which the dejected people were forced to read with patience and allow against the dictate of their own reason The people of England from that time were deprived of the hope of Parliaments and all things so managed by publike Officers as if never such a day of account were to come I shall for methods sake first of all make a short enumeration of some of the chiefe grievances of the Subjects which shall be truly and plainly related as likewise some vices of the Nation in generall that the Reader may the better judge of the causes of succeeding troubles during the space of seven or eight yeares after the dissolution of that Parliament and then give some account concerning the severall dispositions of the people of ENGLAND and their different censures of the Kings government during those years touching by thâ—â—â—â—â—mewhat of 〈◊〉 manners and customs of the 〈◊〉 ENGLAND and then briefly of the condition of Ecclesiasticall affaires and the censures of men concerning that CHAP. II. A briefe Relation of some grievances of the Kingdome The various opinions of men concerning the present Government The condition of the Court and Clergy of England Some
observations of a stranger concerning the Religion of the English people IT cannot but be thought by all wise and honest men that the sinnes of England were at a great height that the injustice of Governours and vices of private men were very great which have â—â—nce called downe from Almighty God so sharpe a judgement and drawne on by degrees so calamitous and consuming a Warre Those particular crimes an English Historian can take no pleasure to relate but might rather desire to be silent in and say with STATIUS Nos certe taceamus obruta multa Nocte â—egi nostrae patiamur crimina gentis Let us be silent and from after times Conceale our own unhappy Nations crimes But to be silent in that were great injustice and impiety toward God to relate his judgements upon a Kingdome and forget the sinnes of that Kingdom which were the cause of them The Heathen Historians do well instruct us in that point of piety who never almost describe any Civill Warre or publike affliction without relating at the beginning how vitious and corrupted their State was at that time grown how faulty both the Rulers and People were and how fit to be punished either by themselves or others Nor doe any of the Roman Poets undertake to write of that great and miserable Civill Warre which destroyed the present State and enslaved posterity without first making a large enumeration of such causeâ— how wicked the manners of Rome were growne how the chiefe Rulers were given to avarice and oppression and the whole State drowned in luxury lusts and riot as you may see upon that subject in two the most elegant of them And shall we Christians who adore the true God and live under the Gospell-light not be sensible under so heavy a judgement of our owne offences To begin with the faultâ— of the higher powers and their illegall oppression of the people during these eight or nine yeers in which Parliaments were denyed to England which I briefly touch referring the Reader to a more full narration in the Remonstrance multitudes of Monopolies were granted by the King and laid upon all things of most common and necessary use such as Sope Salt Wine Leather Sea-cole and many other of that kinde Regia privaâ—is creseunt aeraria damnis Claud. By losse of private men th' Exchequer growes Large sumâ— of Money were exacted thorow the whole Kingdome for default of Knighthood under the shadow of an obsolete Law Tonnage and Poundage were received without the ordinary course of Law and though they were taken under pretence of guarding the Seas yet that great Tax of Ship-money was set on foot under the same colour by both which there was charged upon the people some years neere 700000. li. though the Seas at that time were not well guarded These things were accompanied with an enlargement of Torrests contrary to Magna Charta the forcing of Coat and Conduct-Money taking away the Armes of Trayned Bands in divers Counties disarming the people by engrossing of Gunpowder keeping it in the Tower of London and setting so high a rate upon it that the poorer sort were not able to buy it nor could any have it without license whereby severall parts of the Kingdome were left destitute of their necessary defence No Courts of Judicature could give redresse to the people for these illegall sufferings whilest Judges were displaced by the King for not complying with his will and so awed that they durst not do their duties For to hold a rod over them the clause Quandiu se bene geserint was leâ—t out of their Patents and a new clause Durante bene placito inserted New illegall Oathes were enforced upon the Subjects and new Judicatories erected without Law and when Commissions were granted for examining the excesse of Fees and great exactions discovered the Delinquents were compounded with not onely for the time past but immunity to offend for the time to come which in stead of redressing did confirme and encrease the grievance of the Subjects By this time all thoughts of ever having a Parliament againe were quite banished so many oppressions had been set on â—oot so many illegall actions done that the onely way to justifie the mischiefes already done was to do that one greater To take away the meanes which was ordained to redresse them the lawfull Government of England by Parliaments Whilest the Kingdome was in this condition the serious and just men of England who were no way interessed in the emolument of these oppressions could not but entertaine sad thoughts and presages of what mischiefe must needs follow so great an injustice that things carried so farre on in a wrong way must needs either inslave themselves and posterity for ever or require a vindication so sharpe and smarting as that the Nation would groane under it and though the times were jolly for the present yet having observed the judgement of God upon other secure Nations they could not chuse but feare the sequell Another sort of men and especially Lords and Gentlemen by whom the pressures of the Government were not much felt who enjoyed their owne plentifull fortunes with little or insensible detriment looking no farther then their present safety and prosperity and the yet undisturbed peace of the Nation whilest other Kingdomes were embroyled in calamities and Germany sadly wasted by a sharpe Warre did nothing but applaud the happinesse of England and called those ingratefull and factious spirits who complained of the breach of Lawes and Liberties That the Kingdome abounded with wealth plenty and all kinde of elegancies more then ever That it was for the honour of a people that the Monarch should live splendidly and not be curbed at all in his Prerogative which would bring him into the greater esteeme with other Princes and more enable him to prevaile in Treaties That what they suffered by Monopolies was insensible and not grievous if compared with other States That the Duke of TUSKANY sate heavier upon his people in that very kinde That the French King had made himselfe an absolute Lord and quite depressed the power of Parliaments which had beene there as great as in any Kingdome and yet that France flourished and the Gentry lived well That the Austrian Princes especially in Spaine layed heavy burdens upon their Subjects Thus did many of the English Gentry by way of comparison in ordinary discourse pleade for their owne servitude The Courtiers would begin to dispute against Parliaments in their ordinary discourse That they were cruell to those whom the King favoured and too injurious to his Prerogative That the late Parliament stood upon too high termes with the King and that they hoped the King should never need any more Parliaments Some of the greatest Statesmen and Privy Counsellors would ordinarily laugh at the ancient Language of England when the word Liberty of the Subject was named But these Gentlemen who seemed so forward in taking up their owne yoake were but a small part
to declare unto them in a Parliament which former Princes used to call upon lesse occasions but not revealing the proceedings of it to the Body of his Privy Councell acquainting onely some of them whom he thought fittest for his purpose as the King himselfe expresseth in two places of his owne Booke intituled A large Declaration concerning the late tumults in Scotland pag. 76. and page 126. in fine the Scots are declared Rebels and the King in Person with an English Army richly furnished is going to chastise them CHAP. V. The aversenesse of the English people from this Warre with Scotland The King advanceth to Yorke with his Army The preparation of the Scottish Covenanters A pacification is made and both Armies disbanded Another preparation for Warre with Scotland A Parliament called to begin in England on the 13. of April The Parliament of Scotland is broken off by command of the King to the Earle of Traquare NEver were the people of England so averse from any Warre as neither hating the Enemy against whom nor approving the cause for which they were engaged Their owne great sufferings made them easily believe that the Scots were innocent and wronged by the same hand by which themselves had beene oppressed and for the cause it was such wherein they could not desire a Victory supposing that the same Sword which subdued the Scots must destroy their owne Liberties and that the contrivers of this Warre were equall Enemies to both Nations Nor was this onely the thought of wisest Gentlemen but the common people in generall were sensible of the mutuall interest of both Kingdomes Those Courtiers who were in all things wholly complyant to the Kings will did also dislike this Warre with Scotland though not for the same reason which the forenamed did as not considering the cause or quarell but the disadvantage of the Warre it selfe Those disadvantages they used to vent in contemptuous expressions of the poverty of Scotland That nothing could be gotten from such wretched Enemies That the King were happy if with his Honour he might suffer it to be rid of that Kingdome and would be a great gainer by the losse of it The younger Courtiers were usually heard to wish Scotland under water or that the old Wall of SEVERUS the Emperour were now re-edified Those Courtiers that were of a graver discourse did likewise seeme to feare the consequence of this bâ—sinesse and I remember would daily mention the Story of CHARLES Duke of Burgundy his pressing of a Warre upon the Swissers and what PHILIP DE COMMINES relates about the Battell of Granson that the Duke lost to the value of three millions of Crownes all which he fondly ventured against so wretched a people that it is there expressed if all the Swissers had been taken Prisoners they would not be able to pay a Ransom to the value of the Spurres and Bridle-bits in his Campe And very frequent in their mouthes was that Verse Curandum in primis ne magna injuria fiat Fortibus miseris Juvenal Take heed of offering too great injuries To people stout and poore But the people of England though they abhorred the very thought of that unnaturall Warre yet glad they seemed to be that such an occasion happened which might in reason necessitate the King to call an English Parliament and so by accident redresse the many grievances of England Which might also prevent the feare of such Warres for the future and bring a just punishment upon those who were sound to be the Authors or assistors of this present disturbance But the King though resolved to pursue his designe of Warre rather then take the advice of a Parliament was content to want the aid of it and to seeke supplies of a lower condition Great sums of money he borrowed from the chiefe Nobility and required proportionable Loanes from all the Judges and Officers but specially the Clergy of all ranks were liberall in contribution to this War which was then called by many men Bellum Episcopale All Courtiâ—â—s as well extraordinary as ordinary were summoned to attend the King in Person with Horse and Armes in a proportion suitable to their rankes By whom and such voluntiers of the Gentry as came in to gaine His Majesties favour with old Souldiers that imbraced it as their profession a gallant Army was made up Yorke was appointed for the Rendezvouze and the Earle of ARUNDELL Commander in chiefe The King as it was well knowne had beene advertised by many and especially by the prosecuted Bishops who were fled out of Scotland that the Scottish Covenanters were in no sort able to resist him That scarce any English Army at all would be needfull to fight but onely to appeare and His Majesty would finde a party great enough in Scotland to do the worke And indeed much might have been done in that kinde if the Lords of the Covenant had not used a most dexterous and timely prevention which is as necesssry in a defensive as an offensive Warre For besides the feared incursion of the English upon their Borders and what invasion the Deputy of Ireland on the Westerne Coast might make together with the Earle of ANTRIM and his Forces from the Hebrides the Marquesse HUNTLEY in the North and Marquesse DUGLAS towards the Southerne parts with the Earle of HETH were to be feared and the Towne of Aberden to be secured before it could fortifie to receive the Kings Fleet. All which with timely care was undertaken and provided against by severall Lords as ARGILE for the West MONTROSSE for the North Colonell MONROE for the South The most considerable Forts in that Kingdome were taken in at the beginning without any blood or resistance and furnished by them with Ammunition as Edenburgh and Dun-Britain and the Haven of Leeth to secure Edenburgh suddenly fortified All Neuters or suspected persons they disarmed without tumult The Castle of Dalketh they scaled and tooke with all the warlike provision which had been brought into it by Marquesse HAMILTON the yeare before In that Castle they found the Kings Crowne Scepter and Sword which in great state and solemnity were carried from thence by the greatest Noblemen and layed up in Edenburgh Castle The Covenanting Lords at the same time published a long Remonstrance in answer to the Kings Proclamation against them the 27. of February and to satisfie the people of England concerning their proceedings and intents The Marquesse HAMILTON arrived at Forth with a Fleet in May and sent Letters to the Governour of Edenburgh to obey the Kings Commands and especially to publish in Edenburgh that Proclamation which had been by the King proclaimed at Yorke upon the 25â— of Aprill wherein among other things the Rents and Debts due to Covenanters from Tenants and others are forbidden to be paid to them The Governour desired the Marquesse to expect an answer till the Parliament sate which was to begin within few daies who returned answer to the Marquesse That they could not
pounds and the rest of the Clergy according to their abilities proportionably to make up the summe Certaine it is it was not in any substantiall way advantagious to the King but onely to give them time and opportunity to taxe the Clergy in Money for supplying his Majesty in the Warre then on foot against the Scots The King must needs be driven to a great exigent at that time having so expensive a Warre in hand and wanting the assistance of Parliament The courses that were then taken by the King to supply that defect were partly the contribution of the Clergy to whom that Warre was lesse displeasing then to the Laity Collections were made among the Papists Writs of Ship-money were issued out againe in a greater proportion then before great Loanes were attempted to be drawne from the City of London to which purpose the names of the richest Citizens were by command returned to the Councell Boord But these waies being not sufficient some other were made use of which were of a nature more unusuall as the seizing of Bolloine in the Tower the Lord COTTINGTON also for the Kings use tooke up a great Commodity of Pepper at the Exchange to be sold againe at an under rate A consultation was also had of coyning 400000. l. of base Money upon allegation that Queen ELIZABETH had done the like for her Irish Warres but the King waved that upon reasons which the Merchants gave of the inconveniencies of it The Scots hearing of the breach of this English Parliament thought it high time to provide for their owne safety and being restrained in their Trade and impoverished by losse of Ships seized in divers parts resolve to enter England with a sword in one hand and a Petition in the other signifying in the meane time to the people of England in two large Remonstrances what their intentions were to that Nation and the reasons of their entrance which who so pleases may reade at large in their printed Booke When the King had notice of the Scots intentions a Fleet was forthwith sent to annoy the Maritime Coasts of Scotland and a Land Army to meet at Yorke where the Earle of STRAFFORD as President of the North commanded in Chief though the Earle of NORTHUMBERLAND at the time of raising the Army was named Generalissimo but for want of health could not be present A great Magazine of Ammunition had been sent to Hull Newcastle and Berwick the Castle of Edenburgh being kept by RIVEN a firme man to the Kings side But in the Expedition of the Kings Army towards the North it was a marvellous thing to observe in divers places the aversenesse of the Common Souldiers from this Warre Though Commanders and Gentlemen of great quality in pure obedience to the King seemed not at all to dispute the cause or consequence of this Warre the Common Souldiers would not be satisfied questioning in a mutinous manner Whether their Captaines were Papists or not and in many places were not appeased till they saw them receive the Sacrament laying violent hands on divers of their Commanders and killing some uttering in bold speeches their distaste of the Cause to the astonishment of many that common people should be sensible of publike Interest and Religion when Lords and Gentlemen seemed not to be By this backwardnesse of the English Common Souldiers it came to passe that the Warre proved not so sharpe and fatall to both Nations as it might otherwise have done Some blood was shed but very little first at Newburne a Towne five miles distant from Newcastle where part of the English Army encamped to intercept the passage of the Scots as they marched toward Newcastle But many of the English Souldiers forsooke their Commanders and â—led sooner then the use of that Nation is to do in Warre But the English Horse made good a fight and with great courage and resolution charged upon the Scots but all in vaine their number being too small In this Skirmish which happened upon the 28. of August the number of men slaine on both sides is not related either by the English or Scottish Relation but certaine it is that it was not great Three valiant and active Commanders of the English Army were taken Prisoners Colonell WILMOT Sir JOHN DIGBY and ONEALE the two latter being Papists and both Captaines of Horse This fight opened that rich Towne of Newcastle to the Scots and within few daies after they put a Garrison into Durham commanded by the Earle of Dumferling and taking that Fort of Newcastle upon Tine intercepted some Ships which were newly arrived there with Provision of Corne for the Kings Army Some blood was also shed about the same time when part of the English Garrison at Berwick hearing that some Ammunition was layed up in a little Towne of Scotland Dunsian made an attempt upon it but found it better fortified then was expected and were repelled with some slaughter from whence hearing that a greater power of Scots was making toward them under the command of the Lord HADINTON who unfortunately perished afterward blowne up with powder at Dunglasse they returned to Berwick The King during these Skirmishes had by Proclamation warned all the English Nobility with their followers and Forces to attend his Standard at Yorke against the Scots the 20. of September where whilest himselfe in Person resided he received an humble Petition from the Scots containing an expression of their loyalty to him and the innocence of their intentions toward England But their expressions were in such generall termes that the King returned answer to the Earle of LANURICK Secretary for Scotland Commanding them to specifie their demands more particularly Which whilest the Scots prepared to do it pleased God to open the hearts of many English Lords who considering and bewailing the great calamity and dishonour which England was then throwne into by these unhappy proceedings of the King framed an humble Letter subscribed by all their hands and sent it to His Majesty wherein they represent to him the miserable condition of the Kingdome and mischiefes attending that wicked Warre as the danger of his Person the waste of his Revenue the burden of his Subjects the rapines committed by that Army which he had raised wherein Papists and others ill-affected to Religion are armed in Commands who are not by the Lawes permitted to have Armes in their owne houses The great mischiefe which may fall upon the Kingdome if his intentions which are reported of bringing in Irish and forraigne Forces should take effect The urging of Ship-money The multitude of Monopolies and other Patents to the great and universall grievance of his people The great griefe of the Subjects for the long intermission of Parliaments for dissolving of the last and former dissolutions of such as have been called without any good effect For remedy whereof and for prevention of future dangers to his owne Royall Person and the whole State they humbly intreat his Majesty That he would be pleased
discontent if they remembred how much he had done this Parliament as his granting that the Iudges hereafter should hold their places quam diù se benè gesserint bounding the Forrest Lawes taking away Ship-money establishing the Subjects property in Tonnage and Poundage granting the Trienniall Parliament free Iustice against Delinquents With other things Concluding graciously That He would omit nothing which might give them just content And when he had signed the forenamed Bills after a short mention of the journey which he intended speedily to take into Scotland he propounded to them a thing very acceptable concerning his Nephew the Prince Elector Palatine that he could not but at the desire of that Prince send an Ambassadour to assist him at the Dyet at Ratisbone with the Emperour and fearing that he should not receive so good an Answer as might in justice be expected For the better countenancing that businesse he intended to publish a Manifesto in his owne name but would not do it but by consent and advice of Parliament without which he conceived it would be a thing of no validity Which Manifesto was afterwards made by the full consent of both Houses and Sir THOMAS ROE a Member of the House and a Gentleman of great abilities was sent to the Emperour at Ratisbone about it but without any good successe At the same time the Queene Mother of France as was before desired by the Parliament was to take her leave of England The King consented to her departure but Money wanting for the Provision of her Journey the Parliament allotted ten thousand pounds to her out of the Poll-Money This great Lady had arrived in England almost three yeares before and so long been entertained by the King her Sonne in Law with great respect and an allowance answerable to support her State 100. l. per diem It was her mis-fortune how farre her crime I cannot tell that during her abode here the two Kingdomes of England and Scotland were imbroyled in great troubles which the People were apt to impute in some measure to her counsels knowing what power the Queene her Daughter had with the King Others taxed her not at all but looked upon other causes the same counsells which long before her arrivall had distempered England but the people made their judgement upon it from her actions or successes in other places But however it were the Queene was fearefull of the people here and had not long before desired to have a guard allowed her pretending feare of her life by reason of some attempts which she conceived made against her upon which a Guard was set about her house Her Regency in France had not beene happy nor according to the interest of that Kingdome though that perchance may be accounted a fault not so particular to her as commonly incident to the Regency of Queene Mothers in that Land In so much as THUANUS commends the saying of CHARLES the ninth a Prince whom otherwise he doth not praise upon his death bed That since he must dye at that age being foure and twenty he thanked God he had no Sonne least France should fall under a Regency of which he had found the sad effects His Mother was KATHERINE DE MEDICIS of the same Family with this Queene After the time of her Regency her actions had been such that the King her Sonne would not harbour her in his owne Kingdome nor was she welcome into the Territories of her Sonne in Law the King of Spaine But the people there were no lesse desirous of her departure then afterward in England Insomuch as she became a strange example of the instability of humane fortunes that so great a Queen and Mother to so many mighty Princes should want a quiet Harbour for her age Not long after her departure from England she died at Culleine and might seeme a parallel in some things to the same Empresse who founded that City and there planted a Roman Colony AGRIPINA wife to CLAUDIUS CESAR and Mother to NERO They both had tasted of power been active in it but not pleasing to the people They were both taught that the greatnesse of their Sonnes was not so much advantage to their Power as they had hoped and had learned that all power dependent upon another is of small validity and lesse stability as TACITUS observes speaking of the same AGRIPINA Nihil rerum mortalium tam instabile fluxum est quam fama potentiae non sua vi nixa About two Moneths before the departure of this Queene the Princesse MARY eldest daughter to the King not yet ten yeares of age was married with great triumph at White-Hall to the young Prince of Orange WILLIAM Bishop WRENNE being then Deane of the Kings Chappell performed the solemnity on Sunday the second of May 1641. The Marriage had been before debated of in Parliament and consented to The King himselfe upon the ninth of February having declared to the Lords what large Propositions the Ambassadours of the States had made to him upon that purpose The people in generall were pleased with this Marriage and glad the King had chosen out a Protestant Prince and servant to a State which had beene long confederate with England and whose interest carried them the same way Professors of the same Religion and in that kinde of Discipline to which the greatest part of Parliament and People were inclined and hoped though at that time it was not so fully declared as afterward to reforme the Church of England to as that of Scotland already was By this Match of the Kings owne chusing they began to hope that the Spanish Faction in Court was not now at all prevalent but that things might hereafter be carried according to the right English way In this hope they were the more confirmed seeing the Parliament go on without any opposition from the King no dissention having yet happened nor likely to happen as they conceived for that Conspiracy of bringing up the Army against the Parliament which we touched before was not yet discovered nor at all thought of though within few daies after it broke out But some there were who suspended their joy and were not much confident that this Marriage would bring happinesse to England unlesse the King were perfectly right with his People and wished the same thing they did considering at one side the condition of the Prince of Orange and that he might be ambitious of more then was due to him and for that reason ingage himselfe in a reciprocall way for the King against his People if occasion served On the other side they considered the States as Polititians of this world and men who had other interests then that of Religion and if dissention should in England happen betweene Prince and People which was never but feared in some degree might be apt to side with the King against the just freedome of the Subject which must needs depresse the strength of England and keepe it from so much greatnesse
the people tired with expectation of such a cure do usually by degrees forget the sharpnesse of those diseases which before required it or else in the redressing of many and long disorders and to secure them for the future there being for the most part a necessity of laying heavy Taxes and draining of much Money from the people they grow extreamly sensible of that present smart feeling more paine by the Cure for a time then they did by the lingring disease before not considering that the causes of all which they now indure were precedent and their present suffering is for their future security It was the generall opinion of all Gentlemen at that time That a Parliament so much and long desired as this was after so great and constant a violation of the Lawes and Liberties of England in the Kings former Government could scarce in possibility ever grow into the dislike of the people or at least so great a part of the people as might be able which within one yeare was after seene to make a Warre against it and indanger the utter ruine and subversion of it But I have spoken before of some causes which might seeme strong enough to ingage a part of the people against the Parliament whose particular interests and livelihoods were neerely touched how farre any proceeding might distaste others who were uninterested in their private fortunes or callings I cannot tell any certaine reason But I remember within the compasse of a yeare after when this Civill Warre began to breake out over all the Kingdom and men in all companies began to vent their opinions in an argumentative way either opposing or defending the Parliament Cause and Treatises were printed on both sides Many Gentlemen who forsooke the Parliament were very bitter against it for the proceedings in Religion in countenancing or not suppressing the rudenesse of people in Churches which I related before acting those things which seemed to be against the Discipline of the English Church and might introduce all kindes of Sects and Schismes Neither did those of the Parliament side agree in opinions concerning that point some said it was wisely done of the Parliament not to proceed against any such persons for feare of losing a considerable party as is said before Others thought and said That by so doing they would lose a farre more considerable party of Gentlemen then could be gained of the other They also affirmed That Lawes and Liberties having been so much violated by the King if the Parliament had not so farre drawne Religion also into their cause it might have sped better for the Parliament frequently at that time in all their expressions whensoever they charged the corrupt Statesmen of injustice and Tyranny would put Popery or a suspition of it into the first place against them I remember when the Warre was begun among those little Treatises which were then published as many there were without any names to them I found one in which the case is thus expressed to recite the words of it Perchance saith he too much insisting upon Religion and taxing the King for affecting Popery hath by accident weakened the Parliament and brought Parties to the King It may seeme a great Paradox that the best and onely necessary of all things Religion being added into the scale of Lawes and Liberties should make the scale lighter then before Neither can it be true but by accident as thus The strange intercourse betwixt Rome and the English Court The Kings owne Letters to the Pope His favouring of Priests and such things though they may give a State just cause of susspition that their Religion is undermining Yet because it cannot be so absolutely proved to the sight of all the people that the King favoured Popery as that he violated the Lawes and Liberties of the Kingdome which latter was visible to all the former concerning Religion remaines in the peoples reason as a controverted question the King still protesting for Religion and the disputes about that amusing the People make them by degrees forget that crime of the Kings which was without controversie and evident the violation of Lawes and Liberties And more then so for some supposing that the Parliament unjustly taxed him in Religion did in time believe that he was not so guilty of the other as they would make him which I have heard some of late maintaine From whence may follow a strange conclusion That the Kings dealing so much with Rome to the disadvantage of the Protestant Religion should now turne to his owne advantage in a Protestant Kingdome And we may make this as paradoxicall a supposition That if the King had never done any thing prejudiciall to the Protestant Religion he would have found fewer Protestants this Parliament to take his part For then there being no dispute at all about Religion the crimes of his State mis-government had plainly and inexcusably appeared to all as we have seene that some of our former Kings for the like violation of Lawes and Liberties when there was but one Religion and therefore no dispute about it have been heavily censured in Parliament no man appearing in their justification And why should not a Parliament thinke that such things are cause enough to be stood upon and to justifie their quarrell before God as if the Almighty did not adhorre Injustice Oppression Tyranny and the like in any Kingdome unlesse the prâ—fession of Religion were also depraved Nay he abhorreth it more in that place where the purest profession of Religion is Besides that frequent naming of Religion as if it were the onely quarrell hath caused a great mistake of the question in some by reason of ignorance in others of subtilty whilest they wilfully mistake to abuse the Parliaments Cause writing whole Volumes in a wrong stated case as instead of disputing whether the Parliament of England lawfully assembled where the King virtually is may by Armes defend the Religion established by the same power together with the Lawes and Liberties of the Nation against Delinquents detaining with them the Kings seduced Person They make it the question Whether Subjects taken in a generall notion may make Warre against their King for Religions sake Such was the sense of many Gentlemen at that time which adhered to the Parliament But to proceed in the Narration The Parliament had been of late sensible of the losse of some from them and having detected divers Conspiracies and Machinations of dis-affected people against them and fearing more had in May last â—ramed a Protestation which was solemnly taken by all the Members of both Houses and sent thorow England to be taken by the people the forme of it was in these words I A.B. in the presence of Almighty God promise vow and protest to maintaine and desend as farre as lawfully I may with my life power and estate the true Reformed Protestant Religion expressed in the Doctrine of the Church of England against all Popery and Popish Innovotions within this
in the House of Lords concerning a Bill for pressing of Souldiers had broken the fundamental Priviledge of Parliament which is that he ought not to take notice of any matter in agitation or debate in either House but by their information and agreement and that he ought not to propound any condition or limitation to a Bill in debate and preparation or to manifest his approbation or dislike of the same until it be presented to his Majestie in due course of Parliament and that every particular Member of either House hath free liberty of speech to propound or debate matters according to Order of Parliament and that the King ought not to conceive displeasure against him for such opinions or propositions They intreated likewise a reparation for that great breach of Priviledge and for prevention of the like that the King would make known who they were by whose mis-information and evil counsel he had done it that they might receive conding punishment This businesse took up some time and was one unhappie impediment to the sudden relief of Ireland notwithstanding the high necessities of that Kingdom and the affections of England in general to it and so heavily went on all preparations that it was long before the House of Commons could finde means to enable the Lord Lieutenant to send over so much as one Regiment for defence of the Castle and City of Dublin which was commanded by a worthy Gentleman Sir SIMON HARCOUT who being designed Governour of the City of Dublin was sent away by Order of Parliament with his Regiment and landed there on the last day of December 1641 to the great comfort of that City being much distressed and terrified by the neer approach of the Irish Rebels Another obstruction of the relief of Ireland happened about three weeks after when the Scots delivered eight Propositions to the English Parliament touching the sending over of Two thousand five hundred Scots which were then in readinesse into the north of Ireland Both Houses of Parliament consented to all the Propositions but the King excepted against one of them being the third which was That the Scots desired to have the keeping of the Town and Castle of Carricksergus with power to remain there or enlarge their Quarters at discretion and if any Regiments or Troops in that Province should joyn with them that they receive Orders from the chief Commander of the Scotish Forces Against this Article the King took exceptions and desired the Houses to take it again into consideration as a thing of importance which he doubted might be prejudicial to England But if the House desired it should be so himself would speak with the Scotish Commissioners to see what satisfaction he could give them therein The Scots told his Majestie that since it was agreed â—pon by both Houses of Parliament and that the strength of his Majesties argument was That Article implied too great a Trust for Auxiliary Forces they were in good hope that his Majestie being their native King would not shew lesse trust in them then their neighbour-Nation had freely done Upon which the King at last was content to admit the Article and the advice of his Parliament This fatal obstruction of Ireland's relief did but second another immediately before For at the first the Commissioners of Scotland had not power given them from the State there to treat for sending over a lesse number then ten thousand men which the Lords were unwilling to yeeld to But that obstacle seemed to be removed by the zealous affection of the House of Commons who according to those Instructions of the State of Scotland to their Commissioners voted the sending over of ten thoâ—sand Scots But the House of Lords after long debate would not yeeld unto it unlesse the House of Commons would give assurance that ten thousand English might be as speedily sent over which the Commons as much desired and promised their endeavour in it but that the English then could not be so soon raised much lesse transported as the Scots every man understood There was no other reason given that ever I understood but onely That it was dishonorable for England that Ireland should be reduced by the Scots and this was the discourse of Papists and other persons disaffected to the Cause among the people every where Though it were much wondered at by all good Protestants that so nice a point of Honour should be stood upon when their Religion and Cause lay bleeding in Ireland after so sad and deplorable a kinde which began to deject the spirits of the poor Protestants in Ireland and make them suspect some secret workings under-hand against the good affections expressed by the House of Commons and those Lords who were well-affected to the State for they by the greater number were over-voted so many Popish and ill-affected Lords besides four and twenty Bishops for the Bishops voices in Parliament were not then taken away sitting in that House It was then also generally talked and much complained of among the well-affected people that the King had been so backward in proclaiming those barbarous Irish Rebels and not onely talked among the people but alleadged by the Parliament it self in their own Declaration afterward when the breach between King and Parliament grew greater as a signe that those inhumane Rebels had been countenanced by the Court of England in that the Proclamation whereby they were declared Traitors was so long with held as till the first of January though the Rebellion broke forth in October before and then no more then fourty Copies were appointed to be printed with a special command from His Majestie not to exceed that number and that none of them should be published till the Kings pleasure were further signified as by the Warrant appears a true copie whereof was printed so that a few onely could take notice of it And this say they was made more observable by the late contrary proceedings against the Scots who were in a very quick and sharp manner proclaimed and those Proclamations forthwith dispersed with as much diligence as might he thorow all the Kingdom and ordered to be read in every Church accompanied with publike Prayers and Execrations That Declaration of the Lords and Commons in which this is expressed concerning the Kings slowe proclaiming of the Irish Rebels was published when the King was gone to York at which he was much distasted in many particulars and returned Answer to them Among others because that of Ireland seemed to lie heavie upon his reputation it is just that the Reader should see the King 's own Answer to that point that he may the more fairly judge which shall be therefore inserted in the very words of the Kings Declaration To countenance those unhandsome expressions whereby usually they have implied Our connivence at or want of zeal against the Rebellion of Ireland so odious to to all good men they have found a new way of exprobation That the Proclamation against those bloodie